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Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the :free exercise ,thereof; or abridging
the freedom of speech, or of the'press; or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for
a redress of grievances.
�I
I
, Article: A More Perfect Union: Creation of the U.S. Constitution ·
Page 1 of 11
1
I
National Archives and Records Administration
Constitution Page
A More Perfect Union:
The Creation of the U . S. Constitution ·
An Introduction
May 25, 1787, Freshly spread dirt covered the cobblestone street in front of the Pennsylvania State
House, protecting the men inside from the sound of passing carriages and carts. Guards stood at the
entrances to ensure that the curious were kept ilt a distance. Robert Morris of Pennsylvania, the
"financier" of the Revolution, opened the proceedings with a nomination--Gen. George Washington
for the presidency of the Constitutional Convention. The vote was unanimous. With characteristic
ceremonial modesty,. the general expressed his embarrassment at his lack of qualifications to preside
over such an august body and apologized for any errors into which he might fall in the course of its
deliberations.
To many ofthose·assembled, especially to the small, boyish-looking, 36-year-old delegate from
Virginia, James Madison, the general's mere presence boded well for the convention, for the
illustrious\Wasl}ing~oh gave to the gathering an air of importance and legitimacy But his decision to
attend the convention had been an agonizing one. The Father of the Country had almostremained at
~~-
.
Suffering from rheumatism, despondent over the loss of a bro.ther, absorbed in the management of
Mount Vernon, and doubting that the convention would accomplish very much or that many men of
stature would attend, Washington delayed accepting the invitation to attend for several months. Tom
between the hazards of lending his reputation to a gathering perhaps doomed to failure and the chance
that the public would view his reluctance to attend with a critical eye, the general finally agreed to
make the trip. James Madison was pleased.
General George Washington was
president of the Philadelphia convention.
•,
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The Articles of Confederation
The deterinined Madison had for several years insatiably studied history and political theory
searching for a solution to the political and economic dilemmas he saw plaguing America. The
Virginian's labors convinced him of the futility and weakness of confederacies of independent states.
America's own government under the Articles ofConfederation, Madison was convinced, had to be
replaced. In force since 1781, established as a "league of friendship" and a constitution for the 13
· sovereign and independent states after the Revolution, the articles seemed. to Madison woefully
inadequate. With the states retaining considerable power, the central government, he believed, had
insufficient power to regulate commerce. It could not tax and was generally impotent in setting
commercial policy It could not effectively support a war effort. It had little power to settle quarrels
betw~en states. Saddled with this weak government, the states were on the brink of economic
disaster. The evidence was overwhelming. Co:ngress was attempting to function with a depleted
treasury; paper money was flooding the country, creating extraordinary inflation--a pound of tea in
some areas could be purchased for a tidy $100; and the depressed condition of business was taking its
toll on many small farmers. Some of them were being thrown in jail for debt, and numerous farms
. were being confiscated and sold for taxes.
In 1786 some of the farmers had fought back. Led by Daniel Shays, a former captain in the
Continental army, a group of armed men, sporting evergreen twigs in their hats, prevented the circuit
court from sitting at Northampton, MA, and threatened to seize muskets stored in the arsenal at
Springfield. Although the insurrection was put down by state troops, the incident confirmed the fears
of many wealthy men that anarchy was just around the corner. Embellished day after day in the press,
the uprising made upper-class Americans shudder as they imagined hordes of vicious outlaws
descending upon innocent citizen,s. From his idyllic Mount Vernon setting, Washington wrote to
Madison: "Wisdom and good examples are necessary at this time to rescue the political machine from
the impending storm."
Madison thought he had the answer. He wanted a strong central government to provide order and
stability. "Let it be tri~d then," he wrote, "whether any middle ground can be taken which will at once
support a due supremacy ofthe natiopal authority," while maintaining state power only when
"subordinately useful." The resolute Virginian looked to the Constitutional Convention to forge a
new government in this mold.
The convention had its specific origins in a proposal offered by Madison and John Tyler in the
Virginia assembly that the Continental Congress be given power to regulate commerce throughout
the Confederation. Through their efforts in the assembly a plan was devised inviting the several states
to attend a convention at Annapolis, MD, in September 1786 to discuss commercial problems.
Madison and a young la\vyer from New York named Alexander Hamilton issued a report on the
meeting in Annapolis, calling upon Congress to summon delegates of all of the states to meet for the
purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation. Although the report was widely viewed as a
usurpation of congressional authority, the Congress did issue a formal call to the states for a
convention. To Madison it represented the supreme chance to reverse the_ country's trend. And as the
delegations gathered in Philadelphia, its importance was not lost to others.-The squire of Gunston
Hall, George Mason, wrote to his son, "The Eyes of the United States are turned upon this Assembly
· and their Expectations raised to avery anxious Degree. May God Grant that we-may be able to
gratify them, by establishing a wise and just Government."
The Delegates
Seventy-four delegates were appointed to the convention, of which 55 actually attended sessions.
Rhode Island was the only state that refused to send delegates. Dominated by men wedded to paper
currency, low taxes, and popular government, Rhode Island's leaders refused to participate in what
they saw as a conspiracy to overthrow the e:stablished government. Other Americans also had their
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suspicions. Patrick Henry, of the flowing red Glasgow cloak and the magnetic oratory, refused to
attend, declaring he "smelt a rat." He suspected, correctly, that Madison had in mind the creation of a
powerful central government and the subversion of the author.ity of the state legislatures. Henry along
with many other political leaders, believed that the state governments offered the chief protection for
personal liberties. He was determined not to ler1d a hand to any proceeding that seemed to pose a
threat to that protection.
·
With Henry absent, with such towering figures as Jefferson and Adams abroad on foreign missions,
and with John Jay in New York at the Foreign Office, the convention was without some ofthe
country's major political leaders. It was, nevertheless, an impressive assemblage. In addition to ·
. Madison and Washington, there were Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania--crippled by gout, the 81year-old Franklin was a man of many dimensions printer, storekeeper, publisher, scientist, public
official, philosopher, diplomat, and ladies' mart; James Wilson of Pennsylvania--a distinguished
lawyer with a penchant for ill-advised land-jobbing schemes, which would force him late in life to
flee from state to state avoiding prosecution for debt, the Scotsman brought a profound mind steeped
in constitutional theory and law; Alexander Hamilton ofNew York--a brilliant, ambitious former
aide-de-camp and secretary to Washington dming the Revolution who had, after his marriage into the
Schuyler family ofNew York, become a powerful political figme; George Mason of Virginia--the
author of the Virginia Bill of Rights whom Jefferson later called "theCate of his country without the
avarice of the Roman"; John Dickinson ofDelaware:--the quiet, reserved author of the "Farmers'
Letters" and chairman ofthe congressional committee that framed the articles;.and Gouverneur
Morris of Pennsylvania-- well versed in ~rench literature and language, with a flair and bravado to
· match his keen intellect, who had helped draft the New York State-Constitution and had worked with
Robert Morris in the Finance Office.
There were others who played major roles - Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut; Edmund Randolph of
Virginia; William Paterson of New Jersey; John Rutledge of South Carolina; Elbridge Gerry of
Massachusetts; Roger Sherman of Connecticut; Luther Martin of Maryland; and the Pinckneys,
Charles and Charles Cotesworth, of South Carolina. Franklin was the oldest member and Jonathan
Dayton, the 27-year-old delegate from New Jersey was the youngest: The average age was 42. Most
of the delegates had studied law, had served in colonial or state legislatmes, or had been in the
Congress. Well versed in philosophical theories of government advanced by such philosophers as
James Harrington, John Locke, and Montesquieu, profiting from experience gained in state politics,
the delegates composed an exceptional body, one that left a remarkably learned record of debate.
Fortunately we have a rel'atively complete re1::ord of the proceedings, thanks to the indefatigable
James Madison. Day ·after day, the Virginian sat in front of the presiding officer, compiling notes of
the debates, not missing a s.ingle day or a single major speech. He later remarked that his selfconfinement in the. hall, which was often oppressively hot in ·the Philadelphia summer, almost killed
him.
The sessions ofthe convention were held in secret--no reporters or visitors were permitted. Although
many of the natmally loquacious members were prodded in the pubs and on the streets, most
remained surprisingly discreet. To those suspicious of the convention, the curtain of secrecy only
served to confirm their anxieties. Luther Marlin of Maryland later charged that the conspiracy in
Philadelphia needed a quiet breeding ground. Thomas Jefferson wrote John Adams from Paris, "I am
sorry they began their deliberations by so abominable a precedent as that of tying up the tongues of
their members."
The Virginia Plan
On Tuesday morning, May 29, Edmund Randolph, the tall, 34-year- old governor of Virginia, opened,
the debate with a long speech decrying the ,evils that had befallen the country under the Articles of
Confederation and stressing the need for .cr<eating a strong national government Randolph then
outlined a broad plan that he and his Virginia compatriots had, through long sessions at the Indian
Queen tayern, put together in the days preceding the convention. James Madison had such a plan on
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his mind for years. The proposed government had three branches--legislative, executive, and judicial-each branch structured to check ~he other. Highly centralized, the government would have_veto
power over laws enacted by state legislatures. The plan, Randolph confessed, "meant a strong
consolidated union in which the idea of states should be nearly annihilated." This was, indeed, the rat
so offensive to Patrick Henry.
The introduction of the so-called Virginia Plan at the beginning of the convention was a tactical coup.
The Virginians had forced the debate into their own frame of reference and in their own terms.
For 10 days the members of the convention discussed the sweeping and, to many delegates, startling
Virginia res()lutions. The critical issue, described succinctly by Gouverneur Morris on May 30, was
the distinction between a federation and a national government, the "former being a mere compact
resting on the good faith of the parties; the latter having a compleat and compulsive operation."
Morris favdred the latter, a "supreme power" capable of exercising necessary authority not merely a
shadow government, fragmented and hopelessly ineffective.
The New Jersey Plan
This nationalist position revolted many delegates who cringed at the vision of a central government
swallowing state sovereignty. On June 13 dele:gates from smaller states rallied around proposals
offered by New Jersey delegate William Paterson. Railing against efforts to throw the states into
"hotchpot," Paterson proposed a "union of the States merely federal." The "New Jersey resolutions"
called only for a revision of the articles to enable the Congress more easily to raise revenues and
regulate commerce. It also provided that acts of Congress and ratified treaties be "the supreme law of
the States."
·
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For 3 days'the convention debated Paterson's plan, finally voting for rejection. With the defeat of the
New Jersey resolutions, the convention was moving toward creation of a new government, much to
the dismay of many small-state delegates. The nationalists, led by Madison, appeared to have the
proceedings in their grip. In addition, they were able to persuade the members that any new
constitution should be ratified through conventions of the people and not by the Congress and the
state legislatures- -another tactical coup. Madison and his allies believed that the constitution they
had in mind would likely be scuttled in the legislatures, where many state political leaders stood to
lose power. The nationalists wanted to bring the issue before "the people," where ratification was
more likely.
Hamilton's Plan
On June ~ 8 Alexander Hamilton presented his own ideal plan of government. Erudite and polished,
the speech, nevertheless, failed to win a following. It went too fat. Calling the British government
"the best in the world," Hamilton proposed a model strikingly similar an executive to serve during
good beh~vior or life with veto power over all laws; a senate with members serving during good
behavior; the legislature to have power to pass "all laws whatsoever." Hamilton later wrote to
Washington that the people were now willing to accept "something not very remote from that which
they have lately quitted." What the people had "lately quitted," of course, was monarchy. Some
members of the convention fully expected the country to tum in this direction. Hugh Williamson of
North Carolina, a wealthy physician, declared that it was "pretty certain ... that we should at some
time or other have a king." Newspaper accounts appeared in the summer of 1787 alleging that a plot
was under way to invite the second son of George III, Frederick, Duke of York, the secular bishop of
Osnaburgh in Prussia, to become "king of the United States."
Alexander Hamilton on June 18 called the British government
in the world" and proposed a model strikingly similar.
New Yorker, however, later became one of the most ardent
spol~esmen for the new Constitution_
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Strongly militating against any serious attempt to establish monarchy was the enmity so prevalent in
the revolutionary period toward royalty and the: privileged classes. Some state constitutions had .even
prohibited titles of nobility. In the same year as the Philadelphia convention, Royall Tyler, a
_revolutionary war veteran, in his play The (:ontract, gave his own jaundiced view of the upper
classes:
Exult each patriot heart! this night is shewn
A piece, which we may fairly call our own;
Where the proud titles of"My Lord!" "Your Grace!"
To humble Mr. and plain Sir give place.
Most delegates were well aware that there were too many Royall Tylers in the country, with too
many memories of British rule and too many ties to a recent bloody war, to accept a king. As the
debate moved into the specifics of the new government, Alexander Hamilton and others of his
persuasion would have to accept something less.
·
By the end of June, debate between the large :md small states over the issue of representation in the
first chamber of the legislature. was becoming increasingly acrimonious. Delegates from Virginia and
other large states demanded that voting in Congress be accordip.g to population; representatives of
smaller states insisted upon the equality they had enjoyed under the articles. With the oratory
degenerating into threats and accusations, Benjamin Franklin appealed for daily prayers. Dressed in
his customary gray homespun, the aged philosopher pleaded that "the Father of lights ... illuminate
our understandings." Franklin's appeal for prayers was never fulfilled; the convention, as Hugh
Williamson noted, had no funds to pay a preacher.
On June 29 the delegates from the small states lost the first battle. The convention approved a
resolution establishing population as the basis for representation in the House of Representatives,
thus favoring the larger states. On a subsequent small-state proposal that the states have equal
representation in the Senate, the vote resulted in a tie. With large-state delegates unwilling to
compromise on this issue, one member thought that the convention "was on the verge of dissolution,
scarce held together by the strength of an hair."
By July 10 George Washington was so frustrated over the deadlock that he bemoaned "having had
any agency" in the proceedings and called the opponents of a strong central government "narrow
minded politicians ... under the influence oflocal views." Luther Martin of Maryland, perhaps one
whom Washington saw as "narrow minded," thought otherwise. A tiger in debate, not content merely
to parry an opponent's argument but determined to bludgeon it into eternal rest, Martin had become
perhaps the small states' most effective, if irascible, orator. The Marylander leaped eagerly into the
battle on the representation issue declaring, "The States have a right to an equality of representation.
This is secured to us by our present articles of confederation; we are in possession of this privilege."
The Great Compromise
Also crowding into this complicated and divisive discussion over representation was the North-South
division over the method by which slaves were to be counted for purposes of taxation and
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representation. On July 12 Oliver Ellsworth proposed that representation for the lower house be based
on the number of free persons and three-fifths of" all other persons," a euphemism for slaves. In the
following week the members finally compromised, agreeing that direct taxation be according to
representation and that the representation of the lower house be based on the white.inhabitants and
three-fifths of the "other people." With this compromise andwith the growing realization that such
compromise was necessary to avoid a complete breakdown of the convention, the members then
approved Senate equality. Roger Sherman had remarked that it was the wish of the delegates "that
some general government should be established." With the crisis ove.r representation now settled, it
·
. began to look again as if this wish might be fulfilled.
For the next few days the air in the City of Brotherly Love, although insufferably muggy and
swarming with blue-bottle flies, had the clean scent of conciliation. In this period of welcome calm,
the members decided to appoint a Committee of Detail to draw up a draft .constitution. The
convention would now at last have something on paper. As Nathaniel Gorham of Massachusetts,
John Rutledge, Edmund Randolph, James Wilson, and Oliver Ellsworth went to work, the other
delegates voted themselves a much needed 10·-day vacation.
During the adjournment, Gouverneur Morris and George Washington rode out along a creek that ran
through land that had been part of the Valley Forge encampment 10 years earlier. While Morris cast
for trout, Washington pensively looked over the now lush ground where his freezing troops had
suffered, at a time when it had seemed as if the American Revolution had reached its end. The
country had come a long way.
·
The First Draft
· On Monday August 6, 1787, the convention accepted the first draft of the Constitution. Here was the
article-by-artickmodel from which the final document would result some 5 weeks later. As the
members began to consider the various sections, the willingness to compromise ·ofthe previous days
quickly evaporated. The most serious controversy erupted over the question of regulation of
commerce. The southern states, exporters of raw materials, rice, indigo, and tobayco, were fearful that
a New England-dominated Congress might, through export taxes, severely damage the South's
economic ljfe. C. C. Pinckney declared that if Congress had the power to regulate trade, the southern
states would be "nothing more than overseers for the Northern States."
On August 21 the debate over the issue of commerce became very closely linked to another explosive
issue--slavery. When. Martin of Maryland proposed a tax on slave importation, the convention was
thrust into a strident discussion of the institu1eion of slavery and its moral and economic relationship
to the new government. Rutledge of South Carolina, asserting that slavery had nothing at all to do
with morality, declared, "Interest alone is the~ governing principle with nations." Sherman of
Connecticut was for dropping the tender issue altogether before it jeopardized the convention. Mason
of Virginia expressed concern over unlimited importation of slaves but later indicated that he also
favored federal protection ofslave property already held. This nagging issue of possible federal
intervention in slave traffic, which Sherman and others feared could irrevocably·split northern and
southern delegates, was settled]Jy, in Mason's words, "a bargain." Mason later wrote that delegates
from South Carolina and Georgia, who most f~ared federal meddling in the slave trade, made a deal
with delegates from the New England states. In exchange for the New Englanders' support for
continuing slave importation for 20 years,.the.southerners accepted a clause that required only a
simple majority vote on: navigation laws, ac:rippling blow to southern economic interests.
The bargain was also a crippling blow to those working to abolish slavery. Congregationalist minister
and abolitionist Samuel Hopkins of Connecticut charged that the convention had sold out: "How does
it appear ... that these States, who have been fighting for liberty and consider themselves as the .
highest and most noble example of zeal for it, cannot agree in any political Constitution, unless it
indulge and authorize them to enslave their fellow men ... Ah! these unclean spirits, like frogs, they,
like the Furies of the poets are spreading discord, and exciting men to contention and war." Hopkins
(
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On August 31 a we
eorge Ma
ho had 3 months earlier written so expectantly to his son
about the "great Business now e ore us," bitterly exclaimed that he "would sooner chop off his right
hand than put it to the Constitution as it now stands." Mason despaired that the convention was
rushing to saddle the country with an ill-advised, potentially ruinous central authority He was '
concerned that a "bill of rights," ensuring individual liberties, had not been made part of the '
"Con~1ltution. Mason called for a new conventiOn to reconsider the whole questwn of the formation of
-~ent. Although Mason's motion was overwhelmingly voted down, opponents of the·
Constitution did not aba11don the idea of a new convention. It was futilely suggested again and again
for over 2 years.
One of the last major unresolved problems was the method of electing the executive. A number of
proposals, including direct election by the people, by state legislatures, by state governors, and by the
national legislature, were considered. The result was the electoral college, a master stroke of
compromise, quaint and curious but politically expedient. The large states got proportional strength
in the number of delegates, the state legislatures got the right of selecting delegates, and the House
the right to choose the president in the event no candidate received a majority of electoral votes.
Mason later predicted that the House would probably·choose the president 19 times out of20.
In the early days of September, with the exhausted delegates anxious to return home, compromise
came easily. On September 8 the convention was ready to tum the Constitution over to a Committee
of Style and Arrangement. Gouverneur Morris was the chief architect. Years later,he wrote to
Timothy Pickering: "That Instrument was written by the Fingers which wrote this letter." The
Constitution was presented to the convention oh September 12, and the delegates methodically began
to consider each section. Although close votes followed on several articles, it was clear. that the
grueling work of the convention in the historic summer of 1787 was reaching its end.
Before the final vote on the Constitution on September 15, Edmund Randolph proposed that
amendments be made by the state conventions and then turned over to another general convention for
consideration. He was joined by G~orge Mason and Elbridge Gerry. The three lonely allies were
soundly rebuffed. Late in the afternoon the roll of the states was called on the Constitution, and from
every delegation the word was "Aye."
. On September 17 the members met for the last time, and the venerable Franklin had written a speech
that was delivered by his colleague James Wilson. Appealing for unity behind the. Constitution,
Franklin declared, "I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that
our councils are confounded like those of the builders of Babel; and that our States are on the point of
separation, only to meet hereafter for the ·purpose of cutting one another's throats." With Mason,
Gerry, and Randolph withstanding appeals to attach their signatures, the other delegates in the hall
formally signed the Constitution, and the convention adjourned at 4 o'clock in the afternoon.
Weary from weeks of intense pressure but generally satisfied with their work, the delegates shared a
farewell dinner at City Tavern. Two blocks away on Market Street, printers John Dunlap and David
Claypoole worked into the night on the final imprint of the six-page Constitution, copies of which
would leave Philadelphia on the morning stage. The debate over the nation's form of government was
now set for the larger arena.
As the members of the convention returned home in the following days, Alexander Hamilton
privately assessed the chances of the Constitution for ratification. In its favor were the support of
Washington, commercial interests, men of property, creditors, and the belief among many Americans
that the Articles of Confederation were inadequate. Against it were the opposition of a few influential
men in the conventimi and state politicians fearful of losing power, the general revulsion against ·,
taxation, the suspicion that a centralized government would be insensitive to local interests, and the
fear among debtors that a new government would "restrain the means of cheating Creditors."
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The Federaiists and the Anti-Federalists
Because of its size, wealth, and influence and because it was the first state to call a ratifying
convention, Pennsylvania was the focus of national attention. The positions ofthe Federalists, those
who supported the Constitution, and the anti..:Federalists, those who opposed it, were printed and
reprinted by scores of newspapers across the country; And passions in the state were most warm.
When the Federalist-dominated Pennsylvania assembly lacked a quorum on September 29 to call a
state ratifying convention, a Philadelphia mob, in order to provide the necessary numbers, dragged
two anti-Federalist members from their lodgings through the streets to the State House where the
bedraggled representatives were forced to stay while the assembly voted. It was a curious example of
participatory democracy.
·
On October 5 anti-Federalist Samuel Bryan published the first of his "Centinel" essays in
Philadelphia's Independent Gazetteer. Republished in newspapers in various states, the essays
assailed the sweeping power of the central government, the usurpation of state sovereignty, and the
absence of a bill of rights guaranteeing individual liberties such as freedom of speech and freedom of
religion. "The United States are to be melted down," Bryan declared, into a despotic empire
dominated by "well-born" aristocrats. Bryan was echoing the fear of many anti-Federalists that the
new government would become orie controlled by the wealthy established families and the culturally
refined. The common working people, Bryan believed, were in danger of being subjugated to the will
of an all-powerful authority remote and inaccessible to the people. It was this kind of authority, he
believed, that Americans had fought a war against only a few years earlier.
The next day James Wilson, delivering a stirring defense of the Constitution to a large crowd
gathered in the yard of the State House, praised the new government as the best "which has ever been
offered to the world." The Scotsman's view prevailed. Led by Wilson, Federalists dominated in the
Pennsylvania convention, carrying-the vote on December 12 by a healthy 46 to 23.
The vote for ratification in Pennsylvania did not end the rancor and bitterness. Franklin declared that
scurrilous articles in the press were giving the impression that Pennsylvania was "peopled by a set of
the most unprincipled, wicked, rascally and quarrelsome scoundrels upon the face of the globe." And
in Carlisle, on December 26, anti-Federalist rioters broke up a Federalist celebration and hung Wilson
and the Federalist chief justice of Pennsylvania, Thomas McKean, in effigy; put the torch to a copy of
the Constitution; and busted a few Federalist heads.
·
1
Tn New York the Constitution was 'under siege in the press by a series of essays signed "Cato."
Mounting a counterattack, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay enlisted help from Madison and, in late
1787, they published the first of a series of essays now known as the Federalist Papers. The 85 ·
essays, most of which were penned by Hamilton himself, probed the weaknesses of the Articles of
Confederation and the need for an energetic national government. Thomas Jefferson later called the
Federalist Papers the "best commentary on the principles of government ever written."
Against this kind of Federalist leadership and determination, the opposition in most states was
disorganized and generally inert. The leading spokesmen were largely state-centered men with
regional and local interests and loyalties. Madison wrote of the Massachusetts anti-Federalists,
"There was not a single character capable of uniting their wills or directing their measures·.... They
had no plan whatever." The anti-Federalists attacked wildly on several fronts: the lack of a bill of
rights, discrimination against southern states in navigation legislation, direct taxation, the loss of state
sovereignty. Many charged that the Constitution represented the work of aristocratic politicians bent
on protecting their own class interests. At the Massachusetts convention one-delegate declared,
"These lawyers, and men of learning and moneyed men, that ... make us poor illiterate people
swallow down the pill ... they will swallow up all us little folks like the great Leviathan; yes, just as
the whale swallowed up Jonah!" Some newspaper articles, presumably written by anti-Federalists,
resorted to fanciful predictions of the horrors that might emerge under the new Constitution pagans
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and deists could control the government; the . use of Inquisition-like torture could be instituted as
punishment for federal crimes; even the pope could be ·elected president.
One anti-Federalist argument gave opponents some genuine difficulty--the claim that the territory of
the 13 states was too extensive for a representative government. In a republic embracing a large area,
anti-Federalists argued, government would be impersonal, unrepresentative, dominated by men of
wealth, and oppressive of the poor and working classes. Had not the illustrious Montesquieu hhns.elf
ridiculed the notion that an extensive territory eomposed of varying climates and.people, could be a
single republican state? James Madison, always ready with the Federalist volley, turned the argument
completely around and insisted that the vastness of the country would itself be a strong argument in
favor of a republic. Claiming that a large republic would counterbalance various political interest
groups vying for power, Madison wrote, "The smaller the society the fewer probably will be the
distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more
frequently will a majority be found of the same party and the more easily will they concert and
execute their plans of oppression." Extend the size of the republic, Madison argued, and the country
would be less vulnerable to separate factions within it.
Ratification
By January 9, 1788, five states ofthe nine necessary for ratification had approved the Constitution-D
e
·
ew Jerse
·~~.Connecticut. But thee
· ua ou
e remained
uncertai · ivotal states ch
assachuse~ew York, and Virgini On Febru
with
era ists a reem to recommen
s o amendments amountin to a hi
assachusetts
fafifie y a vote of 187 to 168. he revolutiOnary ea er, John Hancock, elected to preside over tne-----____
c usetts ratifying convention but unable to make up his mind on the Constitution, took to his
bed with a convenient case of gout. Later seduced by the Federalists with visions of the vice
presidency and possibly the presidency, Hancock, whom Madison noted as "an idolater of
popularity," suddenly experienced a miraculous cure and delivered a critical block of votes. Although
Massachusetts was now safely in the Federalist column, the recommendation of a bill of rights was a
significant victory for the anti-Federalists. Six of the remaining states later appended similar
recommendations.
When the New Hampshire convention was adjourned by Federalists who sensed imminent defeat and
Rhode Island on March 24 turned down the Constitution iri a popular referendum by an
overwhelming vote of 10 to 1, Federalist leaders were apprehensive. Looking ahead to the Maryland
convention, Madison wrote to Washington, "The difference between even a postponement and
adoption in Maryland may ... possibly give a fatal advantage to that which opposes the constitution."
Madison had little reason to worry. The final vote on April28 63 for, 11 against. In Baltimore, a huge
parade celebrating the Federalist victory rollt::d. through the downtown streets, highlighted by a 15foot float called "Ship Federalist." The symbolically seaworthy craft was later launched in the waters
.off Baltimore and sailed down the Potomac to Mount Vernon.
·~hen
On July 2, 1788, the Confederation Congress, meeting in New York, received word that a reconvened
New Hampshire ratifying convention had approved the Constitution. With SoutlJ. Carolina's
acceptance of the Constitution in May, New Hampshire thus became the ninth state to ratify. The
Congress appointed a committee "for putting the said Constitution into operation."
In the next 2 months, thanks largely to the efforts of Madison and Hamilton in their own states,.
Virginia and New Yorkboth ratified while adding their own amendments. The margin for the
Federalists in both states, however, was extremely close. Hamilton figured that the majority ofthe
people in New York actually opposed the Constitution, and it is probable that a majority of people in
the entire country opposed it. Only the promise of amendments had ensured a Federalist victory:
The Bill of Rights
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The call for a bill of rights had been the anti-Federalists' most powerful weapon. Attacking the
proposed Constitution for its vagueness and lack of specific protection against tyranny, PatriCk Henry
asked the Virginia convention, "What can avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope- .
dancing, chain-rattling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances." The anti-Federalists, demanding a
more concise, unequivocal Constitution, one thatlaid out for all to see the right of the people and
limitations of the power of government, claimed that the brevity of the document only revealed its
·
·
inferior nature. Richard Henry Lee despaired at the lack of provisions to rotec "
rights of mankind without whiCh liberty cannot ex1s . . ra mg t e old government for the new
without such a bill of rights, Lee argued, woula be tradmg Scylla for Charybdis.
A bill of rights had been barely mentioned in the Philadelphia convention, most delegates holding
that the fundamental rights of individuals had been secured· in the state constitutions. James Wilson
maintained that a bill of rights was superfluous because all power not expressly delegated to the new
government was reserved to the pe
was e e , wever, that in this argumentthe anti·
Federalists held the upper han
ven Thomas ~~on enerally in favor of the new government,
wrote to Madison that a bill of r
e people are entitled to against every government
-on earth."
By the fall of 1788 Madison had been convinced that not only was a bill of rights necessary to ensure
acceptance of the Constitution but that it would have positive effects. He wrote, on October 17, that
such "fundamental maxims of free Government:" would be "a good ground for an appeal to the sense
of community" against potential oppression and would "counteract the impulses of interest and
passion."
Benjamin Franklin told a French correspondent in 1788 that the formation ofthe new government
had been like a game of dice, with many players of diverse prejudices and interests unable to make
any uncontested moves. Madison wrote to Jefferson that the welding of these clashing interests was
"a task more· difficult than can be well conceived by those who were not concerned in the execution
of it." When the delegates left Philadelphia after the convention, few, if any, were convinced that the
Constitution they had approved outlined the ideal form of government for the country. But late in his
life James Madison ·scrawled out another letter, one never addressed. In it he declar~d that no
government can be perfect, and "that which is the least imperfect is therefore the best government."
The Document Enshrined
The fate of the United States Constitution after its signing on September 17, 1787, can be contrasted
sharply to the travels and physical abuse of America's other great parchment, the Declaration of
Independence. As the Continental Congress, during the years of the revolutionary 'Yar, scurried froni
town to town, the rolled-up Declaration was caiTied along. After the formation of the new ·
government under the Constitution, the one-page Declaration, eminently suited for display purposes,
'graced the walls of various government buildings in Washington, exposing it to prolonged damaging
sunlight. It was also subjected to the work of early calligraphers responding to a demand for
reproductions of the revered document. As any visitor to the National Archives can readily .observe,
the early treatment of the now barely legible Declaration took a disastrous toll. The Constitution, in
excellent physical condition after more than 200 years, has enjoyed a more serene existence. By 1796
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the Constitution was in the custody of the Department of State along with the Declaration and
traveled with the federal government from New York to Philadelphia to Washington. Both
documents were secretly moved to Leesburg, VA, before the imminent attack by the British o.n ·
Washington in 1814. Following the war, the Constitution remained in the State Department while' the
Declaration continued its travels--to the Patent Office Building from 1841 to 1876,to Independence
Hall in Philadelphia during the Centennial celebration, and back to Washington in 1877. On
September 29, 1921, President Warren Harding issued an Executive order transferring the
Constitution and the Declaration to the Library of Congress for preservation and exhibition. The next
. day Librarian of Congress Herbert Putnam, acting on authority of Secretary ofState Charles Evans
Hughes, carried the Constitution and the Declaration in a Model-T Ford truck to the library and
placed them in his office safe until an appropriate exhibit area·could be constructed. The documents
were officially put on display at a ceremony in the library on February 28, 1924. On February 20,
1933, at the laying of the cornerstone of the future Natiqnal Archives Building, President Herbert
Hoover remarked, "There will be aggregated here the most sacred documents of our history--the
originals of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution of the United States." The two
documents however, were not immediately transferred to the Archives. During World War II both
were moved from the library to Fort Knox for protection and returned to the library in 1944. It was
not until successful negotiations were completed between Librarian of Congress Luther Evans and
Archivist of the United States Wayne Grover that the transfer to the National Archives was finally
accomplished by special.direction of the Joint Congressional Committee on the Library.
On December 13, 1952, the Constitution and the Declaration were placed in helium-filled cases,
enclosed in wooden crates, laid on mattresses in an armored Marine Corps personnel carrier, and
escorted by ceremonial troops, two tanks, and four servicemen carrying submachine guns down
Pennsylvania and Constitution avenues to the National Archives. Two days later, President Harry
Truman declared at a formal ceremony in the Archives Exhibition Hall.
"We are engaged here today in a symbolic act. We are enshrining these documents for
future ages. This magnificent hall has been constructed to exhibit them, and the vault
beneath, that we have built to ·protect them, is as safe from destruction as anything th8:t
the wit of modern man can devise. All this is an honorable effort, based upon reverence
for the great past, and our generation can take just pride in it."
Bibliographic note: Web version based on the Introduction by Roger A. Bruns to A More Perfect Union:
The Creation of the United States Constitution. Washington, DC: Published for the National Archives and
Records Administration by the National Archives Trust Fund Board, 1986. 33 p.
Ordering information
Note: Web version may differ from the printed version .
[ Constitution I Declaration of Independence I Bill of Rights I Charters page.]
National Archives and Records Administration
URL: http :l/www. nara. gov/exhall/charters/constitution/conhisi. html
webmaster@nara.gov
·
Last updated: March 26, 1999
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the. Press 'secretary
For Immediate Release
November 10,
~
199~~
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE HARLEY-DAVIDSON EMPLOYEES
Harley~Davidson
Plant
York, Pennsylvania
1:00 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
It's nice to be
in a restrained, laid-back crowd like thi~.
(Laughter and applause.)
The truth is~ it's wonderful to be in a place where _people are happy and
they're not ashamed to be excited and they're proud to go to work every
day.
Thank you very much for-- (applause.)
Thank you,. Jeff Bleustein; thank you, Bobby Ramsey.
Old Bobby kind
of hurt my feelings -- you know, I went up to him and he said, well,
you're not nearly as·tall a~ .I thought you w~re.
(Laughter.)
He said,
when I saw you playing saxophone on Arsenio Hall, I thought you were a
lot taller guy.
(Laughter.) And I said, that's where I got elected
President, I was 6'8" back then.
(Laughter.)
But I still think you did
a good job, Bobby, and I thank you.
(Applause.)'
I want to thank Bill Denell (phonetic).
Thank you, Harry Schmidt.
I enjoyed meeting Willie Davidson today.
(Applause.)
And I thank Torn
Buffenbarger, the President of the International Association of
Machinists, for being here and joining us today.
(Applause. )
I want to thank Mayor Robertson for welcoming me to York, and all
the county commissioners and legislators and others who are here. And I
want to say a special word of appreciation again, Jeffrey, to you, for
making me feel so welcome here and for the nice things you said about
Bill Daley, behind his back.
Usually, when you talk behind sornebody's
back y6u're not saying nice things,
(Laughter;)
So Daley is up here
talking and Jeff is telling me what a good Secretary of Commerce.he is.
And I will say, Secretary Daley, you have been superb and we're grateful
for what you do for the United States.
(Applause. )
Now, you may remember this, some of you,· but after I was nominated
for President, way back in the summer of 1992, Al and Tipper Gore and
Hillary and I got on a bus; and we started this bus tour.· Our very.
first overnight stop was in York, Pennsylvania.
(Applause.)
And I'm
sure none of you were there ~hen we got in. We got in about a quarter
to one, but the crowd was about the size t~at it is today. And I looked
at that crowd-- it was in· the middle of the night, you. know, we'd been
stopped everywhere along the way-- and I decided I'd tak~ a bus tour so
I could go see normal people. We went out to all these little towns.
And then we got to York, it was the middle of the night and there
1
was this huge throng there. And I popped· out and I looked at Hillary, I
said, you know, we rni~ht win this election -- (laughter) -- and we'd
better not mess it up.
(Applause.)
When I was here before, I didn't ge~ to come and visit
Harley-Davidson. And I wish I had, because since then
I had a
beautiful Harley jacket before I carne here, that I got in Milwaukee.
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But I ~ave it to a guy who worked for me, because 'he thought he was
going to ride to heaven on a Harley-Davidson motorcycle~ ·(Applause.)
So when he retired, the only thing I could think of to give him that
really reflected the service he had given to our country and to me was
my jacket, which I hated to part with.
But the only gifts that really
count are the ones that you'd like to keep your~elf, I think, sometimes.
So today I got another·one, and I thank you.
I love it.
(Applause.)
You know, Bill Daley was talking about being over in the United
Arab Emirates and how they were dying to have more motorcycles and other
paraphernalia to sell. And r told Jeff when he mentioned it, one of the
great treasures of being the President is having the opportunity to meet
people around the world you would never meet and make friends with them.
A person who became a particular personal friend of mine, and of my
wife's, was the late King Hussein of Jordan. And some of you may know,
he ·was a very satisfied Harley customer.
When Hussein and his wife, Queen Noor,
years ago, and we became very good friends,
treasure that's still up in the White House
himself and his wif~ in very casual clothes
astride a Harley.
(Applause.)
came to stay with us a few
he gave me a gift that I
today.
It's a picture of
in the Jor-danian desert,
My best Harley story -- I was just recently in Paris on my way to
Sarajevo and· Bosnia to try to settle the· outstanding issues of all the
Balkan wars in Bosnia and Kosovo._ So I stopped in France to have a
meeting with the President of France, and I went to the American
Ambassador's residence in Paris. Now, if you ever saw that house, you'd
want to be Ambassador to France, too.
(Laughter.)
It's a beautiful
placej b~ilt in ~he 1700s -- just takes your breath away to walk in,
these grand gardens and this beautiful marble foyer when you walk in.
In the beautiful marble foyer when you 0alk in now, replete with ~11 the
proper lighting, is a stunning, 1944 Harley-Davidson.
(Laughter and
applause.)
And the way it got there is that when your predecessors were making
motorcycles for the war eff~rt, some of them were sent in packages, to
be assembled to our allies in Europe. And some of them went to
Yugoslavia, where Mr. Tito was fighting the Nazis.
Two of them were
never opened, and the son of the Amer·ican ambassador actually came upon
these 54 year old boxes of unassembled 1944 l;larleys last year. And he
gave one to his daddy. And now, if you ever. go to France, it's-now the
main tourist attraction of the American Embassy, is a 1944 Harley.
It
is so beautiful and I know you'd be proud of it.
(Applause.)
I came here today not just because I wanted to see you, and not
just because I wanted to come back to York to thank the people of this
community and this state for being so good for the last seven·years and
through two elections to me and my wife and.Vice President and Mrs.
Gore.
I came here because I want America to know exactly what you have
done and how.
The recovery of this company since the 1980s has been truly
remarkable. When you were down in the dumps, people were saying
American industry was finished, that we couldn't compete in the global
economy, that the next century would belong to other countries and other
places.
Today, you're not just surviving -- you're flourishing, with
record sales and earnings; and one of the best managed companies in
America, according to Industry Week. According to management and labor,
one of the reasons you're the best-managed company in.America·is that
you have a genuine partnership between labor and management, where all
employees are valuable and expected to make good decisions on their own
for the benefit of the common e~terprise. And I thank you for setting
that example.
I wish every manufacturer in America would model it.
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(Applause. )
I came here because I knew before I got here -- ~lthoug~ I had
never quite experienced the full force of it until you were shouting and
screaming and having such a good time -- I knew that this. was about more
than making bikes for profit; more than selling attractive leather
jackets. What we see here today is how people feel when they have got a
job that they do well,.that gives them not only a decent income, but a
full measure of dignity and pride.
(Applause. )
· I used to tell pe6ple all the t~ne that politics is about a lot
rr\ore than economics.
But if you get the economics right, people figure
out. how to live ·and shape good lives, and raise their children and· build
strong communities. And if you don't get the economics right, then you
have to deal with a lot of the other values issues -- extraordinary
welfare rates and higher crime rates, and all those other problems.
I want people to see that y9u have, yes, turned a company around.
Yes, you make an exciting produ6t and you sell it all around the world,
but that you do it in the right w~y, a way that makes you proud to come
to work every day.
It puts a spring in your step and a shout in your
voice, and a light in your eyes·.
That is what I want for every American
working family, and I hope that more people will follow your lead so
that more people can stand up and shout every day just for the joy of
going to work and being part of a common enterprise and doing something
they can be profoundly proud of.
Thank you, thank you, thank you for
that ex~mple.
(Applause.)
The second point I want to make is the point that Secretary Daley
has already mentioned.
To really do as well as you can, you have to
sell these wonderful products not only around the country, but around
the world.
And I think that's very important.
In 1973, when the first Harley rolled off the assembly line here,
America exported only 6,300 motorcycles.
By last year, that number had
increased to 66,000.
Today, you're sellin~ about a ~uarter of your
bikes around the world -- from Costa Rica to Korea, from Central Europe
to the Middle East.
The. global market foi motorcycles, and for Harleys,
is exploding.
It's a big part of your future.
And in order for it to be a part of your future and our future,
America has to continue to support expanding trade on fair terms to all,
including Americans.
Now, this is a big issue.
And I want you to just
give me a couple minutes 6f serious time here to talk about it.
When I got elected in 1992, i don't think there's ~ny way in the
world a governor of a small southern state -- in the affectionate terms
that President Bush used then to describe me -- would have been elected
President if we hadn't had economic distress,~social division, political
drift and a government discredited.
You all remember that.
It was
tough in this country; it was tough in this state.
And I had spent 12 years -- at t.hat time, not quite 12, a little
over 10 -- working as governor of my state, trying to figure out how
this economy works; how the education system plays into the economy; how
I could actually get up and go to work every day and create the
conditions and give people the tools to make the life of their dreams.
And I asked the American people, I said, look, give me a chance to put
people back at the center of our politics; to create opportunity for
every responsible citizen; to create a community that every American has
a chance to be a part of.
And give me a chance to put in some new ideas:
I believe we can
grow the economy and protect the environment.
I believe we can move
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people from welfare to work and still allow them to take care of their
children.
I believe we can be tough on crime and still do more to keep
kids out of trouble in the first plac~.
I believe we can do more to
help people succeed at home and at work.
I believe we can have a
trading syste~ that expands trade and still protects legitimate labor
rights and our responsibilities to the environment.
I believe we can
have a community where all of us serve more and help one another reach
our common dreams.
Anyway, I said the center of this has to be an economic strategy,
and mine is .very.simple.
I.want to get rid of the deficit, but I want
to find a way to invest more money in education, in technology, in
training and in research. And I want to expand trade.
To me, it was
simple math:
we have 4 percent of the world's people with 22 percent of
·the world's income.
You don't have to be a genius to figure out,. if you
want to keep 22 percent of the world's income with 4 percent of the
world's people, you've got to sell something to the other 96 percent.
And, yet, I knew people were afraid of that.
They were afraid that
if we opened our borders here, a lot of our lower-wage workers would be
put out of business by people who worked for ~ven less money abroad, and ·
they might not ever get another chance. They were afraid a lot of our
well-paid workers~would not do well, because we'd have markets opened to
our competitors in those areas, but they wouldn't open their mark~ts to
ours.
A lot of people were afraid we would see a big transfer of wealth
to p6or countries, but the money would stay in a few hands and it
wouldn't flow down to the workers there, and it would lead to a
degradation of the environment in ways that could hurt us.
That was
especially an issue along the Rio Grande River when we were working out
the trade agreement with Mexico.
So there was all this fight about.it.
Well, the results of the last seven years are in, and it's not an
argument anymore. We have the longest peacetime expansion in history,
the highest homeownership in history, 19.8 million new jobs, the lowest
unemployment rate in 30 years, the lowest welfare rolls in 30 years, the
lowest poverty rates in ZO years, th~ first back-to-back budget
surpluses in 42 years, and the federal government is the smallest it's
been in 37 years.
The record is in.
(Applause.)
Now, I might add, there's a lot of women in this plant.
Last
month, the female unemployment rate was the same as the overall
unemployment rate, 4.1 percent.
That was the lowest unemployment rate
for women in 4 6 years.
(Applause.). And from 1993 un'til the end of 1997
when the Asian economy collapsed and the Russian economy had such great
difficulty, until that point, 30 percent of this growth came from
exports. And an enormous amount of it came because of improvements and
advances in technology --.not just computers in Silicon Valley, but the
computer programs running all these machines I saw on the plant floor
here today -- a lot of them taking the most dangerous jobs, ~orne of the
jobs that caused people to have long-term injuries away, so that you can
work and make a contribution and make these motorcycles at some less
and wear and tear to yourselves.
~he
Thirty percent of our growth came from exports, until we had
Asian collapse. And they're coming back now; we've worked hard to help
them.
They're coming back now.
Now, in spite of these economic statistics -- I mean, here's why
we'r~ here, ~part from the fact that Bill Daley and I wanted to come
here. And we're glad we got our jacikets, and we really wish we were
leaving with motorcycles.
~ut I have to wait a yea! and a half, you
know?
(Applause.)
I've got to wait a year and·a half.
I couldn't bear
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I
· ' all the
~tories
out here if I rode around on a motorcycle for a while.
But let me tell ~ou, the reason we're here, to be fair, is that,
ironically, in spite of all. those economic numbers I just recited,
there's actually more division and controversy over whether trade. is. or
isn't good fo~ us today in Washington than thete was in 1993, and in
1994, when we joined the World Trade Organization arid set off this
explosion of economic activity.
And again I say, I think it's because people are afraid that
Americans always get a raw deal.
They see we have a big trade deficit
-- that's because we've got even more money than we produce for.
We buy
things from other countries, but we also sell a lot abroad. We keep
setting records for our exports. And a lot of what we sell abroad
supports higher wages in America.
The average trade-related job pays
almost 20 ~ercent more than a job unrelated to tiade -- like yours do.
You know that.·
So we have to find a way not just for big business leaders aBd
people like me who live in Washington, who -- you know, get a job that
lasts for ~ term of years, regardless. We hava to find ways for people
like you, that get up and go to work every day, and will have a lot of
job security when you're doing well; and people who aren't in unionized
plants, and who may be working for low wages, and who feel more
vulnerable.
We have to find a way to build a consensus in America so
that all Americans understand that if we want to keep growing this
economy, raising wages, creating jobs, we've got to stick with what has
brought us this far.
We've got to keep paying down this debt. We can make America
debt-free in 15 years, for the first time since 1835, if we stay on the
budget plan that I've laid out. And that will be great for you. Why
should you care if we're debt-free? Because if the government is out of
debt, this business can borrow money at lower cost.. And you will have
lower home mortgage rates, you will have lower car payment rates.
If
you send your kids to college, the coliege loans will be lower.
Just
because of the amount we've reduced the d~ficit already, the'av~rage
home mortgage costs the average American working family $2,000 a year
less, and the ayerage car payment is $200 a year less, and the average
college loan is $200 a year less. We ought to keep going until we get
America out of debt for the first time since 1835, so the money will be
there at the lowest possible costs for the American enterprise system to
create jobs and.improve lives. That's important.
The second thing we ought to do is to find a way to continue to
expand trade.
You know, we just had a meeting and I was told, well,
just what you heard here in the speech:
thank you very much for helping
us get into the Japanese market, and we're doing well there, but there
are still some barriers there.
I hear that everywhere.
So next month
in Seattle, we're going to have a chance to make the.global trading
system str6nger -- to tear down more tariffs, to deal with more
non-tariff barriers, to make it clear that if countries want access to
our markets, we have to have access to theirs; but basically, to commit
to expanding trade. Now, that is what is in the interest of Harley
Davidson, and that is what is in the interest of the 21st century
American economy.
So I came here to say, we can have more companies like yours. We
can have more success stories like yours.
This company can have more
employees like you.
But if we're going to do it, we have to find a way
to expand trade.
There's 4 percent of us, we've got 22 percent of the
income, we've got to sell something to the other 96 percent.
It's just
as simple as that.
But. we will never be able to do it unless working
people believe that trade benefits ordinary American families.
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�Page 6 of8
You know, the politicians and the CEOs can talk ·until they're blue
in the face.
But we still have elections in t6is country and, in the.
end, you guys run the show. And it's a good thing; that's why we're
still around here after 200 years.
But if we can't convince people like
you that we're right about this trade issue, then we are going to shrink
America's future prospects.
It's as simple as that.
You know, ·I want you Bll to watch Seattle when it rolls around.
Every group in the world with an axe to grind i·s going to Seattle to
demonstrate.
I'll have more demonstrators against me than I've had in
the whole seven years I've been President.
I'm kind of lcioking forward.
to it.
(Laughter.)
I'll tell you why.
I told them all I wanted them
to·come.
I want all the consumer groups to come.
I want all the
environmental· groups to come.
I want everybody who thinks this is a bad
deal to come.
I want eve~ybody to get all this out of their system and
say their peace of mind. And I want us to have a huge debate about
this.
But I'm telling you, I've worked really hard for you the last seven
years to turn this econcimy around and to get it going in ~he right
direction. ·(Applause.)
I've worked hard to make sure other people play
by the rules, not just in York, Pennsylvania, but.in York, England and
in York, 0estern Australia.
And now, as I look ~head to the last year and a couple of months of
my term, I try to think of what things I can still do that will allow
this prosperity to go on and on, and that will embrace people who
haven't yet been affected by it. We still have people in places who
haven't been picked up· by this recovery. And I want this to go on·:
It's already the longest peacetime expansion in history; in February
it'll be the longest economic expansion, including those that embraced
our world 0ars.
But we can keep it going.
But only if we find more
customers and more investment in a non-inflationary way. And there's
only two places to find it.
You've got to. go to 'the places in America
which have had no recovery and to the people who are still on welfare or
otherwise left out, or you've got to sell more stuff overseas.
Therefore, I say to you -- I don't think the trading system is
perfect, by the way.
I have argued until I'm blue in the face, and I
will continue to argue ihat when we make these trade rules, we need to
take the concerns of ordinary citizens into account. We should be
growing the economy not just in America, but everywhere, and still
improving the environment.
Let me tell you, compared to seven years ago, with all these jobs,
in America the air is cleaner, the water is cleaner, the food is safer,
we've set aside more land to protect it for sports people and for
tourists and ~eople that just want to be out in nature, than any
administration in the history of this country, except those of Franklin
and Theodore Roosevelt.
You can improve the economy and improve the ·
environment at the same time.
People ought to have that everywhere.
They ought to have.that security everywhere.
Working people everywhere, even if they can't enjoy the same income
jou do, 6ught to have access to basic labor rights~ We shouldn't be
having child labor in some of these countries prod~cing products to
compete in our markets and exploit children when they ought to be in
school. w~ ought to have basic, decent labor·standards for people
everywhere.
(Applause. )
And I believe -- that's why I'm .glad the demonstrators are coming.
I want us to try to find a way to build a consensus where we can expand
trade and respect the rights of labor and the environment.
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�Page 7 of8
But let me tell you something, you know this, you think about your
own life.
If we have more trade and it's good for you and it's good for
those countries, don't you think it's more likely that working people
will be better off and their environment will be cleaner? I mean, the
more money you've got, the more you can afford to give workers wages
that are increased and the more you can afford to clean up the
environment.
So I think all these things work together.
In Seattle, I'm going
to ask the trade organization for the very first time to establish a
working group on trade and labor, so we get working people and their
concerns involved in the trade process before all the decisions are
ma~e.
I have 0orked haid to make environment a part of this.
I think
it's important.
But I came here for this simple reason.
This is a great company.
You've got a·great union.
You've found a successful way to compete in
the world.
You represent the future of the American economy.
But if I
cannot con~ince the decision makers in Washington and ordinary people
like you all across America that a key part of the economic success
we've enjoyed in the last seven years and the economic success America
can enjoy in the years ahead requires us to continue to break down
barriers to trade, then in the future, when I'm not around anymore, you
won't have the economic prosperity that I think you deserve;
So I ask you to think about this.
I thank you.for being so quiet
and listening to this.
I wouldn't be for this if I didn't think it was
right for you, if I didn't think it wa.s good for ordinary Americans.
But i ' l l lecive you with this thought:
we live in~ world that is
smaller and smaller, and that is either going to make us more prosperotis
and more secure, or more vulnerable and more insecur~:
If we don't
trade with other people and help them to get involved in· a cycle of
growth with us, and you have more and more people that are poor, with
open borders, you're ~oing to have more drug trafficking, more organized
crime, more political terrorism and more headaches. Aqd everybody
everywhere will be more vulnerable to it.
On the other hand, if we make a living by selling more of our
things overseas and the price of that is to let people sell more of
their things to us, and they do better and their children do better, you
will have more cooperation and a far ntore interesting world for your
children to live in.
I believe the best days of this country are still ahead.
I believe
the life our kids and grandkids are going to have will be truly amazing ..
Within 10 years, children might actually be born with a life expectancy
of 100 years.
Their mothers will take home with them from the hospital
a map of the children's genetic system, which will say, your child has
the following strengths arid the follo;.ring problems, but if you do these
10 things in the child's upbringing you will dramatically reduce the
fact that yo~r little girl will get breast cancer, or your little boy
will develop colon cancer.
It will be an amazing futur~.
But we have to do the big things right.
That's what you do here.
You do the big things right. And you know a lot of little mistakes will
be made.
You know even you aren't perfect.
You know mistakes will be
made, but if you get the big things right, you know it's going to come
out all right.
What I'm trying to do
Washington, and with these.
su~e, as Americans, we get
fair trade? You bet.
Did
--with this new trad~ round in Seattle,
speeches across the country-- is to make
the big things right.
Should we fight for
we get a lot of steel dumped-on us when the
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�Page 8 of8
Asian and the Russian economies went down, and was it unfair, and did I
have to push hard to get it out? You bet. Did you deserve trade
protection several years ago when you got it? Absolutely you did.
Do we have to make the system work right? Yes. That's true,
youive got to make the system work right. But let's not lose the big
point: if we want to continue to grow, have high incomes, ·low
unemployment·-- the lowest minority unemployment in the history of the
country, lowest women's unemployment in 46 years, the lowest overall
unemployment in 30 years -- if we want that, if we want a country
growing together, a part of our strategy has got to be to sell more, not
just Harleys, but everything we can possiply sell, around the world.
So I ask you, don't let this trade debate be
politicians and CEOs. You embrace it. ,It's your
children's future. And every company can be like
to embrace the world and say, we are not afraid.
things right.
Thank you, and God bless you.
END
the province of
future, and your
Harley. But we.have
We can get the bi~
(Applause. )
1:30 P.M. E$T
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1999111/1 0/15.text.1 05/01/2000
�Copyright 2000 The New .York Times Company
The New York Times
~turday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 3; Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 1429 words
HEADLINE: Colombians Flee Into Panama as War Fears Rise
BYLINE: By DAVID GONZALEZ
DATELINE: JAQUE, Panama
\
BODY:
Bertilda Castro Tejada and her family are living in this small Panamanian village where time and trouble are all they
have. The place may be dreary, but, unlike the home they left in Colombia, it is not deadly. At least not yet.
They fled to Panama from their home in Jurado, Colombia, soon after leftist guerrillas overran the police station and
military barracks there in December. After enduring an 18-hour siege, they feared that they would not survive the
inevitable: right-wing paramilitary death squads that were sure to arrive, dispensing vengeance on those who had
helped the guerrillas.
"There are no police in Jurado," Mrs. Castro said, sitting outside a friend's cramped home, where she and her family
live for now. "The guerrillas are in the mountains. When the paramilitaries come they beat up the peasants, asking,
'Where are the guerrillas?' We are defenseless. They do whatever they want with you because a town without law is not
worth anything."
Faced with endless fighting, hundreds of Colombians-- 800 by official estimates-- have found refuge in Panama's
dense jungle province of Darien, crossing over the sprawling border as they did in more peaceful times when
Panamanians and Colombians alike went looking for commerce and companionship.
So too have the guerrillas from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, known by the Spanish acronym FARC,
as have the paramilitary squads, searching for refugees they suspect of giving medicine, food or shelter to the guerrillas.
The arrival of more than 500 frightened refugees here just before Christmas placed a sudden burden on Panamanian .
officials who, lacking resources, turned to intematio111al relief agencies and the Roman Catholic Church for help.
But the more unsettling question is whether the chaos and violence from Colombia will spill over the unsecured
border, especially if an American program to help Colombia battle narcotics trafficking escalates the country's civil
war.
"The border between Panama and Colombia is at this moment the most dangerous, conflicted and vulnerable one of
Latin America," said Bishop Romulo Emiliani ofth1~ Diocese of Darien. "The Colombian conflict has been spilling into
our sector because the effects of the war are extending into Panama."
While officials said that neither the Panama Canal nor Panama City, the capital some 200 miles from the border,
face any imminent danger, the incursions have become a nettlesome test for Panama's ability to control the land over
which it now has total sover~ignty.
�Panama abolished its anny after an American invasion ended the dictatorship of Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega 10
years ago. And since December, when the United States gave Panama the canal, the country has lacked. the deterrent of
having American troops on hand.
"It represents a danger that is restricted for now to Darien," said Ricardo Arias Calderon, a fonner vice president, and
it "creates more of a socioeconomic problem than a security problem. But there is also a feeling among some people
that we are not enforcing our national sovereignty. We are not able to make our borders respected and give security to
the population."
·
Only about 30 miles from Colombia, Jaque is close enough .that the Panamanian border police say they often overhear
radio transmissions made by frantic Colombian forces under guerrilla attack.
It was one such attack last December that set off the exodus to Panama. Throughout the night and halfway into the
next day, residents hid under beds or pressed themselves against walls during a battle that claimed the lives of almost
two dozen soldiers, about twice as many guerrillas and o~e civilian.
"When it cleared up, they started to say that the soldiers were defeated," said one Jacque refugee, who would give
only his first name, Pedro, for fear of reprisals. "We looked out and recognized afew of the guerrillas. They came into
my home. It was raining, and we cooke~ for them. They said not to worry, nothing would happen to us."
But after they left, the military arrived with reinforcements, and that is when many Colombians decided to leave.
.
'
.
)
An officer accused them of having helped the guerrillas. "Then a military patrol came by and said, 'After us, the bad
ones are coming,' " Pedro said, referring to the paramilitaries. "They told us we should leave for a while, five or six
months, so we did."
He and five relatives each paid about 30,000 Colombian pesos, or $15, for the three-hour boat ride to Jaque. Others
risked the tangled jungle paths. When they arrived, many of the refugees had friends or family who took them in.
Life since then has hardly been easy. Although a few of the older men who are experienced fannhands cut bananas
each morning, most of the refugees have not found work. Children are not allowed to attend Panamanian schools.
Except for emergency medical treatment, none of the refugees are allowed to travel outside of the town.
Like Jose Perez, who arrived in December, all they can do is wait. Mr. Perez stood on the shore recently watching as
some of the townspeople clambered aboard boats that would make the overnight trip to Panama City. It was a teasing
-diversion from his otherwise boring routine. In Jurado, he was successful enough as a jack-of-all-trades to keep himself
and his family comfortable in a two-story house with an oelectrical generator. "I had a house with everything," he said.
"Here, I sleep on a piece of cardboard on the floor."
He watched the boats and wondered when he might go home. But he and the others will stay here until the Colombian
government, with the help of the United Nations and human rights monitors; can assure their safety back home. That
may take as much as eight months, since that is how long Colombian officials said it would take to rebuild the police
station.
In Jaque, about 15 Panamanian border policemen patrol the town, walking at night in pairs with assault rifles slung
. over their shoulders. Residents said they were worried that the police force could be overwhelmed if Colombian
guerrillas oi: paramilitaries came to the area.
Last year anned groups attacked a settlement on the Caribbean coast, burning several houses. In 1997, according to
Bishop Emiliani, 40 paramilitary troops went to the Panamanian town ofYape and stayed there for three days until they
found their target, a Colombian doctor who had treilted guerrillas, and executed him.
"There is a vast stretch without any police presence," the bishop said. "It is very dangerous. Little by little, Darien can
·
become a path for crime if this is not stopped."
�.
By various estimates, there are about 1,000 members of armed groups in Darien. "The Panamanians just don't mess
with them, and for good reason, because they would get their clocks cleaned," a diplomat said.
Panamanian officials are beefing up border p~iice units with helicopters and other equipment. The measures are part
of the country's first national security plan, which has b1!en stalled for months by political bickering. "Panama has got
to step up to the plate in that this is their border," said the United States ambassador to Panama, Sirp.on Ferro.
·
Panamanian officials said they would welcome foreign assistance, but they also do not want to re-establish their own
army; nor do they want a return of foreign troops.
"We as a government have a frrm policy not to i-emilitarize our country," said Foreign Minister Jose Miguel Aleman.
"As a political party, we lived a traumatic history under the military dictatorship. We suffered a lot with exile, jail and
no freedom of expression. We do not want to reinstate the military in our country. We do not want the border, given all
that has happened, to be an excuse to remilitarize our country."
Indeed, one approach the Panamanian government has undertaken is to begin an $80 million development project in
Darien, building roads and providing services that would 111ake the area seem less isolated.
At the same time, Mr. Aleman said his government was supporting the peace effort started by Colombia's president,
Andres Pastrana. He also said no refugees would be returned to Colombia until Mr. Pastrana's government could assure
their safety. But few people here in Jaque think peace will come soon.
.
"I do not think it will ever be resolved here," said Silda Segura, a nurse who lives here. "This is the border, and it will
always be like this. In this town you always had Colombians. If before they came here when they had no problems,
imagine what would happen if the situation becomes difficult over there."
http://www.nytimes.com
GRAPHIC: Photos: A family of Colombian refugees while away the hours outside their rented hut. The refugees are not
permitted to leave Jaque except for medical emergencies. Few have found jobs, and their children are not allowed to
attend Panamanian schools. Townspeople in Jaque, who travel regularly to Panama City by boat to buy and sell goods,
load canoes that will take them to a boat headed for the capital. (Photographs by Alex Quesada!Matrix, for Thf; New
York Times) ·
·
·
Map of Panama highlighting Jaque: Caught in Colombia's civil war, many Jurado residents fled ,to Jaque.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-D~ TE:
April22, 2000
�Copyright 2000 Plain Dealer Publishing Co.
The Plain Dealer
April 13, 2000 Thursday, FINAL I ALL
SECTION: EDITORIAL & FORUM; Pg. liB
LENGTH: 722 words
HEADLINE: COLOMBIA'S CRISIS THREATENS REGION, U.S.
BYLINE: By Paul D. Coverdell
BODY:
The recent rise in oil prices has revived America's appreciation for its strategic relationships with countries in the
Middle East and reminded us why we came to their defense in the Persian Gulf War a half-world away. To me, there is
an indisputable parallel to the situation in our own back yard: the crisis in Colombia.
A decade ago the United States went to war with a powerful enemy partly to stabilize a major oil-producing region.
We worried that Iraq would attack Saudi Arabia, an ally and one of the United States' largest oil suppliers. Where is that
same concern with Colombia today? The destabilization of Colombia directly affects bordering Venezuela, now
generally regarded as our largest oil supplier. In fact, the oil picture in Latui America is strikingly similar to that of the
Middle East, except that Colombia provides us more oil today than Kuwait did then. This crisis, like the one in Kuwait,
threatens to spill over into many nations, all ofwhich are allies.
But momentum in Congress to help Colombia has stalled, and it is hard to· understand why. Colombia is an
undeniable national security emergency for our country.
These left-wing guem as control almost 40 percent of Colombia's territory, and their violence has reached the
outskirts of Bogota. The drug-fueled violence has take·n more than 35,000 Jives in the past decade. Numbers of
displaced Colombians approach the levels we saw in Kosovo at its height- more than 800,000 since 1995. And
Colombia is now home to one-third of all acts of terrorism worldwide, with 2,663 kidnappings in 1999 alone. The
future of Latin America's. oldest democracy is at stake.
The conflict is spreading. Colombian guerrillas move freely across the border into Panama, a country with no
standing army. Just recently, rebels overran a Colombian military base 15 miles from the Panamanian border, killing
more than 40 Colombian law-enforcement officials and soldiers. Such brazenness heightens the fear that Panama will
not be able to defend itself or the canal. Peru, Venezuela and Ecuador all have moved troops to their borders with
Colombia because of increased incursions into their nations by Colombia's guerrillas.
Regional instability not only threatens a large source of U.S. oil (our hemisphere provides about half our total oil
imports), it fuels a steady flow of drugs onto our stn~ets. Colombia supplies 80 percent of the cocaine and 60 percent of
the heroin consumed in the United States. Narcotics represent the most immediate and de!ldly threat we face ·in the
hemisphere, causing 52,000 deaths a year and costing an estimated $110 billion annually.
As the situation deteriorates, Colombians are fleeing their country in droves- hundreds of thousands in the past four
1
years, and visa applications to the United States nearly tripled last year.
Let me restate the crisis: We import as much oil fi:om this hemisphere as we do from the Middle East; more·
�Colombians than Kosovars have been forced to flee their homes; 35,000 Colombians are dead. That's why the situation
demands our immediate attention.
Last fa:ll; Sens. Mike De Wine, Charles Grassley and I introduced a $1.6 billion aid package to address the situation in
Colombia. It is a balanced approach that mirrors President Andres Pastrana's blueprint for stability. Our plan
strengthens counter-narcotic efforts by assisting military and law-enforcement agencies, while promoting respect for
human rights and judicial integrity. After years of neglect, the Clinton administration was forced to put forward a
similar proposal.
The situation in Colombia is an emergency and must be dealt with urgently. If this means the Colombia aid must be
pulled out of the larger emergency spending bill of which it is now a part, so be it. The price of not acting soon will be
more costly than the figures being d~bated. The sec~rity and prosperity of all the Americas depends on our immediate
and effective response. "
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
COLUMN: A FORUM OF OPINION & IDEAS
LOAD-DATE: April14, 2000
�Copyright 2000 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
Apri110, 2000, Monday, Final Edition
SECTION: OP-ED; Pg. A21
LENGTH: 738 words
HEADLINE: Starting With Colombia
BYLINE: Paul D. Coverdell
BODY:
The recent rise in oil prices has revived America's appreciation for its strategic relationships with countries in the
Middle East and reminded us why we came to their defense in the Persian Gulf War a half-world away. To me, there is
an indisputable parallel to the situation· in our own back yard: the crisis in Colombia.
A decade ago the United States went to war with a powerful enemy partly to stabilize a major oil-producing region.
We worried that Iraq would attack Saudi Arabia, an ally and one of the United States' largest oil suppliers. Where is that
same concern with Colombia today? The destabilization of Colombia directly affects bordering Venezuela, now
generally regarded as our largest oil supplier. In fact, the oil picture in Latin America is strikingly similar to that of the
Middle East, except that Colombia provides us more oil today than Kuwait did then. This crisis, like the one in Kuwait,
threatens to spill over into many nations, all of which are allies.
But momentum in Congress to help Colombia has stalled, and it is hard to understand why. Colombia is an
undeniable national security emergency for our country.
The political and economic breakdown in Colombia is fueled by the rising narcotics threat in the region. Colombia is
fighting for survival against a powerful rebel insurgency bankrolled by the illicit drug business. Estimates are that the
guerrillas rake in $1 billion annually from drugs. The ~result is a well-funded, well-armed rebel army that threatens the
state's authority .
. These left-wing guerrillas control almost 40 percent of Colombia's territory, and their violence has reached the
outskirts of Bogota. The drug-fueled violence has takfm its toll, claiming more than 35,000 lives in the past decade.
Numbers of displaced Colombians approach the levels we saw in Kosovo at its height--more than 800,000 since 1995.
And Colombia is now home to one-third of all acts of terrorism worldwide, with 2,663 kidnappings in 1999 alone. The
future of Latin America's oldest democracy is at stake.
The conflict is spreading. Colombian guerrillas move freely across the border into Panama, a country with no
standing army. Just recently, rebels overran a Colombian military base 15 miles from the Panamanian border, killing
more than 40 Colombian law enforcement officials and soldiers. Such brazenness heightens the fear that Panama will
not be able to defend itselfor the canal. Peru, Venezuela and Ecuador all have moved troops to their borders with
Colombia because of increased incursions into their nations by Colombia's guerrillas.
Regional instability not only threatens a large source of U.S. oil (our hemisphere provides about half our total oil
i1pports), it fuels a steady flow of drugs onto our stref~ts. Colombia supplies 80 percent of the cocaine and 60 percent of
the heroin consumed in the United States. Narcotics represent the most immediate and deadly threat we face in the
hemisphere, causing 52,000 deaths a year and costing an estimated $110 billion annually.
As the situation deteriorates, Colombians are fleeing their country in droves--hundreds of thousands in the past four
�·I'
y~ars, and visa application_s to the United States nearly tripled last year.
Let me restate the crisis: We import as much oil from this hemisphere as we do from the Middle East; more
Colombians than Kosovars have been forced to flee the:ir homes; 35,000 Colombians are dead. That's why the situation
demands our immediate attention.
·
Last fall, Sens. Mike De Wine, Charles Grass ley and I introduced a $1.6 billion aid package to address the situation in
Colombia. It is a balanced approach that mirrors Presidlent Andres Pastrana's blueprint for stability. Our plan
strengthens counter-narcotic efforts by assisting military and.law enforcement agencies, while promoting respect for
human rights and judicial integrity. After years of neglect, the Clinton administration was forced to put forward a
similar proposal.
· The situation in Colombia is an emergency and must be dealt with urgently. If this means the Colombia aid must be
pulled out of the larger emergency spending bill of which it is now a part, so be it. The price of not acting soon will be
more costly than the figures being debated. The security and prosperity of all the Americas depends on our immediate
and effective response.
The writer is a Republican senator from Georgia.
)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: AprillO, 2000
�\
Copyright 2000 Seattle Post-Intelligencer
SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER
March 28, 2000, Tuesday , FINAL
SECTION: NEWS,
Pg.A2
LENGTH: 477 words
HEADLINE: COLOMBIA;
LEFTIST REBELS WAGE ATTACKS ON GOVERNMENT AND KILL 24
SOURCE: P-I News Services
BODY:
Inflicting the heaviest government caslialties in monti\s,!eftist rebels killed at least 24 policemen and soldiers in a
series of attacks since the weekend.
\
·
,
'
.
"-=·-=-=-~----------------------------
Five rebels from the country's largest leftist insurgency, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC,
were also reported killed in the fighting, which raged in two fishing villages near the border with Panama and a region
in the South American country's far north.
Twenty-one police officers died trying to repel a 36-hour rebel assault on Vigia del Fuerte, 230 miles from Bogota,
that began Saturday. Six civilians were also killed, officials said yesterday.
Troops regained control of the town of I,200 residents'Sunday night.ECUADORHeavy rains blamed for malaria
infecting I 00,000 An outbreak of malaria has left about I 00,000 people infected in this small Andean nation, health
officials said yesterday.
Authorities said the vast majority of patients were not at risk of dying, if they received proper treatment.
Officials blamed much of the increase on more breeding sites for mosquitoes that carry the disease. They said recent
· heavy rains increased the amount of pooled and stagnant water where the insects breed.
At least six people have died in Ecuador recently from malaria. Symptoms usually include fever, chills, joint pain and
vomiting.FRANCEFrench colonel suspected of leaking Kosovo secrets A French colonel was detained yesterday on
suspicion he had leaked state secrets to the media about French peacekeepers in the troubled Yugoslav province of
Kosovo, judicial sources said.
·
The classified documents described bitterness among some peacekeepers toward BernardKouchner, U.N.
administrator for Kosovo. They also highlightedrifts within French forces in Kosovo - between the army and the
gendarmerie, a national police forced controlled by the Defense Minis-try.
Jean-Michel Mechain, a colonel in the gendarmerie, was placed in provisional detention and under investigation for
"divulging a secret pertinent to national defense," according to judicial sources who spoke on customary condition of
anonymity. ·
Iffound guilty, Mechairi, 46, could face seven years in prison and a fine of$I04,000. Mechain has said he is not
guilty of leaking the documents, and he has not yet been formally charged in the case.ELSEWHERE Sweden:
Adventurer Goeran Kropp, suffering from a frostbitten thumb, was picked up early yesterday by .a rescue helicopter
after skiing only halfway to the North Pole. His partnt!r, Ola Skinnarmo, continued alorie in the quest to be the first
�Swede at the North Pole. The two left the northern Russian island ofNovaya Zemlya on Feb. 27 and were expected to
ski the 600 miles in 55 days. "The North Pole will still be there, and I can always try again later," Kropp, 33,said. He
was to be taken to a hospital in Sweden.
NOTES: Briefs
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 29,2000
�.;·
Copyright 2000 The~ New York Times Company
The New York Times
March 28, 2000, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Pag·e 4; Column 4; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 263 words
HEADLINE: Rebel Attacks on 2 Colombian Villages Kill 30
BYLINE: AP
\
DATELINE: BOGOTA, Colombia, March 27
BODY:
Fierce guerrilla attacks on two northern fishing towns killed at least 30 people' during the weekend, including 24
police officers, a mayor, and two children, officials said.
At least seven police officers were taken prisoner by the rebel Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Colombia's
, largest leftist insurgency, officials said. Four other officers were missing.
Troops ~egained control on Sunday night of Vigia del Fuerte -- site of the worst clash -- and found the riverfront
town of 1,200 in ruins.
Rebel machine-gun fire and homemade missiles destroyed a church, the mayor's office, the police barracks, the
·
telephone company and 10 houses near the main plaza in the town, near the border with Panama.
Twenty-one police officers died trying to repel the 36~hour barrage, which began on Saturday. Six civilians also died,
including the mayor, Pastor Perea, and two children, the Antioquia state government reported.
"It was a merciless attack," Fernando Aristizabal, a top state official told Colombia's Caracol Radio.
f
The rebels also hit Bojaya, a nearby town in neighboring Choco State, where, Mr. Aristizabal reported, three. police
officers were killed.
Rebel attacks on rural towns and remote military installations are continuing despite peace talks with the government
of President Andres Pastrana. The two are negotiating without a cease~ fire.
The rebels are also suspected of setting off a car bomb on Sunday that killed a police cadet and injured 16 civilians in
a crowded market in Girardot, a popular tourist spot 60 miles south of Bogota.
http://www .nytimes.com
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 28, 2000
�Copyright 2000 The Roanoke Times & World News
Roanoke Times & World News
March 19,2000, Sunday, METRO EDITION
SECTION: EDITORIAL,
Pg.4
LENGTH: 857 words
HEADLINE: TAIWAN AND COLOMBIA EMERGE AS PERILOUS ISSUES FOR U.S. FOREIGN POLICY;
TREADING ON DANGEROUS GROUND
BYLINE: DONALD NUECHTERLEIN
BODY:
'
TWO RECENT decisions in Washington, one in the House of Representatives on military assistance to Taiwan and
the other a Clinton administration plan to substantially increase military aid to Colombia, pose dangers for U.S. foreign
policy.
Colombia, a Latin American country lying on the Caribbean just south of Panama, has been tom by various stages of
a civil war that has gone on for 40 years. What makes this a dangerous situation for the United States is Colombia's
huge capacity for making illegal drugs, most of which are smuggled into the United States. Bogota seerris powerless to
stop the drug lords who pay huge. bribes to get protection from insurgent groups as well as corrupt governtt1ent officials.
A few weeks ago, President Clinton proposed $1.6 billion in U.S. assistance to Colombia to help its military forces
wrest control of the cocoa-producing territories from the guerrillas and drug lords. Part of this large aid program would
go for helicopters and other equipment for use in the anti-drug campaign. Another part would go for training and
upgrading local military forces engaged in the anti-insurgency effort. Some funds would be used to help strengthen
President Andres Pastrana's government and to reform a judicial system that is heavily influenced by drug money.
Finally, and n.ot least, the aid program would provide American military "advisers~· to train and equip the Colombian
military to do the counterinsurgency job, a proposal that causes some members of Congress and experts to raise the
specter of Vietnam. They worry that aiding a counterinsurgency campaign eventually will involve the United States in
another country's civil war and r~sult in combat forces being used to' bolster Colombia's armed forces.
Regarding Taiwan, the House of Representatives on Feb. I voted 341-40 to strengthen U.S. military ties with Taiwan
in order to help it counter a recent Chinese military buildup in Southeast China. The measure was supported by both
Republicans and Democrats, but the White House and State Department strongly opposed the measure. The Senate is
considering a similar bill.
The House vote highlights the ambiguity in U.S. relations with China. Beijing considers Taiwan a breakaway
province and in 1972 the Nixon administration bowed to international pressure and recognized the
Beijing regime as the sole government of China. The American diplomatic mission then moved from Taipei to
Beijing, which also took over the China seat on the U.N. Security Council. This arrangement was formalized by an
agreement in 1979. ·
However, the United States stipulated at the time that reunification of China and Taiwan had to be accomplished
peacefully through negotiations and pledged to assist Taiwan in case of a military attack by China. For nearly two
decades this arrangement worked well for Taiwan, for China and for the United States.
�Tensions flared in 1996 during Taiwan's first presidential election campaign when some politicians talked about
declaring Taiwan's independence. China reacted by firing missiles near Taiwan's harbors. President Clinton then
ordered U.S. warships into the area. Nevertheless, Beijing recently declared that it will attack Taiwan if it refuses to
negotiate reunification and instead declares its independence.
On Saturday, Taiwan held another presidential election. One of the three contending parties, the Democratic
Progressive Party, favors independence. If it gains strength, another crisis could result between China and Taiwan, and
Washington would face a quandary regarding its future relationship with Taiwan.
Congress and the president need to ask themselves whether the pledge to defend Taiwan in case of an attack by China
should apply if Taiwan's government eventually goes. ahead, despite U.S. protests, and declares its independence. The
key issue here would be: Does Taiwan rise to the level of a vital interest, one that is so important that the president
would be justified in using American military forces to defend it? I don't believe so.
It is a mistake for Congress to insist on upgrading the U.S. military pledge to Taiwan by providing it with
sophisticated military equipment. Washington should re:iterate its policy, which goes back to the 1970s, that we will
oppose military pressure by China to force Taiwan to unify with the mainhmd; at the same time, both the president and
Congress should make clear that, if Taiwan unilaterally declares independence, the U.S. pledge of protection will end.
Ambiguity in foreign policy is sometimes a virtue, but the China/Taiwan case is not one of these cases. Clarity about
what the United States will not do is just as important to peace in· the Taiwan Strait area as reassuring Taiwan that it will
counter a Chinese attack on the island. It should be stated clearly that this country will not support independence for
· Taiwan. Otherwise, we run the risk of a large war with China, which is not in the U.S. interest.
DONALD NUECHTERLEIN, who lives near Charlottesville, is author of the forthcoming "America Recommitted: A
Superpower Assesses Its Role In A Turbulent World."
GRAPHIC: graphic - ALEXANDER HUNTER WASHINGTON TIMES
TYPE: COMMENTARY
LOAD-DATE: March 21,2000
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Copyright 2000 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
March 13,2000, Monday, Final Edition
SECTION: A SECTION; Pg. A01
LENGTH: 1379 words
HEADLINE: U.S. Officials Cite Trend in Colombia; Lack of Air Support Hindering Drug War
BYLINE: Roberto Suro , Washington Post Staff Writer
BODY:
A key element of the drug war in Colombia is faltering because U.S. surveillance flights over major cocaineproducing regions have declined by two-thirds· oyer the: past year, according to administration officials.
The near disappearance of U.S. radar planes from Andean skies severely erodes the ability of U.S. forces to spot
smugglers flying low over the jungle and direct intercept missions by South American warplanes.
In Peru those intercepts proved highly successful, helping drive down Peruvian coca production by two-thirds
·between 1995 and 1999, according to Barry R. McCaffrey, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy.
For want of such simple equipment as fire trucks and navigational beacons, the interdiction effort has barely gotten
underway over an area of southwestern Colombia, which took up the slack from Peru. Colombia doubled ,its coca ·
production during the same 1995-99 period to an estimated 520 tcms last year (twice U.S. annual consumption). That
burgeoning cocaine trade finances an anti-government :insurgency:
Moreover, in Peru drug traffickers are resurgent because of the decline in surveillance and interdiction, U.S. and
Latin American officials said.
That decline is the result of diplomatic setbacks, friction between Congress and the Clinton administration, Pentagon
infighting and the competing demands of other military operations, the officials said.
Restoring aerial surveillance is "absolutely critical" to U.S. anti-drug initiatives in South America, Marine Gen.
Charles E. Wilhelm, commander-in-chief of the U.S. Southern Command (SouthCom), recently told Congress. "I am in
urgent need of help on the intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance side," Wilhelm said.
'\
Wilhelm said he had reduced South Com to the lowest readiness status for those functions, meaning that it could not
be expected to carry out its assigned missions. .
)
The $1.6 billion package of counter-narcotics aid for Colombia working its way though Congress includes only minor
provisions to boost surveillance flights and does nothing to deliver what Wilhelm says he needs most: E-3 A WACS, the
Air Force's largest and most sophisticated radar plane. "Those are the long-reach, long-look airplanes that we need to do
the job in the deep source zone," Wilhelm said.
·
The nation's 30 AWACS are in such heavy demand elsewhere that none are permanently assigned to South Com and
temporary tours have become increasingly rare since the air campaign ·in Kosovo last spring.
"We are just way too stretched out between the Balkans, Iraq and North Korea to commit these assets to drug
interdiction in South America," said a senior Air Force official.
�Concerned that the Pentagon underestimates the importance of the drug war, McCaffrey wrote Defense Secretary
William S. Cohen last month warning that weakened capabilities in Latin America could jeopardize the Colombia
effort. The retired army general asked for a commitment to rebuild surveillance capacities, according to senior officials.
While declining to discuss the letter, McCaffrey said in an interview that "our ability to get into the Andean ridge has
dwindled to about zero." The White House drug official said he had made it known throughout the administration that
"I think we have to ·get going on this, and if we don't, we face a potential disaster within three or four years."
Surveillance flights are essentiai "because we can't go in there and fight this ourselves. The best thing we can give
these countries· is good intelligence about the source zones so they can get in there and do it themselves, but since last
May, that has not been possible," a senior administration official said.
Last May, U.S. military forces and Jaw enforcement agencies abandoned Howard Air Base in Panama and lost the
use of the long runways and first-class maintenance and supply facilities that for decades had supported U.S. air
operations throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Rec'ognizing its importance to counter-narcotic efforts, the
Panamanian government initially indicated a willingness to Jet Howard continue operating after other U.S. installations
were closed when the United States·ceded control of the Panama Canal. But early last year, the Panamanians
unexpectedly insisted thatU.S. forces leave Howard.
More than 2,000 flights a year had been taking off from Howard on drug-related missions, including surveillance
flights that allowed Peruvian authorities to target coca fields.for eradication and to intercept airplanes carrying cocaine
from production Jabs to embarkation points for shipment to the United States.
Just as the United States planned to shift the surveilhmce strategy from Peru to Colombia, it fou'nd itself obliged to
seek a replacement for Howard. Concluding that no single facility could do the job, Southern Command and the State
. Department tried to fill the gap by, borrowing space at several airfields.
In recent months, Customs Service radar planes and Air National Guard F-16s have flown out of airports on Curacao
and Aruba, two islands in the southern Antilles, to track smugglers crossing the Caribbean in boats or airplanes.
Surveillance of the cocaine-producing regions in Colombia, Petu and Bolivia was to be based out of a military airfield
in Manta, Ecuador--a Pacific port roughly midway between the coca-growing regions in Colombia and Peru.
"From Manta and only from Manta can we reach down and cover the deep southern portion of the source zone," said
Wilhelm, promoting the' Colombia aid package on Capitol Hill.
But the airfield, which had been a training base for Ecuadorian military h~licopter pilots, lacked even basic
maintenance, storage, safety and navigational facilities and the runway was in disrepair and too short for big jets such as
AWACS.
Republican leaders in Congress last year refused to authorize funding for initial improvements at Manta, arguing that
the Clinton administration had mishandled the neg~tiations for Howard and failed to secure a long-term agreement with
Ecuador for use of Manta.
·
South Com found funds to make patchwork repairs on the Manta runway after a short-term pact was reached last April
and it opened last summer. But only one airplane at a time has been able to use Manta because it Jacked a fire truck and
other safety equipment. The surveillance aircraft, all small, short-range models, operate only in daylight becau~e Manta
lacks basic navigational aids.
"The narcos are smart enough to fly at night and so we have not been able to accomplish much on that front," said an
administration official.
A long-term agreement was reached with Ecuador at the end of last year, and the Air Force is 'due to have the safety
�- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
and navigation equipment in place by the middle of next month, nearly a year after they were first requested.
Addressing the reluctance to make even a minor investment in Manta, a senior Air Force official said, "Look, we get
asked to do everything, and when this one came through the door and we had to do it with our own money, there was a
feeling of 'Hey, why shouldn't the Navy or somebody else take care of it?' "
The Colombian counter-narcotics package before Congress includes a request to spend $38 million in fiscal2001 on
'reinforcing and lengthening the runways at Manta so they can handle A WACS and the tanke~s that allow them to fly
long missions. Even if the work is completed, the aircraft may not be available.
"At this point the entire fleet of AWACS is committed to missions where Americans are in harm's way or where there
is a high threat of conflict, and so if any planes go to Manta on a regular basis, someone is going to have to decide
whether it is Iraq or Korea or someplace else that has to give them up," the senior Air Force official said.
In the meantime, McCaffrey, Wilhelm and others are worried about new threats in Colombia and the erosion of gains
in Peru. For more than a year, the Peruvian government has been complaining that the lack of U.S. surveillance has
crippled its air interdiction program, according to senior officials. As a result, the Peruvians say, the powerful deterrent
effect of the "you fly, you die" campaign has worn off and cocaine traffickers are back in the air.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 13, 2000
\'
�Copyright 2000 Plain Dealer Publishing Co.
The Plain Dealer
March 5, 2000 Sunday, FINAL I ALL
SECTION: NATIONAL; Pg. SA
LENGTH: 467 words
HEADLINE: DRIVEN BY FEAR, COLOMBIANS_!J2A VE THEIR NATION IN DROVES
BYLINE: By LARRY ROHTER;
~W YORK TIMES)
DATELINE: CALI, COLOMBIA
BODY:
The long, chaotic line outside the government passport office her
shortly after sunrise. By the end of
the day, as has been the case. eve
~TG'J"-'-U-.:2""'-+'will be issued to a multitude of
Colombians eager tole
a country that has become one of the w·ot:!U:S..ill.llSL.UW~!r.>a
any will be headed
for the United States:
--·-··
"Until the end of 1998, the high figure had been about 500 a day, and then only during the peak vacation season in
July and August," said Colo
tldina,the-passpert~oopartmen'
eary director. "But we no longer have a high or
slow season any re, just a constant flow of people wanting to et out."
After four decades of civil conflict and a proliferation of guns and gangs, the forces driving Colombians to abandon
their country are perhaps especially acute in this city of2 million people, best known for its ruthless drug cartels. But
the phenomenon is national, with people of every class leaving from small towns and rural areas as well as large cities.
By government estimates, 800,000 people - 2 percent of Colombia's total population of 40 million - have left the
country in the last four years. The expectation is that the exodus has not yet reached its peak because the country's
problems are no nearer a solution. And the prospect of a $1.6 billion, two-year aid package from the United States has
not eased Colombians' anxieties.
Political violence continues to rise and left-wing guerrilla and iight-wi
ramilitary groups increasingly use
kidnapping and extort·
e..finance-theiLwar..wit!!..!_ach other arid the stat . olombia's murder rate is 10 times that of
the United States, nd last year 2,663 kidnappings W'eryeported. Both rates, expe s say, are
·
.
S.uch statistics, abstract as t ey are, ave left the average citizen with a very real feeling that there is no longer a safe
haven to be found anywhere on Colombian soil.
The raw numbers ofpeopleleaving are alarming enough, but because many of those exi!l_ng are highly educated
professionals, including engineers, architects and doctors, the accelerating exodus has become a deep source of concern
.- here.
"Colombia in its entirety has been transformed'into a giant travel agency," Juan Fernando Cristo complained in a
. recent column in El Espectador, a major national daily. "Everyone seems disposed to emigrate, and nothing could be
worse for the country than this r w.ing-phenomenmnmcttne su6sequent loss ofhuman-talent._ roductivity and
For many Cali residents; a turning point came last spring when a unit of one of the country's leftist guerrilla gro s,
the People's Liberation Army, raided a church in an affluent neighborhood during Sunday Mass and took more than 0
hostage~m.
�GRAPHIC: PHOTO BY ASSOCIATED PRESS; Hector Navarro sleeps at a temporary shelter for displace people at
the church ofRiosucio in northern Columbia on Feb. 9 Navarro and his family were among 4,200 villagers that three
years ago fled their hamlets along the Cacarica River, n1~ar Colombia's border with Panama, escaping increased
violence by leftist rebels ~d rightist paramilitary groups.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 6, 2000
�Copyright 2000 The Washington Post
The Vv'ashington Post
March 5, 2000, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: Ol]TLOOK; Pg. BOl
LENGTH: 1450 words
HEADLINE: The U.S. Is Setting A Trap for Itselfln Colombia
BYLINE: Ralph Peters
BODY:
I often speak to military audiences about the future of conflict. Increasingly, the conflict of the future about which my
listeners ask is the possibility of American military intervention in Colombia. Nothing so convinces soldiers of the
inevitability of escalation as hearing their leaders make :frequent promises to Congress that U.S .. forces will not be
required, if only military aid expands dramatically. When generals insist that "advisers" can handle the mission,
Sergeant Rock starts packing his rucksack.
No one suspects a secret plan to deploy American battalions in support of the Bogota government. The situation is
worse than that: The Clinton administration's proposed $1.6 billion in security aid is a substitute for a strategy. Our
policy is essentially to send a check and cross our fingers. There is no evidence that the White House and the Pentagon
have engaged in conceptual thinking about Colombia and die troubled region around it. As with the former Yugoslavia,
U.S. civilian and military leaders are declining to think the problem through, fearing what serious analysis might reveal.
Despite the provision of 30 Black Hawk and 33 Huey helicopters, the aid package amounts to treating cancer with a
topical 9intment. More aircraft and other military materiel may give specific Colombian units a local advantage, but
they are unlikely to bring about a strategic decision. We can keep the Bogota regime alive, but we cannot make it
victorious.
The aid package could prove to be money well spent, if its purpose is to give the Pastrana government a last chance
to show resolve and rescue Colombia from narco-guerrillas and terrorists on both the left and right. A save-yourself
allowance makes 'sense. But any expansion of U.S. military involvement in support of a corrupt, feudal regime would
be folly. The number of U.S. personnel attached to.the aid package must be severely restricted, limited to those whose
presence is both ess(mtial and advantageous to our interests. This means auditors to ensure the aid is not stolen or
misused, intelligence personnel to monitor the situation a.nd training teams kept well away from combat. Of those, the
trainers raise the most concern, because advisers tend to bond with their student units and have been known to bend the
rules to extend their "training roles" onto the .battlefield. In the heat of the moment, it is all too easy to forget that the
president and Congress, not colonels, decide when U.S. forces go to war.
Before we send the aid, though, we must ask some tough, basic questions. Does the Colombian government--feckless,
corrupt and inconstant--deserve our help to survive? Is that government the means to a solution, or an intrinsic part of
the problem? Why should a single U.S. dollar, to say nothing of a U.S. soldier, be sent to prop up a military in which no
Colombian with a high-school diploma is required to senre? Plenty of Colombians profit from the disorder and do not
really want the rule of law. They only want a little more room to maneuver. Expatriate Colombians, lolling on Florida
beaches or shopping in Madrid, would be perfectly willing to fight to the last American G .1.
· When U.S. officials bluster about the thousands of casualties the Colombian military and police have suffered fighting
drug-funded guerrillas, they fail to mention that most of the fallen were semiliterate draftees pressed into service,
poorly trained and ill-equipped, and led by t_he ambitious sons of the lower middle class. Those with the least stake in
�~he system do the dying. Those who profit park their funds offshore. We must beware the "Saudi syndrome," in which
utterly undeserving foreign regimes manipulate us into doing their fighting for thein.
We hear much about the lessons of Vietnam, usually from those who never served in uniform. There are, indeed,
lessons from our Indochina experience pertinent to Colombia and other conflicts in which no side is honorable, but
those lessons are not the self-justifying nonsense dear to our social elite about the unwillingness of Americans to suffer
casualties. Rather, the salient Jesson of Vietnam is that no amount ofU.S. largess or American might can save a
government unable to save itself. We can only prolong the gruesome status quo.
Another Jesson is that u.s_, aid, generous and ill-managed, can prove addictive arid enervating to the recipient.
Military prowess matters less than moral determination. And we fall for those clever enough to spout democratic
slogans, rejecting evidence of corruption or inefficacy on the part of those whom we have chosen as our icons.
Incremental engagement favors the enemy, and you cannot vanquish an enemy who is allowed to retreat into
sanctuaries. The lessons of Vietnam go on and on, but, to borrow the title of a novel from the 1960s, "Everybody
Knows and Nobody Cares."
The greatest difference between Colombia and Vietnam is, paradoxically, at Colombia matters, strategically an
immediately to the United States. It is the keystone in an arch of troubled countries in the Western hemisphere, from the
turmoil of Venezuela on one end, through the Panama Canal, the fragile Central American states and lawless Mexico
on the other. It is at the forefront of northern Latin America's backward plunge into caudillo politics, institutional decay,
resurgent corruption and murder as a business tactic. Drugs that originate in or pass through Colombia have done far
more harm to Americans and our society than the Vietnam War. Oil from Venezuela and Colombia is crucial to our
economic welfare.
Still, none of this justifies the loss of a single American life in support of the Pastrana government. Send the money,
but if the Colombians need mechanics for those helicopters, Jet them hire civilians from the blood-money firms run by
our retired generals, This is critical, because while the untutored watch for the dispatch of infantry battalions, it is the
deployment of logistics units and other support troops that backs us into war. When you start·hearing that "the
Colombians just need some maintenance backup," or "they can pull it off if we just help out {vith the long-haul
communications," it's time to bring the peace symbols and protest banners down from the attic.
If the Colombian military and police succeed, so much the better. But the likeliest outcome is a stalemate--fine with
corr'upt officials, black marketeers, narco-traffickers and the broad assortment of bullies who profit from disorder. The
unwanted result of our aid may be to strengthen the current system just enough to preserve all its worst characteristics,
maintaining the balance of evils. And should Colombian forces drive the narco-guerrillas into a comer and find the will
to press the right-wing death squads against the wall, the response will be terror attacks in Bogota, resulting in the
panicked restraint of the military and another cycle pf violence.
Contrary to the nightmares of our diplomats, who often cherish even the worst status quo, the best result might be the
collapse of the Colombian government. That might bring about a regional consensus for intervention and save the
United States from spending or even bleeding alone while disingenuous neighbors cry, "Yankee, go home!" We may
well end up fighting in Colombia some day, for genuine 1interests. But if we do, it must be as a coalition member in
support of a worthy new regime and with a clear, decisiv•e purpose. A new government built around Colombians who
have both courage and a sense of moral decency, a new c6ristitution that does more than enshrine the rights of an
oligarchy, and a new military that does more than drain the blood of the poor might be worthy of our support. The
current Bogota government Jacks any moral weight beyond a drab incumbency. Its "democracy" is little more than a
tool of the rich and empowered. Colombia needs a new beginning, not a prolonged death struggle.
The corruption and bloody-mindedness of Colombia's elite drove Simon Bolivar to despair and an early death in
1830. In response to critics of its fitful support of the Bogota government, the Clinton administration trots out one or
�two heroic Colombians as examples. But the tragedy of the great Latin American liberator was that individual heroes
are notenough. If Colombians are unwilling to fight for their country, Yankee money and blood cannot redeem them.
Ralph Peters is a retired Army officer whose special projects included a strategic reconnaissance in the Andean ridge
and service in the Office of National Drug Control Policy. His most recent book is "Fighting for the Future: Will
America Triumph?" (Stackpole)
GRAPHIC: Illustration, phil foster for The Washington Post
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 05, 2000
�NSC COMMUNICATIONS AGENDA
May 1, zooo
SRB PRESS AND SPEECHES
• Columbia speech -- release text/other activities- Lehrer, Rose, r,adio
• Frank Sesno
• Sunday talk shows on Putin
• Joe Kahn, NYT-national security
• Riffs and accomplishments
ASIA
• PNTR event
• PNTR/Martin Lee
• Commission on International Religious Freedom
AFRICA
• Mbeki State Visit- proposal for an event, at Howard
RUSSIA
• NYT- Michael Gordon ABM-NMD series
• NMD - Brad Graham book
OTHER
• 60 Minutes - small pox
POTUS speeches
PNTR
• Coast Guard commencement
• Memorial Day
•
I
�COLOMBIA ASSISTANCE ROLLOUT
. January 11, 2000
What is in the proposed package of increased assistance for Colombia announced by the
President?
•
The proposal is a two-year, $1.6 billion request to Congress for funding to enhance our
bilateral assistance 'progr~s for Colombia.
·
• The assistance would be directed to counter-drug efforts and for other critical programs to
_ _,..,~ help President Pastrana deepen democracy and promote peace and prosperity.
What is the increased assis~ance intended·to accomplish?
•
The primary focus of the proposed increased USG assistance to Colombia is to continue
·· countering the production and trafficking of illiCit drugs, both to protect counter-drug ·
· succtf"sses elsewhere in the region and to reduce the overall amount ·of dnigs entering the
·
.
United States.
•
The increased assistance should also enable the GOC to make substantial additional progress
in the realm of alternative development arid extending effective governance throughout the
country.
Why is it in our interest to provide such s:ubstantial assistan'ce?
•
The globai drug problem is truly an increasing threat shared by all nations~ The extensive
drug production and trafficking imperils Colombia's security and fuels both addiction and
violence in other countries; including ours. ·
-
•
'
A~e
President has made.clear, strengthening stability and democracy in Colombia, and
fi htin
e dru .trade there i the Jjght thing to do, and it is very much in America's own
How does this significant funding fit into the USG's overall drug policy? Why isn't the
USG doing more to address the demand for drugs in the United States that drives.Andean
drug production in the first place?
·
•
This package is perfectly in line with our National Drug Control Strategy- a strategy that
represents a comprehensive approach that focusing on: educating children, decreasing the
addict population, breaking the cycle of drugs and crime, securing our borders, and reducing
.
·
·
·
the supply of drugs.
D
�•
Funds used for overseas ·supply reduction still represent a small percentage of our entire
National Drug Control budget. For example, in FY 99, USG funding by counter-drug
· activity was broken down as follows:
·
--Demand reduction activities (e.g., treatment, prevention, research) accounted for 33%
of the National Drug Control bu~get ($5.4 billion). . ..
·
-Domestic law enforcement accounted for 53% of that budget ($8.6 billion).
-In contrast,,our international efforts we're a mere 3%·ofthe budget ($500 million),
while interdiction act,ivities accoup.ted for'the remaining 10% ($1.6 billion).
•
To deal effectively with the overall drug problem, we need to deal simultaneously with drug
, supply reduction, transportation, distribution, and abuses issues that have a complex
interrelation. The Colombia package'will make an important:addition to this fight.
What effect is this package likely to have on the troubled Colombian economy?
Colombian econo
r
•
It must be remembered that additional resources, such as the $2.7 .billion IMF Extended'·Fund
Facility and large social and infn1structural projects supported by loans from the World Bank
·and Inter-American Development Bank, will directly contribute to the revitalization of:the ·
Colombian economy.
·
What is Plan Colombia?
·•
Plan Colombia is ari integrated, comprehensive strategy developed by the GOC to address
their many interrelated problems.
e strategy addressed four critical areas: (1) the peace process and diplomacy; (2) coun rdrug efforts, military reform, and the judicial system; (3) social development and dem
~a-nd (4_)_e_c_on_o_m_i~d~e~v~e~lo~p~m~e~n~t~-----~-~----------~~--~-------__
What is your reaction to the new strategy that the
Colo~bian
government has proposed?
•
We think that President Pastrana and his government have developed a good, comprehensive, .
integrated approach to dealing with the considerable problems facing Colombia.
e
With assistance from the United. States and other donors, the G.OC should be able to
effectively implement this new strategy, V.le expect to see progress with respect to all of the
interrelated challenges that confront Colombia, including fighting drug production and
trafficking, and jumpstarting the economic recovyry and the peace process.
�What was U.S. role in developing Plan Colombia?
•
Plan Colombia was developed by, was approved by, 3J1d will be implemented by the GOC.
•
The GOC did consult extensively with the USG as it developed and refined its strategy.
•
We have worked closely with.all other countries committed to combating the illicit drug ·
trade through robust domestic programs and international cooperation.
Is the United States seeking to impose a se•~urity and counter-drug strategy on Colombia?
•
No. The Colombian Government and the USG have been discussing the increasing problems
in Colombia on a continuing basis for more than a year. This dialogue intensified in August
·when Under. Secretary of State Pickering traveled to Bogota.
•
We assisted the Colombian Government itn developing a comprehensive, integrated strategy
to deal with the major challenges confronting Colombia, including drug trafficking, the
economic slump, and th~ slow progress of the peace.talks. The strategy that ~merged from
.
this process, however, was developed by, and approved by, the GOC.
•
The strategy deals with four critical themes: (1) the peace process and diplomacy; (2)
counter-drug efforts, military reform, and the judicial system; (3) social development and
democracy; and (4) economic developmen~.-
Has the support package been coordjnated with the GOC?
•
Of course! The package is designed to support the GOG's own Plan Colombia.
How much is the GOC contributing to the im lementation of its Plan Colombia?
•
In addition, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank have committed
hundreds of millions of dollars in loans to support primarily social, humanitarian, and
·infrastructure development, as well as economic revitalization. The International Monetary
Fund has given Colombia a $2.7 billion Extended Fund Facility that should assist its.
macroeconomic recovery.
What policy reforms do you believe the Colombians need to carry out to make effective use
of this package? Are other international dlonors also providing assistance?
•
An emergency supplemental for Colombia would reinforce the determined actions of
President ].Jastrana to continue second-stage democratic reforms. These include: improving
and modernizing the judicial system to end impunity and ensure fairness, transparency; and
accountability; further professionalizing <mdrestructuring the Colombian military; and
�breaking irretrievably any remaining links between members of the security forces and illegal
armed groups.
Why is this an emergency supplemental? 'Why is it bein·g done now instead oflast fall
during the regular 2000 budget cycle?
•
President Clinton announced last fall that he wouldpresent Congress with a package to
~upport Plan Colombia early this year; this is that package.
•
Plan Colombia is a comprehensive and detailed plan, and it required a thoughtful and
comprehensive and well-integrated support package.
Why has it taken
•
~o
long to finalize. this package?
We first conducted a comprehensive policy review, and consulted extensively with the GOC,
. to ensure the most effective strategy for reaching our policy objectives ..
• ·That process took longer than expected, but we believe that the investment in time was
essential. We now have a well-conceived plan that implements the strategy and should
provide the GOC wit~ the critical additional assistance needed.
·
What about reports that U.S. support for Colombia will move beyond counter-drug
cooperation to assistance for the counter-i111surgency effort?
..
'
•
The USG will not provide counter,.insurgency aid to the GOC. Increased support to the
Colombian military will continue· to be focused on the common counter-drug objective and . ·
will be provided only after a full human rights vetting.
•
Intimations that U.S. policy will shift from cooperating with' the Colombians on the regional
counter-drug fight to assisting their counter-insurgency efforts are ill-informed. As President
Clinton has stated clearly, our policy in Colombia is to support President Pastrana's efforts to
'find a peaceful resolution to the country's longstanding civil conflict and to work with the
Colombians - along with our other regional partners - on fighting illicit drugs. ·
•
Finally, I would remind you that a ,militruy solution is simply not possiblefor .Colo~bia. We
continue to call on .the F ARC to honor its commitments and enter into good faith negotiations
with the ·Colombian Government.
Is there concern about possible retaliatory violence by the drug traffickers following these
arrests, especially given the prospect of extradition to face U.S. justice?
·
•
All law enforcement operations against dangerous criminals involve a measure of risk,
including the possibility of retaliation against law1enforcement personnel or other targets.
•
This concern is certainly relevant in the present context, especially given drug traffickers'
well-documented willingness to use yiolence to achieve their ends.
'·
�•
All of the gover:nments involved in this operation are aware of this risk and are taking
appropriate security measures. I might.add that USG-supported counter-drug operations
have been regularly attacked in ·colombia, by guerrillas as well as narcos.
•
We have and w-ill continue to take the protection of U.S. citizens in Colombia, both official
and unofficial, 'very seriously. One of our preventative measures is the publication here in
this country of appropriate advisories for U.S. nationals abroad. For further information on
these advisories, please contact Consular Affairs at the Department of State.
•
Perhaps most importantly, I would note that our ongoing law enforcement operations will not
be deterred by the threat of violence. We will remain steadfast in our commitment to ensure
that drug traffickers are brought to justice, whether in the United States or other countries.
If the drug trade is a problem throughout the Andes, why is the package so heavily
weighted towards Colombia?
·
•
This package is a response to President Pastrana's Plan Colombia. Assistance is heavily
weighted toward Colombia bee
lombia is the source-of most ofthe cocaine used in the
United States.
nter~r-Pefi:HYld-.Bolivia ha-ve signifieanHy"!r:-eettduruc:te~eh~a--ea
· a ton and cocaine production. One side-effect of this reduction has been an
increase in leaf cultivation and cocaine production in Colombia.
•
In addition, counter-drug efforts in Colombia have been complicated by the participation in
the drug trade of well-armed guerrillas and paramilitaries, who protect narco-traffickers
across a broad swath of southern Colombia.
•
These factors, along with the effects of a recent devastating economic recession, have
hampered the ability of the GOC to effectively deal with the narcotics trafficking problem.
•
That said, we are recommending additional resources for existing programs in neighboring
countries to assist them as they tum from drug production. F·urther, we are requesting
funding in support of construction at a Forward Operating Location in Manta, Ecuador, to
allow for more effective regional efforts against drug trafficking by air. These two programs
taken together will help to counter the potential move of drug cultivation and ·production
back out of Colombia.
'
What makes you think this new support package will work when previous USG support to
Colombia seems to have had little effect on the drug flows? .
•
As our success in Peru and Bolivia demonstrates, it is possible to combat narcotics
production in the Andean region using a comprehensive and balanced approach. An
unfortunate side-effect ofthis success in Peru and Bolivia was a shift of coca cultivation and
cocaine production to Colombia. Because of this, we have concluded that a comprehensive
attack against illicit drug production and trafficking in Colombia is essential.
�.This package is our response. It will enable the GOC's counter-drug program to move into
the southern departments of Caqueta and J?utumayo, where the narcos have found a safehaven under guerrilla and paramilit
rotecti
A significant portion of this package is focused on military assistance. Are you shortchanging other components of Plan Colombia,, such as alternative development, anticorruption, etc.?
·
•
We are committing $240 million over the next two years to alternative'development,
enhancing good governance, judicial re.fi)rm, and human rights protection. This is in addition
to some $4 billion that the GOC is committing to Plah Colombia from its own resources.
e
Other donors, inciuding the
Institutions, are providing billions
. J_;
dollars in loans aimed primarily at social, humanitarian, and infrastructure development, s t
well as economic revitalization.
·
·
Internatio~al ~im.mcial
o~·
Why are the CNP receiving so much less than the Colombian military when the police have
·
the primary counter-drug responsibili~?
•
The Colombian National Police have no stronger supporters than the members ofthis
administration. Not only will they r~ceive some $95 miliion in direct counter-drug support in
this package, but they also were the primary GOC recipients of the FY 99 counter-drug
emergency supplemental.....: receiving at least $158 million in that package.
•
It must be understood that assistance to the Colombian military is designed specifically to
support the Colombian National Police law enforcement efforts by providing the Police with
protection from attacks by illegal
groups -whether guemllas, paramilitaries, or the
traffickers themselves- so that they can.complete their mission._ ·
;mea
.
.
.
.
•
We have been impressed with the way i[n which the Colombian military and nationalPolice
have begun to work together more effedively. ''General Tapias and Geneial Serrano are
committed to work hand-in-gloye as the enter ~he new, more dangerous'zones •.
'e
We believe that our assistance package is well-tailored to support the counter-drug strategy
that we and the Colombians believe will be much more effective and secure for both the
·police and the military.
What assurance do we have that this increased USG assistance will not lead to increased
human rights abuses?
•
In accordance with the Leahy Amendment, all U.S. assistance to the Colombian security
forces is contingent upon human rights. screening. No USG assistance can be provided to any
unit of the Colombian security forces against which there is evidence of gross human rights·
violations.
·
·
�•
In addition, the USG has and will continue to provide support to strengthen the human rights
.offices of the GOC as well as human rights organizations·.
·
What about allegations that the Colombian1 military is supporting paramil,itary groups that
have engaged in; human rights abuses?
•
We commend the Colombiangovernment's efforts to investigate cases of human rights
abuse, by paramilitary groups and others, and to prosecute the human rights abusers.
•
We encourage the Colombian government to redouble these efforts. Bringing to an end the
impunity enjoyed by~those who abuse hum~ rights is a critipal component of the peace
process.
What is.the USG doing to ensure that incr,eased assistance to the Co.iombian military
not go to those who abuse human rights?
wiH
•
U.S. law prohibits the provision of assist~mce or training to units of the Colombian military
against whom there are credible allegations of human pghts abuses.
•
Consistent with the law, the Administration carefully vets the recipients of all U.S. military
assistance and t~aining to ensure that our aid is not provided to human rights abusers.
•
We note that the Colombian military has one of the longest unbroken records of support for
democracy and civilian government in th1;: hemisphere. ·
·
Any response to recent reports of the danger faced by human rights advocates working in
Colombia?
•
The human rights stance of the goV,ernment and military has improved, but human rights
workers are more vulnerable than ever to the guerrillas and paramilitaries. We continue to
call on the paramilitaries, the FARC, and other guerrilla groups to respect international
human rights norms and to cease the practice of kidnapping.
·
•
A key element of our Colompia policy is strict adherence to Leahy and other human-rightsrelated provisions governing our security assistance. ·
·
•
We are also actively promoting and assisting the development of a national human rights
policy; working with the Colombian Vice: President's Office, as well as providing human
rights-related training and assistance to the Colombian military and the human rights
ombudsman. We ·also support enhanced protection for human rights monitors in Colombia.
•
Our support for the Colombian peace pro~c~ss is in part premised on the idea that a negotiated
settlement is ultimately the best guarantee for human rights.
'
'
�What i~pact will tJ;Iis package likely have on the Colombian peace proc,ess?
.
.
•
This package will provide support to help train GOC negotiators and advisors on managing
conflict
negotiations. Training will draw on the lessons learned in Northern Ireland, the
Middle East, and Central America.· The training will also examine the techniques for
reintegrating ex-combatants into civil society. A public diplomacy campaign will engage
civil society and seek their support for all aspects of Plan Colombia. ·
•
Also important, the package will send a strong message to Colombia's guerrillas that
meaningful negotiations offer the best hope for p'eace and social justice. They can hope to
win neither military victory nor. political advant.age_thruugh_violenc.e. _ _ __
and
inally, we believe that to the extent that Plan Colombia reinvigorates the Colombian
economy, enhances GOC governing capability, discourages human rights abuses, and
reduces the money available to guerrillas and panimilitaries from involvement in drug
trafficking, it will encourag~ the peace p~
'
How is the Colombia peace process going'?
•
Progress remains slow, but this importantinitiative:is continuing.
•
We strongly support President Pastrana's efforts to broker a negotiated settlement to.end
. Colombia's civil conflict. He was electe:d on a peace platform and won by the widest margin
. of victory in recent Colombian history. We believe the peace process is the best way to end
Colombia's long-running conflict.
•
We also remain convinced that the peac~: process is also integral to long-run prospects for .
:fighting narcotics trafficking, reducing kidnappings, restoring 'respect for human rights, and
putting the Colombian economy back on a sustainable, high-growth trajectory.
•
We never expected that a peace settlement with the guerrilla groupscould be achieved
quickly. Lessons from similar disputes elsewhere suggestthat the start-up phase of talks is
particularly prone to yiolence as groups position themselves for the negotiations.
I
What about criticisms that Pastrana is pUirsuing a mistaken peace strategy and giving up
' too much to the FARC for too little?·
•
We remain convinced that a negotiated settlement is the best way to end Colombia's longrunning conflict. A purely military solution is simply not viable, given Colombia's vast size, .
the limited infrastructure in its interior, and tlie complex factors that haveallowed a guerrilla
presence for two generations. · · ·
·
•
Howeyer, for the peace process to succeed, all parties must participate fully and in good
faith. We regret that the F ARC engages in attacks that result in civilian casu~lties.
�•
The GOC has worked hard to find formulations acceptable to both sides. In our view, the
peace process in Colombia has to be broader than the issue of talking with any single
guerrilla group, however significan~. that group is. President Pastrana and his team have set
the peace table with a generous scope for negotiations. We encourage the FARC to sit down
·
at that table and partake in a·serious ~ean:h for peace.
•
Starting a peace process in: a country that has suffered 40 years of civil confl·
35,000 dead in the past decade alone is not easy..
e
expect the Colombian
. - government will aehieve a peace settlemen wtt4 the guerrilla groups quickly. Lessons from
"milar disputes elsewhere suggest that the start-up phase of talks is particularly prone to
lengthy delays and setbacks - and sometimes by unexpected breakthroughs.
Are we moving to support of GOC counter-insurgency efforts?
•
No. U.S. policy is not shifting from cooperating with the Colombians on the regional
counter-drug fight to assisting their counter-insurgency efforts. As President Clinton has
stated clearly, our policy in Colombia is to support President Pastrana's efforts to find a
peaceful resolution to the country's longstanding civil conflict and to work with the
Colombians - along with our other regional partners - on fighting illicit drugs.
•
A military solution is simply not possible for Colombia. We continue to call on the FARC to
honor its commitments and enter into good faith negotiations with th~ Colombian
Governn1ent.
·
. What about fears that the FARC's strengJthis_gr.o_wing militaril.,..·?_._ _ __
The insurgency has been going on for 40 years. We see no evidence that either side has
wherewithal to settle the civil conflict militarily.
·
•
That is why we continue to believe that the best way to promote our interest in a stable
Colombia is to back President Pastrana's·efforts to reach a negotiated settlement.
Will you intervene militarily. if things con1tinue to deteriorate - this country at least is in our
hemisphere?
•
We are aggressively supporting the. GOC in its fight against drugs. In addition to providing
financial assistance, we are trained special co~nter-drug military units to enhance Colombia's
ability to conduct eradication and lab destruction operations.
•
As for the insurgency,' agai:t;1let's remember that it has been going on for 40 years and there
is no expedient military soltition. We ·believe that the best way to promote our interest i.n a
stable Colombia is to back President Pastrana's ~fforts to reach a negotiated settlement.
•
Let me also reiterate the distinction between counter-drug and counter-insurgency assistance.
Tlie USG.does not intend to provide counter-insurg~ncy aid to the GOC. Any support to the
Colombian military will continue to be focused on the common counter-drug objective and
�wili be given only to units that have been vetted to ensure thadhey have not been responsible
, for human rights abuses.
·
.
•
Greater progress is necessary in countering the production and distribution of illicit drugs in
Colombia, both to diminish the revenue available to the guerrillas and to pro_tect counter-drug
successes elsewhere in the region. However, there is a distinction between counter-drug and
counter-insurgency, and the USG does not intend· to provide counter-insurgency aid to the
GOC.
What assurances will we have that the paramilitaries do not become the ultimate
, beneficiaries of the inc-reased USG assista.nce to the Colombian military?
•
In accordance with U.S. law, all assistance to the Colombian armed forces is contingent upon·
human rights screening. No USG assistance is being prqvided to any unit of the Colombian
military for which there is credible evidence of gross human rights violations by its members.
None will be provided to such units, unless, as required by U.S: law, the Secretary of State
determines that the GOC is taking steps to bring those re.spo.nsible for gross human rights
violations to justice.
•
The Colombian military has markedly improv.ed its human rights performance in recent
years. Unfortunately, at the same time, the number of abuses committed by the guerrillas .
and, particularly, by the paramilitaries has increased markedly.
·
•
We have urged the GOC to take effective steps to end abuses and impunity within the armed
forces. We welcomed President Pastrana's decisions in 1999 to retire four generals linked to
paramilitary groups, and statements by President Pastrana and top military officials that they
would not tolerate collaboration w:ith the paramilitaries.
Is any component of this package desigm~d to help the Colombian military go·afterthe
paramilitaries?
-
•
.
This package is aimed at enhancing the GOC's ability to combat both drug trafficking and
human rights abuses. It will reduce the abilities of the paramilitaries· to engage in these
illegal activities.
·
Did Operation Millennium play a role in the U.S. decision to increase support for GOC?
•
We are very pleased and encouraged by the results from Operation Millennium.
•
This was a recent large-scale international operation in which law enforcement authorities in
Colombia, Mexico and the United States worked closely together to identify and then arrest
'major cocaine traffickers centered in Colombia who have been shipping. huge quantities of
illicit drugs to the United States.
•
We believe the operation is a model forthe kind of multilateral cooperation, including the
possibility of appropriate extraditions, that will be increasingly essential ifresponsible
�governments everywhere are to make substantial further progress· against illicit drug
trafficking.
·
•
While Operation Millennium was not the trigger for the U.S. decision to increase assistance,
the initiative did demonstrate what the GOC is capable of achieving against the drug .
traffickers with appropriate USG assistance.
\
�•' ..
/
�______
.......____
Theme 1: Colombia Matters to Us
•
Illegal drugs cost our society as many as 52,000 dead and nearly $1 tO billion dollars
each year, by some estimates, due to heal~h costs~ accidents, and lost productivity.
•
If left unchecked, rapid expansion of drug production in Colombia will significantly
increase the global supply of cocaine. Cheap and easily obtainable drugs will likely
undercut the progress of our successful demand reduction programs. ·
•
..;...)
Beyond the drug realm, Colombia's civil conflict, with rising violence and
· kidnappings, has tragically affected Colombian lives as well as those of U:S.
nationals there. More than 35,000 lives have been lost and an estimated one million
persons internally displ(=!ced in the past decade alone.
Theme 2: We Know How to Counter 1the Drug Threat
•
The impressive successes of regional counter-(Jrug efforts in Peru and Bolivia show
what can be done with an integrated strategy. Ev
e ac ors 1n e
1n re
1a, otal potential cocaine production has been
reduced 18 percent over the pastfivE~ years.
•
But, to make further gains a ainst cocaine and Colombian heroin -- and to avoid
future setbac --we need t~ help the GOC beef up its counter-drug capaBilitie-s~
•
PresidentPastrana is willing to work with us against drugs, but his government
needs our support to train and equip counter-drug battalions and enhance its drug
interdiction capabilities.
•
Funding delays are slowing the progress getting the counter-drug battalions stood
up- putting more drugs on our streets and adding to the long-run costs.
Theme 3: This ·s ..ore than a Counter-drug Plan ·
•
Our Colombia package contains a more than 10-fold increase in funds for altenra ·
development, good governance, ·ustiice-sector reform, and human rights protection.
· IS· e max1
m a can be absorbe 1n the nex
mon s · en
security
situation in the south (where much of the aid is needed) and the management and
oversight requirements associated with this major undertaking ..
\
•
A central goal of our Colombia initiative is to promote and protect human rights.
�-------------------.
·2
I
•
The Pastrana Administration is committed to improving Colombia's human rights
record. Our annual human rights report has documented a steadily declining
number of reported human rights violations by the Colombian military;
•
President Pastrana has stated repeatedly that he will not.tolerafe collaboration, by
commission or omission,- between security force members and paramilitaries. He
has backed this up with_direct action, removing from service last year four generals
and numerous mid-level officers for links to the paramilitaries or for failure to
confront them aggressively.
-
•
In accordance with U.S. law, as embodied in the Leahy Amendment, all assistance
.to the Colombian armed forces is contingent upon human rights screening.
•
Our initiative would fund training for human rights NGOs, government investigators,
and prosecutors, including a specialized human rights task force. We are actively
promoting and assisting the development of a national human rights policy. We also
support enhanced security protection for hu~an rights monitors in Colombia.
.
'
Our policy is also to support President Pastrana's efforts to fina-a pea-cefarresofation
to the country's longstanding civil conflict. We fully recognize that progress in
resolving Colombia's civil conflict would make su'stained progress much easier on all
other fronts -- reducing drug supply, protecting human rights, and promoting
·
democracy an,d economic development.
~believe st~ongly that our assis~ance will help C~lombia reinvigorate its ec
(
· y,
enhance it~ governing capability, discou~~ge_ human ~ights abuse~, and redu~e t~e
money available to guernllas and param1l1tanes from Involvement 1n drug traff1ck1ng.
As such, the plan represents the best chance to promote real progress in the peace
process.
·
•
Of course, we expect the peace process to continue to be marked by breakthroughs
and setbacks. It may take ~any years.
•
Pastrana and his team have set the peace table with a. generous scope for
negotiations. I encourage the FARC and ELN to sit down at that table and .partake
in a serious search for peace. I can't vouch yet for their sincerity, but many
successful p~ace processes around the world have resulted from talks that one or
both sides initially approached with a hidden agenda.
I
�'
3
Theme 4: There is No Slippery Slope
•
Our support to the Colombian military is aimed specifically at reducing the supply of
illicit drugs. This is a goal shared by the entire international community.
•
Our military assistance will be limited to training vetted counter-drug units throu
tRe temporary assignment of carefuTI;y 1c e
providin
intelligence and logistics support directly relate o the counter-drug mission, .
including force protection. We do not believe that a purely m1htary solution 1s
workable for Colombia.
•
The U.S. military presence wilr be minimal, monitored, and transparent. We will keep
the U.S. "footprint" on the ground as small and well-protected as possible, consistent
with the mission. U.S. military personnel will not be deploying out into the jungle
along with police and ColoiT)bian Army to conduct the lab destruction and other law
enforcement operations.
•
We understand that Colombia's multiple problems can only be solved by the
I be one of support for C
Colombians themselves. The U.S. ro
own effo..rts. President Pastrana has the will and commitment to address Colombia's
problems. He deserves our support in meeting these challenges.
--
�I
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.-
�Why Colomlbia? Why Now?
On March 30; the House passed an emergency supplemental appropriations request that_
included funding to support the Administration's Colombia initiative. The 263-146 vote was a
welcome endorsement of a policy designed to get illegal drugs off of America's streets and to
strengthen democracy and human rights in Colombia. As-the Senate considers the proposal, we
want to address the key issues regarding this initiative.
First, this initiative is absolutely necessary. There is a drug emergency going on in_
Colombia, and it has serious implications for the safety and well-being of our comniunities.
· 'ety percent of the cocaine on our streets and two-thirds of the heroin seized in the United
States originates in or transits Colombia. .Each year drugs kill 52,000 Americans, almost as
many as died in Vietnam or in Korea, and cost over $110 billion in accidents, lost productivity,
and property damage.· At the same time, Colombia's democracy, human rights sitll.ation, and
economy have deteriorated as illegal armed groups on the left and the right finance their military
campaigns off proceeds from the drug trade. Democracy. in Latin .America needs to be
rengthened, not undermined,. even as we protect our own citizens from drugs. Colombia is also
an important trading partner and supplier of crude oil to the US. Two-way trade reached nearly
. $11 billion in 1998.
Peru and Bolivia have achieved dramatic reductions of more than 50% in their· coca .
cultivation over the last five years, and overalll cocaine production in the region has fallen 18%.
But this progress is threatened because cocaine production in Colombia has risen 126% and
continues to expand. We have a strategic opportunity to change that. Leaders in all three
countries are strongly committed to attacking the drug trade_ on all fronts. Offering this
assistance now could lead to lasting progress against the supply of drugs.
Concerns that Colombia could turn into another Vietnam are unfounded. Vietnam was a
full-blown civil war. In Colombia, public support for the guerrillas and the paramilitary forces is
running at abo~ The fighting drags· on despite public opposition because the drug
trade is fuelingtne guerrillas and paramilitary groups. The potential effectiveness of our
countemarcotics assistance has not been lost on Colombia's largest guerrilla group, the FARC,
which has called on the U.S. Senate to reject the Colombia Initiative. Moreover, as military and·
diplomatic veterans of every U.S. conflict from Vietnam to the present, we firmly believe the
American people and government :will not make the mistake of allowing U.S. combat forces to
· become involved in Colombia's internal conflict.
·
This is not just a military assistance program. Indeed, one of the reasons we are so
impressed with the Colombian government's plan is that it addresses the full range of challenges
facing that country, including the peace process, the drug trade, democracy and human rights, the
judiciary, and the economy. Plan Colombia also draws on the contributions, advice, and
experiences of many other countries. Most ~fthe plan's $7.5 billion outlay will be for nonmilitary programs. Colombia will supply $4 billion, I_ntemational Financial Institutions already
have provided more than $1 billion, the US is proposing $1.6 billion, and Colombia is
_.,.
approaching the Europeans and others for further help.
�Many ask why a large proportion of the: U.S. contribution will be for military equipment.·
We are employing an approach that has worked in other countries, namely, combining alternative
development, drug eradication, law enforcement, assistance in controlling national territory, and
protection of police forces .. Some of these tasks require military equipment, which the U.S. is
uniquely capable of supplying. However, it is worth repeating that the bulk of Plan Colombia is
for non-military programs, and that US assistance will be used in other ways, too, such as
improving Colombia's human rights performance and strengthening judicial institutions, helping
displaced people, providing economic alternatives for small farmers, and improving
environmental management of protected areas. ·
The package also provides significant support in the areas of peace and human rights.
We are directly supporting human rights initiatives, including an "early warning system" by
which human rights organizations in the field can inform the government of potential abuses.
We also are helping to protect human rights workers and to provide htiman rights training to
government investigators and prosecutors. In. addition, all assistance to Colombia's security ·
forces is contingent ~pon human rights ·screening, in accordance with U.S. law and policy. We .
are also encouraging all Colombians to join in a serious search for peace. Our counternarcotics
efforts will assist the peace process by cutting off the f:unds these illegal groups use to buy arms
and support themselves.
Now is the time to act. We are at a rar<~ moment. Although problems in Colombia have
escalated, a government is in office that has a eomprehensive plan to address the situation in a
process that has serious support from its citizens. This is the best chance we have had to inflict
real damage on the drug supply flowing to our shores. It is also our best chance to help
Colombia strengthen its democracy, find peace, and repair its economy. Our proposed package
will be an important complement to the $6 billion the U.S. Government will spend on demand
reduction efforts in the United States, and the $1.9 billion we spend on interdicting drugs. As
long-standing friends and neighbors of a democratic Colombia, we owe it to our children and
theirs to invest in Colombia's future. Ifs an investment in our own.
r
Barry R. McCaffrey
Director
Office ofNational Drug Control Policy
Thomas R. Pickering
Under Secretary of State for
Political Affairs
�,.
·(
Advancing democracy and diplomacy as key elements of national security policy
1. At the heart of the new security agenda lie challenges that all nations face together and no
nation can solve on its own.
2. Our efforts to fight terrorism, drugs, corruption, disease, nuclear proliferation -- all depend
on the cooperation of our partners.
3. The strength of our partners' cooperation depends to a very large extent on the strength of
their democracies.
4. Democracies are less likely to fight wars against each other, more likely to' be stable and
prosperous, more likely to be good trading partners, more likely to cooperate on security
issues, honor international commitments, protect the environment, fight disease.
5. A common commitment to democracy is the most enduring, most binding element in the
alliance of nations. (NATO is the longest·· lived military alliance since ancient Greece
because of the common value of democracy.)
6. We must make the spread of democracy an integral element of our national security agenda.
It will make it easier to achieve our objectives both the classic agenda --limiting war and
promoting peace among. sovereign states -- and the new agenda -- fighting transnational
threats such as terrorism, drugs, crime and corruption, environmental degradation, and the
spread of weapons of mass destruction. ·
·
7. That means we must support economic freedom, stand up for human rights, help countries in
transition build the institutions of democraey -- free elections, free enterprise, free trade, free
speech, .free press, rule of law, NGOs, etc.
8. (Highlight directly or by inference-- VP's work on binational commissions to help
democracies in transition; speech in Malaysia; criticizing China's record on human rights to
Zhu in Washington; calling for fair treatment ofBabitsky; the fact that under Clinton/Gore,
for the first time in history, more people lived under democracies than dictatorships.)
9. The growth of democracy is not something that can be achieved with a strong military; it
must be advanced through strong diplomacy ... in partnership with other nations -- through
constant; patient, persistent persuasion-- by means of treaties, alliances, multinational
organizations; by funding and deploying the full dip.lomatic force of the United States. ·
•
Attack record of Republicans on foreign affairs: blocking treaties, stiffing multilateral
organizations, defunding diplomacy, indifference to democracy.
•
Set forth proposals that make the birth and growth of democracies an integral element of
U.S. national security policy. (See Max Kempelman op-ed).
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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American Council [1]
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Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 1
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/c7a21839a17502bc9883a7e137014ec2.pdf
939ed15a7f5725e1309e4adad4c8b291
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Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
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Folder Title:
America Council [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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4021
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Shelf:
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48
~
9
1
v
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2008-0703-F
·m618
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 I. statement
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
re: Draft President William Jefferson Clinton remarks to the Council of
the Americas annual conference (5 pages)
04/30/2000
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
America Council [2]
2008-0703-F
'm618
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
Pl
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l)
b(2)
,
b(3)
b(4)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
b(8)
b(6)
b(7)
b(9)
National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
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personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
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purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
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Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
�5/1/00 9 pm
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REMARKS TO COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS
MAY 2, 2000
Thank you, Buddy, for that generous introduction. And thank you for your efforts to advance
our relations in this hemisphere. Buddy has been traveling tirelessly up and down the Americas
as my Special Envoy, and working that schedule around his duties as my point person for the
Caribbean Basin Initiative on Capitol Hill. I am so glad he agreed to take on these tasks ....
because they demand someone of his high caliber.
David Rockefeller, I want to thank you for taking the lead thirty-five years ago in establishing
the Council of the Americas. At a time when our country was consumed in a struggle between
East and West, you had the vision to see North and South, and to claim that free trade could be a
force for peace, prosperity and partnership right here in this hemisphere. · The world has proved
you prophetic, and I thank you for your service.
We meet at a time of global change that has brought rising influence and affluence to the people
ofthe United States ... 21 million new jobs; the fastest economic growth in more than 30 years;
the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the first back-to-hack budget surpluses in 42 years, and the
longest period of economic growth in American history. We are the world's leading force for
peace and freedom and prosperity; our values of democracy and open markets are ascendant in
most of the world.
This period of growth and prosperity has come -- in no small measure- because of our engagement with the world in general, and with this hemisphere in particular. For the first five
years of this Administration, until the Asian financial crisis, thirty percent of our growth came
from trade. And now our top two trading partners in the world- surpassing countries with much
larger economies -just happen to be our neighbor to the North and our neighbor to the South.
From the very beginning of this Administration, we knew that with 96% of the world's
customers beyond our borders, our economic growth would depend to a great extent on trade,
and that meant -- first and foremost -- trade with the Americas. Not solely for its economic
benefits to the United States, but for its ability to advance prosperity and partnership in our own
neighborhood.
·
So we worked hard to win over the American people to the promise of free trade. We worked
hard in Congress to pass NAFTA. And since NAFTA has entered into force, U.S. exports 'to
Canada and Mexico have jumped 78%, U.S. employment has skyrocketed, Canada's
employment has jumped by more than one million overall, and Mexico's employment has
climbed one million as a result ofNAFTA alone.
The success ofNAFTA has set the stage for much that has followed. During the Mexican
financial crisis in 1995, we offered a loan package that wasn't too popular at the time. But the
evidence is powerful that it was the right thing to do. Mexico recovered and paid back the loans
�2
-with interest and ahead of schedule. Three years later, our entire Hemisphere was jolted by the
Asian financial crisis. I am proud we kept our markets open, and I believe our choice for more
trade, not less, contributed to the recovery that is benefiting us all.
Right now, we are making progress in moving the Caribbean.Basin Initiative through Congress.
This bill will encourage economic development in the region by enhancing preferential trade
access to U.S. markets. I hope to see that bill on my desk by the end of the month- because
there is no hope for raising living standards in our region if poor nations cannot sell their goods
to prosperous ones.
We remain determined to meet the goal we set afthe Miami Summit ofthe Americas and
achieve a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005. This will be the world's largest free trade
zone- a thriving market of 800 million people invested in each other's future, enriching each
other's lives, advancing each other's interests.
Negotiators are on schedule to complete and present a draft agreement to the Trade Ministers
next April in Argentina. It will also be presented that same month to the Heads of State at the
Summit of the Americas in Quebec. We must stay on track to complete our work by 2005, and I
am confident we will do so.
Of course, you who do business throughout the Americas have pushed out ahead of us.
Ordinarily an explosion of trade follows a free trade agreement. In this case, the rise in trade
anticipates that agreement. Right now, 44% ofU.S. exports go to the Americas. By 2010, U.S.
exports to the Americas will exceed our total exports to Europe and Asia combined.
Traditionally, Americans have seen our interests along an arc from East to West. The trade you
are advancing ensures that we will have strong interests along an axis from North to South.
That increased trade will create a constituency in each country for open and transparent business
practices in every other country. And that will encourage economic reforms that no nation can
resist it if it hopes to lift the lives of its people. The reforms are difficult, but the returns are
enormous. And that is why trade is encouraging a common platform of open practices and
democratic principles throughout the Americas.
But this is more than a one-way street. Just as free trade advances democracy, democracy
creates the conditions for free trade to flourish. That is why we were able to agree to create a
Free Trade Area of the Americas. Because 34 out of35 nations in the Americas elect their own
leaders - and that last one will not be denied forever.
All across the Americas, people increasingly expect to choose their leaders, chart their futures,
and shape their own destinies. In just the last six months, we have seen elections usher in a new
generation of strong democratic leadership in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay.
Together, we have built an unshakable consensus that in this hemisphere: the people rule. And
our leaders shall come to power by force of law -- not by force of arms.
We upheld that principle in Haiti. As brutal thugs made life intolerable, nations across the
Americas joined a UN-sponsored effort to restore a democracy that had·been stolen by military
�3
force. Haiti is still desperately poor, and wracked with problems. But our collective action
there established the principle that nations in this region will not only abide by democratic
principles, but will defend them and advanee them as well.
We acted again on this principle when we stood with the people ofParaguay to pr~serve
democracy when it was threatened there in 1996. We did so again in Ecuador earlier this year.
And last month, through the Organization of American States, the countries ofthe hemisphere
voiced s~rong support for a fair and open electoral process in Peru.
Today, we must stand up again for a democracy under attack. In Colombia, drug trafficking,
civil conflict, and economic stagnation combine to breed corruption, feed violence, undercut
honest enterprise, and undermine public confidence in democracy.
Colombia's drug traffickers-- by rushing their horrible harvest to our cities, our suburbs, and our
children- directly threaten our security.
In the United States, ninety percent of the cocaine and two-thirds of the heroin seized on the
streets come from Colombia or through Colombia. Fifty-two thousand Americans die every year
from drugs, almost as many as died in Vietnam or Korea. And drugs cost us more than $110
billion a year in crime, accidents, property damage, and lost productivity.
In Colombia, drug trafficking and civil conJt1ict have led together to more than 2,500 kidnappings
last year, a murder rate ten times ours, terrorist activity that is the worst in the world. Thirty-five
thousand people have been killed and a million more made homeless in the past decade alone.
As drugs fund guerillas on the left and paramilitaries on the right, honest citizens are caught in
the middle. Eight hundred to nine hundred passports are issued every day as engineers,
architects, doctors take their families, their wealth, and their talents out of Colombia.
And yet, thousands upon thousands of courageous Colombians have chosen to stay and fight.
President Andres Pastrana came into office with a record of risking his life to take on the drug
traffickers. He was kidnapped by the Medellin cartel. As mayor of Bogota, he saw them kill
three Presidential candidates, then he became a presidential candidate.
Once in office, President Pastrana worked with experts in Colombia and elsewhere to put
together "Plan Colombia" -- a comprehensive plan to seek peace, fight drugs, build the economy,
and deepen democracy. The cost of the plan comes to $7.5 billion- including contributions
from the Government of Colombia, International Financial Institutions, and other donors. I am
asking Congress for $1.6 billion over two years.
This will include a ten-fold increase in U.S. funds to promote good governance, judicial reform,
human rights protection, and economic development. It will also enable Colombia's counterdrug program to inflict serious damage on rapidly expanding drug production activity in areas
dominated by guerrillas and paramilitary groups.
We know this approach can succ.eed. Over the last five years- working with the governments of
Peru and Bolivia- we have reduced coca cultivation by more than 50 percent in those countries,
�4
and reduced overall cocaine production in the region by 18%. Drug traffickers, driven from
their old havens, are now consolidating their drug operations in Colombia. That is why, right
now- with the full engagement of every government in the region- we have an historic
opportunity to do serious and lasting damage to the international drug trade .....!f Congress
approves this package.
To seize this moment, we need to help train and equip Colombia's counter-drug battalions,
enhance its drug interdiction efforts, and provide intelligence and logistics support to the
counter-drug mission, including force protection. They need this help ... and we should provide
it.
We must not stand by and allow a democracy elected by its people, defended with great courage
by its people, to be undermined and overwhelmed by rogues and thugs. That is a first principle.
lt adds to the·urgency that the drugs these outlaws sell threaten our security as well.
I urge Congress to pass this package now. The Colombians waging this anti-drug campaign are
fighting not just for themselves; they also are fighting for us. They are fighting for our kids. If
Colombians are willing to bear the risk, we should be willing to bear some of the cost.
In closing, I want to point out that- for all its opportunities -the global age will also bring us
challenges that all nations face together and no nation can solve on its own. Our success in
meeting those challenges will depend on the quality of cooperation we enjoy with our partners.
And the quality of that cooperation will depend- in large part- on the strength of our
democracies. In a hemisphere that has experienced one of the greatest democratic
transformations of our lifetime, that should give us all cause for great confidence.
I want to thank this group again for your commitment to free trade, open markets, private
enterprise. Those who benefit from trade sometimes don't know who they are, while those who
are threatened by trade know exactly who th1~ are. That's why showing the American people
the connection between our engagement and their prosperity represents a vital public mission for
America's leaders. It is a mission you have championed for thirty-five years. It is a mission I
hope you embrace for the next thirty-five. Thank you for your vision. Thank you forputting it
to work in the service of our country.
�5/1/00 9 pm
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REMARKS TO. COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS
MAY 2, 2000
Thank you, Buddy, for that generous introduction. And thank you for your efforts to advance
our relations in this hemisphere. Buddy has been traveling tirelessly up and down the Americas
as my Special Envoy, and working that schedule around his duties as my point person for the
Caribbean Basin Initiative on Capitol Hill. I am so glad he agreed to take on these tasks .....
because they demand someone of his high caliber.
David Rockefeller, I want to thank you for taking the lead thirty-five years ago in establishing
the Council of the Americas. At a time when our country was consumed in a struggle between
East and West, you had the vision to see North and South, and to claim that free trade could be a
force for peace, prosperity and partnership right here in this hemisphere. The world has proved
you prophetic, and I thank you for your service.
We meet at a time of global change that has brought rising influence and affluence to the people
of the United States ... 21 million new jobs; the fastest economic growth in more than 30 years;
the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the first back-to-back budget surpluses in 42 years, and the
longest period of economic growth in American history. We are the world's leading force for
peace and freedom and prosperity; our values of democracy and open markets are ascendant in
most of the world.
This period of growth and prosperity has come -- in no small measure - because of our
engagement with the world in general, and with this hemisphere in particular. For the first five
years of this Administration, until the Asian financial crisis, thirty percent of our growth came
from trade. And now our top two trading partners in the world- surpassing countries with much
larger economies -just happen to be our neighbor to the North and our neighbor to the South.
From the very beginning of this Administration, we knew that with 96% of the world's
customers beyond our borders, our economic growth would depend to a great extent on trade,
and that meant -- first and foremost:_ trade with the Americas. Not solely for its economic
benefits to the United States, but for its ability to advance prosperityand partnership in our own
neighborhood.
So we worked hard to win over the American people to the promise of free trade. We worked
hard in Congress to pass NAFTA. And since NAFTA has entered into force, U.S. exports to
Canada and Mexico have jumped 78%, U.S. employment has skyrocketed, Canada's
employment has jumped by more than one million overall, and Mexico's employment has
climbed one million as a result ofNAFTA alone.
The success ofNAFTA has set the stage for much that has followed. During the Mexican
financial crisis in 1995, we offered a loan package that wasn't too popular at the time. But the
evidence is powerful that it was the right thing to do.· Mexico recovered and paid back the loans
�2
-with interest and ahead of schedule. Three years later, our entire Hemisphere was jolted by the
Asian financial crisis. I am proud we kept our markets open, and I believe our choice for more
trade, not less, contributed to the recovery that is benefiting us all.
Right now, we are making progress in moving the Caribbean Basin Initiati-ve through Congress.
This bill will encourage economic development in the region by enhancing preferential trade
access to U.S. markets. I hope to see that bill on my desk by the end of the month- because
there is no hope for raising living standards in our region if poor nations cannot sell their goods
to prosperous ones.
We remain determined to meet the goal we set at the Miami Summit ofthe Americas and
achieve a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005. This will be the world's largest free trade
zone- a thriving market of 800 million people invested in each other's future, enriching each
other's lives, advancing each other's interests.
Negotiators are on schedule to complete and present a draft agreement to the Trade Ministers
next April in Argentina. It will also be presented that same month to the Heads of State at the
Summit of the Americas in Quebec. We must stay on track to complete our work by 2005, and I
am confident we will do so.
Of course, you who do business throughout the Americas have pushed out ahead of us.
Ordinarily an explosion of trade follows a free trade agreement. In this case, the rise in trade
anticipates that agreement. Right now, 44% ofU.S. exports go to the Americas. By 2010, U.S.
exports to the Americas will exceed our total export.s to Europe and Asia combined.
Traditionally, Americans have seen our interests along an arc from East to West. The trade you
are advancing ensures that we will have strong interests along an axis from North to South.
That increased trade will create a constituency in each country for open and transparent business
practices in every other country. And that will encourage economic reforms that nopation can
resist it if it hopes to lift the lives of its people. The reforms are difficult, but the returns are
enormous. And that is why trade is encouraging a common platform of open practices and
democratic principles throughout the Americas.
But this is more than a one-way street. Just as free trade advances democracy, democracy
creates the conditions for free trade to flourish. That is why we were able to agree to create a
Free Trade Area of the Americas .. Because \34 out of 35 nations in the Americas elect their own
leaders - and that last one will not be denied forever.
All across the Americas, people increasingly expect to choosetheir leaders, chart their futures,
and shape their own destinies. In just the last six months, we have seen elections usher in a new
generation of strong democratic leadership in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay.
Together, we have built an unshakable consensus that in this hemisphere: the people rule. And
our leaders shall come to power by force of law -- not by force of arms.
We upheld that principle in Haiti. As brutal thugs made life intolerable, nations across the
Americas joined a UN-sponsored effort to restore a democracy that had been stolen by military
�3
force. Haiti is still desperately poor, and wracked with problems. But our collective action
there established the principle that nations in this region will not only abide by democratic
principles, but will defend them and advance them as well.
We acted again on this principle when we stood with the people of Paraguay to preserve
democracy when it was threatened there in 1996. We did so again in Ecuador earlier this year.
And last month, through the Organization of American States, the countries of the hemisphere
voiced strong support for a fair and open electoral process in Peru.
Today, we must stand up again for a democracy under attack. In Colombia, drug trafficking,
civil conflict, and economic stagnation combine to breed corruption, feed violence, undercut
honest enterprise, and undermine public confidence in democracy.
Colombia's drug traffickers-- by rushing their horrible harvest to our cities, our suburbs, and our
children- directly threaten our security.
In the United States, ninety percent of the cocaine and two-thirds of the heroin seized on the
streets come from Colombia or through Colombia. Fifty-two thousand Americans die every year
from drugs, almost as many as died in Vietnam or Korea. And drugs cost us more than $110.
billion a year in crime, accidents, property damage, and lost productivity.
In Colombia, drug trafficking and civil conflict have led together to more than 2,500 kidnappings
last year, a murder rate ten times ours, terrorist activity that is the worst in the world. Thirty-five
thousand people have been killed and a million more made homeless in the past decade alone.
As drugs fund guerillas on the left and paramilitaries on the right, honest citizens are caught in
the middle. Eight hundred to nine hundred passports are issued every day as engineers,
architects, doctors take their families, their wealth, and their talents out of Colombia.
And yet, thousands upon thousands of courageous Colombians have chosen to stay and fight.
President Andres Pastrana came into office with a record of risking his life to take on the drug
traffickers. He was kidnapped by the Medellin cartel. As mayor of Bogota, he saw them kill
three Presidential candidates, then he became a presidential candidate.
\
Once in office, President Pastrana worked with experts in Colombia and elsewhere to put
together "Plan Colombia" -- a comprehensive plan to seek peace, fight drugs, build the economy,
and deepen democracy. The cost of the plan comes to $7.5 billion- including contributions
from the Government of Colombia, International Financial Institutions, and other donors. I am
asking Congress for $1.6 billion over two years.
This will include a ten-fold increase in U.S. funds to promote good governance, judicial reform,
human rights protection, and economic development. It will also enable Colombia's counterdrug program to inflict serious damage on rapidly expanding drug production activity in areas·
dominated by guerrillas and paramilitary groups.
We know this approach can succeed. Over the last five years- working with the governments of
Peru and Bolivia- we have reduced coca cultivation by more than 50 percent in those countries,
�,•
4
and reduced overall cocaine production in the region by 18%. Drug traffickers, driven from
their old havens, are now consolidating their drug operations in Colombia. That is why, right
now - with the full engagement of every government in the region - we have an historic
opportunity to do serious and lasting damage to the international drug trade .....!f Congress
approves this package.
To seize this moment, we need to help train and equip Colombia's counter-drug battalions,
enhance its drug interdiction efforts, and provide intelligence and logistics support to the
counter-drug mission, including force protection. They need this help ... and we should provide
it.
We must not stand byand allow a democracy elected by its people, defended with great courage
by its people, to be undermined and ovyrwhelmed by rogues and thugs. That is a first principle.
It adds to the urgency that the drugs these outlaws sell threaten our security as well.
I urge Congress to pass this package now. The Colombians waging this anti-drug campaign are
fighting not just for themselves; they also are fighting for us. They are fighting for our kids. If
Colombians are willing to bear the risk, we should be willing to bear some of the cost.
In closing, I want to point out that- for all its: opportunities- the global age will also bring us
challenges that all nations face together and no nation can solve on its own. Our success in
meeting those challenges will depend on the quality of cooperation we enjoy with our partners.
And the quality of that cooperation will depend - in large part - on the strength of our
democracies. In a hemisphere that has experienced one of the greatest democratic
transformations of our lifetime, that should give us all cause for great confidence.
I want to thank this group again for your commitment to free trade, open markets, private
enterprise. Those who benefit from trade sometimes don't know who they are, while those who
are threatened by trade know exactly who they are. That's why showing the American people
the connection between our engagement and their prosperity represents a vital public mission for
America's leaders. It is a mission you have championed for thirty-five years. It is a mission I
hope you embrace for the next thirty-five. Thank you for your vision. Thank you for putting it
to work in the service of our country.
(
�5/1/00 9 pm
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REMARKS TO COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS
MAY 2, 2000
Thank you, Buddy, for that generous introduction. And thank you for your efforts to advance
our relations in this hemisphere. Buddy has been traveling tirelessly up and down the Americas
as my Special Envoy, and working that schedule around his duties as my point person for the
Caribbean Basin Initiative on Capitol Hill. I am so glad he agreed to take on these tasks ....
because they demand someone of his high caliber.
David Rockefeller, I want to thank you for taking the lead thirty-five years ago in establishing
the Council of the Americas. At a time when our country was consumed in a struggle between
East and West, you had the vision to see North and South, and to claim that free trade could be a
force for peace, prosperity and partnership right here in this hemisphere. The world has proved
you prophetic, and I thank you for your service. ·
We meet at a time of global change that has brought rising influence and affluence to the people
of the United States ... 21 million new jobs;. the fastest economic growth in more than 30 years;
the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the first back-to-hack budget surpluses in 42 years, and the
longest period of economic growth in American history. We are the world's leading force for
peace and freedom and prosperity; our values of democracy and open markets are ascendant in
most of the world.
This period of growth and prosperity has come -- in no small measure- because of our
engagem~nt with the world in general, and with this hemisphere in particular. For the first five
years of this Administration, until the Asian financial crisis, thirty percent of our growth came
from trade. And now our top two trading partners in the world - surpassing countries with much
larger economies- just happen to be our neighbor to the North and our neighbor to the South.
From the very beginning of this Administration, we knew that with 96% of the world's
customers beyond our borders, our economic growth would depend to a great extent on trade,
and that meant -- first and foremost -- trade with the Americas. Not solely for its economic
benefits to the-United States, but for its ability to advance prosperity and partnership in our own
neighborhood.
So we worked hard to win over the American people to the promise of free trade. We worked
hard in Congress to pass NAFTA. And since NAFTA has entered into force, U.S. exports to
Canada and Mexico have jumped 78%, U.S. employment has skyrocketed, Canada's
employment has jumped by more than one million overall, and Mexico's employment has
climbed one million as a result ofNAFTA alone.
The success ofNAFTA has set the stage ·fc)r much that has followed. During the Mexican
financial crisis in 1995, we offered a loan package that wasn't too popular at the time. But the
evidence is powerful that it was the right thing to do. Mexico recovered and paid back the loans
�-------------------------
2
-with interest and ahead of schedule. Three years later, our entire Hemisphere was jolted by the
Asian financial crisis. I am proud we kept our markets open, and I believe our choice for more
trade, not less, contributed to the recovery that is benefiting us all.
Right now, we are making progress in moving the Caribbean Basin Initiative through Congress.
This bill will encourage economic development in the region by enhancing preferential trade
access to U.S. markets. I hope to see that bill on my desk by the end of the month- because
there is no hope for raising living standards in our region if poor nations cannot sell their goods
to prosperous ones.
We remain determined to meet the goal we set at the Miami Summit ofthe Americas and
achieve a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005. This will be the world's largest free trade
zone- a thriving market of 800 million people invested in each other's future, enriching each
other's lives, advancing each other's interests.
Negotiators are on schedule to complete and present a draft agreement to the Trade Ministers
next April in Argentina. It will also be presented that same month to the Heads of State at the
Summit of the Americas in Quebec. We must stay on track to complete our work by 2005, and I
am confident we \\:\ill do so.
Of course, you who do business throighout the Americas have pushed out ahead of us.
Ordinarily an explosion of trade follows a free trade agreement. In this case, the rise in trade
anticipates that agreement. Right now, 44% ofU.S. exports go to the Americas. By 2010, U.S.
exports to the Americas will exceed our total exports to Europe and Asia combined.
Traditionally, Americans have seen our interests along an arc from East to West. The trade you
are advancing ensures that we will have strong interests along an axis from North to South.
That increased trade will create a constituency in each country for open and transparent business
practices in every other country. And that will encourage economic reforms that no nation can
resist it if it hopes to lift the lives of its people. The reforms are difficult, but the returns are
enormous. And that is why trade is encouraging a common platform of open practices and
democratic principles throughout the Americas.
But this is more than a one-way street. Just as free trade advances democracy, democracy
creates the conditions for free trade to flourish. That is why we were able to agree to create a
Free Trade Area ofthe Americas. Because 34 out of35 nations in the Americas elect their own
leaders - and that last one will not be denied forever.
All across the Americas, people increasingly expect to choose their leaders, chart their futures,
and shape their own destinies. In just the last six months, we have seen elections usher in a new
generation of strong democratic leadership in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay.
Together, we have built an unshakable consensus that in this hemisphere: the people rule. And
our leaders shall come to power by force of law -- not by force of arms.
We upheld that principle in Haiti. As brutal thugs made life intolerable, nations across the
Americas joined a UN-sponsored effort to restore a democracy that had been stolen by military
�---------------------
•·
--
3
force. Haiti is still desperately poor, and wracked with problems. But our collective action
there established the principle that nations in this region will not only abide by democratic
·
principles, but will defend them and advance them as well.
We acted again on this principle when we stood with the people ofParaguay to preserve
democracy when it was threatened there in 1996. We did so again in Ecuador earlier this year.
And last month, through the Organization of American States, the countries of the hemisphere
voiced strong support for a fair and open electoral process in Peru.
Today, we must stand up again for a democracy under attack. In Colombia, drug trafficking,
civil conflict, and economic stagnation combine to breed corruption, feed violence, undercut
honest enterprise, and undermine public confidence in democracy.
Colombia's drug traffickers-- by rushing their horrible harvest to our cities, our suburbs, and our
children- directly threaten our security.
In the United States, ninety percent of the cocaine and two-thirds of the heroin seized on the
streets come from Colombia or through Colombia. Fifty-two thousand Americans die every year
from drugs, almost as many as died in Vietnam or Korea. And drugs cost us more than $110
billion a year in crime, accidents, property damage, and lost productivity.
In Colombia, drug trafficking and civil conflict have led together to more than 2,500 kidnappings
last year, a murder rate ten times ours, terrorist activity that is the worst in the world. Thirty-five
thousand people have been killed and a million more made homeless in the past decade alone.
As drugs fund guerillas on the left and paramilitaries on the right, honest citizens are caught in
the middle. Eight hundred to nine hundred passports are issued every day as engineers,
architects, doctors take their families, their wealth, and their talents out of Colombia.
And yet, thousands upon thousands of courageous Colombians have chosen to stay and fight.
President Andres Pastrana came into office with a record of risking his life to take on the drug
traffickers. He was kidnapped by the Medellin cartel. As mayor of Bogota, he saw them kill
three Presidential candidates, then he became a presidential candidate.
Once in office, President Pastrana worked with experts in Colombia and elsewhere to put
together "Plan Colombia" -- a comprehensive plan to seek peace, fight drugs, build the economy,
and deepen democracy. The cost of the plan comes to $7.5 billion- including contributions
from the Government of Colombia, International Financial Institutions, and other donors. I am
asking Congress for $1.6 billion over two years.
This will include a ten-fold increase in U.S. funds to promote good governance, judicial reform,
human rights protection, and economic development. It will also enable Colombia's counterdrug program to inflict serious damage on rapidly expanding drug production activity in areas
dominated by guerrillas and paramilitary groups.
We know this approach can succeed. Over the last five years- working with the governments of
Peru and Bolivia- we have reduced coca cultivation by more than 50 percent in those countries,
�,,
4
and reduced overall cocaine production in the region by 18%. Drug traffickers, driven from
their old havens, are now consolidating their drug operations in Colombia. That is why, right
now - with the full engagement of every government in the region - we have an historic
opportunity to do serious and lasting damage to the international drug trade.: ...!fCongress
approves this package. '
To seize this moment, we need to help train and equip Colombia's counter-drug battalions,
enhance its drug interdiction efforts, and provide intelligence and logistics support to the
counter-drug mission, including force protection: They need this help ... and we should provide
it.
.
'
We must not stand by and allow a democracy elected by its people, defended with great courage
by its people, to be undermined and overwhelmed by rogues and thugs. That is a first principle.
It adds to the urgency that the drugs these outlaws sell threaten our security as well.
I urge Congress to pass this package now. The Colombians waging this anti-drng campaign are
fighting not just for themselves; they also are fighting for us. They are fighting for our kids. If
Colombians are willing to bear the risk, we should be willing to bear some of the cost.
In closing, I want to point out that- for all its opportunities -the global age will also bring us
challenges that all nations face together and no nation can solve on its own. Our success in
meeting those challenges will depend on the quality of cooperation we enjoy with our partners.
And the quality of that cooperation will depend- in large part- on the strength of our
democracies: In a hemisphere that has experienced one of the greatest democratic
transformations of our lifetime, that should give us all cause for great confidence.
I want to thank this group again for your commitment to free trade, open markets, private
enterprise. Those who benefit from trade sometimes don't know ·who they are, while those who
are threatened by trade know exactly who th{~ are. That's why showing the American people
the connection between our engagement and their prosperity represents a vital public mission for
America's leaders. It is .a mission you have championed for thirty-five years. It is a mission·!
hope you embrace for the next thirty-five. Thank you for your vision. Thank you for putting it
to work in the service of our country.
/
�.:'·
5/1100 9 pm
Rosshirt
\.
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REMARKS TO COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS
MAY 2, 2000
Thank you, Buddy, for that generous introduction. And thank you for your effo'rts to advance
our relations in this hemisphere. Buddy has been traveling tirelessly up and down the Americas
as my Special Envoy, and working that schedule around his duties as my point person for the
Caribbean Basin Initiative on Capitol Hill. I am so glad he agreed to take on these tasks ....
because they demand someone of his high caliber.
David Rockefeller, I want to thank you for taking the lead thirty-five years ago in establishing
the Council of the Americas. At a time when our country was consumed in a struggle between
East and West, you had the vision to see North and South, and to claim that free trade could be a
force for peace, prosperity and partnership right here in this hemisphere. The world has proved
you prophetic, ~d I thank you for your senrice.
We meet at a time of global change that has brought rising influence and affluence to the people
of the United States ... 21 million new jobs; the fastest economic growth in more than 30 years;
the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the first back-to-hack budget surpluses in 42 years, and the
longest period of economic growth in American history. We are the world's leading force for
peace and freedom and prosperity; our values of democracy and open markets are ascendant in
most of the world.
This period of growth and prosperity has come -- in no small measure- because of our
engagement with the world in general, and with this hemisphere in particular. For the first five
years of this Administration, until the Asian financial crisis, thirty percent of our growth came
from trade. And now our top two trading partners in the world - surpassing countries with much
larger economies- just happen to be our neighbor to the North and our neighbor to the South.
From the very beginning of this Administration, we knew that with 96% of the world's
customers beyond our borders, our economic growth would depend to a great extent on trade,
and that meant -- first and foremost -- trade with the Americas. Not solely for its economic
benefits to the United States, but for its ability to advance prosperity and partnership in our own
neighborhood.
So we worked hard to win over the American people to the promise of free trade. We worked
hard in Congress to pass NAFTA. And since NAFTA has entered into force, U.S. exports to
Canada and Mexico have jumped 78%, U.S. employment has skyrocketed, Canada's
employment has jumped by more than one million overall, and Mexico's employment has
climbed one million as a result ofNAFTA alone.
The success ofNAFTA has set the stage for much that has followed. During the Mexican
financial crisis in 1995, we offered a loan package that wasn't too popular at the time. But the
evidence is powerful that it was the right thing to do. Mexico recovered and paid back the loans
�2
-with interest and ahead of schedule. Three years later, our entire Hemisphere was jolted by the
Asian financial crisis. I am proud we kept our markets open, and I believe our choice for more
trade, not less, contributed to the recovery that is benefiting us all.
Right now, we are making progress in moving the Caribbean Basin Initiative through Congress.
This bill will encourage economic development in the region by enhancing preferential trade
access 'to U.S. markets. I hope to see that bill on my desk by the end of the month- because
there is no hope for raising living standards in our region if poor nations cannot sell their goods
to prosperous ones.
We remain determined to meet the goal we set at the Miami Summit ofthe Americas and
achieve a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005. This will be the world's largest free trade
zone- a thriving market of 800 million people invested in each other's future, enriching each
other's lives, advancing each other's interests.
Negotiators are on schedule to complete and present a draft agreement to the Trade Ministers
next April in Argentina. It will also be presented that same month to the Heads of State at the
Surrmit of the Americas in Quebec. We must stay on track to complete our work by 2005, and I
am confident we will do so.
Of course, you who do business throughout the Americas have pushed out ahead of us.
Ordinarily an explosion of trade follows a free trade agreement. In this case, the rise in trade
anticipates that agreement. Right now, 44% ofU.S. exports go to the Americas. By 2010, U.S.
exports to the Americas will exceed our total exports to Europe and Asia combined.
Traditionally, Americans have seen our interests along an arc from East to West. The trade you
are advancing ensures that we will have strong interests along an axis from North to South.
That increased trade will create a constituency in each country for open and transparent business
practices in every other country. And that will encourage economic reforms that no nation can
resist it if it hopes to lift the lives of its people. The reforms are difficult, but the returns are
enormous. And that is why trade is encouraging a common platform of open practices and ·
democratic principles throughout the Americas.
But this is more than a one-way street. Just as free trade advances democracy, democracy
creates the conditions for free trade to flourish. That is why we were able to agree to create a
Free Trade Area of the Americas. Because 34 out of35 nations in the Americas elect their own
leaders - and that last one will not be denied forever.
All across the Americas, people increasingly expect to choose their leaders, chart their futures,
and shape their own destinies. In just the last six months, we have seen elections usher in a new
generation of strong democratic leadership in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay.
Together, we have built an unshakable consensus that in this hemisphere: the people rule. And
our leaders shall come to power by force of law -- not by force of arms.
We upheld that principle in Haiti. As brutal thugs made life intolerable, nations across the
Americas joined a UN-sponsored effort to restore a democracy that had been stolen by military
�3
force. Haiti is still desperately poor, and wracked with problems. But our collective action
there established the principle that nations in this region will not only abide by democratic
· principles, butwill defend them and advance them as well.
(
.
We acted again on this principle when we stood with the people of Paraguay to preserve
democracy when it was threatened there in l. 996. We did so again in Ecuador earlier this year.
And last month, through the Organization o:f American States, the countries of the hemisphere
voiced strong support for a fair and open electoral process in Peru.
Today, we must stand up again for a democracy under attack. In Colombia, drug trafficking,
civil conflict, and economic stagnation combine to breed corruption, feed violence, undercut
honest enterprise, and undermine public confidence in democracy. ·
Colombia's drug traffickers-- by rushing their horrible harvest to our cities, our suburbs, and our
children - directly threaten our security.
In the United States, ninety percent of the cocaine and two-thirds of the heroin seized on the
streets come from Colombia or through Colombia. Fifty-two thousand Americans die every year
from drugs, almost as many as died in Vietnam or Korea. And drugs cost us more than $110
billion a year in crime, accidents, property damage, and lost productivity.
'
In Colombia, drug trafficking and civil conflict have led together to more than 2,500 kidnappings
last year, a murder rate ten times ours, terrorist activity that is the worst in the world. Thirty-five
thousand people have been killed and ~ million more made homeless in the pa~t decade alone.
As drugs fund guerillas on the left and paramilitaries on the right, honest citizens are caught in
the middle. Eight hundred to nine hundred passports are issued every day as engineers,
architects, doctors take their families, their wealth, and their talents out of Colombia.
And yet, thousands upon thousands of courageous Colombians have chosen to stay and fight.
President Andres Pastrana came into office with a record of risking his life to take on the drug
traffickers. He was kidnapped by the Medellin cartel. As mayor of Bogota, he saw them kill
three Presidential candidates, then he became a presidential candidate.
Once in office, President Pastrana 'worked with experts in Colombia and elsewhere to put
together "Plan Colombia" -- a comprehensive plan to seek peace, fight drugs, build the economy,
and deepen democracy. The cost of the plan comes to $7.5 billion- including contributions
from the Government of Colombia, International Financial Institutions, and other donors. I am
asking Congress for $1.6 billion over two years.
This will include a ten-fold increase in U.S. funds to promote good governance, judicial reform,
human rights protection, and economic development. It will also enable Colombia's counte:rdrug program to inflict serious damage on rapidly expanding drug production activity in areas
dominated by guerrillas and paramilitary groups.
We know this approach can succeed. Over the last five years- working with the governments of
Peru and Bolivia- we have reduced coca eultivation by more than 50 percent in those countries,
�•
,.
4
and reduced overall cocaine production in the region by 18%. Drug traffickers, driven from
their old havens, are now consolidating their drug operations in Colombia. That is why, right
now- with the full engagement of every government in the region- we have an historic
opportunity to do serious and lasting damage to the international drug trade .....!f Congress
approves this package.
To seize this moment, we need to help train and equip Colombia's counter-drug battalions,
enhance its drug interdiction efforts, and provide intelligence and logistics support to the
counter-drug mission, including force protection. They need this help ... and we should provide
it.
We must not stand by and allow a democracy elected by its people, defended with great courage
by its people, to be undermined and overwhelmed by rogues and thugs. That is a first principle.
It adds to the urgency that the drugs these outlaws sell threaten our security as well.
I urge Congress to pass this package now. The Colombians waging this anti-drug campaign are
fighting not just for themselves; they also are fighting for us. They are fighting for our kids. If
Colombians are willing to bear the risk, we should be willing to bear some of the cost.
In closing, I want to point out that- for all its: opportunities- the global age will also bring us
challenges that all nations face together and no nation can solve on its own. Our success in
meeting those challenges will depend on the quality of cooperation we enjoy with our partners.
And the quality of that cooperation will depend- in large part- on the strength of our
democracies. In a hemisphere that has experienced one of the greatest democratic
transformations of our lifetime, that should give us all cause for great confidence.
I want to thank this group again for your commitment to free trade, open markets, private
enterprise. Those who benefit from trade sometimes don't know who they are, while those who
are threatened by trade know exactly who they are. That's why showing the American people
the connection between our engagement and their prosperity represents a vital public mission for
America's leaders. It is a mission you have championed for thirty-five years. It is a mission I
hope you embrace for the next thirty-five. Thank you for your vision. Thank you for putting it
to work in the service of our country.
�511/00 9 pm
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REMARKS TO COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS
MAY 2, 2000
Thank you, Buddy, for that generous introduction. And thank you for your efforts to advance
our relations in this hemisphere. Buddy has been traveling tirelessly up and down the Americas
as my Special Envoy, and working that schedule around his duties as my point person for the
Caribbean Basin Initiative on Capitol Hill. I am so glad he agreed to take on these tasks ....
because they demand someone of his high caliber.
David Rockefeller, I want tothank you for taking the lead thirty-five years ago in establishing
the Council of the Americas. At a time when our country was consumed in a struggle between
East and West, you had the vision to see North and South, and to claim that free trade could be a
force for peace, prosperity and partnership right here in this hemisphere. The world has proved
you prophetic, and I thank you for your service.
We meet at a time of global change that has brought rising influence and affluence to the people
of the United States ... 21 million new jobs; the fastest economic growth in more 'than 30 years;
the lowest poverty rates in 20 years; the first back-to-hack budget surpluses in 42 years, and the
longest period of economic growth in American history. We are the world's leading force for
peace and freedom and prosperity; our values of democracy and open markets are ascendant in
most of the world.
This period of growth. and prosperity has come -- in no small measure - because of our
engagement with the world in general, and with this hemisphere in particular. For the first five
years of this Administration, until the Asian financial crisis, thirty percent of our growth came
from trade. And now our top two trading partners in the world- surpassing countries with much
larger economies -just happen to be our neighbor to the North and our neighbor to the South.
From the very beginning of this Administration, we knew that with 96% of the world's
customers beyond our borders, our economic growth would depend to a great extent on trade,
and that meant -- first and foremost -- trade with the Americas. Not solely for its economic
benefits to the United States, but for its ability to advance prosperity and partnership in our own
neighborhood.
So we worked hard to win over the American people to the promise of free trade. We worked
hard in Congress to pass NAFTA. And since NAFTA has entered into force, U.S. exports to
Canada and Mexico have jumped 78%, U.S. employment has skyrocketed, Canada's
employment has jumped by more than one million overall, and Mexico's employment has
climbed one million as a result ofNAFTA alone.
The success ofNAFTA has set the stage for much that has followed. During the Mexican
financial crisis in 1995, we offered a loan package that wasn't too popular at the time. But the
evidence is powerful that it was the' right thing to do. Mexico recovered and paid back the loans·
�.--:--------------------
---
---------------------~-----------~
2
-with interest and ahead of schedule. Three years later,' our entire Hemisphere was jolted by the
Asian financial crisis. I am proud we kept our markets open, and I believe our choice for more
trade, not less, contributed to the recovery that is benefiting us all.
Right now, we are making.progress in moving the Caribbean Basin initiative through Congress.
This bill will encourage economic development in the region by enhancing preferential trade
access to U.S. markets. I hope to see that bill on my desk by the end. of the month- because
there is no hope for raising living standards in' our region if poor nations c·annot sell their goods
to prosperous ones. ·
We remain determined to meet the goal we set at the Miami Summit ofthe Americas and
-achieve a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005. This will be the world;s largest free trade
zone - a thriving market of 800 million people invested in each other's future, enriching each
other's lives, advancing each other's interests~
Negotiators are on schedule to complete and present a draft agreement to the Trade Ministers
next April in Argentina. It will also be presented that same month to the Heads of State at the
Summit of the Americas in Quebec. We must stay on track to complete our work by 2005, apd I
am confident we will do so ..
Of course, you who do business throughout the Americas have pushed out aheacl of us.
Ordinarily an explosion of trade follows a free trade-agreement. In this case, the rise in trade
anticipates that agreement. Right now, 44% ofU.S. exports go to the Americas. By 2010, U.S.
exports to the Americas will exceed our total exports. to Europe an<;! Asia combined.
Traditionally, Americans have seen our interests along an arc from East to West. The trade you
are advancing ensures that we will have strong interests along an axis from North to South.
That increased trade will create. a constituency in· each c~untry for open and trartsparent business
practices in every other country. And that will. encourage economic reforms that no nation can
resist it if it hopes to lift the lives of its people. The reforms are difficult, but the returns are·
enormous. And that is why trade is encouraging a common platform of open practices and
democratic principles throughout the Americas. ·
·
But this is more than a one-way street. Just as free trade advances democracy, democracy
creates the conditions for free trade to flourish. That is why we were able to agree to create a
Free Trade Area ofthe Americas. Because 34·out of35 nations in the Americas elect their own
leaders --,- and that last one will not be denied forever.
.
.
.
All across the Americas, people increasingly expect to choose their leadc;rs, chart their futures,
and shape their own destinies. In just the last six months, we have seen elections usher in a new
generation of strong demo'cratic leadership ilt1 Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Uruguay.
Together, we have built an unshakable consensus that in this hemisphere: the people rule .. And
·
·
our leaders shall come to power by force of l~w ~- not by force of arms.
We upheld that principle i~ Haiti. As brutal thugs made life intolerable, nations across the
Americas joined a UN-sponsored effort to restore a democracy that had been stolen by military
�3
force. Haiti is still desperately poor, and wracked with problems. But our collective action
there established the principle that nations in this region will not only abide by democratic
prif!.ciples, but will defend them and advance them as well.
We acted again on this principle when we stood with the people of Paraguay to preserve
democracy when it was threatened there in 1996. We did so again in Ecuador earlier this year.
And last month, through the Organization of American States, the countries of the hemisphere
voiced strong support for a fair and open electoral process in Peru.
Today, we must stand up again for a democracy under attack. In Colombia, drug trafficking,
civil conflict, and economic stagnation combine to breed corruption, feed violence, undercut
honest enterprise, and undermine public conJ1dence in democracy.
Colombia's drug traffickers-- by rushing their horrible harvest to our cities, our suburbs, and our
children- directly threaten our security.
In the United States, ninety percent ofthe cocaine and two-thirds of the heroin seized on the
streets come from Colombia or through Colombia. Fifty-two thousand Americans die every year
from drugs, almost as many as died in Vietnam or Korea. And drugs cost us mor~ than $110
billion a year in crime, accidents; property damage, and lost productivity.
In Colombia, drug trafficking and civil conflict have led together to more than 2,500 kidnappings
last year, a murder rate ten times ours, terrorist activity that is the worst in the world. Thirty-five
thousand people have been killed and a million more made homeless in the pastdecade alone.
As drugs fund guerillas on the left and paramilitaries on the right, honest citizens are caught in
the middle. Eight hundred to nine hundred passports are issued every day as engineers,
architects, doctors take their families, their wealth, and their talents out of Colombia.
And yet, thousands upon thousands of courageous Colombians have chosen to stay and fight.
President Andres Pastrana came into office with a record of risking his life to take on the drug
traffickers. He was kidnapped by the Medellin cartel. As mayor of Bogota, he saw them kill
three Presidential candidates, then he became a presidential candidate.
Once in office, President Pastrana worked with experts in Colombia and elsewhere to put
together "Plan Colombia" -- a comprehensive plan to seek peace, fight drugs, build the economy,
and deepen democracy. The cost of the plan comes to $7.5 billion- including contributions
from the Government of Colombia, International Financial Institutions, and other donors. I am
asking Congress for $1.6 billion over two years.
This will include a ten-fold increase in U.S. funds to promote good governance, judicial reform,
human rights protection, and economic development. It will also enable Colombia's counterdrug program to inflict serious damage on rapidly expanding drug production activity in areas
dominated by guerrillas and paramilitary groups.
We know this approach can succeed. Over the last five years -working with the governments of
Peru and Bolivia- we have reduced coca cultivation by more than 50 percent in those countries,
�4
and reduced overall cocaine production in the region by 18%. Drug traffickers, driven from
their old havens, are now consolidating their drug operations in Colombia. That is why, right
now- with the full engagement of every government in the region- we have an historic
opportunity to do serious and lasting damage to the international drug trade .....![ Congress
approves this package.
·
To seize this moment, we need to help train and equip Colombia's counter-drug battalions,
enhance its drug interdiction efforts, and provide intelligence and logistics support to the
counter-drug mission, including force protection. They need this help ... and we should provide
it.
We must not stand by and allow a democracy elected by its people, defended with great courage
by its people, to be undermined and overwhelmed by rogues and thugs. That is a first principle.
It adds to the urgency that the drugs these outlaws sell threaten our security as well.
I urge Congress to pass this package now. The Colombians waging this anti-drug campaign qre
fighting not just for themselves; they also are fighting for us. They are fighting for our kids. If
Colombians are willing to bear the risk, we should be willing to bear some of the cost.
In closing, I want to point out that- for all its opportunities -the global age will also bring us
challenges that all nations face together and no nation can solve on its own. Our success in
meeting those challenges will depend on the quality of cooperation we enjoy with our partners.
And the quality of that cooperation will depend- in large part- on the strength of our
democracies. In a hemisphere that has experienced one of the greatest democratic
transformations of our lifetime, that should give us all cause for great confidence.
I want to thank this group again for your commitment to free trade, open markets, private
enterprise. Those who benefit from trade sometimes don't know who they are, while those who
are threatened by trade know exactly who th~ are. That's why showing the American people
the connection between our engagement and their prosperity represents a vital public mission for
America's leaders. It is a mission you have championed for thirty-five years. It is a mission I
hope you embrace for the next thirty-five. Thank you for your vision. Thank you for putting it
to work in the service of our country.
�•l•
,.
II
.>
i
./
"··
Final Draft.
PREPARED REMARKS FOR
KENNETH H. "BUDDY" MACKAY JR.
THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL ENVOY TO THE AMERICAS
TESTIMONY BEFORE THE SENATE SUBCOMMITTEE
ON WESTERN HEMISPHERIC AFFAIRS
APRIL 27, 2000
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to testify on the positive impact that free
trade and economic integration in the western hemisphere has on our national interest.
I want to begin by thanking the members of the committee and the subcommittee for
supporting our continuing efforts to win final passage of the Caribbean Basin Initiative.
We are close to an agreement that is important to reach because CBI enhancement,
like the North American Free Trade Agreement, exemplifies what this hearing this
morning is most about: The good results that can come from free trade, open markets
and economic development.
Your subcommittee today is focusing on the success story·of NAFTA and how it furthers
the national interest of the United States.
easy to accomplish. Dozens of
The first part of the subcommittee's focus ·
studies from many sources indicate ho· NAFT
as helped create jobs in this country
Ll.loi-Ht~-~1¥...it has caused trade between tli
e countries of North America to soar.
s helped the U.S. economy remain strong, and thus the United States, during
""-U:1~=ucngest economic expansion in our history.
The studies that document the positive~ impact NAFTA has had on the U.S. economy
range from the authoritative five-year review conducted by the U.S. Department of
Commerce last year to the exhaustive state-by-state analysis conducted by The Trade
Partnership of Washington, D.C. last summer.
The study conducted by The Trade Partnership is of particular interest because it
uments the positive impact that NAFTA has had on almost every state of the Union.
FTA has contributed significantly to the economy of every state represented,by the
mbers of this subcommittee and its full committee.
@
(S~s-inception;j;tS=go~o~ds-EZ~~-Car:tada-ar:~d~io.cre-a·s-ed:by..:~$1-1-1-billlQD::J
~ease-of-7-8-percent:--T-hose-products-were-proaueed-by-tJ:S._wor:l<ers,-many::of.:=::::;,
dn~e-m-"'._=g=ainirrg-emp'loyment·in·factorie_§-that·were a·dain-g,_D_o_CI:trsitrg,_job=s~
Research by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce lists company after company that have
been made more competitive in the global market place and that have added or
retained jobs in this country because of NAFTA.
•
I
�While in some industries, displacements have occurred, other groups have gained
significantly. The overall impact of the agreement we made with our two neighbors has
been good for the United States.
-*
!
The current demand for workers has created the most pressing labor shortages in the
United States than the days before Wmld War II, and; because of it, unemployment has
reached near30-year record lows.
KncLMexico:has_gained-almostone_million-new,_n_e_e_a_e_a_Joos-directiY--from-N:AF-"fA-since1
cit-wenrintoeff~ct-:-JoosiffMexico-thattlav~-been-cre-C!tea-as-a-result-of-direct-foreigJD
~vestment
RaY. 48 Rerc_ento~~tter-than_the_MexiG_C!!l_Wage-av~!~ge~T-he-number·of=:?
in Can.aaa overalnn-th·e-firsffive-~e·arsofNAE..TA:s_existenc.e_c:ns.::o..::?
~ased-by-mor:e_tban one milliqo.7
·
@!!!~lgy,~d-worke.r:s
Not withstanding the strong U.S. employment numbers, greater attention must be paid
to U.S. job displacement. The Administration believes we must continue to assist
workers who are displaced and supports extension of the Trade Adjustment Assistance
and NAFTA-Transitional Adjustment Assistance programs.
The second part of what you are trying to do today, Mr. Chairman, is not often
attempted, and I relish the idea ofbein~1 able to help you. Your goal this morning is to
examine how our national interest is served by NAFTA.
This is an important story, and statistical indices alone cannot measure the full, positive
impact of NAFTA.
Before they can realize their full potent~al so that they can provide better lives for their
millions of citizens, the nations of the hemisphere must build up their societies, their
·
institutions of governance and their economies.
In so doing, they can become secure, democratic arid prosperous nations that are
elementally important to any short- or long-term interests of the United States. And in
this, trade-- embodied by NAFTA and its next logical step, the proposed Free Trade
Area of the Americas -- is a cornerstone of U.S. diplomacy, because in this day and age
of a global marketplace, good economics make good politics.
Our relations with Mexico and Canada have seldom been closer. As a result of NAFTA,
we enjoy healthy relations that force us continually to improve those aspects of our
relationships that remain problematic.
NAFTA's side agreements permit each country to enter into discussions about
environmental and labor standards. The inclusion of these elements into the NAFTA
2
�framework guarantee that attention will be given over the long term to these important
aspects of our relationships.
The work NAFTA accomplishes goes beyond balance sheets and trade figures. As
U.S. trade increases with Canada and Mexico, economic integration increases and, in
that process, fair and standardized practices in both the private and public sectors are
strengthened ..
For Mexico, in particular, whose government, people and society are building up their
nation and working to develop stable, responsive democratic rule, NAFTA has helped to
~ance ope~, by extension, democracy itself.
.
Trade depends on commercial and personal interactions. Standards make it easier for~s;:::;;~fl.
these transactions to take place, and increased trade forces these practices to be
commonplace occurrences on a daily basis.
NAFTA has struck down trade barriers, and its implementation has encouraged the
breaking down of other barriers in Mexico because modern business practices depend
on streamlining operations. Consumer banking, which has not always been a common
experience for many Mexicans, has increased the flow of money in commerce and
heightened overall economic activity.
onto a common platform of democratic principles and trans a rent busine
-.--r--1s platform, we can engage 1n 1a ague and interaction that empowers human
ingenuity and good to move a problem to eventual resolution.
The underlying faith that motivated an earlier Congress to enact NAFTA has been
justified. The common denominator that is the basis for the future of the Americas is
NAFTA's singular genius: Jobs.
·
Jobs is another word for trade, and jobs is the most peaceful diplomacy we can engage
in because a person working is a person creating value for his or her family, elevating in
the process the worth of an individual's stake in society. NAFTA has strengthened the
value of economic incentive for the individual.
In this view of the future, people are free to let their creativity take them as far as they
want to go. It is not an accident that the word 'free' is part of NAFTA's title. The design
of its creators was to promote freedom .as much as economic progress.
This trend encourages further the integration of businesses border-to-border that, in
turn, continues the expand economic opportunity for greater numbers of people.
exic , ariven by the increase of our trade produced by NAFTA, has replaced Japan as
country's second largest trading partner, and Canada remains our largest trading partnet
-
3
\
�The impact of NAFTA is not limited to economics. Rather, trade can change a nation,
and in this hemisphere, the values that are incubated by trade are values that serve to
strengthen other areas of U.S.-Latin American relations.
.
I
Trade broadens the transfer of technolo~w and other expertise that can prepare workers
to join the global marketplace and can continue to help make this region of the world the
most productive in a world that is increasingly competitive.
Trade also accelerates the progress that a nation can make if it opens its society to new
technology that can vastly improve the quality of the lives of its citizens. It encourages
common standards and promotes efficiencies in other sectors of society. It allows us to
move past historical disputes, and mitigates cultural differences.
The existence of NAFTA further strengthens the argument of the Administration that
promoting trade is critical to the future growth of the economy of the United States.
Trade already is responsible for almost one-third of our employment.
NAFTA should encourage us to continue to promote trade because of what it has done
for relations between Mexico and Canada and the United States_. Other trade
·
agreements can achieve similar results for the rest of the Americas.
tSinc·e~ec9~ing;~~-~-ff(;}sjd!3~~~¥~_1~ei~@iliji~as,.:[~~e~'?_-23-ofthep
8~.o.cr:at1c C<?UI'Itme·s~th.a~~,~Qmpns,e-the"'=hemJsphere,
an·d I can teiLyouJfiat a-new-;
~~iritofwnans Qossi5J~..:P.r:.eY.~
The challenges that exist today in the hemisphere in regards to the successful transition
of the Latin and Caribbean nations to full, stable democracies are many, but they are
closely linked to the success of their economic development and their role in a free,
global mar~etplace.
·
The stage is set for progress to be made: Latin America is already the world's largest
consumer of U.S. products and 98 percent of the people of Central and South America
live under democratic rule.
~atin-::Arn.erica-c·ommme$x44-per,cent~otall::ttS.
exp_ol:ls.,_cce_ating_joosfor worl@"s-in-ttae)
~0 mi'fem·;;s~e_s -ana~catir.v~m_e,~iea;~ By- ?.OlQ.i~L!Ui~R.Q.r.t~to.;tatir;vA,;mer.i~-a~wil !;e~~eed~$2!M
@~te~Eci_HJp.e::ilhti~Ksia~combiril'e-~!~an'a~s!from' Latin 'ArFJgri·ea!w.illtals<[P
i,ncre~~~tidg~jo't>'S"i~tnose::co-untr.it9S2P
The success of NAFTA is also changing us. We all know that the mechanisms and
structures that traditionally formulate foreign policy for and in this country have only
minimally included a north-south perspective.
The east-west continuum that has traditionally dominated the foreign policy of this
nation remains immensely important in how we perceive the world and its threats and
4
�opportunities. But it must c~ange to include a north-south perspective because this
hemisphere is the site of our greatest economic opportunity.
It is also the site of an increasingly growing Latino population within and without the
borders of the United States that wili matter more in the formulation of policies that
affect the hemisphere. In less than three years, the Latino population in the United
States will become its largest minority population.
For the United States, NAFTA was a firsjt step in building this new world; CBI is another
step; and the FTAA is the next logical progression. The rest of the hemisphere is
moving in the .same direction. Mercosur,. Caricom and the Andean Pact are the south's
natural impulse to integrate and the FTAA is closer to reality as a result.
The efforts to develop democratic societies and to develop economies are part and
parcel of an approach that serves the needs and interests of the United States. This
approach contributes directly to the economic and political security of the United States
and the regional security of the hemisphHre.
Few things seiVe the interests
than the spread of
government an
pen usiness practices built on transparenc .
dem~
)
enign neglect to last the next
This hemisphere has had enough con 1c an enoug
five generations. Ideological struggles in the hemisphere have been replaced by the
struggle to develop the region economically.
Many people do not appreciate the extent to which trade agreements such as CBI and
NAFTA and, soon, the FTAA, export the best of our values and standards, including fair
trading practices, the rule of law, workers' rights and transparency.
While expanding trade and helping our economy grow, we are shaping values in the
rest of the world and, in the process, promoting democracy itself.
That, Mr. Chairman, I believe, is the definition of our national interest.
Thank you.
5
�f~·
"i"""-!"·"4 Jesse A. Trevino.
N'1'" t£.xxx. 04/26/2000 01 :55:37 PM
r
I
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject:
Why We Are Aiding Colombia.
By Kenneth "Buddy" MacKay
President Clinton's Sp~ecial Envoy for the Americas
Few people believe the United States should :ignore the deteriorated situation in Colombia, where
drug lords, an armed insurgency and a troubled economy threaten an important neighbor and
ally. In fact, public opinion and most of official Washington support an aid package that will
stem the drug trade and infuse new hope to Colombian society.
Yet, there are those who believe that Plan Colombia,' the $1.6-billion· package proposed by
President Pastrana, is the wrong approach -- despite the fact that Colombia now is the source of
two-thirds of the world's coca and more than 80 percent of the world's cocaine.
Some commentators are concerned that Plan Colombia is the beginning of another Vietnam-style
quagmire. The concern in unfounded. No one in the Administration believes Colombia's
conflict can be resolved militarily. Further, our assistance to Colombia is for fighting drugs, not
guerrillas.
It will help train and equip two additional counter-narcotics battalions, dedicated to protecting
the Colombian National Police as they destroy drug labs. Plan Colombia follows a proven model
.that has worked in Peru and Bolivia. In addition to the counter-narcotics component, our aid
plan will support President Pastrana'.s efforts to reach a peaceful solution to the armed conflict.
And we will work to promote peace and stability with .aid for judicial reform, law enforcement
and human rights.
·
Critics also claim that our military assistance will mean more human rights abus~s. President
.Pastrana has shown that he shares our commitment to human rights -- and that he recognizes that
our continued assistance is dependent on furth1~r human rights progress.
Under U.S. law, we provide no assistance to any arm of the Colombia military for which there is
credible evidence of gross human rights violations -- unless the Secretary of State determines that
Bogota is taking ~teps to bring those responsible to justice. We have repeatedly urged the .
Colombian goveriunent to redouble its efforts to investigate cases of human rights abuse and to
�prosecute the abusers.
·Unfortunately, while the Colombian military .has improved its human rights performance in
rec~nt years, more needs to be done. In addition, abuses committed by the guerrillas and,
especially, by paramilitaries have increased markedly. We have urged the Colombian
government to take effective steps to end any military ties to the paramilitaries. We welcomed
President Pastrana's decisions in 1999 to retire. four generals linked to human rights violations,
and statements by him and top military officials that they would not tolerate collaboration with
the paramilitaries.
1
We are also actively promoting and assisting the development of a national human rights policy,
as well as providing human rights-related training to the Colombian military. Our aid package
includes enhanced protection for human rights monitors in Colombia.
Critics of the plan argue that the money should be spent here at home on demand reduction.
They do not understand that our Colombia package supports our comprehensive National Drug
Control Strategy. In the current fiscal year, interdiction and other international efforts accounted
for 13 percent of our anti-drug budget. These programs are critical to our strategy, but the bulk
of our spending still goes to demand reduction activities, such as treatment, prevention, and
research (33%), and domestic law enforcement (53%).
To effectively attack the drug problem, we need to move simultaneously in all these ways, and
the Colombia package will make an important contribution. Our successes in Peru and Bolivia
demonstrate that interdiction, eradication, and alternative developmentefforts can work.
The plan also addresses sharp economic im:quities and extend government services and
democratic representation to the interior of the country. It does not short change, as critics claim,
efforts to advance social progress. We are committing $240 million over the next two years t,o
alternative development, enhancing good governance, judicial reform, and human rights
protection. This represents 20% of the overall proposed assistance package, and closer to
one-third in the second year. Moreover, lt is more .than a ten-fold increase in o·ur socioeconomic
and judicial-sector support.
Colombia also has other donors who will augment socioeconomic programs, and it will raise
several billions of dollars in loans from the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, and
other multilateral lenders aimed primarily at social, humanitarian, and infrastructure
development, as well as economic revitalization.
Our proposed aid will help train government negotiators and advisors on managing conflict and
negotiations arid reintegrating ex-combatants into civil society. A public diplomacy campaign
. will help the government engage its citizens and seek their support for all aspects of Plan .
Colombia. Fighting drugs will help eliminate revenues that sustain combatant forces. And
reinvigoration of the economy will help cre~te incentives for citizens to choose peace and work
together for a prosperous future.
�I
These are critical steps to bringing peace to Colombia. The integrated nature of President
Pastrana's Plan Colombia provides the greatest opportunity for success in achieving a just and
long-lasting peace. By specifically designing. our assistance package to support Plan Colombia,
we are providing vitally needed resources to fuel the pursuit 6f peace.
�.
'.
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"j""i·----4
! "(
~···
{:£.xxx,
Jesse A. Trevino
04/26/2000 01:52:17 PM
.
~
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject:
3
PREPARE:D REMARKS FOR
KENNETH "BUDDY" MACKAY, JR.
THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL ENVOY TO THE AMERICAS
THE COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS
OCTC>BER 20, 1999
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Thank you for that introduction,
, and thank you for having
me here. I am delighted to address such a distinguished gathering, especially on the
eve of the Senate's consideration of th1e Caribbean Basin Trade Enhancement Act.
This type offorum is, after all, why this Council was founded: So that it could be
integrally involved in the fate and futun3 of the Americas.
Its core mission· is to work to witness the day when a general peace and prosperity
arrives in all of the Americas. We face many challenges before we arrive at that place
.
.
;
and time in the region's economic, social and political development.
But the CBI proposal is front and center, and we should carefully consider its current
status because it is one of the ways we vitill achieve our dreams of a prosperous, free
and productive hemisphere.
The CBI is critical in the ongoing development process. But that is not all. It is yet
another ~tep in the eventual and inevitable integration of the hemisphere. It is another
step toward the creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas, the adoption of which
will provide a powerful impetus to our vision.
·
·
Later on this morning and through thE! day and into tomorrow, we are going to have
�,,
events and meetings with members of the S~nate and other high senior officials in and
outside the Administration to present the! case on behalf of CBI as forthrightly as
possible to the American people.
Private citizens, too, from throughout the country and the hemisphere are weighing in
on the proposal, as are representatives from the private sector as well as leaders of
major religious and soCial justice groups..
· ·
There is an intensity about this effort bec:ause the issue is unique: We are not asking
Congress to authorize a wholly new initiative but only to extend and expand one of the
most successful programs ever implemented in this hemisphere.
In its first rendition, the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act of 1983 caused the
region to make real econollJiC progress. Through that legislation, the United States
sought to jump start the economies of the region by opening markets to Caribbean and
U.S. businesses. ·
The success was unequivocal: U.S. exports to the region more. than tripled while the
Caribbean nations' exports to the U.S. expanded six-fold.
This past year alone, U.S. merchandise expo~s to the Caribbean Basin exceeded $19
billion, more than those to France, Brazil or China. What was unexpected was a U.S.
trade surplus in the Caribbean of $2 billion. In 1998, at least 80 percent of the apparel
produced in the region and exported here was made from U.S. fabric. This is a success
story that needs to be repeated again and again.
More than one million workers are supported by the current Caribbean legislation in the
region -jobs that. can be lost as global competition grows and whose loss could
increase domestic tensions in the region.
So now we have all banded again to support the legislation so that the region can
continue to progress.
CBI enhancement will further stimulate industry in the region. As global markets
become more competitive, the Caribbean and Central American nations must increase
their collective productivity in order to sustain and strengthen their democracies and
their economies.
Additionally, it will reduce illegal immigration to the U.S. and will bolster resistance to·
difficulties faced by the hemisphere, including illegal drug trafficking and the devastating
effects of natural disasters such as HurriGane Mitch.
Despite this premier success story, I do not have to tell you, who are all experienced in
the ways of Washington and the fine art of legislating·, that the worthiness of an
argument does not always carry the day.
�We believe we can get the bill through the Senate on its merits if we can avoid 'the risk
_of having CBIIegislation used as a vehicle for debates about other issues.
In other words, time is a greater problem than political opposition.
The inexorable movement of the political calendar has moved us close to the
Thanksgiving recess and beyond it lies only a modest-sized window before Christmas
lands upon us.
I invite all of you to consider the legislation as the next serious step the United States
takes in its foreign .economic policy towards an area that is of vital importance to our
country and to our vision of the future of the Americas.
And since this is a forum, I would now likE~ to consider any questions or ideas regarding
this important matter.·
Thank you.
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Jesse A. Trevino
04/26/2000 01 :50:21 PM
Record Type:
. To: .
Record
Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject:
5
· Final Draft
PREPARED REMARKS FOR
KENNETH H. "BUDDY" MACKAY JR.
THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL ENVOY TO THE AMERICAS
TESTIMONY BEFORE THE SENATE SUBCOMMITTEE
ON/WESTERN HEMISPHERIC AFFAIRS
APRIL 27, 2000
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity· to testify on the positive impact that free·
trade and economic integration in thewestern hemisphere has on our national interest.
,
I
I want to begin by thanking the members of the committee and the subcommittee for
supporting our continuing efforts to win final passage of the Caribbean Basin Initiative.
We are close to an agreement that is important to reach because CBI enhancement,
like the North American Free Trade A!~reement, exemplifies what this hearing this
morning is most about: The good results that can come from free trade, open markets
and economic development.
·
Your subcommittee today is focusing on the success story of NAFTA and how it
·
furthers the national interest of the United States.
The first part of the subcommittee's focus is fairly easy to accomplish. Dozens of
studies from many sources indicate how NAFTA has helped create jobs in this country
and how it has caused trade between the three countries of Nqrth America to soar.
NAFTA has helped the U.S. economy remain strong, and thus the United States, during
·
the longest economic expansion in our history.
The studies that document the positive impact NAFTA has had on the U.S. economy
range from the authoritative five-year review conducted by the U.S. Department of ·
Commerce last year to the exhau~tive state-by-state analysis conducted by The Trade
�Partnership of Washington, D.C. last SLJmmer.
The study conducted by The Trade Partnership is of particular interest because it
documents the positive impact that NAIFTA has had on almost·every state of the Union.
NAFTA has contributed significantly to the economyof every state represented by the
members of this subcommittee and its full committee.
Since its inception, U.S. goods exports to .Canada and Mexico increased by $111
billion, an increase of 78 percent. Those products were produced by U.S. workers,
many of them gaining employment in factories that were adding, not losing, jobs.
Research by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce lists company after company that have
been made more competitive in the global market place and that have added or
retained jobs in this country because of NAFTA.
While in some industries, displacements have o.ccurred, other groups have gained
significantly. The overall impact of the agreement we made with our two neighbors has
been good for the United States.
The current demand for workers has created the most pressing labor shortages in the
United States than the days before World War II, and, because of it, unemployment
has reached near 30-year record lows.
And Mexico has gained almost one miilion new, needed jobs directly from NAFTA since.
it went into effect. Jobs in Mexico that have been created as a result of direct foreign
investment pay 48 percent better than the Mexican wage average; The number of
employed workers in Canada overall in the first five years of NAFTA's existence also
increased by more than one million.
Not withstanding the strong U.S. employment numbers, greater attention must be paid
to U.S. job displacement. The Administration believes we must continue to assist
workers who are displaced and suppmts extension of the Trade Adjustment Assistance
and NAFTA-Transitional Adjustment Assistance programs.
The second part of what you are tryin£1 to. do today, Mr. Chairman, is not often
attempted, and I relish the idea of being able to help you. Your goal this morning is to
examine how our national interest is served by NAFTA.
This is an'important story, and statistical indices alone cannot measure the full, positive
impact of NAFTA.
The fact of the matter is .
.that NAFTA is as much a nation-building strategy as it is a
·
trade measure in a hemisphere with much nation-building still ahead of it.
Before they can realize their full potential so that they can provide better lives for their
�millions of citizens, the nations of the h13misphere must build up their societies, their
jnstitutions of governance and their economies.
In so doing, they can become secure, democratic and prosperous nations that are
elementally important to any short-. or long-term interests of the United States.· And in
this, trade-- embodied by NAFTA and its next logical ~tep, the prop·osed Free Trade .
Area of the Americas-- is a cornerstont3 of U.S. diplomacy, because in this day and age
of a global marketplace, good economics make good politics.
Our relations with Mexico and Canada have seldom been closer. As a result of NAFTA,
we enjoy healthy relations that force .us continually to improve those aspects of our
relationships th~t remain problematic.
NAFTA's side agreements permit each country to enter into discussions about
environmental and labor standards. The inclusion of these elements into the NAFTA
framework guarantee that attention will be given over the long term to these important
aspects of our relationships.
The work NAFTA accomplishes goes beyond balance sheets and trade figures. As
U.S. trade increases with Canada and Mexico, economic integration increases and, in
that process, fair and standardized practices in both the private and public sectors are
strengthened.
For Mexico, in particular, whose government, people and society are building up their
nation and working to develop stable, responsive democratic rule, NAFTA has helped
to advance openness, and, by extension, democracy itself.
Trade depends on commercial and personal interactions. Standards make it easier for
these transactions to take place, and increased trade forces these practices to be
commonplace occurrences on a daily basis.
NAFTA has struck down trade barriers, and its implementation has encouraged the
breaking down of other barriers in Mexico because modern bLi~iness practices depend
on streamlining operations. Consumer banking, which has not always been a common
experience for many Mexicans, has increased the flow of money in commerce and
heightened overall economic activity.
NAFTA serves the national interest of our country because it helps move our countries
onto a common platform of democratic principles and transparent business practices.
Upon this platform, we can engage in dialogue and interaction that empowers human
ingenuity and good to move a problem to eventual resolution.
The underlying faith that motivated an earlier Congress to enact NAFTA has been
justified. The common denominator that is the basis for the future of the Americas is
NAFTA's singular genius: Jobs.
�Jobs is another word for trape, and jobs is the most peaceful diplomacy we can engage
in because a person working is a person creating value for his or her family, elevating in
the process the worth of an individual's stake in society. NAFTA has strengthened the
value of economic incentive for the individual.
In this view of the future, people are free to let their creativity take them as far as they
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want to go. It is not an accident that the word 'free' is part'of NAFTA's title. The design
of its creators was to promote freedom as much as economic progress. ·
This trend encourages further the integration of businesses border-to-borderthat, inturn, continues the expand economic opportunity for greater numbers of people.
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Mexico, driven by the increase of our trade produced by·NAFTA, has replaced Japan
as this country's second largest trading partner, and Canada remains our largest
trading partner.
The impact of NAFTA is not limited to e~conomics. Rather, trade can change a nation,·
and in this hemisphere, the values that are incubated by trade are values that serve to
strengthen other areas of U.S.-Latin American relations.
Trade broadens the transfer of technology and other expertise that can prepare workers
to join the global marketplace and can continue to help make this region of the world
the most productive in a world that is increasingly competitive.
Trade also accelerates the progress that a nation can make if it opens its society to new
technology that can vastly improve the quality of the.lives of its citizens. It encourages
common standards and promotes efficiencies in other sectors of society. It allows us to
move past historical disputes, and miti!~ates cultural differences.
The existence of NAFTA further strengthens the argument of the Administration that
promoting trade is critical to the future growth of the economy of the United States.
Trade already is responsible for almost one-third of our employment.
NAFTA should encourage us to continue to promote trade because of what it ·has done
for relations between Mexico and Canada and the United States. Other trade
agreements can achieve similar results for the rest of the Americas.
Since becoming the President's special envoy to the Americas, I have been to 23 of t~e
34 democratic countries that comprise the hemisphere, and I can tell you that a new
spirit of what is possible prevails.
The challenges that exist today in the hemisphere in regards to the successful transition
of the Latin and Caribbean nations to full, stable democracies are many, but they are
closely linked to the success of their economic development and their role in a free,
�global marketplace.
The stage is set for progress to be made: Latin America is already the world's largest
consumer of U.S. products and 98 percent of the people of Central and South America
live under democratic rule.
Latin America consumes 44 percent of all U.S. exports, creating jobs for workers in the
United States and Latin America. By 2010, our exports to Latin America will exceed our
exports to Europe and Asia - combined - and exports from Latin America will also
increase, creating jobs in those countries.
The success of NAFTA is also changing us. We all know that the mechanisms and
structures that traditionally formulate foreign policy for and in this country have only
minimally included a north-south persp13ctive.
The east-west continu.um that has traditionally dominated the foreign policy of this
nation remains immensely important in how we perceive the world and its threats and
opportunities. But it must change to indude a north-south perspective because this
hemisphere is the site of our greatest economic opportunity.
It is also the site of an increasingly growing Latino population within and without the
borders of the United States that will matter more in the formulation of policies that
affect the hemisphere. In less than three y~ars, the Latino population in the United
States will become its largest minority population.
For the· United States, NAFTA was a first step in building this new world; CBI is another
step; and the FTAA is the next logical progression. Th~ rest of the hemisphere is
moving in the-same direction. Mercosur, Caricom and the Andean Pact are the south's
natural impulse to integrate and the FTAA is closer to reality as a result.
·
The efforts to develop democratic socie~ties and to develop economies are part and
parcel of an approach that serves the needs and interest~ of the United States. This
approach contributes directly to the economic and political security of the United States ·
and the regional security of the hemisphere.
Few things serve the interests of the United States more than the spread of democratic
government and open business practices built on transparency.
This hemisphere has had enough conflict and enough benign neglect to last the next
five generations. Ideological struggles in the hemisphere have been replaced by the
struggle to develop the region economically.
Many people do not appreciate the extent to which trade agreements such as CBI and
NAFTA and, soon, the FTAA, export the best of our values and standards, including fair
· trading practices, the rule of law, worke~rs' rights and transparency.
�'"'
While expanding trade and helping our economy grow, we are shaping values in the
rest of the world and, in the process, promoting democracy itself.
That, Mr. Chairman, I believe, is the definition of our national.interest.
Thank you.
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Jesse A. Trevino
·
(£."""' 04/26i2000 01 :49:08 PM
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject:
verbatim
PREPARE.D REMARKS FOR
KENNETH H. "BUDDY" MACKAY JR.
THE WHITE HOUSE SPECIAL ENVOY TO THE AMERICAS
THE HISPANIC COUNCIL ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
WASHIINGTON, D.C.
APRIL 26, 2000
Thank you for the introduction, Lula (Rodriguez, Deputy Assista'nt Secretary of State).
I have been wanting to address this group for some time because I feel deeply that a
large part of the future of our country is being determined by a force we do not fully .
appreciate: We are not completely including in our national thinking the part of the
world with which you are the most familiar.
"
In this respect, I want to first congratulat1e the leadership of this council. You have
pulled together an organization that should be engaged in every aspect of foreign
policy, but also one th~t can act specifically to incorporate the Americas more fully in
U.S. decision-making.
·
·
In this, I want to encourage you and weiGome you to this conference on behalf of
President Clinton.
Secondly, I want to be direct;
All of us in this room know that the mechanisms and structures that traditionally
· formulate foreig'n policy for and in this country have only minimally included a
north-south perspective.
·
·
Too many of our leaders can name the third-bench in Russian politics but can hardly
identify the presidents of Latin America.
All of us are familiar with the east-west continuum that formed the _modern history of our
�country. More than 500 years of exper1ience have taken us through an extraordinary
epoch that began with our birth with Spain and England as our cultural forefathers.
I should not have to remind this group that the ships that discovered the new world
were Spanish-financed.
Over time, after hundreds of years of a~~rarian and industrial development, we woL,Jid
record two cataclysmic wars with Germany. Russia was first a valuable ally, then an
adversary and now a friend. Japan and the oil-rich nations of the Middle East became
and remain an important focus. Even now, after the monumental collapse of·
communism, China rises in the east.
·
The east-west continuum remains immensely important in how we perceive the world,
and its threats and opportunities. But it must change to include a north-south
perspective.
It is absol,utely vital that official Washin~1ton incorporate the north-south continuum into
its view of the world because it has take!n on a real-life form.
That real-life form is called economic integration, and it is light-years ahead. of official
policy deliberations here in Washington or in the other capital cities of the Americas.
Throughout the hemisphere, the development of business and trade and the interest
that people have in each other are driving the countries of the hemisphere closer and,
for all practical purposes, towards union. A Community of the Americas, if you like.
That phrase, "community of the Americas," resonates with what the demographer,
Harold Hodgkinson, believes: that "the future leaves its tracks in the present."
Let's look at some of the tracks of our country's future:
Mexico has replaced Japan as this country's second largest trading partner. We get
more of our energy from Mexico and Venezuela than we do from the Middle East.
U.S. trade with Brazil, with 160 million p1eople, is twice that of our trade with India, a
. nation with one billion people.
.
We do more trade with the ·36 million people of the Caribbean Basin than we do with
the one billion people of China.
These economic facts are overpowering. They signal a·watershed event: The
emergence of a world newer still than that discovered· by the Italian, Spanish,
Portugese, Dutch and English explorers..
·
In this new world, 800 million consumers live! President Clinton and Vice President
Gore are leading the effort to create a Free Trade Area of the Americas to further
�enhance regional economic integration.
Economic integratio'n creates jobs in this country and can provide additional measures
of security for our region. ·
Communications networks, railway systems, electrical grids, financial markets and the
movements of people, capital and ideas that criss-cross borders and national identities
are harbingers of a future closer still.
Not many people know that Latin America is now the world's largest consumer of U.S.
produCts. Latin consumption of U.S. exports mean jobs for U.S. workers, and by 2010,
our exports to Latin America will exceed our exports to Europe and Asia-- combined.
· . The implications of this kind of economic union are clear: A continuing blending of our
lives, our politics and our fortunes, whaltever those may be.
And although most sectors would rather have an FTAA agreement in place, few
businesses can afford to wait for governments and diplomats. If they are going to
survive in an increasingly competitive world, they are having to make decisions and
move ahead.
The development of the Internet and e-commerce will only accelerate what we now can
observR Not only multi-nationals, but small businesses, too, are taking advantage of
the unprecedented opportunities that exist.
>
While these forces are mostly market-driven in a globalized world, neither are the
people waiting. Ninety-eight percent ofthem now live in democratic societies, and they
will have a greater say in the future of the hemisphere.
It is in .these democratic structures th~t iindividuals like you will play your most important
roles in your civic and professional lives.
Your group can- and must'- help the rest of us understand and face the challenges of
integrating this hemisphere. Corruption, the lack of transparency, the lack of full rule of
law, the trafficking of drugs, the prevalence of abject poverty and the crippling lack of
educational opportunities -these we must confront.
·
I~ we can push forward initiatives that improve educational opportunity, then we open up
greater economic opportunity for the people. Economic opportunity, in turn, is one of
the key factors ensuring that the future is not clouded by social upheaval.
To accomplish these things, we must SE!ek to change public perception of what is going
on here in our own hemisphere, and we must seek out public support. Most important,
we must go out and lead.
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When I use the term "community of the Americas", I'm not speaking of creating a legal
entity, but a relationship of mutual commitment. This need for community is particularly
true in the Americas, where social dispc:uities are as great as any region in the world.
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, The modernization of these nations in the Americas comes at a time when productivity
-- made possible by technology-- can make dramatic difference in the lives of the
region's burgeoning population.
Public support is needed in order to promote programs in. the north-south continuum
that encourage social, human and economic development. No group in the U.S. will
have a greater expansion of opportunity than our Hispanic Americans.
To do my part, my office is hosting a conference on May 23 at the White House to
which most of you no doubt will be invite~d. It is part of series of conferences my office
is hosting on the future of the Americas. Two months ago, we held a successful
conference on the role women will play in the future of the Americas. In October, we
will have the Latino media in for a similar discussion.
But I want .next month's conference to focus on the role that Latinos can and will play in
the development of this country's strate~~ies and politics regarding the Americas.
I am from Florida, and I familiar with some of the tracks from the future. They are there
for those with eyes to see. Nearly 30 million people of Mexican descent live in the U.S.,
mostly in California and Texas. Fifteen percent of the population of El Salvador lives in
the U.S. The greater story is that the largest percentage increases in the growth of the
Latino population last year were in Arkansas and North Carolina.
All of us here are proud to be the produets of a rich and powerful country that was born
mostly of the east-west continuum. But just as the past 2~4 years have been forged by
our historical connection to Europe and .Asia, so, now, we must look north and south.
As the future continues to leave its tracks in the present, some of those tracks will be
the footprints of us in this room. We should aspire to make those· footprints as deep
and as wide as possible.
·
Thank you.
�I.
Opening Statement for the Defense
1.
American leadership
When President Clinton began his first term, conventional wisdom
had it that the United States was, .as Time Magazine put it, "in
irreversible decline as the world's ~remier power." Our nation
----Wcis widely seen as focused on internal problems, and unlikely to
sustain its global engagement in the absence of an overriding
threat from abroad.
Japan and western Europe were considered
increasingly likely to forge separate identities outside their
alliances with America and in opposition to American interests.
Seven and a half years later, America is by any measure the
world's predominant power. Our military and economic strength
is unparalleled.
Our alliances are stronger than ever. We are
counted upori to be the catalyst of the world's coalitibns, its
leading broker of peace, the guarantor of its financial
stabil{ty. We are widely seen as the country best placed to
take advantage of globalization.
O
This is President Clinton's fundamental foreign policy
achievement.
It came about because he revitalized our economy
and ended our fiscal deficit - thus earning respect from our
friends abroad, strengthening the credibility of our leadership
and the· confidence of our people.
It came about because he
fought to preserve funding for foreign affairs while reversing a.
long decline in defense spending. And it came about because at
every critical juncture, he chose to maintain our global
engagement, ·overcoming relative disinterest among the American
people ~nd six years of active opposition in the Congress.
2.
American Alliances
Eight years ago, many people thought. our Cold War alliances
would not long survive the Cold War's end, and that our ties to
Europe and Asia would fray with .our common enemy gone.
The President welcomed Europe's desire to play a more visible,
responsible role in NATO and to deepen its union, and he
supported Asian efforts to build regional security dialogues.
B~t he also decided to keep our troops in Europe and Asia, to
renew our alliance with Japan, and to revitalize NATO by giving
it new missions, new partners, and new members.
He made
·
tangible our commitment to Asian s·ecurity by during the crisis
in the TaiwanStrait in 1996 .
And he made real our commitment
to European security by leading NATO actions in Bosnia and
�2
Kosovo, proving to future adversaries that NATO allies can fight
together and hold together in a sustained conflict.
The President thus saved
Indeed, he has left them
War by making cl~ar they
temporary threat, but in
3.
our core alliances from irrelevance.
stronger than they were during the Cold
are organized not in opposition to a
pursuit of permanent shared interes.ts.
A Peaceful, Democratic, Undivided Europe
Eight years ago, Europe's formal division had been overcome.
But NATO still treated the Iron Curtain as something meaningful;
it seemed to many we would be allied with Europe's old
democracies forever, but its new democracies never.
Central
. Europe feared becoming a zone of poverty and instability outside
the European mainstream. Genocidal violence was erupting in the
former Yugoslavia. .western Europe responded with ineffectual
pleading; America claimed it had "no dog" in the fight.
Today, Europe is less divided, more democratic and more peaceful
that at any time in its history.
NATO has three new allies from
across Europe's old divide, real partnerships with all its new
democracies, and unchallenged credibility as the guarantor of
Europe's security.
Central Europe is flourishing and
integrated.
The Balkans are being stabilized, with democracy in
Croatia, an increasingly secure peace in Bosnia, ethnic
cleansing reversed in Kosovo - only a rump Serbian state left
under Milosevic's sway.
Soldiers from almost every European
country - the most bitter former adversaries among them - are
serving under a single. command keeping the peace in the Balkans.
Greece and Turkey are making progress toward reconciliation and the EU has recognized Turkey as a candidate for membership.
All of these developments were championed by the President.
None would have happened without American leadership.
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Meanwhile, America's partnership :-vith our core allies in Europe
is so focused.on shared global interests and common global
agendas that our summits with the EU .elicit from the press yawns
of boredom.
With no fundamental issues dividing us, attention
is focused on a few narrow trade disputes.
But our larger
economic relationship with Europe is thriving: US investment in
Europe multiplied seven-fold.between·l994 and 1998.
4.
Russia
Eight years ago, everyone knew .that at the very best, a
democratic transformation in Russia would take a generation or
more to be complete. But no one knew if Russia had any time to
�,,
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expe:J;"iment and struggle toward that goal, before a nationalist
or communist backlash reversed its gains.
Our efforts bought
Russia time.
Patient .outside support helped Russia to conquer
hyperinflation, to liberalize prices, to make the ruble
convertible, and to survive financial shocks, preserving its
chance to endure the trans'ition from communism.
Despite the
setbacks and suffering along the way, Russians have embraced
democracy and repeatedly rejected a return to the past. And we
have stood by our principles:
insisting on market reforms as a
condition for assistance, aiding Russians struggling to build a/
free media and to defend the rule of law, defending the
sovereignty of Russia's neighbors, denouncing Russia's tactics
in Chechnya and seeking an international presence there.
In.the meantime, we negotiated the withdrawal of Russian troops
from the Baltics, mobilized Russian support for a just end to
the Kosovo war, brought Russian troops into NATO-led missions in
the Balkans. We 'won Russian ratification of START II, disproving
critics· who said that would never happen if we stuck to our guns
in the Balkans and stood by our aspiring NATO allies in central
Europe. And we agreed on the outlines of a START III Treaty
that will reduce our arsenals by 80% from their Cold War height.
We also forged a successful partnership ·with Russia and the
other New Independent States to meet the most urgent security
challenge of the post~Cold War era:
reducing and securing the
old Soviet aisenal of WMD.
Our efforts.have helped deactivate
almost 5,000 former Soviet nuclear warheads, to eliminate
nuclear weapons from Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan, to
strengthen security at over 100 sites in the region, to improve
export controls, to engage over 30,000 weapons scientists in
civilian research, and to purchase hundreds of tons of highly
enriched uranium from dismantled Russian weapons.
The doomsday
scenario many predicted when the Soviet Union collapsed -- of
loose nukes and of scientists selling their se~vi~es to ~he
highest bidder -- has not come to pass (despite Congressional
pressure to cut our vital assistance programs)
~.
China
Eight years ago, our policy toward China was caught betweeri two
irreconcilable approaches: uncritical engagemen~ and untenable
outrage.
President Clinton has fashioned a China strategy that
allows us to advance effectively all of our interests. He has
also urged the American people to see China for what it is:
as
neither an ally nor an inevi):able adversary; as a country facing
demographic, political, and economic and environmental
challenges so great that it could threaten us by its weakness as
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much as by.its strength; as a country that must be engaged at
all levels because its future will help shape the new century.
We have a stable relationship with China today that allows us to
advance critical security interests.
China helped us to
convince North Korea to freeze production of plutoniu~, and to
refrain from more missile tests.
It has worked constructively
to avert a nuclear confroritation in South Asia.
It has joined
the Chemical and Biological Weapons Conventions and the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. We have also convinced China not
to provide new assistance to Iran's nuclear program, to stop
selling anti-ship cruise missiles to that country, and to halt
assistance to unsafeguarded nuclear facilities in Pakistan.
By engaging with Beijing and maintaining our one-China policy,
while meeting Taiwan's legitimate defense needs and making clear
that te.nsions must be resolved peacefully, we have helped
prevent an escalation to conflic~ in the Taiwan Straits. On our
wat·ch, Taiwan has enjoyed sufficie.nt stability to hold two
democratic elections and to thrive economically.
We have followed a two-pronged strategy to promote political and
economic openness in China: maintaining pressure from without
by leading efforts to condemn China's human rights record at the
UN and pressing for the release of dissidents; and encouraging
change from within by exposing China to the forces of global
competition and integration. The agreement we negotiated to
bring China into the WTO offers the best opportunity we have
ever had to promote the forces of systemic change already rising
from within China. And the concessions we won: from China
address our longstanding concerns abouf its closed market.
6.
Peace
In 1992, 55 armed conflicts raged around the world. 1 The Middle
East Peace process was at a standstill.
The Balkan war was at
the height of its brutality, threatening to spread beyond the
borders of the former Yugoslavia.
Little progres~ was being
made in Northern Ireland.
By 1998, the number of armed
conflicts had declined by more than 1/3, to 36; most of the wars
that began after the Cold War had ended or been contained.
In critical regions, the President's engagement has made a
difference.
The Middle East is largely at peace, and closer
than ever'to comprehensive peace.
We ended the killing in
Kosovo, forged a durable peace in Bosnia, launched a Stability
1
According to a widely cited list kept by Sweden's Uppsala University
�5
Pact that is effectively de-Balkanizing the Balkans. We have
successfully managed tensions in the Taiwan Stra{t.
In 1999,
the President helped persuade Pakistan to'withdraw its troops
behind the Line ·of Control in Kashmir, averting what might have
been a catastrophic war between nuclea~ powers. ·The President's
trip to South Asia helped overcome a half-century of frayed ties
with that country, while maintaining our relationship with
Pakista~ and promoting restraint on both sides._
The people of Northern Ireland don't have an enduring peace yet,
but they have tasted genuine power sharing and their guns have
been silent.
Greece and Turkey are talking and cooperating. We
h~mediate an end to-the Peru-Ecuador war, the last armed
conflict in the Western Hemisphere. We have lent our support to
.A'frican efforts to end confll.cts lnSierra Leone, Congo, Burundi
and between Ethiopia and. Eritrea.
These efforts have saved lives. They have diminished the danger
that regional wars will spread and harm our interests. And in
an important way, they have made America stronger: After all,
Israelis and Arabs, Irish Catholics and Protestants, Bosnian
Serbs and Muslims may disagree with passion about many things,
but all agree the United States is an invaluable honest broker;
all have valued the President's role as a peacemaker.
Today,
most of the world trusts and expects America to be a leader for
peace. By meeting that expectation, America has earned influence
and good will that our power alone could never have purchased.
7.
Democracy and Human Rights
F~eedom
has steadily advanced over the last seven and a half
years.
In 1995 [check], for·the first time, more than half the
world's people lived under governments of their own choosing ..
In 1999, with th~ democratic transition~ in Indonesia and
Nigeria, more people won the right to elect their leaders than
in 1989, the year the Berlin Wall fell.
We had helped organize
international pressure agai~st the dictatorship in Nigeria, and
pressed Soeharto to transfer power in Indonesia.
The President also helped mobilize the international coalition
that brought democracy and independence to East Timor (perhaps
the greatest international lost cause of the last generation,
along with independence for the Baltic_ states, ~hich are -=-=~----,
also
flourishing now with o0r support) ·: We drove a military
dictatorship from Haiti, and while that country still suffers
from desperate poverty and political violence, its problems are
a far cry from the reign of.terror that once drove its people to
flee to our shores.
The restoration of democracy in Haiti has
�6
••
also set a wider precedenti
that the nations of the Western
Hemisphere will not tolerate the overthrow of democracy anywhere
in the Americas. The precedent is real: When a coup toppled
the elected president of Ecuador in january, 2000, pressure from
throughout the Hemisphere, including the U.S., convinced its
military to restore civilian government.
We have not articulated rigid principles for intervening in
humanitarian crises abroad, with good reason:
The manner in
which America acts should always depend on our interests, our
capacity to. act and the unique requiremerits of each situation.
But we have advanced the principle that it is legitimate for the
international community to enforce international standards of
human rights and democracy. With our leadership, that principle
was embraced by Europeari countries in Bosnia and Kosovo and by
.Latin countries in Haiti; with our support, it was embraced by
Asian and Pacific. countries in East Timor and by West African
countries in Sierra Leone. And it is being brought to life with
each arrest by the War Crimes Tribunals·America has championed.
8.
New Threats
The President came to office determined that America's national
security strategy be focused on today's threats; not
yesterday's. And he succeeded.
No Administration has ever dcme more to reduce the threat to
Americans .from the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
We
convinced Belarus, Ka~akhstan and Ukraine to give up nuclear
weapons, improved the security of weapons and materials in
Russia, contained Iraq, froze North Korea's nuclear program and
subject~d its facilities to international monitoring, achieved
the extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and banned
Chemical Weapons.
The President also strengthened our domestic
preparedness· against a chemical or biological attack. And he
started from scratch a program to protect America's vital
computer networks from disruption by hackers, terrorists,
criminals and potential adversaries abroad.
9.
Global Economic Policy
Over the last seven and a half years, th~ President has advanced
the goal of trade liberalization in way that sustained global
prosperity ~nd our prosperity.
We secured Congressional
approval of NAFTA and GATT, helped create the WTO, and
negotiated 270 trade agreements that helped create over X
American jobs. We secured commitments to create a Free Trade
Area of the Americas and to open trade throughout the Asia-
�7
Pacific region. We put together_a global coalition that rescued
Mexico from a financial crisis.
Perhaps most important, during
the Asian economic crisis of 1998, we promoted prudent remedies
and kept our own markets open, sparking a recovery that
preserved our own economic security.
The President has
acknowledged that globalization has caused anxiety as well as
prosperityj and that protectionist sentiments are stronger now
than when he took office.
That just ~akes his achievements in
overcoming those sentiments all the more impressive ..
The President has rejected critics of free trade, but never
embraced the belief that the hidden hand of the market .can alone
lift the lives of the needy.
So he has pushed for and achieved
a treaty banning child labor, won G-7 support for relieving the
debts of the world's poorest countries, and helped launch a
global effort t~ accelerate research on diseases that devastate
the developing world.
He has championed special trade benefits
for Africa and the Caribbean Basin. He has argued that we can
only sustain a consensus for open markets if we can show that
they increase both the wealth and fair.ness of societies.
Fi~ally, he· has labored with some success to change the way
people think about the relationship between economic growth and
protecting the environment. The Administration negotiated the
Kyoto Protocol - a realistic and legally binding framework to
reduce greenhouse gas emissions .that is both economically and
environmentally so~nd.
II.
1.
Rebuttal to Critics
We have advanced no single foreign policy doctrine or
framework for the post-cc,ld War world.
The President has offered the American people a consistent
vision of the need for American leadership in a globalized
world.
He has spoken about our growing vulnerability to distant
artd to problems that transcend frontiers.
He has argued
. B-S-t-meetof disintegration with a strategy
of onstructive integration
building and extending
instl-~---·
ether nations that play by common
rules while is6lating those who defy them.
That principle has
guided everything from NATO enlargement and the Partnership for
Peace, to our Balkan Stabi'lity Pact, to the creation of the WTO
and its expansion to China, to the Summit of the Americas and
our elevation of APEC.
In many ways, the President has grasped
the challenges and opportunities of globalization in a way that
America's foreign policy debate has not caught up with.
�•
8
~··
At the same time, he does not claim that globalization is a
doctrine. And if the charge is we don't have one, we proudly
plead guilty.
There is no single, overaFching framework that
can adequately guide American foreign policy is a complex world.
Even during the Cold War, the doctrine of containment was
inadequate - it led us correctly in our dealings with the Soviet
Union, but led us astray when we got bogged down in local
struggles rooted in local circumstances.
Tellingly, of the countle~s critics who charge us with not
having a framework, none have suggested a framework of their own
- apart from recycling lists of.priorit~es remarkably similar to
those contained in presidential speeches they apparently have
not read.
They also ignore the one coherent alternative visi~n
that we have in fact had to contend with over the last few
years:
the nee-isolationist vision of a small but assertive
minority in the Congress that says to America:
"go-it-alone or
don't-go-at-all." A fundamental achievement of the Clinton
Administration is that we ha~e maintained our global engagement
in the face of opposition from this group to virtually every
initiative that involved risk and cost.
2.
Our ability to lead coalitions and win the support of our
allies has frayed.
This' charge largely stems from our· experience in Iraq, where our
coalition has "frayed" in the sense that France is no longer
with us.
But for the reasons argued above, our alliances are in
better shape today than they were in the Cold War - even France
has taken steps to become morE:~ closely integ;r-ated with NATO.
The coalitions we led in Bosnia and Kosovo were the broadest in
European history; the coalition.in Kosovo held together in what
proved to be the longest and most difficult military engagement
in NATO's history.
We helped mobilize an unprecedented
coalition of Asian and Pacific nations to intervene in East
Timor - something that would have seemed unthinkable just a few
years ago. And support in the Arab world for our G~lf policy
remains strong - if it wasn't, we couldn't sustain the policy.
On this question, the critics have a short and selective memory.
They forget that our alliance with Europe was frayed during the
1970s·and 1980s over truly fundamental issues like Vietnam and
Cold War nuclear deployments.
They forget the ~assive antiAmerican demonstrations in al).ied capitals during that time.
They forget that eight years ago, Europe ~nd Japan were
lecturing the United States on the need to get our economic
h9use in order and threateni?g to go their own way on security.
�•
9
'
~-
Today, our allies are not worried about American decline or
disengagement; if they are worri~d about anything, it is
American predominance. That is a problem that must be managed,
but it is also a measure of America's success under the Clinton
Administration, not of its failure.
3.
The President's foreign policy is driven by politics
A President driven by politics would not have bailed out Mexico,
or' fought hard for NAFTA, GATT, fast track and PNTR against the
opposition of much of his political party, or taken the huge
risk of going to war over Kosovo, or approved sustained
deployments of American troops in Bosnia, or invested so much in
building relationships with Russia and China, or spent so much
of his Presidency traveling abroad.
For some critics, especially after Kosovo, this charge revolves
around the accusation that we are afraid to use force in any way
that might lead to casualties. They find it hard to admit that
a commander in'chief might actually be motivated by a genuine
sense of responsibility for the welfare of his troops; they
forget Patton's famous admonition to his troops:
that their job
was "not to die for your coun~ry, but to make the other son of a
b~*** die for his country.n
And they forget that our strategy
in Kosovo succeeded - not only- in reversing ethnic cleansing but
in holding NATO together. :That might not have happened had we
forced a premature debate in Nl\TO about ground troops.
For. others, the charge is that we went into Haiti to appease the
Black Caucus, or that we enlarged NATO to appeal to PolishAmericans.
But that is hogwash.
In both cases, the President
laid out a coherent rationale tied to our national interests.
Instead of engaging those arguments, which would require
confronting hard choices and proposing real alternatives,
critics find it easier to claim we had no national iriteiests,
and to cry "politics.~
�I.
Defining the Era -- Globalization
1. The United States needs .to recognize globalization as the
defining feature of the· pof;t-Cold War international system,
and harness it to advance our interests.
State of the Uhion, 2000:
"We must reach beyond bur own borders, to shape the revolution
that is tearing down barriers and building new networks among
nations and individuals, and economies and cultures:
•globalization.
It's the central reality of our time.
Of course, change this profound is both liberating and
threatening to people.
But there 's no turning back. And our
open, crea.tive society stands to benefit more than any other -i f 'we understand, and act on, the realities of interdependence.
We have to be at the center of every vital global network, as a
· good neighbor and a good partner.
We have to recognize that we
cannot build our future without helping others to build theirs."
San Francisco, 2/26/~9:
"Today we must embrace the inexorable-logic of globalization
that everything, from the strength of our economy to the safety
of our cities, ~? the health of our people, depends on events
not only within our borders, but half a world. away.
We must see
the opportunities and the dangers of the interdependent world in
which we are clearly fated to ,live."
Davos, 1/29/00:
"We must recognize first that: globalization has made us all more
free and more interdependent..
Those of us who are more fortunate
must be more responsible and work harder to be good neighbors and
good partners.
The United States has a special responsibility in
that regard, becaus~ we have been so fortunate in our history and
so very fortunate over the last decade."
Address to Africa Summit, 2/17/00:
"For most·of history, the central reality in international
rela·tions was that size and .location matter most.
If you were a
big· country or .on a trade or invasion route, you mattered.
If
not, you are marginalized.
. That has all·changed now.
For
the cen.tral reality of our time is globalization.
It is tearing
down barriers between nations and people; knowledge, contact and
�2
trade across borders within and between every continent ar~
exploding.
And all this globalization is also, as the barriers
come down, making us more vulnerable to one another's problems."
2. In a globalized world, old dist.inctions between domestic and
foreign policy become blurred.
Inaugural Address, 1993:
"There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is
domestic - the world economy, the world environment, the world
AIDS crisis, the world arms race- they affect us all."
Speech to Freedom House, ·10/6/95:
"The once bright line between domestic and foreign policy is
blurring.
If I could anything. to change the speech patterns of
those of us in public life, I would almost iike to stop hearing
people talk about foreign policy and domestic policy and instead
star.t discussing economic policy, security policy, environmental
policy- you name it."
(Speech to Freedom House, 10/6/95)
3. If our strength at home depends on our strength abroad, the
opposite is also true.
The President has stressed that our
ability to lead abroad increasingly depends on the strength of
our economy and society at home.
His success in revitalizing
the American economy and eliminating the deficit has been
among his greatest foreign policy achievements.
It has erased
perceptions of American decline, brought America respect from
friends and allies, strengthened the credibility of our
leadership.
It has supported global economic growth and
enabled Asia to survive a financial crisis.
It has enabled us
to continue to fund our global engagement.
ASNE, 4/11/97:
"Four years ago'I came into office determined to renew our
strength and prosperity here at home. But I also believe that
in the global society of the 21st century, the dividing line
between foreign and domestic policy was increasingly an
artificial distinction.
After all, our national security
depends on strong families, safe streets, and world class
education.
And our succe·ss at home clearly depends on our
strength an~ willingness and our ability to lead abroad."
Auckland,
9/13/99:
�·3
"We, ~n the United States, knew when this [Asian] crisis started
·that we had to work in all these ways.
We have worked on the
global financial archi·tecture.
We have worked to try to promote
a new round of world trade.
We also, remembering the awful
experience of the Great Depression, worked hard to keep our
markets open.
For the first half of 1999, our trade deficit was
more than double what it was in the .first half of 1997.
But I think it is clear that that decision, even though it's
somewhat controversial in the United States, was the right
decision for American workers and for American businesses
because we always need to be looking at, the long- term and the
prospects of creating q global. economy in which there is more
trade, not less. "
4. A related point: The greatness of nations today i~ defined by
the strength of their democracies and economies and by their
ability to seize the opportunities of a global society.
Speech to the Russian people, 1/14/94:
"In the'midst of these conflicts between the faces and forces of
tomorrow and the forces of yesterday, I believe that the
greatness of nations in .the 21st century will be defined not by
whether they can dictate to millions and millions of people
within and beyond their borders, but instead by whether they can
provide their citizens the opportunity to live up to the fullest
of their ability, to take ful.l advantage of the incredible
things that are in the world of today and tomorrow.
Therefore, if we are to reali.ze the greatness of Russia in the
21st century, I believe your nation must be strong democratically
and economically. And in thj~S increasingly interconnected
world, you must be able to get al.ong together and to get along
with and trade with your neighbors close at hand and all around
the globe."
In¢ian Parliament, 3/23/00:
"In the new millennium, every great country must answer one
overarching question: how shall we define our greatness? Every
country -- America included -- is tempted to cling to
yesterday's definition of economic and military might.
But true
leadership for the United States and India derives more from the
power of our example and the potential of our people."
�4
5. Globalization is not just about economics, and it does not by
itself lead' to greater free!dom, prosperity, or security.
It
merely creates opportunitie!s that we can seize only by staying
engaged in the world, often building on the institutions and
arrangements that saw us through the Cold War.
San Francisco, 2/26/99:
"After World War II, our leaders .
. and their successors
built a network of security all.iances to preserve the peace, and
a global financial system to preserve prosperity.
Over the last six years, we have been striving to renew those
arrangements and to create new ones for the challenges of the.
next 50 years.
we.have made progress, but there is so very much
more to do.
We cannot assume today tha~ globalization alone
will wash away the forces of destruction at the dawn of the 21st
century, any more than it did at the dawn of the 20th century.
We cannot assume it will bring freedom and prosperity to
ordinary citizens around the world who long 'for them.
We cannot
assume it will assume it will avoid environmental and public
health disasters.
We cannot assume that because we are now
secure, we Americans do not need military strength or alliances,
or that l{ecause we are prosperous, we are not vulnerable to
financial· turmoil half a world away. The world we want to leave
our children and grandchildren requires us to make the right
choices, and some of them wil.l be difficult."
(
II.
The danger
oi
disintegration in an interdependent world
6. Globalization plays to our strengths and creates opportunities.
for the advancement of our values.
But it also makes us more
vulnerable to distant dangers.
It can empower destructive
forces as well as creative ones.
Davos, 1/29/00:
"Today, we know that, because of scientific and technological
advance, we can change the equation between energy use and
economic growth.
We can shatter the limits that time and space
pose to doing business and getting an education.
But the
openness and mobility, the flexible networking and sophisticated
communications technologies that have made globalization what it
is -- so totally consuming,, all these factors have also made us
more vulnerable to some of our oldest problems.
�5
Terrorism, narco.- traffickers and organized criminals, they can
use all this new· technology, too, and take. advantage of the
openness of societies and borders.
They present all of us with
new security challenges in the new century.
The spread of
disease; ethnic, racial, tribal, religious conflicts, rooted in
the fear of others who are different-- they seem·to find ways
to spread in this globalized era."
Address to the UNGA, 1997:
·"The forces of global integration are a great tide, inexorably
wearing away the established order of things.
But we must
decide what will be left in i t·s wake.
People fear change when
they feel its burdens but not its benefits. · They are
susceptible to misguided protectionism, to the poisoped appeals
of extreme nationalism, ·and ethnic, racial, and religious
hatred. New global environmental challenges require us to find
ways·to work together without damaging legitimate aspirations
for progress.
We're all vulnerable to the reckless acts of
rogue states and to an unholy axis of terrorists, drug
traffickers, and -international criminals.
These 21st century
predators feed on the very free flow of information and ideas
and people we cherish.
They abuse the vast power of technology
to build black markets for weapons, to compromise law
enforcement with huge bribes of illicit cash, to launder money
·with the keystroke of a computer.
These forces are our enemies.
We must face them together because no one ·can defeat them
alone."
7. Distant crises affect us mt::>re directly today; we are also more
aware of their impact on others.
So globalization raises not
only the strategic costs, but the moral costs of indifference.
National Summit on Africa, 2/17/00:
"Globalization means we know more about one· another than ever
before.
. We can find out within seconds now what the
weather is in Nairobi, how a referendum turned out 'in Zimbabwe,
how Cameroon's indomitable L~Lons performed in the latest soccer
match.
We can go online and read the Addis Tribune, the Mirror
of Ghana, the East African, or dozens of other African
newspapers.
We sit in front of a television and watch peoplein
a South African township line up to vote.
We also, now, bear witness to the slaughter of innocents in
Rwanda, or the ravages of AIDS in scores of lands, or the
painful coincidence of remarkable growth and abjeCt poverty in
�6
nation after nation.
In other words, it is no longer an option
for us to choose not to know about the triumphs and the trials
of the people with whom we share this small planet. Not just
America and Africa; I would imagine millions of Africans
identified with the Muslims of Kosovo when they were run out of
their country, all of them at one time.
We know about each
other; we can no longer choose not to know.
We can only choose
not to act, or to act.
In this world, we can be indifferent or
we can make a difference."
8. What are. the specific dangers of this era? In the past, the
President has argued, we WE!re most. threatened by the strength
of competing powers. That threat has not disappeared.
But a
more immediate, realistic danger stems from the potential
weakness of the world's great nations.
That is one reason we
have aided Russia's democratic and economic development, one
reason we have supported China's economic reforms by bringing
-it into the WTO, one reason we have been far more supportive
of a strong and united European Union than our predecessors.
San Francisco, 2/26/99:
"For 50 years, we confronted the challenge of Russia's strength.
Today, we must confront the risk of a Russia weakened by the
legacy of communism and also by its inability at the moment to
maintain prosperity at home or control the flow of its money,
weapons and technology across its borders.
We have as
much of a stake today in Russia overcoming these challenges as
we did in checking its expansion during the Cold War. "
USIP, 4/7/99:
"If we've learned anything in the last few years from Japan's
long recession and Russia's current economic troubles, it is
that the weaknesses of great nations can pose as big a challenge
to America as their strengths.
So as we focus on the potential
challenge that a strong China could present to the United States
in the future, let us not forget the risk of a weak China, beset
by internal conflicts, social dislocation and criminal activity,
becoming a vast zone of instability in Asia."
Address to Future Leaders of Europe, 1/9/94:
My administration supports European Union, and Europe's
development of stronger institutions of common purpose and
common action.
We recognize we will benefit more from a strong
and equal partner than from a weak one.
�7
Brazil, 10/14/97:
"Does the United States, at the end of the Cold War left as
being the world's ·only superpower, feel threatened by the
emergence of Brazil or any other country? The answer is, I
support the emergence of countries to a greater role of
influence and responsibility, as long as they share our basic
values.
When I became President,, there was the question of whether the
United States would object if, in addition to NATO in Europe,
there were an independent European security force wo:rking with
NATO. And I made it clear from the beginning, I support this. I
don't see these things as competing. We have to change because
most of the threats to nations in the years ahead will come not
from other nations, but from threats that· cross national
borders.
. And because most of the benefits that nations can
derive for their people requi.re them to cooperate with people
beyond their borders, we will. have to change our conception of
how national power and influence is acquired. ·National power
and influence is acquired, ironically, by becoming more
interdependent and cooperative with others who are strong and
self-sufficient and self-reli:ant."
Indian Parliament, 3/23/00:
"If we listen to each other, I also believe Indians will
understand better that America, very much wants you to succeed.
Time and again -- time and again in my time. as President,·
America has found that it is the weakness of great nations, not
their strength, that threatens our vision for tomorrow.
So we
want India to be strong,- to .be secure; to be united; to be a
force for a·safer, more prosperous, more democratic world."
9. The most acute danger in this era of porous borders is the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Hence our focus
on strengthening the global non-proliferation regime,
reversing S. Asia arms race, strengthening the security of
nuclear· arsenals in the former Soviet Union;. denying WMD to
rogue nations and terrorists, exploring NMD against rogue
missile threats.
San Francisco, 2/26/99:
"Each generation faces the challenge of not trying to fight the
war.
In our case, that means recognizing that the more
las~
�8
likely future threat to our existence is not a strategic nuclear
strike from Russia or China, hut the use of weapons of mass
destruction hy an outlaw nation or a terrorist group."
ASNE, 4/15/99:
"Now., at the end of the 20th century, we face a great battle
between the forces of integration and the forces of
disintegration; the forces of globalism versus.tribali'sm; of
oppression against empowerment. And the phenomenal explosion of
technology, including that of advanced weaponry, might be the
servant of either side -- or Jboth."
State of the Union, 2000:
"I predict to you, when most of us are long gone, but.some time
in the next 10 to 20 years, the major security threat this
country will face wi.ll come from the enemies of the nation
state:
the narco-traffickers and the terrorists and the
organized criminals, who will be organized together, working
together, with increasing acces.s to ever-more sophisticated
chemical and biological weapons."
10.
Interdependence also increases. the danger that local wars,
even in small and distant places, will spread and threaten our
interests.
Thus, a central feature of our foreign policy has
been preventive diplomacy and preventive action, from the
Middle East to the Balkans.
We have taken military action to
avert.larger crises that would require far more costly
American intervention. And we have made diplomatic and
economic investments to avoid the need for military action.
San Francisco, 2/26/99:
"It's easy, for example, to say that we really have no interest
in who lives in this or that valley in Bosnia, or who owns a
strip of brushland in the Horn of Africa, or some piece of
parched earth by the Jordan River.
But the true measure of our
interests lies not in how small or distant these places are, or
in whether we have trouble pronouncing their names.
The
question we must.ask is, what are the consequences to our
security of letting conflicts fester and' spread.
We cannot,
indeed, we should not, do everything or be everywhere.
But
where are values and our interests are at stake, and where we
can make a difference, we must be prepared to do so.
And we
must remember that the real challenge of foreign policy is to
deal with problems before they harm our national interests."
�9
Veterans Day, 11/11/99:
"We know that if diplomacy is not backed by real and credible
threats of force, it can be empty, and even dangerous. But if we
don't use d~plomacy first, then our military will-become our
only line of defense.
Of course, it also costs money to help struggling young
democracies to stand on their feet as friends and partners of
the United States, as we!ve t:ried to do from Poland to Russia to
Nigeria to Indonesia. It cost:s money to make sure nuclear
weapons in the former Soviet Union are secure; for the
terrorists and leaders who wish us harm do not acquire the means
to kill on a more massive scale.
It costs money to support the
peacemakers in places like the Middle East and .the Balkans and
Africa, so that regional conflicts do not explode and spread.
But all of you know, better t:han most, that freedom is not free.
And all of you know, far better than most, that the costliest
peace. is far cheaper than the cheapest war. "
11.
Regional conflicts are particularly dangerous when driven
by the exploitation of ethnic and religious differences.
Ethnic differences pose a particular risk of instability in
the former communist world, where they were once artificially
suppressed. Where ethnic differences lead to the singling out
of whole peoples for destruction or displacement, we have a
moral responsibility to respond with more than just the
provision of aid to victims, though the way we do so must take
into account our interests and capacity to act.
That
principle provided part of the justification for militari
interventions in the Balkans and East Timor, and one
motivation for helping others, including African nations,
strengthen their capacity to respond to humanitarian crisis.
Millenium lecture with Elie Wiesel, 4/12/99:
to
'
"The central irony of our time, it seems
me,. ~s this: Most
of us have this vision of a 21st century world with the triumph
of peace and prosperity and personal freedom; with the :respect
for the integrity of ethnic, racial and religious minorities;
within a framework of shared values, shared power, shared
plenty; making common cause against disease and environmental
degradation across national. Jines, against terror, organized
crime, weapons of mass destruction.
This vision, ironically, is
threatened by the oldest demon of human society
-- our
�10
vulnerability to hatred of the other.
In the face of that, we
cannot be indifferent, at home or abroad.
ASNE, 4/15/99:
"Much .of the former Soviet Union faces a similar [ethnic]
challenge, including Ukraine and Moldova, southern Russia, the
Caucasus nations of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the new
nations of Central Asia.
These nations spent 'most of the last
half-century under communist rule.
They projected to the
world a picture of stability, but it was a false picture -- a
stability imposed by rulers whose answer to ethnic tensions was
not tq resolve them, but to suppress and deny them.
When· the
weight of communist repression was lifted, these tensions
naturally rose to the surface, to be resolved by statesmen, or
exploited by demagogues.
The potential for ethnic conflict
became, perhaps, the. greatest: threat to what is among our most
critical interests:
the transition of the former communist
countries toward stability, prosperity and freedom.
Who is going to define the future of this part of the world?
Who will provide the model for how the people who have emerged
from communism resolve their own legitimate problems? Will it
be Mr. Milosevic, with his propaganda machine and his
paramilitary thugs, who tel.l people to leave their country,
their history and their land behind, or die? Or will it be a·
nation like Romania, which is building democracy and respecting
the rights of its ethnic minorities? Or Hungary, which has
accepted that ethnic Hungarians can live beyond its borders with
security and freedom? Or Macedonia, which is struggling to
maintain a tolerant, multiethnic·society under the unimaginable
pressures of the human and economic costs imposed by Mr.
Milosevic's policies?"
Millenium lecture with Elie Wiesel, 4/12/99:
"From our successes and from our failures, we know there are
hard questions that have to })e asked when you move ·beyond the
values and the principles to the murky circumstances of daily
life.
We can't, perhaps, .;ini:ervene everywhere, ·but we must
always be alive to the possil)ility of preventing death and
oppression, and forging and strengthening institutions and
alliances to make a good outcome more likely."
Address to the UNGA,· 9/21/99:
�11
"When we are faced with deliberate, organized campaigns to
murder whole· peoples, or expe.I them from their .land, the care of
victims is important, but not enough.
We should work to end the
violence.
Our response in every case cannot and should not be the same.
Sometimes collective military force is both appropriate and
feasible. Sometimes concerted economic and politica.I pressure,
combined with diplomacy, is a better answer, as it was in making
possible the introduction of forces in East Timor.
Of course, the way the international community responds will
depend upon the capacity of countries to act, and on their
perception of their national interests. NATO acted in Kosovo,
for example, to stop a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing in a
place where we had important interests at stake, and·the ability
to act collectively.
The same considerations brought Nigerian
troops and their partners to Sierra Leone, and Australians and
others to East Timor.
That is proper -- so long as we work
together,. support each other, and do not abdicate our collective
responsibility."
12.
Globalization also accentuates the danger posed by the
persistence of abject poverty.
The President has spoken about
this as both a moral and a strategic challenge - a threat to
stability and prosperity in a ~lobal society.
As a result,
there has been an growing and unprecedented f6cus in our
foreign policy over the last several years on initiatives to
fight poverty:
by relieving debts, creating export
opportunities for impoverished nations, promoting
microenterprise, narrowing inequities in education and health,
fighting AIDS and spuring investment in vaccines.
State of the Union, 2000:
"I hope we can also have a constructive effort to meet the
challenge.that is presented to our planet by the huge gulf
between· rich and poor.
We cannot accept a world in which part
of humanity lives on the cutting edge of a new economy, and the
rest live on the bare edge of survival.
I think we have to do
our part to change that -- w:i th expanded trade, expanded aid,
and the expansion of freedom."
Little Rock, 12/10/99:
"I want Americans to invest .in poor countries.
I believe that
if .YOU lift people out of poverty, you -minimize their profound
�12
and primitive racial, ethnic and religious hatreds and you give
them something _to live for.and look forward to."
III.
The Solution:
Constructive Integration
13.
If the overarching threat in a globalized world is
disintegration, part of tht3 answer is to promote integration
around common interests and values.
It is to build, adapt,
and expand institutions that allow nations to gain more by
cooperating than by competing in zero sum games.
Hence our
focuson building an undivided Europe, adapting NATO,
elevating the OSCE, urging EU expansion, encouraging regional
security arrangements in Asia and Africa, creating the WTO,
the Summit of the Americas process, the Middle East economic
summits, and so on. We have also encouraged institutions to
expand their membership to countries undergoing important
transitions, using their entry requirements to levera~e the
'
.
outcomes we seek - for example, using NATO enlargement to
encourage reform in central and eastern Europe, and using the
WTO to piomote change in China.
·
Address to
th~
UNGA, 1997:
"To seize· the opportunities and move against the threats of this
r,zew global era, we need a nev1 strategy of. security.
Over the
past five years, nations have begun to put that strategy in
place through a new network of institutions and arrangements
with distinct missions, but a common purpose -- to secure and
strengthen the gains of democracy and free markets while turning
back their enemies.
We see this strategy taking place on every continent
expanded
military alliances like NATO,· its Partnership for Peace, its
partnerships with a democratj~C Russia and a democratic Ukraine;
free trade arrangements like the WTO and the Global Information
Technology Agreement; and the move toward free trade areas by
nations in the Americas, the Asia Pacific region, and elsewhere;
strong arms control regimes '~like the Chemical Weapons Convention
and the Nonproliferation Treaty; multinational coalitions with
zero tolerance for terrorism, corruption, crime, and drug
trafficking; binding international commitments to protect .the
environme~t and safeguard human rights.
Through this web of insti tuL[ons and arrangements, nations are
now setting the internationaJ ground rules for the 21st century,
laying a foundation for secm:i ty and prosperity for those who
�13
live within them, while isolating those who challenge them from
the outside."
14. Our Cold War military alliances were not merely a temporary
, response to a transitoli'y threat.
They remain vital in
deterring future dangers arid promoting constructive
integration among nations that share our values.
They are not
merely defensive, but instruments for advancing common
interests; they are defined not merely by what they are
against, but what they are for.
Hence our decision to.
preserve and ada~t our European and Asian alliances; by no
means an obvious course at the end of the Cold War.
USIP, 4/7/99:
"Among the first decisions I made in 1993 was to preserve the
alliances that kept the peace during the Cold War.
That meant
in Asia, we kept 100, ooo· troops there, and maintained robust
alliances with Japan, . Korea, Thailand, Australia and the
Philippines.
We did this, and have done it, not to contain
China or anyone else, but_to give confidence to all that the
potential threats to Asia's security will remain just that
potential -- and that America remains committed to being
involved with Asia and to Asia's stability.
Address to Future Leaders of Europe, 1/9/94:
"I am committed to keeping.roughly 100,000 troops in Europe.
It
is not habit, but security and partnership that justifies this
continuing commitment. And just as we have worked .in partnership \
with Europe on every major security challenge in this century,
it is time for us to join building the new security for the 21st
century.
. The old security was based on the defense of our
_bloc against another bloc.
1~e new security·must be found in
Europe's integration, an integration of security forces, of
market economies, of national democrc:Lcies."
San Francisco, 2/26/99:
"The century's lfloodiest wars began in Europe.
That's why I've
worked hard to build a Europe that finally is undivided,
democratic and at peace.
We want all of Europe to have what
America helped build in Western Europe --:- a community that
upholds common standards of human rights, where people have the
confidence and security to invest in the future, where nations
cooperate to make war unthinkable."
�14
15.
Integration among states can also be an answer to the
specific problem of disintegration within states.
The
President has argued that countries divided ethnically are
more likely to resolve their problems if they can benefit from
belonging to larger communities that encourage transnational
cooperation and make borders less relevant to people's lives.
That's another reason we have pursued the goal of an undivided
Europe, aqd why we have .focused on the integration of the
Balkans as the long te~m solution to its problems.
Address to the Nation on Kosovo, 6/l0/99:
"We must help to give the democracies of Southeastern Europe a
path to a prosperous, shared future -- a unifying magnet more
powerful than the pull of hatred and destruction that has
threatened to tear them apart."
ASNE, 4/15/99:
"The real question today is not whether Kosovo will be part of
Serbia.
The real question is whether Kosovo and Serbia, and the
other states in the region, w.ill be part of the new Europe.
The
best solution for Kosovo, for Serbia, for Bosnia, Croatia,
Macedonia and all the countries of southeast Europe is not the
endless re-jiggering of their borders, but ·greater integration
into a Europe in which sovere.ignty matters, but in which borders
are becoming more and more open, and less important in a
negative sense.
In the long run, our goal for Kosovo should.not be independence,
'but interdependence.
Our watchword for the region sHould be
integration, not disintegration.
The ultimate answer for
Kosovo, for Serbia, for Bosnia, Croatia, all the Balkans is not
to withdraw behind barriers of mistrust and insecurity, but to
join a Europ<:= where borders unite rather than divide; to build a
richly- textured fabric of ci v.iliza tion that lifts all God's
children and resists those who would tear it apart by appealing
to the dark recesses of the.soul that lead onl,y to dead'ends."
Address to People of Pakistan, 3/25/00
"Like· all key moments in histc)ry, this one poses some hard
choices, for this era does not reward people who struggle to
redraw borders with blood.
It belongs to those with the vision
to look beyond borders for partners in commerce and trade."
/
�15
16. The promotion of democracy is in our interest because
democracy is a force for pE~ace, prosperity and constructive
integration. Hence our efforts to support the development of
democracy from central.Europe and Russia to the Balkans,
Nigeria and Indonesia. Democracy is also a key to success in
an interdependent world.
Globalization.doesn't guarantee its
spread, but it does force countries to confront hard political
choices, and makes it in their self-interest to choose greater
openness.
Hence, our effort to increase China's
interdependence with the world by bringing.it into the WTO.
State of the Union, 1994:
"Ultimately, thebes~ strategy to ensure our security and to
build a durable peace is to support the advance of democracy
elsewhere.
Democracies don't attack each other; they make
better trading partners and partners in diplomacy. 11
Turkish Parliament, 11/15/99:
"~.nd
in our own troubled century, about to close, we have
clearly learned that when writers and journalists freely express
themselves,· they exercise not only a fundamental right, but fuel
the exchange of ideals essential .to prosperity and growth.
When
·peaceful outlets exist to express normal human differences, the·
peace is preserved, not shattered.
When people c2m celebrate
their culture and faith in ways that do not infringe upon the
rights of others, moderates do not become extremists, and
extremists do not become ml.sguided heroes."
Beijing University, 6/29/98
"In the world we ..live in, this global information age, constant
improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and
to national strength.
Therefore, the freest possible flow of
information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for
divergent political and.religious convictions will actually
breed strength and· stability going forward.
It is,· therefore, profoundly in your interest·/ and the world's~
that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their
potential.
That is the message of our time and the mandate of
the new century and the new millennium. 11
SAIS, 3/8/00:
�16
"[China.' s effort to crack down on the internet] just proves how
real these changes are and how much they threaten the status
quo.
It is not an argument· for slowing down the effort ·to· bring
China into the world, it is an argument for accelerating that
effort.
In the kno.wledge economy, economic innovation' and
political empowerment, whether anybody likes it or no,t, will
inevitably go hand in hand.
\
\
Now, of course, bringing China. in to t-he WTO doesn't guarantee it
will choose political reform.
But by accelerating the process
·Of economic change, it will force China to confront that choice
sooner, and make the imperative for the right choj_ce stronger."
17. Open markets sustain our prosperity; they are also vital in
bringing people together, increasing interdependence, and
giving naticins a way out of poverty. Hence, ·our support for a
Free Trade Area of ·the Americas a
for APEC -- not simply
vehicles to create·jobs butt d~~pen re ional inte ration
as well as our support for the WTO, CBI, and the African
Growth and Opportuni~y Act.
Shanghai, 7/1/98:
"In 'the 21st century more than ever our ability to compete in
foreign.markets will be a critical source of our strengthen and
prosperity at home.
We have, after a·ll, in the United States
just 4 percent of the world's population, but we produce 20
percent of. its wealth.. Clear.Iy we must do something with the
other 96 percent of the people on this small planet in order.to
maintain our standard of living and our ability to stand up for
our.values arou;nd the wor.Id."'
Waseda University, 7/7/93:
"Expanded trade and more open economies will not only enrich
people but empower them.
Trade is a revolutionary force."
Santiago,
Chil~,
J
4/21/98:
•
'
"Tpgether we have begun to create the free trade area of the
Americas, a thriving market o:f 800 million· people invested in
each other's future, enriching each others lives, weaving a
tapestry of interdependence that strengthens every nation."
Little Ro~k, 1~/10/~9:
,.
�17
"We are better off both economically and in terms of our
security because for 50 years we have continued to expand trade.
And if you don't believe it, look at all the places in the world
that are in trouble.
You know that problem we had in Bosnia and
in Kosovo that I had to send the military to solve - do you
seriously believe we would have had to go to war in the Balkans
if their per-capita ipcome were not the lowest in Europe? If it
was.the highest in Europe, would the care i f they were Muslims
or Orthodox Christians or Catholics? If they were all well
educated and working together and they had more in common than
driving them apart?
Or in the Middle East, one of the problems is the abject poverty
of the Palestinians.
If we were in better shape there
economically and everyone were better integrated, don't you
think we'd be closer to peace? And I'm very proud of the role I
played in the Irish peace process,· and the role America played,
and the role George Mitchell played.
One of the reasons they
made peace in Ireland is that the Irish Republic had the fastest
growing economy in Europe. "
Davos, 1/29/00:
"Those who wish to roll back the forces of globalization because
they fear its disruptive consequences I believe are plainly
wrong.
Fifty years of experience shows that greater economic
integration and political cooperation are positive forces.
We have got to reaffirm unamb.iguously that open markets and
rules-based trade are the best engine we know of to lift living
standards, reduce environmental destruction and build shared
,prosperity.
This is true whether you're in Detroit, Davos, Dacca
or Dakar.
Worldwide, open markets do create jobs.
They do raise
incomes.
They do spark innovation and spread new technology -.. they do, coupled with the exp.Losion of international
communications through the Internet, which is the fa$test-growing
network in history."
18.
To sustain a consensus for open markets, trade has to
contribute to both the wealth and fairness of societies; it
must reinforce the values that give meaning to people's lives.
Hence our effort to ban abusive child labor and to begin a
discussion about the links between labor rights, the
environment and trade.
Davos, 2/25/00:
�18
"Since globalization is about morethan ecoiwmics, our
interdependence requires-us to find ways to meet the challenges
of advancing our values without promoting protectionism or
undermining open trade.
I know that the words "labor and
environment" are heard with suspicion in the developing world
when they are uttered by people from the developed world.
I
understand that these words are code for rich-country
protectionism. So let me be as clear as possible on this.
We
shouldn't do anything to stunt the economic growth and
development of any developing nation.
I have never asked any
developing nation, and never will, to give up a more prosperous
future.
But in today's world, developing countries can achieve
growth·without making some of the,mistakes most developed
countries made on worker protection and the environment as we
were on our path to industrialization.
And the more we hunker down and refuse to devote time
systematically to discussing these issues and letting people
express their honest opinion, the more we are going to fuel the
fires of protectionism, not put them out.
We have to make some
institutional accommodation to the fact that -this is a part of
the debate surrounding globalization."
19. There is no trade off between promoting global growth and
protecting global environmEmt. The threat of climate change
makes it necessary to do both. New technologies make it
possible to do both.
Hence,. our support for the Kyoto
process, and efforts to help developing countries invest in
clean energy.
Shanghai, 7/1/98:
"Now, unfortunately, it is still the dominant opinion in
virtually all developing countries -- and I might add, in many
sectors of the United States, including among many in the
Congress -- that there is an iron, unbreakable link between
economic growth and industrial age energy practices.
If that is
the link, we can hardly expect decisionmakers in countries with
a lot of poor people trying·to come to grips with the enormous
changes of the global economy, to do anything other than either
deny the environmentai problems or say that their children will
have to fix them.
Happily,' it is not true.
It is simply not
true.
We have example after example after example of
countries whose economies are doing well as they adopt more
,
I
sensible environmental and energy practices .
�19
All the evidence is, if you look at the record of our country
going back to 1970, every time the United States has adopted
higher environmental standards, businesses have cre'ated new
technologies to meet them, and we have actually had faster
economic growth with better and better paying jobs as a result."
Auckland,
9/13/99
1
:
"The world works.by adherence to our departure from big ideas.
And we organize ourselves around them, and then people like you
do real well when you figure out how to improve on them, modify
them, find a little niche in which to move.
But i f stay with a
big idea that's wrong too long, no matter how good the rest of
our crf!ativity is, we all get in trouble.
And no matter how
hard we work; we get in trou.ble because we work harder and
harder and harder at · the wrong . things.
One of the big ideas the world has to abandon is the idea that
the only way to build a modern prosperous economy is with the
industrial energy use patterns of a former era.
It is not true.
And when you look at the future of China, when youlook at the
future of India, when you 'look at all the other developing
economies, and you imagine what you can do with the cell phone,
I
with ,the Internet and with al.ternative energy development, a lot
of very poor places in Africa and Asia and other parts of the.
world can skip a whole generation of economic development unless
we stay in chains to a big idea that is no longer true."
Davos:
"The new economy has produced scientific and technological
advances. that absolutely disprove the old ideas about growth.
It
is actually now possible to grow an economy faster, for example,
with a sensible environmentaJ policy, and by keeping your kids in
school instead of at work, so that you build more brainpower, to
have more rapid, more long-term, more balanced growth.
We 'will see, within the next few years, automobiles ~:m the
streets all over the world that routinely get somewhere between
70 and 90 miles a gallon.
In South America, many countries run
on ethanol instead of gasoline.
The big problem is that the
conversion is not very good; it takes about seven gallons of
gasoline to make eight gallons of ethanol.
Within a matter of a
couple of years, scientists almost certainly will unlock the
chemical block that will enable us to produce eight gallons of
fuel from farm products or grasses, or even farm waste, like rice
�20
hulls, for one gallon of gasoline.
When that happens, you will
see people driving cars that effectively are getting 400 or 500
miles to the gallon of gasoline.
These things are before us. ·. All these technologies should be
disseminated as widely as possible, as quickly as possible, so
that no nation gives up any growth to be a responsible
environmental partner in the world."
We should also take advantage of new technologies and the
gl'obalization of informaticm to help communities· in the poor
countries skip a generation of economic development.
Hence
our new· aid programs focused bn closing the global digital
divide, and support for micro lending to empower poor
communities seeking to plug into the information revolution.
·20.
Hyderabad, India, 3/24/00:
"We cannot work to lift what has been called the "Silk Curtain,"
which has divided the United States and India for too long now,
only to have a digital divide arise in both our countries
between. the haves and have nots.
In America, we've worked very
hard to wire all our schools to the Internet and we've made
great progress.
. This state is doing a remarkable job in.
providing the Internet to people all over the state, in the
poorest, smallest villages.
We need to bring government services with printers to every
village, so people can see in basic ways what it is they need to
do to improve the health care of their children.
We need
printers with computers and the Internet with all the
educational software available.
If we could do that for every
village in South Asia, in Africa, in Latin Ameri,ca, in the
Mi,ddle East, ·then overnight the poorest places could have access
to the same learning materials that only the richest schools
offer their stucients today.
And it isn't just good public
values, it would be good economics.
It would mean, among other
things, that the world's most populous nations would have the
world's largest number of educated people and then, in no time,
would have the world's largest economies.
Doing the right thing
is good economics ·in the information age."
Conference on the New Economy, 4/5/00:
"The Grameen Bank is trying to finance a cell phone in every
village in Bangladesh, because the see it's a moneymaker, and"it
connects poor people to the rest of the world.
If you had a
�21
cell phone, and where there is electricity, you had j.ust one
computer with a _good screen, easily accessible, with good
software and a printer, what a difference it could make.
The United States and other wealthy countries have got to start
looking at this as a form of our future security.
I'm proud
that AID, since I've been in, we've shifted our emphasis and we
financed 2 million microen.ter_prise loans last year.
We should
have financed 20 million microenterprise loans or 30 million or
50 million.
. And we've got. to build a bipartisan consensus
that recognizes that we'll get a lot more security out of
financing more of these things than we will an extra fighter
plane or an extra missile or ~n extra something else. And I
believe I've earned the right ·to say that because I've supported
increases in the defense budget every year I've been here.
But you know, this is pocket change in the United States, to
make a sea change in the rest of the world.
And the people that run these governments in the developing
countries are going to have to understand that the opportunity
returns of efforts [like closing the digital divide and
promoting microenterprise] are greater, sometimes than the
opportunity returns of projects that look bigger.
. We've
got to ·start thinking about taking things that work to scale, if
we really believe that techno.Iogy can help developing countries
leapfrog a whole generation in what was otherwise a predictable
and unavoidable pattern of economic development."
(
�Page 1 of6
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Mexico City, Mexico)
For Immediate Release
May 7, 1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF MEXICO
National Auditorium
Mexico City, Mexico
11:21 A.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Mr. President, for the wisdom
of your words, for the warmth of your personal expression, and for the
great generosity with which the people of Mexico have received my wife
and our delegation, the members of the administration and the members of
Congress. We thank all those who have been a part of that in the
Mexican government, throughout the political system and citizens at
large.
I am honored to speak today in the heart of this
magnificent capital, where Teotihuacan and Aztec civilizations
flourished, where one of the world's greatest cities grew up centuries
before the first English tents were pitched in Jamestown, Virginia, or
Plymouth, Massachusetts.
I'm, frankly, a little envious that Hillary
got to spend an extra day here, and I want to thank those who are
responsible for the wonderful welcome she received in the Yucatan.
Almost 22 years ago now, Hillary and I carne to Mexico
for our honeymoon. Mexico won our hearts then, but now as then, me
encanta Mexico.
(Applause.)
I come here today to celebrate the ties that bind the
United States and Mexico and to help set a course to strengthen them for
the age of possibility'before us as we enter the 21st century.
Our
nations and our hemisphere stand at a crossroads as hopeful as the time
when Hidalgo and Morelos lit the torch of liberty for Mexico almost two
centuries ago. ·
Democracy has swept every country but one in the
Americas, giving people a vote and a voice in their future.
Decades of
coups and civil wars have given way to stability, to peace, to free
markets and to the search for social justice and a cleaner environment.
The electricity of change is surging throughout our hemisphere and
nowhere more hopefully than Mexico.
__-I congratulate the Mexican people for carrying forward bold
political reforms fhat will lead in July to the most intensely contested
elections in your history. We know from our own 220-year experiment
that democracy is hard work.
It must be defended every day.
But it is
worth the effort, for it has produced more opportunity for people to
make the most of their own lives than all its rivals.
Four years ago, in this very place, we began a grand common
effort to secure democracies gains in our hemisphere for all our people.
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/12R?um:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1997/5/7/5.text.l.
04/26/2000
�On behalf of my administration, Vice President Gore here invited the
nations of our hemisphere to the Suwrrit of the Americas in Miami.
There
we set an ambitious agenda to create free trade throughout the
hemisphere and 'to cooperate on a host of other issues with the g9al of
fulfilling the age old dream of building a truly democratic and
prosperous family of the Americas in the 21st century.
Revolutionary forces of integration, and technology and
trade, and travel and.communications are shaping our times and bringing
us all closer together.
The stroke of a computer key sends ideas,
tnformation and money across the planet at lightening speed.
Every day
we use products that are dreamed up in one country, financed in a'nother,
manufactured in a third, with parts made in still other countries, ·and
then sold all over the world.
Like it or not, we are becoming more
interdependent. And we see that, too, on the negative side, as when a
stock market crash, an environmental disaster, or a dread disease in one
country sends shock waves deeply felt fa~ beyond its borders.
While economic integration is inevitable, it~ shape and its
reach depend upon our response to it.
In both our countries, there are
some who throw up walls of protection to ward off the challenge qf
change.
But more and more, people here an~ the United States and
throughout the Americas understand that openness, competition, and the
flow of ideas and culture can improve the lives of all our people, if we
ensure that these forces work for, and not againstr all our people.
With our long border·, rich history, and complex challenges,
Mexico and the United States have a special responsibility to work
together to seize the opportunities and defeat the dangers of this time.
Our partnership for freedom and democracy and for prosperity, and our
partnership against drugs, organized crime, environmental decay, and
social injustice is fundamental to the future of the American people and
to the future of the Mexican people.
To succeed, this partnership must be rooted in a spirit of
mutual respect.
Your great leader, Benito Juarez, whose statue stands
not far from the White House in Washington, said, "Respect for the
rights of others is peace." Today, I reaffirm to the people of Mexico:
We ·embrace the wisdom of Juarez. We seek a peaceful, prosperous
partnership filled with respect and dignity. ·(Applause.)
Four years ago, together, we led the fight for NAFTA.
Many
people in both our countries painted a dark picture of lost jobs and
boarded-up factories should NAFTA prevail. Well, they were wrong.
NAFTA is working -- working for you and working for the American people.
In three short years and despite Mexico's worst recession
in this century~ trade between our nations has grown nearly 60 percent,
as President Zedillo said. Mexico is our third largest trading partner,
just behind Japan, which has an economy 15 times larger.
Our expotts to
Mexico are 37 percent higher than before NAFTA -- an all-time high in
spite of the economic difficulties here.
But for Mexico, NAFTA's benefits are just as great.
Two
and a half years ago, the financial crisis that struck Mexico wrought
real and profound hardship to·your people as jobs vanished and inflation
skyrocketed.
The storm hit only da~s after President Zedillo took
office.
He might have simply complained that he got a big dose of bad
luck.
But instead, he responded with vision and courage.
By keeping to
the path of reform and the blueprint of NAFTA, he lessened the impact of
the recession.
·
turnaround.
The real hardships remain. Mexico has made a remarkable
Since the crisis, you have created one million new jobs,
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cut inflation by more than half, and regained the confidence of
international investors.
No~, compare ·this with the economic crisis of 1981 and '82,
when Mexico sharply raised its tariffs and follow~d a different course.
Then, it took seven long years for Mexico to return to the financial
markets; this time, only, seven months.
Then, it took four years for
your economy to recover the lost ground; this time, dnly a year after
the crisis, Mexico grew by more than fiv'e percent and is expected to
grow strongly this year, too.
to have
support
jobs in
America
respect
course.
You have endured punishing setbacks, but America is prdud
worked with you from the very beginning, enlisting internationa
for a loan package that safeguarded hundreds of thousarids of
both our countries, calmed emerging markets throughout Latin
and the world, and when Mexico paid the loan back, earneci the
and admiration of.the entire world.
I congratulate you on this
(Applause.)
Of course, the ultimate test of our economic partnership is
not in big numbers, but in human impact:
the electronic workers of
Mexico's Baja Peninsula whose new jobs mean better health care and
pensions and more education for their children; the hundreds of
thousands of Mexican women who now have mammograms because American-made
diagnostic equipment has become more affordable to you; and all the
American w.orkers with good high-wage jobs based on our trade with you.
NAFTA has also become an important tool for improving the
environment and the well-being of workers.
Its institutions are working
to clean up pollution in the border region, with four treatment plants
already under construction and more to come.
Its labor agreements have
created a new awareness of workeis' rights and labor conditions in both
our countries.
\
We must accelerate. the pace of these efforts. to reach more
people and more communities. And we must include more nations in our
partnership so that we can achieve the goal'we set out at the Summit of
the Americas of a free trade area of the Americas.
That is why I'm
working with Congress to gain support for £ast track authority.and why
I'm comin9 back to Latin America twice in the next few months ..
As we celebrate these accomplishments, we must also do .
everything in our power to assure that the benefits and the burdens of
change are fairly shared.
The most powerful tool .for doing that,
plainly, is .education
giving our people the skills they need to
compete and succeed.
At the .Miami Summit, Mexico took the responsibility of.
leading a hemispheric education initiative. Working with Brazil, Chile,
and the United States, you'have set our sights on lifting standards and
bringing new methods and technologies to classroom throughout the
hemisphere.
We can rekindle the passion for education that swept this
country after your revolution.
Your great poet, Alfonso Reyes,·
described that moment as,. "a grand crusade for learning that electrified
the people.
Nothing equal to it has ever been seen in the Americas."
Let us see something equal ~-4:-Cffia greater-:--- et us renew
this crusade. And let us remember, a~~ife has said,
citizens on
every continent,. in distant village5; an
arge Cl les, this crusade for
education must include young women a.s well as young men on equal terms.
And -i:-e-t._u,s resolve to· make this crusade a shining ligf:J.t of our neKe·
Summit of the Americas next yea·r in Santiago.
In Miami at the.·first summit, 'we also reaffirmed that we
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cannot be responsible stewards of freedom unless we are also responsible
stewards of our natural resources -- our hemisphere's land and air and
water, as well as the rich texture of plant and animal life they
support.
Over the long run, the development of democracy and a
prosperous economy requires the sustainable development of our natural
resources.
That is why we have put the protection of the environment
right where it belongs, at the heart of our hemispheric agenda.
That is
the course we charted together in Rio, in Miami, in Santa Cruz, and one
we must pursue further in Santiago.
Trade, ed~cation and the environment are critical pieces of
the greater mosaic of our relationship, designed to turn our 2,060-mile
border into a vibrant source of growth and jobs and open ~xchange.
We're a~so building a bridge beiween Brownsville and Matamoros, and
roads to connect our people, streamlining cargo transit with high-t~ch
scanners, improving water supplies for the areas inhabitants, and
through our Border 21 Initiative, giving local·communities a strong
voice in the future of the dynamic living space they share.
As our cooperation grows closer, so do our people.
For
America, that means pride in the fact that we are one of the most
diverse democracies in the world.
That diversity will be one of our
great strengths in the global society of the 21st century. And Mexican
Americans are a crucial part of our diversity and our national pride.
Now, more than 12 million strong, they have helped to make the United
States the fifth largest Hispanic nation in-the world.
Mexican Americans are contributing to every dimension of
American life.
In Congress, they have written the laws of our land.
Just yesterday, Ambassador Bill Richardson, whose mother came from this
city, was working to bring peace in Central Africa, and every day he is
America's voice at the United Nations.
Our administration draws strength from many other
remarkable Mexican Americans, including several who are here with me
our Energy Secretary, Federico Pena; my Director of Public Liaison,
Maria Echaveste; my Congressional Liaison, Janet Murguia.
I am also
pleased to have in our party two distinguished members of Congress who
are Mexican Americans -- Javier Becerra of California, and Silvestre
Reyes of Texas; and four other distinguished elected officials who
represent large numbers of Mexican Americans and who care deeply about
our partnership -- Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison of Texas, Senator Jeff
Bingaman of New Mexico, Representative Jim Kolbe of Arizona and Governor
Robert Miller of Nevada.
Last year, nearly 160,000 Mexicans immigrated-legally to
America, bringing their talents, their energies, their aspirations.
They've played by the rules. And we, for our part, must make sure that
the system treats them fairly and gives them the chance to live up to
their hopes and dreams.
But to maintain an immigration policy that is generous,
fair,. safe, and orderly, we must also take effective action to stop
illegal immigration. We are a nation of immigrants and of laws. .Just
as those who obey are laws are welcome, those who break them must face
the consequences. Our new immigration law will help us to achieve these
goals.
In applying it and in our overall.approach to immigration, we
will balance control with common sense and compassion.
I. am very pleased that the balanced budget agreement-I
reached with our Congress last week includes a significant restoration
of welfare benefits to legal immigr.:lnts.
(Applause,) I· will continue
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to work with Congress to correct some aspects of our immigration law.
We will ensure respect for human rights and seek to appli the law
humanely; with special concern for children and families.
There will be
no mass deportations or no discrimination.
And we will continue to
support Mexico's efforts to create new Dppcirtunities here, so that nci
o-ne feels compelled to leave home just to earn a living for his or her
family.
In the
and work with us on
policy, perhaps the
must be a nation of
end, that is the answer.
But I ask you to remember
the central premise. We have a generous immigration
most generous in the world; but to make it work we
laws.
·
This moment of great promise for us is, frank~y, also one
of peril.
The great irony of this time is that the forces of global
integration have also unleashed powerful source~ of disintegration that
use open borders and technology and modern communications to strike at
the very heart of civilized sodieties -- our families, our institutions,
our very lives;
r us, the greatest of these scourges ·iS that of illegal
arug-traffickin .
The cost to both of us of illegal drugs are
s
America, every year drugs kill 14,000 people and cost
our country almost $70 .billion for crime, prisons, lost work, wounded
bodies and ruined lives.
Every year, our law enforcement officials
arrest one million people on drug charges.
In 'Mexico~ President Zedillo has called narcotics
trafficking "the greatest threat to national security, the biggest
hazard to social health and the bloodiest source of violence."
Throughout our hemisphere we see how drug cartels threaten
the fabric of entire societies.
Th~y.corrupt or murder law enforcement
officials and the judiciary, take over legitimate businesses and banks,
spread violence to offices and homes, to streets and to playgrounds.
Drugs are .not simply a Mexican problem or an American
problem-- they are our common proble1n.
The enormous demand·for drugs
in America must be ste~
We have :just a little less than five
percent of the world's populat1on.
yet, we consume one third of the'
world's cocaine, most of which comes from Mexico.
The· money we spend on
illegal drugs fuels narco traffickers who, in turn, attack your police
and prosecutors and~rey on your institutions. We must face this Curs~
togeth~r, becauie we cannot defeat it alone.
My friends~ the battle~
against drugs must unite our people, not divide them.
(Applause:)
We mrist fight
e
United States we have
in our history.
More than two-thirds o
o attacking our
domestic drug problem. We've cut casual drug use· by 50 percent in
America, but, tragically, among young people under 18 has double.d. ·
We're reaching out to young people with an unprecedented effort -- a
public education campaign to teach that drugs are wrong, illegal, and
deadly.
We're supporting iuccessful neighborhood strategies like
community policing that are. making our streets and schools safer and
more drug-free.
We're punishing drug.pushers with tougher sentences and
working with our partn~rs abroad to destroy drugs at the source or stop
them in transit.
Here in Mexico, you must continue your brave fight against
illegal drugs.
Already you have shown real advances in drug
eradication.
You've enacted strong· new measures to.combat money
laundering and otganized crime.
Yo~'ve destroyed more drug labs and
landing strips and seized more drugs, including more than 10 tons of
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cocaine just days ago.
And last week,. you resolved to rebuild your drug
enforcement agency on a firmer foundation.
I know the hardship and sacrifice this has caused.
More
than 200 Mexican police officers died last year because of drug
violence. As terrible as this toll is, the price of giving.up and
giving in would be higher.
Let us resolve to redouble our efforts, not
by pointing fingers, but by joining hands.
Yesterday, President Zedillo and I took an important step
forward when we declared the U.S.-Mexican Alliance Against Drugs, based
on mutual respect and common sense. Will strengthen our attack on drug
production, trafficking and consumption. We will crack down harder on
the key problems of money laundering and arms trafficking.
The future
of our children depends upon these efforts and depends more on our
determination to continue the fight.
We must not let our children ddwn~
(Applause. )
Our alliance against drugs is but one of many elements in
our cooperation for the coming century.
Yesterday, the President and I
received a report of our binational commission.
From wiping out
tuberculosis in our border states to protecting endangered species in
the Pacific, to increasing educational opportunity with more Fulbright
Scholarships, the scop~ of our joint efforts has become as large as the
continent we share.
Fifty years ago, President Harry Truman came to Mexico~
His visit was a turning point between our people.
He spoke of the
difficulties in our past and of the need for us to work more closely.
He said, I refuse to be discouraged by apparent diff2culties;
difficulties are a challenge to men of determination.
In the face of
our difficulties, we must be men and women of determination.
We can
bridge the divides of culture, history and geography to achieve Juarez'
noble vision of respect and peace.
·
·
\
Rooted .in the rule of law,
will work for it, rooted in good health
in modern education and timeless values,
century lies before us.
Let us embrace
(Applause. )
END
rooted in prosperity for all who
and a clean environment, rooted
the bright promise of a new
it together.
Thank you.
11:45. A.M.
(L)
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(/
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Santiago, Chile)
For Immediate Release
April 18, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT OPENING SUMMIT OF THE AMERICAS
Sheraton Hotel
Santiago, Chile
9:35A.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
President Frei, distinguished heads 'of state,
leaders of the Chilean Congress, Supreme Court, members of the·
diplomatic corps,. President Wolfensohn, President Iglesias, Secretary
General Gaviria, Secretary General.Ruggiero, Director General Alleyne:
Four years ag~ in Miami, we~ the democratic nations o£ this hemisphere,
met in the historic Summit of the Americas and pledged ourselves to a
common future rooted in shared values, shared burdens·, shared progress,
and embodied in our call for a free trade area of the .Americas. by 2005.
I thank all my fellow leaders and their governments for their
faithfulness to the summit process.
I thank especially those who helped
us to begin the Summit of the Americas in 1994.
Now we come together in Santiago.
What shall we do? First, we.
should celebrate a new reality in the Americas -- the march of freedom,
prosperity, peace, and partnership among our nations. ·.second, w~ s~ould
recognize that in all our nations too many people have not felt this new
reality, and we should resolve to continue to work together until they
do.
As we look back on the three and a half years since the Miami
Summit, there is much.to be proud of, as our report, "From Words to
Deeds" documents.
The economy of the iegion has grown 15 percent.,
year, average growth was five percent, and inflat~on was the lowest in
50 years.
Chile and Uruguay-have set the standard for poverty reduction
and fiscal responsibility.
Brazil and Argentina hav~ slowed inflation
to a crawl.
Mexico has overcome adversity, transformed its economy,
broadened its democracy.
Bolivia has attracted new foreign investments
and given its citizens a greater stake in their future.
Venezuela's
Apertura program is drawing investment to develop its energy resour~es.
Peru and Ecuador, with a little help from their friends, are working
towards a peaceful end to their debades-long ~order dis~ute.
Central
America, after years of strife, is· ~orell on the way_ to achieving its
long-held vision of democracy and integration and growth.
Caribbean
nations are joining forces to expand their economies and to defend their
shores against drugs and crime.
trad~rea.
tl:J.~
Together we have ·begun to create ttf::;:ee
of
Americas, a thriving.market of 800 million·people lnvested in each
other's future, enriching each others lives, weaving a tapestry of
interdependence that strengthens ·every nation.
The Americas have set a
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new standard for the world in the defense of liberty and justice through
our collective commitment to defend democracy wherever it is at risk in
our hemisphere.
Concerted action by neighbors and friends already has
~·or preserve democracy and human rights in Haiti,
Guatemala and Paraguay.
'
Our cooperation in the fight aqainst drugs has intensified, based
on an unde.rstanding that drugs are a problem for all of us and all of us
must work together to attack both demand and suppiy. We've adopted
tough new measures against money laundering, forged the first
multilateral treaty in the world to fight corruption, so that our
societies will be governed by the rule of law.
We have signed an historic convention to stop the illegal trade in
guns in our hemisphere. We're working to advance the environment and
public health,
Our people are healthier, our water safer, our air
cleaner than four years ago.
We are wiping measles off our hemisphere's map, dropping from more
than 23,000 cases in 1994 to less than 500 so far this year.
We're
phasing out lead from gasoline.
In 1996, 12 nations achieved this goal;
by 2001, there will 20. We're working together to promote a clean
energy future and to meet the challenge of climate change.
I thank the efforts of many people in this regard ~- The Vice
President and our government, and many in other governments throughout
this hemisphere.
The Miami Summit was a watershed in the history of our hemisphere
as the leaders of free people embraced a common vision of the future and
a common strategy for achieving it. The journey from Miami to Santiago
has been filled with progress toward our goals.
Now, here, and on the
road forward £~om here, we mu~t do more to ensure that the path of
reform and democracy and integration actually lifts the lives of
ordinary people in all our nations.
Poverty throughout the hemisphere is still too high, income
disparity is too great, civil society too fragile, justice. systems to
weak, too many people still lack the education and skills necessary to
succeed in the new economy.
In short, too few feel 'change working for
j;.b..e.m. Therefore, wit
s now in place, we must
vtg5rously launch a second
for the next geryeratio
of Americans.
No prior
our children
excellent education.
The fate of nations in the 21st century turn~ on what all citizens
know and whether all citizens carr quick~y learn.
Too often, resources
are spent primarily on higher education for the few:
We must all
redirect our focus toward higher quality education for all.
I
especially thank Presidents Frei, Cardoso, Menem, and Zedillo for their
leadershi~ to give all our children a· good education, with w~ll-equipped
classrooms, well-trained teach~rs, high standards, and accountability.
This is a goal we must vigorously embrace and work hard to realize.
We will also work here to deepen democracy and respect for human
rights. We know free elections are ~emocracy's first step, not the
last. We'll support the Organization of American States' special
rapporteur for freedom of· expression; launch a regional justice denter
to train judges and prosecutors; strengthe_n local government
institutions to bring power closer to people; and in its 50th year of
the Universal Declaration of Human Flights, we will redouble our efforts
to protect the human rights of all people.
We will also do more to defend democracy against its enemies --
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corruption, terrorism, and drugs. The new hemispheric alliance against
drugs we will launch here will encourage, support, and improve all our
nations' efforts to fight this common threat as partners. We'll
continue to promote our common prosperity, by launching negotiations for
a free trade area of the Americas.
I want to underscore the importance we attach to a special civil
society committee that will allow a broad array of stakeholders within
all our societies the opportunity to make their voices heard. If
economic integration in a global economy is to work for all people, we
must demonstrate that we can have economi~ growth and lift labor
standards for all are workers. We must demonstrate that we can grow the
economy and preserve, indeed, even irnprove the environment. This civil
society committee will give the peoples of qur nations the chance to
make that argument, and we must prove that we can make the argument
work.
Let me reaffirm to all my colleagues, the United States may not
yet have fast track legislation, but we will. And I assure you that our
commitment to the free trade area of the Americas will be in the fast
lane of our concerns.
We must do that. After all, more than one third of the United
States' growth in the last few years has come from expanded trade. More
than 40 percent of our exports go to our neighbors seated on this
platform. We can only continue to grow and create jobs in the United
States if we continue to reach out to our neighbors for more open
markets and freer trade. That is the fundamental observation that all
of us share. Your prosperity lifts ~urs; our prosperity li~ts yours.
As more good jobs are created in any nation, as economies grow and
people thrive, they become better partners for each other and for others
around the world.
Finally, we must take further steps to lift people from poverty
and spread the benefit of progress to every member of society, from
supporting women's full participation in the lives of our countries to
providing loans to microentrepreneurs, to broadening property ownership.
Now, this Santiago agenda is ambitious, but it is imperative.
Again, let me applaud President Frei for his leadership, for bringing us
all here together, and for supporting such a broad and deep agenda. If
we are to. seize the opportunities and meet the challeriges of our time,
we must pursue this agenda, and we must do it together.
The first broad meeting of representatives from our hemisphere
took place in 1889 in Washington, D.C. Times were qifferent and slower
then. The delegates met for·more than six months and toured around our
nation by train. The only bad thing was they had to listen
e
speeches. But in that meeting our predecessors, drawing on
vision of hemispheric unity, set a precedent for cooperatiorl'--~~~~81
.over 50 years later from that seed into the ?AS.
Four years ago at Miami, we planted"the seed of a new partnership
for a new century. Now ~e can and must do what is necessary for that
seed to grow -- to grow in freedom and op~ortunity and cooperation. The
Americas can be a model for all the world in the 21st century. That is;
after all, the spirit of the Summit of the Americas and the promise of
Santiago.
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause. )
9:47A.M.
(L)
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o[J
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Miami, Florida)
For Immediate Release
December 9, 1994
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO MEMBERS OF THE SUMMIT COMMUNITY, HOST OFFICIALS,
AND OFFICIALS FROM FLORIDA ON THE GOALS OF THE SUMMIT
The Jackie Gleason Theater for the Performing Arts
Miami, Florida
12:30 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much, Mr. Vice
President.
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for that warm
welcome.
Hillary and I and the Vice President and Mrs. Gore are
delighted to be here.
We thank Governor Chiles and Mrs. Ch{les, t~e Lt.
Governor and Mrs. MacKay, the members of the Florida
. congressional delegation, Senator Graham, Senator Mack, the
distinguished members of Congress who have come from all over the
United States to be here.
I want to say a special word of thanks
to Dante Fascell, the honorary cochair of this summit and a great
man.
(Applause.)
I thank the mayors of Miami Beach and Miami, all the
people who are involved in the Metro Dade government, all the
people who have worked so hard on this summit.
When we first announced the plans to hold the Summit
of the Americas here in Miami, it seemed that it was a natural.
choice.
This city, after all, has been variously described as
the hub, the melting pot, the gateway, the crossroads of the
Americas.
But in the end we chose Miami because.of the
commitment of the people who live and work here to make this
summit a success, led, as the Vice President said, by the
Governor and the Lt. Governor.
I won't dwell on all the subtle.and not-so-subtle
details of our many conversations about this.
But let me say
that they persuaded me that this'was the reverse of that
wonderful line in the movie, Field Of Dreams, where they said to
us, if you come, we will build it. And you have, and I thank
you.
(Applause.)
Your efforts have been extraordinary, and we are
grateful for them.
I have just been amazed at the energy that
has come out of this community and this state over the last
several months -- the kind of energy that's supposed to be
generated only by the Florida sun.
You promised that the
citizens of Miami would do it right, and it's clear that you have
delivered.
I think I can say for all of those who have come from
around America to be here, we knew we would need to be warm in
December, and now we are in more ways than one. And we thank you
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...
very, very much.
(Applause.·)
·
History has gi ~~~~
icas a
dazzling opportunity to bui~1nity of nations ommitted to
the values of libe~ty and the prom1se o prosperity.
Now, over
the next three days, the 34 ~emocratically-elected leaders of our
hemisphere will gather to begin to seize this opportunity.
I conven,7.d--:-t'fri...y Summit of the Americas with three
~ goals in mind:~ to open new ma~nd create a
rree.trade area throughout our hemisphere.
con
to strengthen
this remaikable movement to demo~racy.
And hird to bring
together our nations to improve the quality o
ife for all of
our people.
·
If we're successful, the summit will lead to more
jobs, opportunity and prosperity for our children and for
generations to come.
We will have launched a new partnership for
prosperity.
Today, we ·gather in Miami to mark a quiet revolution
and to launch a new era, for here in the Americas, as all of us
know, nation after nati6n has fr~ed itself fiom dictatorship and
debt, and embraced democracy and development.
When historians look back on our times, they will
marvel at the speed with which democracy has swept across the
entire Americas.
Consider this:
At the time of the last
hemispheric summit i'n 1967, 10 countries suffered under
authoritarian ruJ_e and there were fewer here.
But today@.t_
the hemisphere's leaders have won their post throngh haJlots~ not
bullets.
This weekend we will welcome leaders like President
Aristide of Haiti.
(Applause.)
We have all seen his commitment
to reconciliation and the rule of law and how it now moving his
people from fear to freedom.
And I hope I can take a moment of
pride to salute the brave American men and women in uniform and
their partners from around the world who helped to restore that
democracy and freedom to Haiti. We are very proud of them.
(Applause. )
Here at the Summit of the Americas, the people of
the. United States will meet a whole new generation of leaders, a
generation no longer subject to the dictates of military juntas,
who stifle liberties and loot their nation; a generation that has
·proved in Central America that bloody regional conflicts can be
peacefully concluded through negotiation and reform and
reconciliation; a generation wh~ch has pledged to support
democracy collectively wherever it is imperiled in this
hemisphere.
That's a commitment no other region in the world has
made.
Thes~ leaders are here in Miami because they have
tapped what Simon Bolivar, the liberator of ·Latin America, called
"the most sacred spring," "the will of the people." Today, just
a day before.the anniversary of the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, we honor them, all of them.
And we
must also honor the brave men and women who dedicated themselves
to the cause of freedom and liberty, and who today lie all across
this hemisphere in unmarked graves. And this summit is also a
tribute to their astonishing sacrifice. And it is their triumph
as well. ·(Applause. )
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Only one nation in our hemisphere is not represented
here.
It's the only one where democracy is still denied. We
support the Cuban peoples' desire for peacefuD, democratic
change, and we hope that the next ti1ne we have one of these
summits, and the.people of all the Western Hemisphere send their
leaders here, a leader
of a democratic Cuba will take its
place a.t the table of nations.
(Applause.)
Thank you.
The wave of political .freedom that has swept acr6ss
the Americas has also been matched by unprecedented economic
re~orm.
In these times of very great stress, farsighted leaders
in nation after nation have a~opted sound policies to tame
inflation, to restore economic growth.
They've cut tariffs,~
stabilized curren,£..ies, opened. their economies to foreign.
investment.
They have w<2._rked together to shrink mountains of
.
¢ebt.
They've pr~vatized; they've ~~cQnt~lized.
,...
.
.
Argentina has:cut its central government by 60
percent in four years.
Bolivia has given back to local
communities more responsibility for health, for education, for
agriculture.
Brazil has slashed its inflation rate:
The socalled "lost decade" in Latin America is a fading memory.·
These reforms are working wonders.
Investment is
growing; the middle class is again on the rise.
The Western
Hemisphere now bbasts the second fastest growing economies in the
world. And if current trends continue,.within just a decade, our
hemisphere will be the biggest market in the world ~- more than
850 million consumers l;mying $.3 trillion worth of goods and
services.
These are remarkable, hopeful times.
Here in the Unite~ States, we, too, have developed a
comprehensive economic strategy to reap the rewards of this
moment.
We had a lot of work to do just io put our economic
house in order. We've made deep cuts in our deficit and federal
spending, in the size of the federal government.
For the first
time since Harry Truman was President, this year we will have
three years of reduction in our deficit in a row.
(Applause.)
We are already taking .our federal government down to its smallest
size since John Kennedy was President. We've have made major
steps toward deregulation and banking and trucking and
der.egulating the states in the areas of welfare, health, and
education. And we have ·
be un to move in this direction.
Our country has produced over five million new jobs
22 months. We've got the lowest unemployme~t rate in
and have been vo~ed by the Annual Panel of
QDca-d,.-J~.eo.rrom±s
world ··s most proqucti ve economy
time in nine years.
(Applause.)
But the thing
e most o ,
er all the years -- nearly · o
decades -- in America of American families working longer work
weeks for stagnant wages and more fragile benefits, is that this
year mor~ high-wa~e jobs have come into our economy than ln the
previous.five years combined. We hope that we are seeing the
beginnin~ of the end of a 20-year trend in stagnant.wages, and
the beginning of the restoration of the American Dream by
reaching out to the world and into our hearts.
(Applause.)
Still we know that millions of Americans have not
felt this economic recovery. Millions of Americans are still
working harder for less and feeling very uncertain, even as they
read all the good statistics in the newspaper. We have a lot of
work to do.
But.the tru~h is that the United States has never
been in a stronger economic position ·to compete and win in the
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world.
We're also taking bold ~teps to open new markets· and
to make the glob~l economy work for our people:
For 40 years,
our markets have been more open than those of many other nations.
We led the restoration of economic hope and opportunity after the
second world war. But now. that competition is everywhere and
productivity is growing, and the lessons of management,
technology and investment and are read~ly apparent to hardworking
people all across the world, we cannot allow that to continue.
We simply must be able to export more of our goods and our
services if we are going to create more high-wage j6bs.
Just a ye~r· ago yesterday, I signed into law NAFTA,
the North American Free Trade Agreem•:nt.
You can clap for that.
(Applause.)
When Congress voted for NAFTA, that event committed
the United States to continuing leadership and engagement in the
post-Cold War world.
It marked a new era in world trade
relations for America. And it gave birth to this summit, which
could not have occurred if that hadn't happened.
In the first nine months of this ~e~r, ~ur exports
to Mexico jumped .22 percent.
Increased exports to Mexico and
Canada have helped us to create more than 100,000 new jobs in
America in this year alone. Auto exports to Mexico are up 500
percent. And I might say, Mexican exports to the United States
are also up.
It's been a good deal for us, a good deal for them.
There has been no "giant sucking sound," except for American
·
goods going across the border.
(Applause.)
Last month in Indonesia, we agreed with 17 other
Asian Pacific nations -- including Mexico and Chile, two
countries represented here -- to achieve free .trade in the Asian
Pacific region by the year 2020.
The tariffs 'will begin to fall
and give us new access to new markets in the fastest growing
economies of the world far before then.
And just yesterday I signed into law the bill
implementing the General· Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the
largest agreement ever for free and·fair trade. And GATT, like
NAFTA before it, passe~ because we had st~ong, bip~rtisan support
in Congress.
That is a pattern that must prevail as we continue
to pursue open markets and prosperity in this hemisphere and
around the world.
And I strongly urge all the nations in our
hemisphere who have not yet done so to follow what America has
done and implement this agreement now.
It is an important thing
for our future growth.
(Applause.)
Finally,,let me emphasize that our economic strategy
seeks to prepare our own people to fill the high-wage jobs of the
future.
For too many people, as I said earlier, these times are
ones of great uncertainty.
Pressures of the global economy have
held down wages and increased job turnover for people who are not
in a position to take advantage of the developments now
occurring.
We owe it to those Americans to provide the kind of
lifetime education and training that will give them a chance to
win in this economy as well. And we must ensure that basic labor
standards are preserved and promoted so that freer trade means
better working conditions for all.
(Applause.)
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After all, in America, our people, our workers, are
the most important asset we have. And that is true in every
other nation as well.
That's why democracy and free trade go
hand in h3.D.d.. More free trade is worthwhlle only if its benehts
ac~change tl'ie lives of real people for the better.
But as I have said over the last two years, that
does not mean that we can repeal the laws of change, repeal the
sweeping changes taking place in the global economy.
If we do
nothing to reach out to other countries than to expand trade
if we had walked away from NAFTA, if we had walked. away from GATT
-- if we don't reach out here and throughout the world, the
United States will still consider -- continue to suffer the
burdens of t~ade, or we can't walk away.
But if we reach out, as
we are, with NAFTA, with GATT, with the Summit of the Americas
if we act wisely, then we can make this new world work for us.
Trade can be a benefit to our people.
)
When we have the opportunity to sell American
products and services around the world, we know we can compete
and we know that means new jobs and a rising standard of living,
the core of the American Dream.
I will say again, we must in the United States not
only create jobs, but raise incomes. And we can only do that if.
we train people for higher wage jobs and if we create those jobs.
One of the only ways we can create those jobs is to expand trade,
especially in this hemisphere.
So that's why every American
worker in every part of the United States should be glad we are
all here today at the· Summit of the Americas.
(Applause.),
Now, I hope I've established why that is my primary
goal for this summit. We have a real opportunity here to build
on the momentum of NAFTA and GATT.
That's what this new
)
partnership of prosperity is all abo'Ut:
creatlng a free trade
area that stretches from Alaska to Argentina.
Let no one
underestimate the Slqnltlcance of this
(applause.)
._
~
the applause.
Someday I'll learn to coordinate my speech ·lines and
(Laughter.)
Let me tell you, thoug~ -- thi~k about it -- from
Alaska to Argentina.
People have talked about free trade in this
hemisphere for years.
It's been talked about and talked about.
The difference is, here in Miami we have a chance to act, and
we're going to take it.
(Applause.)
Let me try to describe in graphic terms wnat this
means.
Latin America is already the fastest-growing region in
the world for American exports. Of every dollar Latin Americans
spend on exports, 44 cents b~y goods made ln the U.S.A.
Despite
trade barriers that are, on average, four tlmes filgher than ours,
Florida alone sold almost $9 billion worth of goods in the
Americas in last year alone. And by the year 2005, if current
trends continue, our country will sell more to Latin America than
to Western Europe or Japan.
That's why we're here.
That's an
investment. worth making.
I
Creating a free trade area would be good news
throughout the Americas.
Here in the United States, our exports
to Latin America could literally double by the year 2005.
That
would create over one million new jobs.
Exports also create good-paying jobs.
On average, .
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export-related jobs pay 17 percent more than average wages in
America.
They're the kind of jobs that guarantee the families
that we are concerned about a fair shot at the American Dream.
And that is why w~_he.:r;.e-. - - - - - - - - - - - .
But trade is not the only goal of
there are tw
1 must
preserve and strengthen
r community of democrac1e]G) Continued
economic ·prosper1ty clearly depen s upon keep1ng the democracies
alive and stronger. And we can only do that if we address the
dangers to democracy that face all nations.
c
<
-
Many of the dangers we face -- consider them -international crime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism,
Ull~~~~~~adation -- these things can only be overcome if
So in the days ah~ad we will discuss ways to
s
e assets of money launderers,· to explore ne~ ways like
those developed in Chile to prevent corruption from corroding our
democracies, to move forward on all of these fronts.
We must also keep our democ;r.acies heal thy and open.
Our hemisphere has come too far and the cost has been too great
to return to the days of repression and dictatorship.
So at the
summit we will discuss how the Organization of American States
can help to reconcil~ political disputes and ensure that
democratic cons.ti tutions actually li v'e and breath.
Here in the United States we know that democracy is
hard work. We've been at it over 200 years, and we know we still
have to defend it every day. We have to continually review how
well our governments perform, and even whether they ·should be
doing some things at all. Our own efforts to cut the size and
cost and improve the performance of government, led by the Vice
President and his reinventing government team, demonstrates the
immense importance and the great rewards of this undertaking.
And we, too, have only just begun.
·
The third oal of the ~is to bring our nations
together to pursu sustainable devel~
That is far more
than a buzzword.
ocrac1es and our prosperity will be
short-lived if we do not figure out how to deal with the things
that enable us to grow and come together and maintain our·guality
of life over the lanQ_run.
Improving the basic health and
·
eoucaf1-on of our peoples is a key part of that sustainable
development strategy.
Consider our common efforts to eradicate polio,
banished from our hemisphere since 1991. That shows you what
cooperation can bring.
So at this summit we will discuss ways
that we can combat poverty, combat disease, increase health care,
increase education, remove threats from millions and millions of
our fellow citizens.
Our summit agenda also ~a~;~ ;o~ im;ortant talks
aimed at making our ~~~ironmental a n d o l i fes)mutually
supportive.
Threats to our environment respect no border, and
ultimately can undermine oui economies. We must di~cus~
initiatives that will make progress. We're going to talk about
things like banning lead from gasoline in every country,
conserving nature's diversities, spreading innovativ~
environmental technologies. We will be doing the kinds of things
that will permit us to sustain the remarkable trends of the last
few years.
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,
At the summit, in suppOJ~t of expanding trade and
democracy and sustainable development,· we will consider more than
20 initiatives, all told, to plot a course for the future.
And I
am convinced that we will succeed as long as we recognize that
the bonds that unite us are stronger than the forces that divide
us.
Once the United States .and our neighbors were
clearly divided by seemingly unbridgeable cultural and economic
gulfs.
But today, superhighways, satellite dishes, and
enlightened self-interest draw us together as never before. Our
economies are increasingly interwoven. And Latin American and
Caribbean contributions to American culture -- in great novels,
fine foods, spirited music, free television networks, and many
other ways grow every day.
By the year 2020, the United States of America may
well boast a Spanish-~peaking population second only in size to
Mexico's.
(Applause.)
The connections between north and south
in the Americas are, in short, a source of great energy. We have
to strengthen these bonds. We've got to make them work for the
benefit of all of our people.
On this very day, 170 years ago, the foot s9ldiers
of Bolivar's army won the Battle of Ayacucho, the last battle for
liberation between the people of the New World and colonial
Spain.
With that triumph Peru proclaimed its independence
and a new era began in our hemisphere.
It was ari era that
Bolivar hoped would produce greater unity among the Pan American
states. Well, his .dream was not realized in his lifetime. And
generation after generation has struggled without success to make
it real.
·
•·
In our own century, President Roosevelt's good
neighbor policy, as Vice President Gore said, sought to unite the
hemisphere by urging mutual respect among all and recognizing
even then, long ago, the importance of our interdependence.
Three decades later, President Kennedy's Alliance For Progress
inspired the peoples of the Americas with its vision of social
justice and economic growth.
Today, we can build on those
foundations and do what could not be done in former times.
We can creat~~ip for prosp~ where
freedom and trade and economic oppor~n~ty become the common
property of the people of the Americas.
Just imagine it:
a
hemisphere where disputes among or within nations ar~ peacefully
and honorably resolved; where cultures and nations are
universally and mutually respected; where no ,person's rights are
denied·and labor is not abused; where ideas and trade flow freely
across borders; where work is rewarded and families and
communities are strong.
Just imagine it.
My fellow Americans, this is .a magic moment.
Let us
seize it.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
ENDl:OS P.M. EST
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/
THE WHITE: HOUSE
Office of the Pres~ Se6retary
(Vine del Mar, Chile)
For Immediate Release
April 17, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO JOINT SITTING OF THE NATIONAL CONGRESS
National Congress Building
Valparaiso; C~i~e
12:05 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
To the President of the
Senate, the President of the Chamber of Deputies, to the members of the
Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, 1members of the Chilean Cabinet,
members of the diplomatic corps, my fellow Americans including members
of our administration, members of Congress, the Governor of Puerto Rico,
ladies and gentlemen.
First let me thank you for the warm reception
that Hillary and I, the Secretary of State, Secretary of Education and
our entire delegation has received not only here, but by the people of
Chile.
We are honored to.be in this great nation, a place of marvelous
gifts and well-earned accomplishments;.· Visitors here marvel at the
beauty and extraordinary contrast of your landscape, from the desert
north to the towering ranges of the Andes, to the mysteries of Easter
Island to the southern beaches where penguins b'rave Antarctic winds.
Yo~r culture moves the world in p6~try and prose and music and
dance, in theater and films, haunted by the spirits of the past,
enriched by ·dreams of the future.
Your Nobel Prize winning poets,
Gabriela Mistral and Pablo Neruda, have moved readers everywhere.
Neruda's rhythms still come alive on every continent; his echo still
heard in internationally Chilean works like the novels of Jose Donoso
and Antonio Skarmeta.
(Your economic success is admired the world over.
Indeed, more and
more. other nations, whether developed or developing, ,want to be able to
learn from your example.
But over and above all those gifts and
achievements, Chile possesses something older than the achievements,
and perhaps even more valuable than nature's gifts -- your devotion to
freedom and democracy, a long and proud tradition.
Not so very long ago now, freedom-loving people everywhere in the
world cheered and cheered when the people of Chile bravely reclaimed
their democratic heritage.
Our hemi~Rhere~s_lo4ging-f9r democracy goes
all th~ w~y back t~~ge~~ngton and Simon Boli~oday. we work
to clalm lts full t.ilesslngs, for astrong democracy honors all lts
people, respecting their dignity and fundamental rights, giving them
the responsibility to govern, demanding that they tolerate each other's
differences in an honorable fashion.'
It honors its children, giving all of them the opportunity to learn
so that they can live their dreams.
It honors its poor, its ill, its
elderly, offering them support, leaving no one without hope.
It honors
entrepreneurs with efficient and honest government, offering the chance
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to create prosperity.
It honors its writers, its artists, and its
press, ensuring freedom of expression, no matter, and perhaps
especially, when it is painful to hear.
It honors its soldiers for
their commitment to defend the people, not to·· rule them.
This
principle was strongly championed by Diego Portales early in Chile's
history.
·
·
Democracy is never perfect, but because it is open and free, it is
always perfectible;
In the words of our President Franklin Roosevelt,
who tried so hard to be a good neighbor to Latin America, democracy is
a never-ending seeking for better things.
At different points in this century, many nations of the Americas
lost their democracy.
Some of them lost it more than once.
No one
loves freedom more than those who have had it and lost it:
No one
prizes it more than those who have lost it and regained it.
I know
here I am in a room full of people who love freedom.
(Applause.)
has been won throughout the Americas.
With a
he of the dictators is over
The 2lat
of democracy.
To those anywhere in the
take away people's precious liberties once
again, or rule through violence and terror once again, let us reaffirm
President Alywin's historic words at Santiago Stadium, "nunca mas."
Never again.
(Applause.)
This commitment has now gone beyond those words; it is written into
compacts among the nations of our hemisphere.
Here in Chile in
he members of the Organization of American States llo:leaRi:wonsly
p dif commitment that we Wlll stand together to defend democracy
··WheL8Ver it lS threatened.
And last year the OAS amended its founding
cnarter so that member nations may actually suspend any regime that
overthrows a government electedby its people.
1
~
I~
We have backed our words with actions·.
nations from
across the Americas, joined by others, part~ the United
Nations' sponsored effort to restore a democracy that had been stoler
by~i
·
force.
Nations of this hemisphere stood with the people
of aragua
o preserve democracy when it was threate~e~ there i~ 199~.
A es-s-crge should be clear to all: We have made a declslon that ln thls
hemisphere, that people govern.
Now, having resolved to protect democracy, we must now do much,
much more to perfect democracy. And we must do it throug&out our
hemisphere.
Free elections are democracy's es~ential first st~p, but not its
last. And strong democracies deli VE.:r real benefits to their people.
)
Across the Americas, there are still too man citizens who exercise
their right to vote, but~ L!le!e ection is ov
eel few benefits
from the decisions made ~ir~lcla s.
This kind of p~lar
Frustration can fuel the ambitions of democracy's foes.
As Chileans
understand perhaps more clearly than any of their fellow Americans, ·
there must be a second generation of reforms beyond free elections and
free marketsi because for democracy to thrive peopl~ must know that
everyone who is 0illing to wbrk will have a fair chance to share in the
bounty of the nation.
Leaders must ensure that the political system, the legal system,
the economic system are not rigged to favor those who already have
much, but instead give everyone a stake in shaping the future.
A
strong and thriving democracy requires, therefore, strengthening the
rule of law, the independence of judges, the professionalism of police,
for justice must be honest.
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It requires a strong and independent legislature to represent all
the people, even when on occasion, they do not do what the President
would like them to do.
It requires a constant campaign against
corruption so that public contracts ar~ awarded based on merit and not
bribes.
It requires bank and securities' regulation to permit growth
while guarding against cheaters and collapses.
It requires a credit
system, not only for those who are obviously. successful, but for
· ~
enterprising people no matter how poor or remote their conditions.
It
requires a robust, free press that can raises serious q~estions and
publish without censorship or fear.
A~
n
A strong democracy also requires protecting the environment and
attacking threats to it.
It requires good schools and good health care.
It requires protecting the rights of workers, standing up for the
rights of women and children and minorities, fighting the drugs and
crime and terrorism that eat away at democracy's foundations, reaching
out across all sectors of society, from the corporate executive to the
grass-roots activists to the working family -- aga·in, to ensure that
everyone has a stake in shaping the future.
'0~
~
. .A.
In his first.address after taking office, President Frei pledged to
work for all of Chile's people, and he has.
Poverty has been cut in
half compared to 1990 levels.
The quality of education has improved,
especially in poorer areas.
Yesterday President and Mrs. Frei took
Hillary and I to a neighborhood in Santiago where we talked to ordinary
citizens who had benefited from educational opportunities and business
opportunities in ways that enabled them to change their lives.
Your
citizens are working hard to protect the environment, although just
like those of us in my country, we've still got a ways to go.
·
LJ
~
Tomorrow, democratically-elected leaders will assemble in Santiago
for the second Summit of the Americas to launch the next steps in our
united efforts to build strong democracies that deliver ·for all our
peoples.
Chile is a shining star in America's constellation -- stable and
resilient'with budget surpluses, a high savings rate, a high growth
rate, low unemployment, and low inflation.
But Chile also is trying
to do more to give everyone that precious stake in the future.
-
1
~V1Jb
~)
~
t.u
~v}
~·
1 .tl~
~v
~ ·~'
OJW'\~
~·
The success of this nation goes beyond your borders. As President
Frei noted last year in Washington, Chile was once known as the "end of
the Earth." Now it is known as the forefront of progress-- a leader
for peace and justice and prosperity; a leader in this hemisphere ~nd
throughout the world.
I thank you for -what democratic Chile has done
to promote peace. in El Salvador; Haiti, Bosnia, the Persian Gulf,
_between Peru and Ecuador.
Your country served on the Unit~d Nations
Security Council.
You have taken the initiative to attack corruption
and crime across the Americas.
For all that, I thank you.
(Applause.)
In the fut,ure we must work together as we have in the past -indeed, as we have from the beginning -- to strengthen our democracies
and brighten our people's lives and broaden our children's futures.
The friendship between the United States and Chile goes back to 1810,
when our still young nation recognized your independence.
Our
friendship was off to a good start, but in all the long ye·ars and ups
and downs, it has never been stronger or broader than it is today.
We are your largest trading partner, and trade between us has grown
at an average of 13 percent a year since 1993. ~e want and will
resolutely pursue a free trade agreement that includes our two nations.
And I will not be satisfied until we achieve that goal.
(Applause.)
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Chile and the United States must be full partners in the 21st
century.
We must also be full partners with like-minded democracies
throughout our region; Tomorrow we will take a big ~tep toward that
full part~ership as we begin the historic effort envisioned four years
ago at the first Su ·
· 1 Miami, to cnaate a ftee
area of the Americas by 2005. Meanwhile, as all of us know, the
private sector is visibly proceeding as if it had already happened -expanding trade an
en
n ~~ssful joint enterprises
in everyt lng
to insurance to retailing.
that more ·trade and commerce vdll increase our collective
But we must
ve a ain I say, to pursue that second~
ms to ensure that prosperit:~~idely shared. ~
rel as repea
·
.y, for every nation,
is the key.
Mofe than ever before as nations and as
individuals, our destiny depends upon what we know and how quickly we
can learn, in a world where the volume of knowledge is doubling every
5 years.
Strong schools can give children the skills they need; it can
also encourage their dreams.
It can give. people the powei to overcome
the ·inequalities between rich and poor:·· It can give nations the
opportunity to fulfill the~r destiny.
President Frei and I have committed ourselves to work together and
to learn from each other to improve the quality arid the reach of
education in both our nations. All of us --all of us --.should apply
our best efforts to that until we have done much better than we are
d.oing now in ·every nation of the Aniericas.
As we travel into the 21st century, Chile can continGe to rely on
the United States as a friend and an ally. We have a great stake in
your continuing success.
You make the hemisphere safer and more
prosperous.
You are a strong partner in meeting our common challenges
in this hemisphere and throughout the world.
Indeed; we welcome the growing strength of all nations that believe
in freedom and human dignity and work for a brighter future for thei.r
people, so that the partnership b~tween our two people, as·we will see
at the Summit of the Americas, is really part of a larger community of
values sweeping across our hemisphere. As we all come together this
weekend, we do so to make democracy work in ways that our people can
feel; to advance the fight against common threats and for wider
economic opportunity and deeper democracy.
In the words of Neruda~ our
dreams become one.
On this very day, a consortium of universities from Chile, the
United States, and other nations starts work on a powerful new
telescope in northern Chile.
Their astronom~rs will look up to the
heavens, gazing deep into outer space and, therefore, deep into the
~ast, so that they can learn things which will help us all.to build
a brighter future.
We must never forget our past, but we must u~e it~ We must not use
it to open old wounds or to rest on the laurels of escape from its
worst moments, but, instead, to quicken our imagination of>a ~etter ·
tomorrow and to p'ropel us toward it.
Together, let us resolve that when this summit is done, the leaders
of the United States and Chile will not rest until we have shined the
light of freedom and lit the spark of hope in every corner of our
nations, in every part of our hemisphere.
That is a worthy mission for
the new century in the new millennium for two people who have loved
freedom for a long, long time.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri~res/I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1998/4/1717 .text.1
04/26/2000
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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America Council [3]
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Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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4021
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�,•
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.
J
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 5, 2000
A NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY FOR A NEW CENTURY
Western Hemisphere Excerpt
The Western Hemisphere
Our hemisphere enters the twenty-first century with an unprecedented opportunity to secure a
future of stability and prosperity - building on the fact that s;yery nation in the hemisphere except
Cuba is democratic and committed to free market economies. The end of armed conflict in
L:entrai'Ariienca and other improvements in regional security have coincided with remarkable
political and economic progress throughout the Americas. The people of the Americas are taking
advantage of the vast opportunities being created as emerging markets are connected through
electronic commerce and as robust democracies allow individuals to more fully express their
preferences. Sub-regional political, economic and security cooperation in North America, the
Caribbean, Central America, the Andean region and the Southern Cone have contributed
positively to peace and prosperity throughout the hemisphere. Equally important, the people of
the Americas have reaffirmed their commitment to combat together the difficult threats posed by
drug trafficking and corruption. The United States seeks to secure the benefits of this new
climate in the hemisphere, while safeguarding our citizens against these threats.F
.
r
Enhancing Security
The principal security concern~ in the hemisphere are transnational in nature, such as drug
trafficking, organized crime, money laundering, illegal immigration, firearms trafficking, and
terrorism. In addition, our hemisphere is leading the way in recognizing the dangers to national
and regional stability produced by corruption and ineffective legal systems. All of these threats,
especially drug trafficking, produce adverse social effects that undermine the sovereignty,
democracy and national security of nations in the hemisphere.
Working through the Organization of Amt:rican States (OAS) and other organizations, we are
seeking to eliminate the scourge of drug trafficking in our hemisphere. The Multilateral
Counterdrug Alliance is striving to better <>rganize and coordinate efforts to extradite and
prosecute individuals charged with drug trafficking and related crimes; combat money
laundering; seize assets used in criminal aetivity; halt illicit traffic in chemical precursors; strike
at the financial support networks; enhance national drug abuse awareness and treatment
programs; and eliminate illicit crops through alternative development ~nd eradication programs.
We are also pursuing a number ofbilaterali and regional counterdrug initiatives. In the
Caribbean, and bilaterally with Mexico and Colombia, we are working to increase counterdrug
and law enforcement cooperation.
We are advancing regional security cooperation through: bilateral security dialogues; multilateral
�·
efforts in the OAS and Summit of the Americas on transparency and regional confidence and
'security b~ilding measures, exercises~~ ex~hangeswith key militaries (prin~ipally £~·
mg); and regular Defense Mimstenals. Last year, the guarantor natiOns of e Perueace process .: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States - brought the p ·
a
p
a e t solution to this decades-old border dispute, the resolution of which was important to
regional stability. The Military Observer Mission, Ecuador-Peru (MOMEP), composed of the
four guarantor nations, successfully separated the warring factions, creating the mutual
confidence and security necessary to resolve the dispute. Our efforts to encourage multilateral
cooperation are enhancing confidence and security within the' region and will help expand our
cooperative efforts to combat the transnational threats to the Western Hemisphere.
e
Colombia is of particular importance because its ·problems extend beyond its borders and have
implications for regional peace and security. Insurgency, drug trafficking and a growing
paramilitary movement are testing democracy in Colombia. To tum the tide, President Pastrana
needs U.S. assistance to wage a comprehensive effort to promote the mutually reinforcing goals
peace, combating drug trafficking, economic development, and respect for human rights.
orking c
us, the Government of Colombia has developed an aggressive three-year
strateg , Ian Colombi , to revive their economy, strengthen the democratic pillars of society,
promote the p ace process and eliminate sanctuaries for narcotics producers and traffickers. We
will significantly increase assistance for Plan Colombia in a manner that will concurrently
promote U.S. and Colombian interests, and we will encourage our allies and international
· stitutions to do the same.
Promoting Prosperity
.
Economic growth and integration in the Arnericas will profoundly affect the prosperity of the
United States in the twenty-first century. This begins with our immediate neighbors, Canada and
Mexico. Canada is our largest merchandis1~ export market and trade partne~ in,the world, and our
exports to Canada have grown rapidly as the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement phased in. U.S.
·merchandise exports to Mexico have nearly doubled since the conclusion of the North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), making Mexico. our second largest goods export market and
trading partner. In the hemisphere as a whole, our trade initiatives offer a historic opportunity to
capitalize on and strengthen the unprecedented trend toward democracy and free market
economics. We seek to advance the goal of an integrated hemisphere of free market democracies
by building on NAFTA and obtaining Congressional Fast Track trade agreement approval
procedures. Formal negotiations are in progress to initiate the Free Trade Area of the Americas
(FTAA) by 2005.
The negotiations cover a broad range of important issues, including market access, investment,
services, government procurement, dispute settlement, agriculture, intellectual property rights,
competition policy, subsidies, anti-dumping and countervailing duties. We will seek to ensure
that the agreement also supports workers rights, environmental protection and sustainable
development. We are also committed to delivering on the President's promise ~to pursue a .
comprehensive free trade agreement with Chile because of Its economic performance and its
achve role m promotmg hemispheric economic mtegrahon. To address the concerns of smaller
economies during the period of transition to the global economy of the twenty-first century, and
J
~7
·
�in light of the increased competition NAFTA presents to Caribbean trade we are seekin
Congressional approval to provide erihance tra e benefits under the Caribbean Basin Initiative
to help prepare that region for participation in the FTAA.
The United States will continue its effective partnership with the IMF, the World Bank, the InterAmerican Development Bank, the governments of Latin America, arid the private sector to help
the region's countries in their transition to integrated, mature market economies. A key target of
this partnership is assisting the reform and recovery of banking sectors hurt b
cia arket
turmoil over the..past-sev
ears. We will continue to .support financial an economic refo
effo
razil and Argentina o reduce their vulnerability to external shocKs,..as-we · helping
, ~:>.-..=r.ifs difficult road to economic recovery and sustainable~ebt service.
____
We also view it as essential that economic prosperity.in our hemisphere be_pursued in an
environmentally sustainable manner. From our shared seas and freshw~ter resources to migratory
bird species and transboundary air pollution, the environmental policies of our neighbors can
have a direct impact on quality oflife at home. U.S. Government assistance to the region
recognizes the vital link between sustainable use of natural resources and long-term prosperity, a
key to developing prosperous trading partners in this hemisphere.
Promoting Democracy
Many Latin American nations have made tremendous advances in democracy and economic
progress over the last several years. But our ability to sustain the hemispheric agenda crafted at
the Summit of the Americas depends in part on meeting the challenges posed by weak
democratic institutions, persistently high· unemployment and crime rates, and seri()us income
disparities. In some Latin American countries, citize
1
- Hy-r
th€-bene:fits_Qf :
politi~Uiberalization and economic growth without egulato
dicia
w force . ent d
ceducat~ell as increased efforts to integra\e all mem ~rs of society into the
fe-rmal economy.
.
.
. ·
The hemisphere's leaders are committed to strengthening democracy, justice and human rights.
They have pledged to intensify efforts to promote democratic reforms at the regional and local
level, protect tJ:le rights of migrant workers and their families, improve the capabilities and
competence of civil and criminal justice systems, and encourage a strong and active civil society.
Specific jnitiatives include: ratification ofthe Inter-American Convention Against Corruption to
strengthen the integrity of governmental institutions; creation of a Special Rapporteur for
Freedorp of Expression as part of the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights; and
establishment of an Inter-American Justice Studies Center to facilitate training of personnel and
the exchange of information and other forms of technical cooperation to improve judicial
systems.
�.-------------------------------------------------------
. '•
We are also seeking to 'strengthen norms for.defense establishments that are supportive of
democracy, transparency, respect for human rights and civilian control in defense matters.
Through continued engagement with regional armed forces, facilitated by our own modest
military activities and presence in the region, we are helping to increase civilian expertise in
defense affairs and reinforGe the positive trend in civilian control.
In Haiti we continue to support the consolidation of democratic institutions, respect for human
rights and economic growth by a Haitian government capable of managing its own security .. In
cooperation with the United Nations and Organization cif American States, we are working with
Haiti's Provisional Electoral Council to pave the way for free, fair, and transparent local,
legislative and presidential elections in 2000. We are committed to. working with our partners in
the region and in the international community to meet the challenges of institutionalizing Haiti's
economic and political development, and building an effective and fair police force and judicial
system.
The United States remains committed to promoting a peaceful transition to democracy in Cuba
and forestalling a mass exodus that would endanger the lives of migrants and the security of our
borders. While maintaining pressure on the regime to make political and economic reforms, we
continue to encourage the emergence of a civil society to assist the transition to democracy when
the change comes. As the Cuban people feel greater incentive to take charge of their own future,
they are more likely to stay at home and build the informal and formal structures that will make
transition easier. Meanwhile, we remain fiimly committed to bilateral migration accords that
ensure migration in safe, legal and orderly ehannels.
�·.
.
.
.
.
.
.
/.
~
PAUL COVER DELL
UNITED STATES SENATOR
*
GEORGIA
FOR MORE INFORMATION CONTACT:
lAURA COX/ DONNA KING /ERYN WITCHER
(202) 224-8049
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
April 14, 2000
A NEW VISION FOR THE AMERICAS
The Council on Foreign Relations
WASHINGTON, D. C. ---Thank you for allowing me to share my thoughts on this important issue today.
Thanks especially ~o Paula·Dobriansky and the Council on Foreign Relations for hosting
this discussion. I am humbled to be among so many distinguished guests.
Today, I would like to suggest that we must reinvigorate our partnerships in this
He~·nisphere as we begin a new century. If we work to nurture the political and economic
relationships among the nations of the Westen1 Hemisphere, I am convinced that the next
century will be the Century of the Americas, a time of unparalleled peace and prosperity for
all. There are, however, threats to freedom and stability in our hemisphere that we need to
confront --together. Neighbor helping neighbor.
There has been a great deal of discussion recently about which event adequately
defined the 20th century --victory over Hitler in World War II, the fall of the Berlin Wall,
the first q1an on the moon, or the invention of computers. You could make a good case for
each one of these. But I believe the history of the 20th century cannot be defined by one of
these singularly remarkable achievements. The greatest development was not an event at
all, but a slow arid steady march over time. For me, it was the spread of democrac around
the world --a movement in which the United States played a leading role. Consider the
following: according to Freedom House, of the 192 sovereign states in existence today, 119
of them are considered true democracies. In 1950, just 22 countries were democracies,
meaning that nearly 100 nations have made the transition over this half century...____
I witnessed much of this great transfonnation as Director of the U.S. Peace Corps
under President Bush. Nowhere did I see a more dramatic change than in our own back
yard. For much of the 20 111 century, Latin America was locked in a tumultuous cycle of
dictators, civil wars, and economic instability. But, in the 1980s, nation after nation,
inspired in large part by our own American experiment, turned toward freedom.
-more-
2 I 2 RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.
C.
205 I 0
*
(202) 224-8049
�Immediate threats to democracy include Haiti, which has been without a fully
functioning government for more than two years now. Political killings and intimidation
continue to cripple this country. Despite four years and over $2 billion in u:s. assistance,
Haiti is still no closer to achieving any semblance of democracy or free market economy.
Our political efforts in Haiti have mirrored the media attention. As the CNN cameras left,
so, itseemed, did our foreign policy. Haiti is an unmitigated foreign policyfailure.
I should also mention Ecuador, where military and indigenous forces recently ousted
their President. Though civilian government was restored, constitutio
as been
diminished. It is important to note that this··was the first time sin 1976 that a So h
American· country's military toppled an elected pres1 ent.
Castro's Cuba also demands our close attentiOn; It remains the one black mark on the
hemisphere's remarkable record of democratic progress. Castro has singlehandedly crushed
any emergence of democratic opposition or free enterprise. Unfortunately, there are few
prospects for change while he remains in power and the Clinton Administration continues to
coddle him. As the recent Elian Goi12alez case has shown us, Castro has no shame in
exploiting his own people, even this six-year-old child who is being used as apolitical pawn
to rally waning support at home.
Beyond these immediate threats to democracy is a second set of challenges to
countries with systems of goven1ment that are not under attack in a violent or conspicuous
manner. I:qstead, democracy and the rule of law are increasingly in question in these
countries. Peru and Venezuela, for example, are arguably under· oin "slow-motion coups."
Just th1s week, the Peruvian Government presided over seriously flawed elections.
Numerous independent election monitors, including the OAS, have detailed the Peruvian
Government's control of key official electoral agencies, systematic restrictions on freedom
of the press, and harassment or intimidation of opposition politicians. Only a week before
the election, the Carter Center/National Democratic Institute delegation concluded that
"irreparable damage to the integrity of the electoral process has already been done."
Reports of election-day proceedings were no more comforting. The same observers cited
significant voting irregularities, including the removal of the lead opposition candidate's
.name from ballots. Such reports raise serious concerns about the integrity and validity of the
elections. Though the election has been forced to a second round, democratic rule in Peru is
still in question. I would hope that over the next two months, steps are taken to level the
playing field to allow for free and fair elections.
In Venezuela, there is no question th~t massive reform is needed. But change must
occur within a democratic framework. I met with President Chavez several months ago, and
I found him to be as personable and charismatic as reported in the media. But his rhetoric,
while reassuring one day, is too often alarming the next. We saw this double talk recently
with the terrible flooding near Caracas. On one hand, Chavez said he wanted our help,
specifically for heavy equipment from our military. Yet, on the other hand, he would not
allow our military personnel into Venezuela to operate it. His actions are suspect as well.
-more-
2 I 2
RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON,
0. C. 205 I 0
* (202) 224-8049
�It touches every comer of our country --rural, urban, rich, poor-- it makes no difference.
Such devastating impacts are not limited to our borders. Drugs leave behind a path of
destruction at every stage -~in the producing, transiting, and consuming countries-- from
Colombia to Mexico to the United States. We are seeing first-hand how the drug business is
underminirig democracy in Colombia by fueling violence and chaos there. Estimates of the·
Colombian guerrillas' income from the narcotics trade reach as high as $1 billion annually.
The result is a well-funded and well-armed rebel force w ich continues to overrun
. government forces and threaten the state's authorit . In Mexico President Zedillo has told
me that drugs represent the number one threat to Mexican- emocracy. I agree. Despite grea
efforts, Mexico continues to exemplify how drug traffic:king--and the violence and
corruption that comes with it --undermines a nation's democratic foundations and erodes the
public's confidence in the rule of law. For any of you who have seen the Godfather movies,
those figures are rank amateurs compared to the current narcotics mafia.
'" I should mention that Americans are no longer the only consumers of these deadly
drugs. Our neighbors in the region are now facing drug consumption crises of their own. In
Mexico City, for example, the number of people who have tried illegal drugs has almost
doubled since 1993. In Buenos Aires, the first official poll on drug use showed that 4.1% of
the population consumed illegal drugs, a number comparable to drug use in cities such as
Washington, Chicago, and New York.
There are additional security threats that I will touch on briefly, including terrorism,
am1s smuggling, and domestic criminality. These threats range from our Canadian border to
Paraguay. They are new to us and our response systems are in their infancy. Colombia
continues to set the benchmark for terrorist incidents in our hemisphere, accounting for
almost one-third of all incidents worldwide . Remember that the FARC murdered three
innocent Americans last March, making it chillingly clear that what happens in Colombia
often has a direct impact on American interests. Outside of Colombia, the State Department
recently reported that Middle Eastern terrorist groups have established a presence in the tri
border area of Paraguay, Brazil, and Argentina. The recent problems in Canada raise new
·concems in a country that has never had to confront these kinds of issues. Truly, we are all
at risk in today'sworld.
Arms smuggling in the hemisphere also appears to be on the rise. Colombian
guerrillas, for example, rely on arms smuggled from neighboring countries, particularly
Panama. According to the Colombian Minster of Defense, last July, military raids on
guerrilla hideouts uncovered 5,000 new AK 47's with estimates of25,000 more on the way
by the year's end. There are also alleged problems of arms smuggled south from the United
States, an issue that demands increased attention. And it's not just guns. I am especially
concerned about the increased smuggling of aliens into the U.S. by "coyotes" on the
Mexican border and reports of Chinese aliens being sold visas in Panama as a springboard
for illegal entry into the United States and other countries. The treatment of these people i~
so inhumane that it ought to raise the anger ofth.e entire hemisphere.
-more-
2 I 2
RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON,
0. C. 205 I 0
* (202) 224-8049
�Economic Threats
The third category of threats to freedom in the hemisphere concerns the ongoing
inability of many of these countries to achieve sustained economic growth. While there has
been son1e positive progress, most indicators are not especially bright. As a whole, ~atin
American economies have contracted by 1% in 1999. For the past decade, the region has
grown at an average rate of less than 30> a year, significantly less than its 6% growth during
the 1960s and 70s. In addition, the region remains ~specially vulnerable to global economic
trends. Brazil's currency crisis early last year was precipitated by the Asian crisis and
plunged many in the region. into deep economic recession. In oil-rich Venezuela, o~r largest
supplier of petroleum products, national income plummeted by nearly 8% in 1999 when oil
prices declined. It is now experiencing one <?fits toughest economic recessions ever,
compounded by its recent natural disaster --an all too familiar story in Latin America.
Many of the region's pressing social problems have not improved significantly
despite great strides toward free entei-prise and economic liberalization over the last two
decades. About 40% of the population still lives in poverty, and that numb~r is not
decreasing. The gap between rich and poor continues to be the worst in the world, while
average unemployment in the region---9.5% in 1999---is at its highest level in 15 years. In
general, primary educational systems remain weak while universities are reserved for the
elites.
In fact, I think it is fair to say that the average person in Latin America is no better off
economically today than he or she was 20 years agQ. The tangible returns of market-based
reforms take time to materialize and thus have not caught up with the "revolution in
expectation." Shadows of doubt are now cast on the political and economic reforms of the
past decades, causing many to search for more expedient solutions. There is no doubt that
.
I
_economic dissatisfaction partly explain~ tbe tesnrgence of populism and autocratic
~..:;te~1:.:.1d~e:.:n~c:.:i..::.e;s.:in~p~la~c~e~s-=s~u~c.:h:...:a=,s~V~e~n~ez=-u=-e~l~a~.P=-=-r.~i_dent Chavez's promise to end corruption and
poverty were obviOusly well-received by a frustrated populace. In Ecuador, popular
discontent stemming from the worst economic crisis in 70 years was a central cause of the
recent coup which removed President Mahuad.
Unfortunately, this Administratidn has not done its part to expand trade opportunities
in the hemisphere. Except for the finishing touches on NAFTA in 1994, no new free trade
agreement has been signed with any Latin American country. The Administration refuses to
commit the political capital necessary to secure Fast Track authority and has reneged on
promises to Chile. There are now serious doubts about whether the Free Trade Area of the
Americas will come to pass by 2005, or 'that CBI enhancement will be signed into law.
It is important to recognize that more than ever before, our economy is linked with
those in the region. Now that half of Americans are invested in the stock market, for
example, even Main Street America has an undeniable stake in what happens in Latin
America.
I
.
-more-
2 I2
RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON,
0. C. 205 I 0
* (202) 224-8049
�And we now have a perfect example of the necessity of hemispheric pressure in
preventing a breach of democracy. I am convinced that one of the primary reasons
President FuJimon d1d not claim outright victory this week was because of pressure from
the illl:emahonal commumty. The OAS should be singled out for Its tough but fair reporting
C>irt11e" electoral process and the pressure they brought to bear on the Fujimori government.
Our work is not over, however. We must send an immediate and unambiguous message to
President Fujimori that if the run-off elections are determined to be fraudulent, Peru's
economic and political relations with the United States will suffer. This message should be
unanimous from every nation in the region, and not just from the United States. Make no.
mistake about it, people are watching how the hemispheric community reacts to
developments in Peru. We must not send the wrong signals.
Again, American leadership is the key to this Doctrine's success. All the multilateral
frameworks in the world will make no difference without a strong and principled leader.
2) To enhance security, we must use new tools to combat illegal drugs and other
organized crime. We cannot deal with the threat of narcotics by ourselves. Increased
cooperation with our neighbors must be developed along with new legal and
economic tools. An example is the Coverdell-Feinstein Drug Kingpin Act which was ·
signed into law in December. The legislation targets major drug kingpins by blocking
their assets in the United States and by preventing their access to U.S. markets and
businesses. The idea is to avoid bilateral, country-to-country conflict --which
certification has brought us-- and instead focus collective efforts directly against the
bad actors.
Another critical effort involves cracking down on money laundering. The Treasury
Department estimates that drug trafficking alone generates close to $50 billion each year,
most of which is laundered into our· financial system. Our neighbors must tighten their anti
money laundering laws and financial oversight as well. Up to $5 trillion in assets, much of it
illicit, are held in offshore banks that have little financial regulation or oversight. Collective
hemispheric pressure should be applied to these havens, many of which are located in the
Caribbean, by denying their countries trade benefits as well as access to our financial
markets and institutions .
.We need to insist on basic agreements with our neighbors to enhance drug
interdiction efforts. Developing more effective airspace and maritime agreements would be
a start. Pressure should be exerted on Venezuela, for example, to agree to overflight routes
for drug surVeillance missions. We should build on existing "ship-rider" agreements and
bolster the tiny security forces in the Caribbean which continue to be outspent and
outgunned by the traffickers. These small democracies are at serious risk from the
combination of violence and corruption that the traffickers bring, and they need our help.
-more-
2 12
RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON,
D. C. 205 I 0
* (202) 224-B049
�·r
To jump start our forgotten trade initiatives, we need to do the obvious:
-- pass CBI legislation this year;
-- grant fast track authority to the President;
-- extend the Andean Trade Preference Act due to expire in 2001; and
--make the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) a reality.
These initiatives will help restore the Reagan-Bush vision of a free trade zone from
Tierra del Fuego to the Port of Anchorage.
But the opening of our markets should not come unconditionally. We should trade
ith countries who want to join us in prosperity and work together on mutual security .
interests. We must aim for "clean trade" with our partners, absent the taint of drugs and
other criminality. And w 'le we continue to ush for disciplined market-oriented refom1s,
we should als encourage investment in human capita y attacking poverty and dismal
· living conditions. Above a we nee o_1e p ma equality elementary and secondary
education universal a'nd promote greater access to the universities for citizens of all classes,
not just the elite. There is perhaps no more important change needed in Latin America than
. increased investment in human capital.
CONCLUSION
I have often said that the genesis of all American glory is that we have been a free
people. And the fundamental components of that freedom are economic liberty, security for
persons and property, and a well-educated citizenry. You can easily see the great parallel
and the relevance to the situation in Latin America. In both instances, we need to be
reminded of how precious freedom is and how it demands our constant vigil.
.· Jose Marti, the great Cuban statesman and defender of freedom, may have said it
best: It, is not enough to come to the defense offreedom with epic and intermittent efforts
when it is threatened at moments that appear critical. Every moment is critical for the
.
preservation offreedom..
This defense of freedom must be guided by American leadership. We must replace
our current policy of crisis dodging with a program of sustained engagement. Indeed, the
great transformation in Latin America and elsewhere is largely the result of American
influence and vision. The region's recent setbacks can, to some degree, be traced to our
disengagement and-lack of vision. To be fair, we have never given this hemisphere the
attention it deserves. Latin America has gotten lip service at best, and this must change.
George Washington once said: "Liberty, when it begins to take root, is a plant of rapid
growth." I believe that in the 20th century, America has helped to plant the seeds of
democracy and freedom around the world. I hope that when the stories are written at the
end of this new century, it is said of this nation that we tended to liberty, nurtured it around
i
the world and sustained freedon1 and prosperity here in this Hemisphere:
I
-30-
2 I2
RUSSELL SENATE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON,
0. C. 205 I 0
* (202) 224-8049
�.~COUNCIL OF THE A~ICAS
AN AFFILIATE OF THE AMERICAS SOCIETY. INC.
680 P~RK AVENUE. NEW YORK. NEW YORK 10021
212/628-3200
· FAX: 212/517-624 7
January 10, 2000
The Honorable William Jefferson Clinton
President of the United St<!-tes
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
·
On behalf of the Council of the Americas, we would like to invite you to address
our 30th Annual Washington Conference to be held April30-May 2, 2000 at the
Department of State. The theme this year is .. The Americas in the New Economy." The
conference will provide you with an excellent opportunity to share with U.S. business
leaders your views on U.S. leadership in the Hemisphere and the global economy.
As you know, the Council of the Americas is the leading business organization
dedicated to promoting regional economic integration, free trade, open markets and
investment and the rule oflaw throughout the Western Hemisphere. Now in its 30th year,
the Council's Washington Conference traditionally has provided multinational business
leaders involved in Latin America a unique opportunity for dialogue with key U.S.
government and congressional leaders.
·
In order to provide you with maximum flexibility, we would like to invite you to
speak at a reception on May 1, 2000 to be held at the Department of State from 6:30 to
9:00p.m. Working with your staff we would be able to identify an appropriate time
during this period to accommodate your busy schedule. We would of course welcome
your appearance at any time during the conference.
Your appearance at the Council's Washington Conference in 1995 was the
highlight of the event that year and we very much hope that you will respond positively
to this invitation. We look forward to hearing from you.
·
Sincerely,
.·/AI
~~0/~4~
McNa~
Chairman
Thomas E.
President
�PRELIMINARY AGENDA
.The Americas in the New Economy
Thirtieth Washington· Conference
April 30- May 2, 2000
Sunday, April30, 2000
-Colonnade Room
Monarch Hotel
6:30-8:00 p.m.
Welcoming Reception
·Monday, May 1, 2000
Loy Henderson Conference Room
Department of State
2201 C Street, NW
7:30-8:30 a.m.
Registration and Continental Breakfast
-
8:30-8:45 a.m.
Welcoming Remarks
William R. Rhod.es, Chairman, Council of the Americas
Thomas McNamara, President & CEO, Council of the
Americas
8:45-9:15 a.m.
U.S. Leadership in the Hemisphere
Madeleine K. Albright, Secretary of State
9:15-9:45 a.m.
Current U.S. Poliicy Agenda for the Americas
Peter Romero, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Western
Hemisphere AffaiJ·s
9:45 -10:15 a.m.
Hemispheric Commerce in the New Economy
William M. Daley, Secretary of Commerce
10:15-10:30 a.m.
Break
-
�. PRELIMINARY AGENDA (Page 2 of 3)
The Americas in the New Economy ·
Thirtieth Washington Conference
April 30- :May 2, 2000
10:30-12:00
Future Economic Priorities for the Americas
Pedro.Malan, Minister of Finance, Brazil
Jose Angel Gunia, Secretary of Finance, Mexico
Jose Luis Machinea, Minister ofEconomy, Argentina
Juan Camilo Restrepo, Minister of Finance and Public Credit,
Colombia
Moderator: William R. Rhodes, Chairman, Council of the
Americas
12:00 -12:30 p.m.
Relocate
12:30-2:00 p.m.
Luncheon
Benjamin Frankiin Diplomatic Reception Room, 8th Floor
The Global Economy in the New Millennium
Lawrence H. Summers, Secretary of the Treasury
2:00:-2:30 p.m.
Break and Relocate
2:30-3:15 p.m.
New Technological Challenges in the Hemisphere
Steve Case, Chairman and CEO, America Online, Inc.
3:15-4:00 p.m.
Beyond 2000: Visions for the Hemisphere
Republican and n~~mocratic Presidential Candidates
4:00-4:15 p.m.
Break
4:15-4:45 p.m.
Reassessing the Global Financial Infrastructure
Director, International Monetary Fund
4:45-5:15 p.m.
Harnessing Technology in the Hemisphere
Enrique Iglesias, President, Inter-American Development
Bank
.
5:15p.m.
Adjourn
6:30p.m.
Reception
.
Benjamin Franklin Diplomatic Reception Room, 8th Floor
William Jefferson Clinton, President of the United States
�PRELIMINARY AGENDA (Page 3 of 3)
The Americas in the New Economy
t
Thirtieth Washington Conference
April 30- May 2, 2000
Tuesday, May 2, 2000
Loy Henderson Conference Room
Department of State
7:30-8:30 a:m.
· 8:30-9:30 a.m.
Continental Breakfast
Broadening the Benefits of Democracy and Market Reforms
in Latin America
Fernando de Ia Rua, President of Argenti.lla
9:30-9:45 a.m.
Break
9:45-10:15 a.m.
Advancing the Hemispheric Free Trade Agenda
Charlene Barshefsky, United States Trade Representative
10:15-10:45 a.m.
Labor's Perspective on Free Trade
John Sweeney, President, American Federation of Labor and
Confederation of Industrial Organizations (AFL/CIO)
10:45- 11:00 a.m.
Break
11:00-12:00 p.m.
Future Energy Policy in the Americas
Bill Richardson, Secretary ofEnergy
Luis Tellez, Secretary ofEnergy, Mexico
12:00-12:30 p.m.
Congressional Perspectives on U.S.-Latin American
Relations
Richard A. Gephardt, House Minority Leader
12:30-1:00 p.m.
J. Dennis Hastert:, Speaker of the House of Representatives
1:00 p.m.
Conference Closing
�I
(!'~
I
/
A
g
Heather M~ Riley
01/29/2000 12:34:03 PM
Record Type:
. To:
Record
See the distribution list at the bottom of this message
cc:
Subject: CORRECTION: 1/29/00 POTUS remarks to world economic forum in davos
THE WHITE HOUSE.
Office of the Press Secretary
January 29, 2000
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ATWORLD ECONOMIC FORUM
Daves, Switzerland
6:36A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much.
President Schwab, I
think that it is an indication of the importance of the topic and
the importance of the World Economic Forum that you have so many
l~aders fro~ around the world here today.
I see, just scanning
the audience, the President of Colombia, the President of South
Africa, Chairman Arafat, the Prime Ministers of Spain and Turkey
and a number of other leaders.
We have here with me today the Secretary of State, the
Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Commerce, the
Secretary of Energy and our Trade Ambassador. There's no one
home in Washington to take care of things.
(Laughter.) We have
a large delegation from the United States Congress here; leaders·
from all over the world and business; public life; the leader of
the American Union Movement, John Sweeney, whom I know has spoken
to you.
So I think that maybe the presence of all these
distinguished people in the crowd is evidence of the importance
of our being here and shows, in my mind, one of the things we
need to determine to do as a people.
�,.
The World Economic Forum h~s been at it, as you pointed out,
for 30 years now. The thing that I have appreciated most about
your deliberations is your consistent focus on the future.
For
example, you spotted the networking of society before the
Internet was out of its infancy. Both Vice President Gore and my
wife, Hillary,. have spoken here; and I am glad, even t-hough I am
late, to finally get in on the act.
(Laughter.)
Your theme, 11 New Beginnings, Making a Difference, 11 it seems.
to me, is the right theme. What I want to ask all of you to
think about today is, what does making a difference and new
beginnings mean in an era of globalization? What are the
opportunities? What are the obligations? What are the hazards?
What new beginnings will make a positive difference? And,
perhaps the most difficult question of all: do we have the
institutional and organized mechanisms to make them?
As we know, in many ways the global economy was almost as
integrated as it is today 100 years ago. But after World War I,
leaders in the United States and Europe made what all now
rec lJ..
. were false ~n~~:sig
oices.
Instead of
artnership),_~h se ~- ·
d isolation'ism. And for
eca es, g~uat\on.....,.went in reverse - with utterly disastrous
consequences.
After the second war, the leaders were given a second
chance. This time it was clear that what was at stake was not
simply the return of prosperity, but the defense of freedom.
They chose the path of economic and political partnership, and
set the stage for 50 years of growth across the globe. No one
can seriously argue that the world would be a better place today
if th5=y had reverted to the old.isolationism.
So today, at the start of a new century, the entire world,
not simply Europe and the United States, and the wealthiest
nations of Asia, the entire world finds itself at a crossroads.
Globalization is revolutionizing the way we work, the way we live
and, perhaps most important, the way we relate to each other
across national boundaries.
It is tearing down doors and
building up networks between nations and individuals, between
economies and cultures.
The obvious consequence is that we are growing ever more
interdependent, driven to be part of every vital network,
understanding we cannot build our own future without helping
others to build theirs. Today, we know that because of
scientific and technological advance, we can change the equ~tion
between energy use and economic growth. We can shatter the
limits that time and space pose to doing business and getting an
education.
But, the openness and mobility, the flexible networking and
sophisticated communications technologies that have made
�i·
globalization what it is -- so totally consuming, all these
factors have also made us more vulnerable to some of our oldest
problems.
/
Terrorism, narco-traffickers and 6rganized criminals, they
can use all this new technolo~3Y, too, and take advantage of th~
They present all of us with
new securit
the new century. The spread of
1sease; ethnic, racial, triba1, religious conflicts, rooted in
the fear ofO'E11ers -wfiO are m1Terent -- they seem to find ways to
spread in this globalized era·. And the grinding .poverty of more
than a billion people who live on less than a dollar a day and
liv~ for a year on less than what it costs to stay in a nice
hotel at night-- they, too, are part of the globalized world. A
few of us live on the cutting edge of the new economy; too many
of us live on the bare edge of survival, without the means to move up.
Those who wish to roll back the forces of globalization
because they fear its disruptive consequences I believe are
plainly wrong.
Fifty years of experience shows that greater
economic integration and political cooperation are positive
forces.
Those who believe globalization is only about market
economics, however, are wrong, too.
e new networks must lead to new arrangements :that
all· that work to spur growth, lift lives, raise
~~=-:::r::=-==--,:::-:.
the world and within nation.
Now, leaders from business:, government and civil society,
therefore, must come together to build a future that can unite,
not divide, us. We must recognize first that globalization has
made us all more free and.more interdependent. Those of us who
are more fortunate must be more responsible and work harder to be
good neighbors and good partners. The United States has a
special responsibility in that regard, because we have been so
fortunate in our history and so very fortunate over the last
decade.
· I came here today in the hope that by working together we
can actually find a way to create the conditions and provide the
tools to give people on every continent the ability ~o solve
their own problems, and in so doing, to strengthen their own
lives and our global economy in the new century.
l.
�network in history.
For example, when I became President seven years ago, there
were only 50 pages on the Worldwide Web.
Todc:ty, there are over
50 million -- in seven years. Trade broadens the frontiers of
possibility for all of those who have access to its benefi~s apd
L~JA..~
the tools to claim them.
.
01u ~ 0""- ~- 1
;j,
S~the
· As I said a couple of days ago in my
Union
Address' for me there is only one direction forwa
on trade' and
that is to go on with what we're doing, recog z1ng that this is
a new and very different world, that the idea that we would be
better off with less trade, with less rule~based trade by. turning
away from our attempts to find international ways within which we
can work together, I think is dead wrong.
Now, having said that, what does that mean? Well, for me,
it meant that when, first, our neighbors in Mexico and then our
fr'
turmoil and crisis, the United States had
to keep our markets o
, ev!~i1 though it led to .record trade
1 s.
me, 1t means :it's very important to get China into
the World Trade Organization, to ensure that China's markets are
open to us, even as we have our markets open to China -- and to.
advance peace and stability in Asia, and increase the possibility
of positive change in China.
The changes in our markets are only beginning. You know,
people have been trading.goods across borders as long as there
have been borders. But communications technology and the
Internet are expanding trade in unprecedented ways many of you
understand better than I. Today, everything from data processing
to security monitoring to stockbrokering and advanced degrees can
be bought and sold all over the world. E-commerce creates
enormous potential for growth anywhere, and it will continue to
do so, if we can resist the temptation to put up barriers to this
important part of our new economy.
Trade is especially important, of course, for developing
nations. Listen to this -- this is something that I think peopl
om the developing nations who oppose the WTO should think
about:
from the 1970s to the early '90s, developing countries
that chose growth through trade grew at least twice as fast as
those who chose not to open to the world. The most open
countries had growth that was six times as fast.
Think about what Japan, or the nations of Southeastern
Europe, were like 50 years ago. They were poor, largely rural
societies.
Today, they are prosperous global leaders, in no
small measure because of trade. Look at South Korea, Mexico or
Thailand, which built their growth on openness -- even after the
recent traumas of financial crises, their national incomes are
still more than double the 1970 levels, when they were more
closed. And their gains in literacy, education and life
expectancy are truly extraordinary, far outpacing countries that
~~w~
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.
�.
A.~w~~ ~~v>
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chose not to open to the world.
~
~-
.J ~~
Certainly, many of the people who have questioned the wisdom
of open trade are genuinely concerned about the fate of the poor
and the disadvantaged, and we~ll they should be. But they should
or a migrant from the Mex1can countrvslCle Wl thout the prospect of
jobs and 1ndustry that can sell to foreign, as wPll r:lR rlomPRtir.
consumers'? what happens to l:armers 1n Uruguay or Zimbabwe, in
Australia, Europe, the United States, _if protectionism makes it
impossible to market products beyond their borders?
·
f
l
,...li
r,
How can working conditions be improved and poverty be
reduced in developing countries if they are denied these and
other opportunities to grow, the things that come with
participation in.the world·economy. No, trade must not be a race
to the bottom -- whether we're talking about child labor, basic
working conditions or environmental protection. But turning away
from trade would keep part o:E our global community forever.on the
bottom. That is not ·the right response.
·
.
,
\.11
~
~
~
Now, that means, it seems to me, that we must face another
challenge. The second point I want to make is that developing countries will only reap the benefits of integration in the world
economy if the industrialized countries are able to garner enough
domestic support for policies that are often controversial at
home.
It is easier for us to gather here, in vigorous agreement
-- and I'm glad you brought Mr. Sweeney over so we could have an
occasional voice of occasional disagreement.
But most of us here agree with everything I just said.
Why?
'Well, we have seen and personally felt the benefits of
globalization. But convincing our publics to go along, to go for
greater integration in a rule-based system which might require
_them to change further, and might require some of them, unlike
most of us, to change what they do for a living, remain a
challenge.
~
How shall we meet it? In the United States, we must
-~~\:/::;
·"*overcome resistance to 01.1r ground-breaking trade agreements with ~
Africa and the Caribbean Basin; even though, if they both pass,
.
\their impact on our economy will be very small, while their
~ ~ impact on the African nations that participate and those in the
~~~
Caribbean will be very large~, indeed.
I am determined to pass
~A"'rf~~
both measures this year, and I , think we ' 11 succeed, but it ' s an
~\~[\
indication of what kinds of problems every country faces.
Indeed, yQu probably have noted this, but one of the most
ironic, and to me, disappointing consequences of our
unprecedented prosperity, which has given us over 20 million new
jobs in my country in the last seven years, is that.it seems to
me that protectionist sentirnent or antitrade sentiment, at. least,
is greater now than it was seven years ago when I took office, in
the United States Congress.
I want to talk a little about that
\.4-
�today and how it relates ta. what's going on in other countries.
But we all have an obligation to work through that nation by
nation.
. Part of what countries have to do is to be able to point to
what other countries are doing and to say, well, look what
they're doing, we ought to do this. We ought to do our part.
That means we are significantly affected in the United Stat.es by
the policies of Europe, Japan and other wealthier countries.
I
think for its part, Europe should put its agricultural subsidies
on the table.
If even one-third of the world's subsidies and
tariffs in agriculture were eliminated, the poorest developing
countries that could export would gain more than $4 billion in
economic .benefits every single year.
We can also, I must say, do better in the developed
countries if we are able tomake a more forceful case for the
value of imports. None of us do this enough, and I must say, I
haven't done this enough. We all go around talking about -every time we talk about trade agreements in our countries, we
always talk about how many jobs will be created at home because
we're opening markets abroad. And we make ourselves vulnerable
to people who say, but it may not reduce the trade deficit, and·
look how big it is.
So I just want to say, I wish everyone here would look at
yourselves and ask yourselves if you are wearing anything made in
a country other than the country where you live.
There are benefits to imports. _We don't just do a favor to
developing countries, or to our trading partners in developed
countries, when we import products and services from them.
We
benefit from those products.
Imports stretch family budgets;
they promote the well-being of working families, by making their
dollars go further; they brin9 new technology and ideas; they, by
opening markets, dampen inflation and spur innovation.
In a few days, we will have the longest economic expansion
in the history of the United States.
I am convinced one of the
reasons that it will happen is that we have kept our markets
open, even in tough times, so that there has always been pressure
to keep inflation down as we continue to generate jobs and
growth.
I am convinced of it. And those of us in wealthier
countries need to make the case that even when we have trade
deficits, if we're growing jobs and we're gaining ground, and the
.
as that pay better wages, we are getting
~~~~~~~~~~i~m~p~o~r~trsrf. I think all people in public life have.
ling to say that. And we must do more.
�investment in human capital, education, health care, technology,
infrastructure.
Particularly in an economy that runs more and
more on brainpower, no investment pays off faster than education. ~
The international community h~set 2015. as a target for giving. _·
_
~very child access to basi£_gducation.
I'm asking our Congress
for more fund1ng to help nations get more children ou.t of work
ana-into school.
I hope others in the________ . _________ and -------- .................. --· ------ -------------·
public ................... private sectors
I I J o1n us.
. wi
Each year in the developing world, we see millions of lives
lost and billions of dollars lost -- dollars that could be spent
in many more productive ways to killer diseases like AIDS,
malaria and tuberculosis. Last year in Africa,_AIDS killed more
people, ten times more, than all the wars did. We have the
technology to find vaccines for. those diseases. We have
medications that can lengthen and improve the quality of life.
But let's face a fact.
The pharmaceutical industry has no
incentive to develop products for customers who are too poor to
buy them.
I have proposed a tax credit to say to our private
industry:
if you.will develop these vaccines, we'll help to pay
for them.
I hope the World Bank, other nations and the corporate
world will help us in meeting this challenge.
If we could get
the vaccines out to the people who need them in time, we could
save millions and millions of lives, and free up billions of
dollars to be invested in building those lives, those societies,
into strong, productive partners -- not just for trade, but for
peace.
(Applause.)
·
·
We can also help countries help themselves by lifting their
crippling burden of debt, so they'll have more to invest in their
people and their future.
The Cologne debt initiative commits us
to reducing the foreign debt of the world's poorest and most
indebted nations by as much as .70 percent. Last fall, I pledged
that the United States would forgive 100 percent of the debts
those countries owe to us. This year, I will work to fund our
share of the multilateral debt relief.
I am pleased that so many
others have made similar pled9es, and look forward to the first
countries benefiting from this initiative very soon.
If we keep
working on this, expanding it, and we all pay our fair share, we
can turn a vicious cycle of debt and poverty into a virtuous
cycle of develo ment and trade.
The last point
'd like to make on this is, I think the
developed countries who want an open trading system that has the
trust and confidence of developing countries should also
contribute to indigenous trade, which may not be directly related
-- excuse me, indigenous economic development, which may not be
directly related to trade. Just for example, the United States
Agency for International Development each year funds about 2
million micro-enterprise loans in poor communities in Africa,
Asia and Latin America.
I will never forget going to small villages in Senegal and
�Uganda, and seeing people who had gotten their first bus:lness
loan -- sometimes as small as $50 -- show me their businesses,
show me the people they were doing business with in their
villages, who has also gotten such loans.
I'll never forget the
man in Senegal who was this d;esignated village accountant, making
me wait outside his front door while he went into his house to
bring me-back all of the accounts he had carefully kept for the
last month, to prove that the money we were investing was being
spent wisely.
Does this have any direct impact on international trade? Of
course not. Did it make that society stronger? Did it make the
economy stronger? Did it increase the stability and long-term
prospects of the nation? Of course it did.
So I believe we
should all be thinking about more we can do on the indigenous
economic development issues.
The President of Colombia is here. I've asked the Congress
to pass a very ambitious program to try to help Colombia deal
.
with the narco-traffickers and the guerrillas and all the
problems that he faces -- perhaps the oldest democracy in Latin
America.
But one part of it :is for economic development.
It is
one thing to tell people they should stop growing crops that can
be turned into drugs that can kill our children, and quite
another to tell people, if you do this, by the way, here's a way
to support your children.
*
Andso I think that we can never lose sight of the fact that
if we want to build an integrated economy with more and more
trade, we have to build an economy from the grass-roots up in
places that want to have a balanced, stable society.
The fourth point I would make is that developed and
developing countries alike must ensure that the benefits of trade
flow widely to workers and families within our nations.
Industrialized nations must SE:'!e that the poor and those hard hit
by changes are not left behind. And all nat~ons :~~d_!o ensure
that workers have access toCJrLfelong·learnin ben =is;Jthey can
move between jobs without oe1ng unemployed for too long and
without having their standard of living dropped.
We have to work with corporate leaders to spur investment
also in the people and places that have been left behind. We
have to find a new markets within our own nation.
For example, I
will tell you something that might surprise many of you.
The
national unemployment rate in the United States is 4.1 percent.
On many of our Native American Indian reservations the
unemployment rate is about 70 percent.
In isolated rural areas
in America, the unemployment rate is sometimes two, three, four
times as high as the national average.
So we have not figured out how to solve this. When you have
these eyesores in a country, when the development is not even,
they can easily become the s~oool with which those who do not
�want us to open our markets more and build a more integrated
world, can use to defeat our larger designs, even if they're
right.
And as I said to the American people in Congress a couple of
nights ago, we in the United States, I think, have a terrifically
heavy responsibility to reach out to our poor communities,
because we've never had an expansion this long; and if we can't
help our people now, we will never get around to it.
I am
convinced that even though this has nothing directly to do with
trade, if we succeed, we will build more support .for a more
integrated, global economy.
Leaders of developing nations have their responsibilities as
well -- to narrow the gap between rich and poor, by ensuring that·
government institutions are open and accountable, honest and
effective, so they can get foreign investment, have widely-shared
growth, uproot corruption and solve social problems. There is a
limit to what wealthy nations can do for people who will not take
the necessary steps to make their own societies work.
Even in
this heyday of global free enterprise, many people suffer not
because their governments are too strong, but because their
governments are too weak.
Fifth, since globalization is about more than economics, our
interdependence requires us to find ways to meet the challenges
of advancing our values without promoting protectionism or
undermining open trade.
I know that the words "labor and
environment" are heard with suspicion in the developing world
when they are uttered by people from the developed world.
I
understand that these words are code for rich-country
protectionism.
So let me be as clear as possible on this. We shouldn't do
anything to stunt the economic growth and 'development of any
developing nation.
I have never asked any developing nation, and
never will, to give up a more prosperous future.
But in today's
world, developing countries can achieve growth without making
some of the mistakes most developed countries made on worker
protection and the environment as we were on our path to
industrialization. Why is that? Why can they get richer without
doing the same things we did? And since, when countries get
richer, they lift labor standards and clean up the environment,
why do we care? I think there are two answers to that.
First, the reason they can do it is that the new economy has
produced scientific and technological advances that absolutely
disprove the old ideas about growth.
It is actually now possible
to grow an economy faster, for example, with a sensible
environmental policy, and by keeping your kids in school instead
of at work, so that you build more brainpower, to have more
rapid, more long-term, more balanced.growth.
Secondly, we all have an interest, particularly in the
�environmental issue, because of global warming, because of
greenhouse gas emissions, and because. it takes somewhere between
50 and 100 years ~or those emissions to go away out of our larger
atmosphere.
So if there is a way for us.to find a path of
development that improves, rather than aggravates, the
difficulties we have with climate change today by reducing rather
than increasing greenhouse gases, we are all obligated to do it.
That is why, after the Kyoto Protocols, I recommended to all
the advanced nations that we engage in emissions trading and
vigorous investment of new technologies in developing countries,
with an absolute commitment to them that we would not ask them to
slow their economic growth.
We will see, within the next few years, automobiles on the
streets all over the world that routinely get somewhere between
70 and 90 miles a gallon.
In South America, many countries run
on eth~nol instead of gasoline. The big problem is that the
conversion is not very good; it takes about seven gallons of
gasoline to make eight gallons of ethanol. Within a matter of a
couple of years, scientists almost certainly will ·unlock the
chemical block that will enable us to produce eight gallons of
fuel from farm products o~ grasses, or even farm waste, like rice
hulls, for one gallon of gasoline. When that happens, you will
see people driving cars that effectively are getting 400 or 500
miles to the gallon of gasoline.
These things are before us.
All these technologies should
be disseminated as widely as possible, as quickly as possible, so
that no nation gives up any growth to be a responsible
environmental partner in the world.
And on the human development side I will say again, the
globalizE;d economy prizes human development above all else.
It
is in the long-term and the short-term interests of developing
countries not to abuse their workers, and to keep their children
in school.
Now, do we have all the answers to this? No, partly because
the circumstances and the possibility, even for trade engagement,
from nation to nation vary so much; but partly because we don't
have more forums like this within which we can seek common
understandings on worker rights, the environment and other
contentious issues.
We have suggested that the Committee on Trade and the
Environment be invited to examine the environmental applications
of WTO negotiations in sessions where developing countries form
the majority.
We cannot improve cooperation and mutual
understanding unless we talk about it. That is our motivation
that is our only motivation --- in· seeking to open a discussion
~~.out the connections betwee21 labor and trade and development, 1n ·~
the form of a new WTO working group.
~
.
�And I will say this again: the consequence of running away
from an open d1alogue on a profoundly 1mportant 1ssue will be -.it won't be more trade, ftill be more p~ct1on:-. The
consequence of opening up a dialogue and dealing honestly with
these issues will show that in the new economy, we can .have more
growth and more trade, with better treatment for people in the
.workplace and more sensible environmental policies.
I believe
thati you have to decide if you believe that.
My experience in life -- and I'm not as young as I used to
be -- let me just say, at Thanksgiving a six-year-old daughter of
a friend of mine asked me how old I was.
She looked up at me and
she said, how old are you, anyway? And I said, I'm 53. She
said~ that's a lot.
(Laughter.)
Well, it looks younger every day to me.
But I have lived
long enough to know this:
in the words of that slogan that
people my daughter's age always use, denial is not just a river
in Egypt.
(Laughter.) And the more we hunker down 'and refuse to
devote time systematically to discussing these issues and letting
people express their honest opinion, the more we are going to
fuel the fires of protectionism, not put them out. We have to
make some institutional accommodation to the fact that this is a
part of the debate surrounding globalization.
Now, I feel the same way about labor standards. And there
is a win-win situation here. Let me just give you one example.
We had a pilot program through.our Agency for International
Development, working with the garment industry in Bangladesh to
take children out of factories and put them back in schools. The
program got kids to learn, and actually boosted garment exports,
and gave jobs to adults who would otherwise not have had them.
We can do more of this if we lower the rhetoric and .focus
more on results.
Common ground means asking workers in developed
countries to. think about the .future of workers in Asia, Africa,
or Latin America.
It means governments .finding the courage to
rise above short-term political interest.
It means corporations
taking responsibility for the effects of their actions, whether
they're in an African delta or a New York high-ris~.
It means a
new, more active idea of corporate responsibility, stepping up to
the plate to pay for vaccines or educate a new generation of
workers in another country as a part of the globalization
economic strategy.
·
Finally, let me say that the lessons from our history are
clear: we still -- we must support the rules-based system we
have, the WTO, even as we seek to reform and strengthen it.
I think those who heard a wake-up call on the streets of
Seattle got the right message. But those who say that we should
freeze or disband the WTO are dead wrong.
Since World War II,
there have been eight separate rounds of multilateral trade
negotiations -- hundreds of trade agreements signed. What's
�happened? Glo~al trade has increased fifteen-fold, contributing
to the most rapid, sustained and, yes,-widely shared growth ever
recorded.
There is no substitute for the confidence and credibility
the WTO lends to the process of expanding trade based on rules.
There's no substitute for the temporary relief WTO offers
·
national economy, especially against unfair trade and abrupt
surges in imports. And there is no substitute for WTO's
authority in resolving disputes which commands the respect of all
member nations.
If we expect public support for the WTO, though
-- I'll get back to my main poicyt -- we've got to get' out of
denial of what's happening now.
If we expect the public to support the WTO the way I do -and I think almost all of you do -- we have to let the public see
what we're doing. -We have to make more documents available,
faster, we have to open dispute ~anel hearings to the public, we
have to allow organizations and individuals to panel their views
in a formal way. And we all have to play by the rules and abide
by the WTO decisions, whether we win or whether we lose.
Let me be clear:
I do not agree with those who say we
should halt the work of the WTO, or postpone a new trade· round.
But I do not agree with those .who view with contempt the new
forces seeking to be heard in the global dialogue.
Globalization
is empowering people with information, everywhere.
One of the most interesting things I did on my trip to China
was visit an Internet cafe. The more people know, the more
opinions they're going to have; the more democracy spreads -- and
keep in mind, more than half the world now lives under
governments of their own choosing -- the more people are going to
believe that they should be the masters of their own fate.
They
will not be denied access. Trade can no longer be the private
province of politicians, CEOs, and trade experts .. It is too much
a part of the fabric of .global interdependence.
I think we have to keep working to strengthen the WTO -- to
make sure that the international trade rules are as modern as the
market itself; to enable commerce to flourish in all sectors of
the economy, from agriculture to the Internet.
I will keep
working for a consensus for a new round -- to· promote
development, to expand opportunity, and to boost living standards
all around the world. We will show flexibility, and I ask our
trading partners to do the same.
But I would like to just close by trying to put this dilemma
that you've all been discussing, and that was writ large in the
streets of Seattle, in some context. Now, keep in mind, arguably
a lot of the demonstrators in Seattle have conflicting objectives
themselves, because of the interests that they represented.
The
thing they had in common was, they felt that they had no voice in
a world that is changing very rapidly.
So I want to make two
�observations in closing ..
Number one, we should stop denying that there is in many
places an increase in inequality, and we should instead start
explaining,why it has happened and what we can do about it.
Every time a national economy has seen a major change in
paradigm, in the beginning of the new economy those that are
well-positioned reap great gains; those that are uproot~d but not
weil-positioned tend to suffer an increase in inequality.
In the United States, when our economy, the center of our
economy moved from farm to factory 100 years ago -- and many
people left the farm and came to live in our cities; and many
people from your countries c~me t6 our shores and were living in
unbelievably cramped conditions in tenement houses in New York
City and elsewhere, working long hours, breathing dirty air.
There was a big increase in inequality, even though there was an
increase in wealth, in the be9inning. Why? Because some people
were well-positioned to take advantage of 'the new economy, and
some people weren't.
But then political and social organizations began to develop
'the institutions which would intermediate these inequalities.
And the economy itself began to mature and disperse the benefits
more broadly, and inequality went down.
When we saw, beg,inning
about 20 years ago in most advanced economies, a shift from the
industrial economy to the digital economy, in many places there
was an increase in inequality.
In our country, we had a 25-year
increase in inequality, which seems to have halted.and been
reversed only in the last two to three years.
So a part of this is the change in the paradigm of the
global economy which puts a huge, huge, huge premium on
education, skills and access to information technology, which is
even more burdensome to developing economies seeking to come to
. grips with these challenges.
Now, having said that, it should be obvious to all that the
last thing in the world we want. to do is to make the global
economy less integrated, because that will only slow the
transition to the digital economy.in the poorest countries or in
the poorest neighborhoods of the wealthy countries.
The answer is to lo6k what happened in the transition from
.the agricultural economy to the industrial economy, develop a
21st century version of that, and get it done much, much. faster
not to run to the past, but not to deny the present.
The second point I'd like to make is this. We have a
well-developed WTO for dealing with the trade issues. We don't
have very well-developed institutions for dealing with the social
issues, the environmental issues, the labor issues, and no forum
within which they can all be integrated. That's why people are
in the streets; they don't have anyplace to come in and say,
�okay, here's what·I think and here's the contribution I have,
here's the beef I have, how are we going to work all this out.
That's why you're all here talking about it.
That's why
you've got a record crowd here. And we all know this
intuitively.
So I think if 1 could offer any advice, there are
-- there's thousands of times more experience and knowledge about
all these things in this room than I have in my head.
But I do
understand a little bit about human nature, and a little bit
about the emerging process of freedom and democracy. We have got
to find ways for these matters to be dealt with that the people
who care about them believe are legitimate.· And we cannot
pretend that globalization is just about. economics and it's over
here, and all these other things are very nice, and we will be
very·happy to see somebody over here somewhere talk about them.
You don't live,your life that way. You don't wake up in the
morning and sort of put all these barriers in your head and -you know, it's all integrated.
It's like I say, we've got the
Chairman of the Palestinian .A.uthori ty here, we're working very
hard to find a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. We can't
find that peace if we say, well, here's what we're going to do on
these difficult issues and, oh, by the way, there's economics,
but it's o"ver here and it doesn '· t have anything to do with it.
We have to put all these things together.
So I ask you, help us to find a way, first, to explain to
the skeptics and the opponents of what we believe in why there is
some increase in inequality as a result of an economic change
that is basically wonderful, and has the potential -- if we make
the changes we should -- to open possibilities for poor people
all over the world that would have been undreamed of even 10
years ago. And, second, find a way to let the dissenters have
their say, and turn them into constructive partners.
If you do
that, we will continue to integrate the world economically, and
in terms of political cooperation.
We have got a chance to build a 21st century world that
walks away not only from the modern horrors of terrorists and bio
and chemical terrorism and technology, but away from ancient
ial, religious and tribal hatred. Growth is at the center of
that chance.
It gives people hope every day.
But the economics
must be blended with the other legitimate human concerns. We can
do it -- not by going back to the past, but by going together
the future.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
Q
Mr. President, !.can tell you, and the applause has
shown you what support you have for your plea for an open,
rules-based trading system and for globalization. But at the
same time, what we take home and what suddenly will influence our
discussions very much over the next days,
I think we have -- and
we are all aware here in this hall -- that we have to change our
�..
attitudes, and that we have to create this human and social
dimension to globalization.
It's in our own interest, and your
speech, I think, will be reminded and will be translated into the
necessary action.
Now, Mr. President, just two questions.
The first one:
your reference to free trade and the WTO, you .didn't mention
China. And my question is -THE PRESIDENT:
Q
In
Yes, I did.
You mentioned it --
THE PRESIDENT:
I did, but I don't have -- I speak with an
accent, so -- (laughter)
Q
No, no.
THE PRESIDENT:
Q
(Laughter and applause.)
I did, but I --
The question which I would like to raise is, will you
~ctually rally the support in your country and internationally,
to get China integrated into the WTO?
THE PRESIDENT:
I think so.
In the United States, in the
Congress, there are basically~two blocks of people who oppose
China's accession to the WTO.
There are those who believe we
should not do it because even though -- everyone has to
recognize, if you look at our trade deficit with China, everyone
recognizes it's huge -- by far, the biggest part of our trade
deficit.
Everyone recognizes that we have kept our markets open
to China, and that if we had greater access to Chinese markets,
it would be a good thing for us.
So no one could seriously argue
that the openings from agriculture and for other opportunities
are massive, ?nd that it would mean more to the United States
than any other country since we buy -- we're about 22 percent of
the world's economy and every year we buy between .33 and 40
percent of all China's exports, and we have a major, major trade
·deficit.
On the economic argument, the people who are against it say,
yes, that may be true, but. if you put China in the WTO, it's
basically a protectionist country and then America will never get
any real action on labor and environmental standards and all that
because China wil·l ·thwart every reform we want.
That's what
people say.
Then, there is another group of people that don't want to
vote for it because of the. actions the· Chinese have taken to try
to preserve stability at the expense of freedom.
They believe
that even if China's economy has grown more open, political
crackdowns, crackdowns against the Falun Gong and others have
gotten more intense, more open, and that it puts the lie to the
argument that integrating China into the international system
�will lead to a· more open, more democratic, more cooperative
China.
Those are basically the two arguments that will be made.
Those both rate serious issues, .but I think it would be a
· mistake of monumental proportion for the United States not to
support China's entry into the WTO.
(Applause.)
I. believe that
because, again, my experience is that you're almost 100 percent
of the time better off having an old adversary that might be a
friend working with you, even when you have more disagreements
and you have to stay up a little later at night to reach
agreement, than being out the:r:-e wondering on the outside
wondering what you're doing and being absolutely sure whatever it
is it's not good for them.
·
So I believe that having them in the WTO will not only pad
the economic benefits for the United States and other countries I
mentioned, but will increase the likelihood of positive change in
China and, therefore, stability throughout Asia.
Let me say, you know, China and Russia both are still going
through big transitions.
The Russian economy is coming back a
little better than most people think it is. No one knows what
China and Russia will be like 10 years from now for sure, and you
can't control it, unless you're Chinese or Russian; but you can
control what you do. And I don't know about you, but 10 years
from now, whatever happens, I want to know that I did everything
I could to increase the chance that they would.make good choices,
to become good, constructive neighbors and good, constructive
partners in the global community.
You know, we don't agree with the Russ.ian policy in
Chechnya, but we've gotten rid of 5,000 nuclear weapons, and we
got our soldiers working together in the Balkans.
So I think the
argument -- we've got to try to have these big countries
integrated, for the same reason we have to keep trying to work
with India and with Pakistan to resolve those difficulties and
get them fully integr~ted.
At every turn, we have to ask ourselves -- we cannot control
what other people do, we can only control what we do. But when
all is said and done·, if it works out well or it works out
poorly, we want to know that wE~ have done everything we possibly
could to give people a chance to make good decisions. And that's
what drives me,, and that's why we're going to do everything we
possibly can -- under the leadership of Secretary Daley, who's
going to coordinate our efforts to implement the agreement that
our trade ambassador, Charlene Barshefsky, negotiated -- we're
going to try everything we can to get China permanent trading
status so we can support their entering the WTO. And my guess is
that we'll do it.
But it's going to be a big fight, and you can
watch it with interest, and I hope with support.' Thank you.
(Applause.)
Q
Mr. President, you mentiorted debt relief in your
�speech, and you also mentioned it in your State of the Union
message. Do you think the G-7 are really doing enough in this
respect?
·THE PRESIDENT: No, I don't. But if we do
I'm trying to
focus on doing what we promised to do. And again, let me tell
you what the debate is. We had an intense effort, in the last
::;ession of Congress, to pass what the Congress was finally, at
the end Of the session, good enough to do ,and do On a bipartisan
basis -- I want to give credit to the Republicans, as ~ell as the
Democrats, who voted for this-- to support-our forgiving 100
. percent of our bilateral debt for the poorest countries. And
we're going to have another intense debate to support our
contributions to the multilateral debt reduction effort, which is
even more important.
1
The debate at home -- basically, the people who are against
this are old-fashioned conservatives who think when people borrow
money they ought to pay it back, and if you forgive their debt,
well, then, no one else will ever loan them money, because
they'll think they'll have to forgive their debt, too. There's
something to that, by the way. There's something to that.'
In
other words, when we get into negotiations of whether debt should
be rescheduled or totally forgiven, there are many times -- when
I have confidence in the leader of a country, and I know they're
going in the right direction, I would almost always rather
forgive it -- assuming I could get the support in Congress to do
so.
But we do have to be sensitive to the way the world investor
community views all these things, so that when all is said in
done, countries that genuinely will have to continue to borrow
money can get the money they need. But with that caveat, I favor
doing more, and more than the Cologne debt initiative. But my
experience is, ·we do these things on a ·step-by- step basis. We
already have broadened the Cologne debt initiative, and we're
going to broaden it again. And I think if we get the Cologne ,
debt initiative done and it works, and people see that it. works,
then we can do more.
But it is really, it is quite pointless, it seems to me, to
keep these poor countries trapped in debt. They're having to
make debt service payments, which means that they can't educate
their children, they can't deal with their health care problems,
they can't grow their economy, and therefore they can't make any
money to pay their debts off an1~ay.
I mean, it's a totally
self-defeating policy we've got now.
So I would like to see us do as much as possible, but at the
same time, I want to remind you of another point I made. A lot
of countries suffer not because they have governments that are
too strong, they suffer because they have governments that are
too weak.
So wehave to keep trying to build the governance
capacity for countries so when they get their debt relief, then
�they can go forward and succeed.
forget about that, either.
So I don't think you should
All of us have a real obligation to try to help build
capacity so our friends, when they get the relief, can make the
most of it.
Mr. President, to conclude our session, you have in
you the 1, 000 most irifhient ·
·ness leaders. What
front of
wish to ards them, at this
would be your single, most importa
moment?
Q
THE PRESIDENT: _My most important wish is that the global
business community could adopt a shared vision for the next 10 to
20 ye~rs about what you want the world to 16ok like, and th~n go
about trying to create it in ways that actually enhance your.
business, but do so in a way that helps other people as well.
I think the factor about globalization that tends to be
. under-appreciated is, it will only work if we understand it
genuinely means interdependence. It means interdependence, which
means we can, none of us who are fortunate can any longer help
ourselves unless we are prepared to help our neighbors. And we·
need a more unifying, more inclusive vision. Once you know where
you're. going, it's a lot easier to decide what steps to take to
get there.
If you don't know where you're going, you can work
'ke crazy and you would be walking in the wrong direction.
That's why I think this forum is so important. You need to
decide.
The business community needs to decide. You may not
agree with anything I said up here today. But ybu have to decide
whether you really agree that the WTO is not just the province
for you and me and the trade e:X.perts. You have to decide whether
you really agree that globalization is about more than markets
alone.
You have to decide whether you really agree that free
markets, even in an age of fre«= markets, you need confident,
strong, efficient government.
You have to decide whether you
really agree that it would be a good thing to get the debt off
these countries' shoulders if you knew and could require that the
money saved would go into educating children and not building
weapons of destruction.
Because if you decide those things, you c_an influence not
·only the decisions of your own government, but how all these
international bodies, includin9 the WTO, work.
So the reason I
came all the way over here on precious little sleep, which
probably undermined my ability to communicate today, is that
collectively, you can change the world. And what you are doing
here is a mirror image of what people are doing all over the
world.
This is a new network.
But don't leave the little guys out. You know, I come from
a little town in Arkansas.
I was born in a town of 6,000 people,
in a state that's had an income just about half the national
�..----------------
average.
I've got a cousin who lives in Arkansas --he's a small
businessman, he works for a small business -- who, two or three
times a week, plays chess on the Internet with a guy in
Australia.
Now, they've got to work out the times.
How they do that, I
don't know.
(Laughter.)
But the point I want to make to you is,
he thinks he knows as much about his life and his interests and
how he relates to the Internet and the world, as I do ... He thinks
he knows just as much ·about his interests as his President does,
who happens to be his cousin.
~
So we need these networks. And y~u are in an unbelievably
unique position.
So my one. wish for you-- you might think I'd
ay China or this or that and the other; it's nothing specjfic
evelop a shared vision. When good people, with great energy,
ave shared vision, all the ,rest works out.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
END
Message Sent To:
7:40
A~M.
EST
�.----------
--
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Antigua, Guatemala)
March 11, 1999
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT SIGNING CEREMONY AND
SUMMIT CLOSING STATEMENTS
Casa Santo Domingo, Convention Center
Antigua, Guatemala
4:07 P.M.
(L)
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Good afternoon.
President Alemani thank you for
your words and your leadership.
President Arzu, ihank you io much for
bringing us to this magnificent place and for hosting this very valuable
meeting.
To all my fellow leaders of the Americas, I thank you for the
examples you are setting within your countries and by working together.
As we see here in Guatemala and, indeed, in all the nations rep.resented
in this extraordinary region, they are blessed with natural and with
man-made monuments of ancient grace and spectacular beauty. Now the
people have built a new monument
also spectacular and, hopefully,
just as enduring -- the monument of peace.
Because of developments in Washington and in Europe~ I hope my fellow
leaders will forgive me if I take my only opportunity today to appear
before the press to say something about: another area in which we are
working for peace -- in Kosovo, where a serious civil conflict has been
occurring and. where much bloodshed might still occur.
Today, our House of Representatives in Washington is debating a
resolution on the potential deployment. of American troops.
I hope the
House will act in a way that supports our efforts to achieve a strong
peace agreement.
I have, and will continue, to work close~y with the
Congress as we seek to bring peace to Kosovo. As I have repeatedly
said, a final decision on whether we would send our troops as part of a
peace force depends upon the achievement of a genuine agreement, on an
immediate cease-fire, on rapid withdrawal of most Serbian security
forces and demilitarization of the insurgents.
Both side's must agree to a NATO force.
Europe's troops must make up
the great majority of the forces.
And we mu~t have a NATO strategy
that includes a clear plan for bringing our forces home.
If, and only
if, these conditions are met, I strongly believe United States forces
should contribute to securing the peace in Kosovo. We have a strong,
stake in bringing peace there, just as we have a strong stake in peace
in Central America.
If we don't end the conflict now, it.will spread;
and when it does, we will not be able to avoid participating in
stopping it; and when we do, it will come at far gre~ter risk and far
greater co.st.
Now, let me talk a moment about what we have met abtiut today -- how to
turn this region of peace and shared values into a region of joint
endeavors and common progress.
I have made it clear that the United
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/12R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/19~9/3/12/4.text.J
04/26/2000
�Page 2 of7
States supports greater debt relief and I outlined my proposal for that;
that w~ support mdre open trade to create jobs and opportunity through
an enhanced initiative of the .Caribbean Basin, the countries of Central
America and the Caribbean, and eventually through a free trade area of
the Affiericas.
We also discussed other economic issues, what can be done to increase
investment in tourism, what can be done in the environment. Our United
States Agency for International Development, I am pleased to say, will
contribute another $25 million to support CONCAUSA, the agreement'we
signed in 1994 in Costa Rica, to promote environmental cooperation
among us. This contribution will help the people of Central America to
protect their forests and coastlands, to reduce industrial pollution,
to fight climate change.
We talked a lot about immigration, as you might imagine. I reaffirmed
my intention to support our immigration laws fairly and justly, but to
work strongly for the elimination of any disparities in our law so that
they treat Central Americans equitably, whatever their country of
origin.
We also spoke today about the danger of gangs and· guns and drugs.
In
many ways,· they represent the final stage of Central· America'' s internal
conflicts. We talked about what we could do together to combat them.
Let me just say in closing that this has been a very moving trip for
me, personally. When my wife came here a few months ago, in the
aftermath of the hurricane, she came home and talked to me a lot ~bout
what she saw and what people were doing. But no description can
adequately replace the personal exp~riences of what I have seen.
In Honduras and Nicaragua, I met people who were devastated, but
undaunted-- determined to rebuild in a way that reinforces.the
transformation of this region. In El Salvador and today, in Guatemala,
I have been privileged to see two nations that have found the courag~
to face a painful_past and move forward to build a truly hopeful future.
At this summit I have seen Central An1erica's leaders working together
£or the future. And I have tried to demonstrate that for the future,
beyond the service of my presidency., .Z:1merica must be a partner and a
friend, not only because it is the right thing to do, but because it is
in our interest to do so.
·
We have never been closer to realizin
community based on gepqjpe respect and
great has happened here in Central
move out of the past and away from the damage of the hurricanes, we do
so in a way that we are determined to see this area emerge from
adversity, in a way that places all of us on higher ground. I am proud
to have been given the chance to be a part of it.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
Q Good afternoon to all the Presidents. My question is for the
President of the United States, Mr. Clinton. What do you think of the
statement by President Arzu with regard to the need to have a global
strategy, a long-term strategy for the Central American region?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: I think he's right about that. -One of the things
that I pointed out in our morning meeting is that Central America, for
all of its economic difficulties, basically is being well managed. And
I bel"ieve that if there were a way for all these leaders together to
demonstrate to the world that they are determined to avoid the kinds of
financial problems and economic proble1ns, for example, that have caused
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such trouble in Asia, and frankly, caused difficulties for all
develo~ing economies-- caQsed.the interest rate~ for funds even in
Central America to go up -- if there were a .way for this region to say
as a region, look, we know what caused those problems there; we're
not going to do that here; this is a good place to invest -- then I
believe not just the United States, but people in Europe, people in
South America, people in Asia would be far more likely to invest here,
to bring Central America not just into a better partnershipwith the
United States, but with all the world. in a way that would lift the
lives of people here.
So I agree with President Arzu that there should be a global strategy.
But I believe ·that because we're neighbors, for the foreseeable future,
for the next 50 years, our major economic relationship should be one
with another. And that imposes special responsibilities on the United
States, b.ut it also gives us a lot of ,opportunities.
The President said to me, and I'd like to say to my fellow. Americans
not only here, but those who might be listeriing to this press conferende
or who will hear the reports of it, that our trade with Central America
far outstrips our trade with countries that .are much, much larger than
the combined population of Central America. And it has an enormous
potential to benefit not just the people of this region~ but the people
of the United States, as well.
Q For President Clinton. Mr. President, particularly given that part
of your reason £or being down here is to express your regret and
apologies for what past White Houses have done over the objections of
Congress, can y'ou please explain why it is that your administration has
been so adamant about Congress not registering its opinion on the
situation in Kosovo, and ·what exactly is your exit strategy if U.S.
troops are sent over there?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, first of all, Congress has a right to
express its opinion on anything it likes.
I have two things to say
about it. One is, it's premature.
I do not believe that -- until we
know that we have maximized the chances for both sides to say yes to
the peace agreement -- it's not at all clear that they will -- I do not
believe that the Congress should take any action that will, in effect,
preempt. the peace ·process or encourage either side to say no to it.
So
I thought it was premature.
I don't object to Congress expressing its
opinion on anything,
That's their job.'
Secondly, every President has reserve~d the right to both receive the
advice and consent and support or endure the opposition of Congress,
but not to give up the ~onstitution~l responsibility to deploy United
States forces in peacetime. And I think that my predecessors were
right about that.
It's not that -- what I apologized for has nothing to do with the fact
that there was a difference between the policy of the administration
and the Congress in previous years, going back for decades, and
including administrations of both parties.
It is that the policy of
the Executive Branch was wrong. And what we're doing here is in the
open, it's not a secret.
What was your other question? Oh, th~ exit stiategy. Well, the exit
strategy should be defined by the missipns.
You will be able to see
that we have an exit strategy if we define the missions properly -just as in Bosnia we defined.the missions and we have cut, I think
reduced our troops strength by more than 70 percent now. And we
continue to bring them down.
I'm in sort of a double-bind here, you know.
. .
We tried in Bosnia to
.
.
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give a date certain for when we thought we could withdraw, based on
what the Pentagon said they believed would happen, in cooperation with
our other agencies. We turned out to be wtong.
Then people said,
well, maybe the President misled us about how lbng we would stay there.
So we decided in Kosovo the right thing to do was to say what the
benchmarks of the mission would be, and the Congress has to appro~e
money every year for such things, so they would be able every year to
see whether we were meeting the benchmarks, but we wouldn't mislead
them about knowing in advance exactly how long it would take.
So when
we did it that way, then people said, well, we're making an open-ended
commitment.
That's not true.
I don't intend to make an open-ended
commitment; I think that would be wrong.
Q Question for the President of the United States, Bill Clinton.·
What is your personal opinion of the peace process of Guatemala?
PRESIDENT CLINTQN: Well, first of all, I think the f~ct that you have
had elections and that people are free to speak their minds; that I met
with an elected Nice President of Guatemala ~ho is a representative of
the indigenous population yesterday; that th~ differences are freely
expressed and that, according to President Arzu you have a free and
sometimes .contentious and critical press -- I'd say that's all healthy.
I also think this commission report was a brave thing to do. And I
think you know that the United States supports the peace process,
including the effort to find the truth, even if it's not favorable to
th~ United States.
We contributed $1.5 million to the work of the
commission; we declassified 4,000 documents at the request of the
commission.
So I basically support what you are trying to do, strongly.
No nation can tell another exactly ho~ to come to terms with its past
and to move into the future.
And the answer will necessarily be
different from nation to nation. What South Africa ·did, what Chile
did, what El Salvador did will not necessarily work in Guatemala.
Neither will what you do necessarily work for some other country.
The
main thing is, is there an honest effort be{ng made to bring about
reconciliation and the rule of law and human rights and genuine freedom.
And I don't think there is any question that Guatemala has been moving
in the right direction. And for that, all of us who believe in freedom
and human rights. can be grateful.
Q President Clinton, did your administration ignore evidence of
nuclear espionage by the Chinese in order to further your policy of
engagement? And what do you have to say. to Republicans calling for
Sandy Berger's resignation?
·
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, first -of all, we did not ignore evidence.
Quite the contrary; we acted on it.
Let me say for the benefit of all
the press, both American and others, looking at this issue -- there are
two questions that need to be looked at separately. One is, did we
respond in an appropriate, timely, and aggressive wa~ to indica~ions of
espionage.
The second is, is our policy toward China of engagement the
right one.
Now, the answer to the first question is, I believe the record is
clear that we did tespond in an appropriate way.
In 1996, we weie
notified that there was some indication of a breach of security at one
of the energy labs and that the appropriate agencies were investigating.
The appropriate congressional committees were notified at the same time.
Since then, they have received at least 16 briefings on this issue.
Now, in 1997, in July, we .were notified that the scope of the
potential espionage might be very broad, and might be directly related
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to lax security at the energy labs. At that time, we moved quickly and
decisively not only with the continuing FBI investigation and with the
CIA review, but also with an intense review of th~_counterintelligence
capacities of our energy department labs.
As a result of that, in February of '98, I signed a presidential
directive to dramatically improve the counterintelligence capacities of
the lab.
In April of '98, we set up a counterintelligence office by
~he energy labs, headed by a 35-year FBI veteran with a record of
dealing with espionage. We doubled the couhterintelligence budget.
We
raised the standards for foreign visitors to the labs; we said foreign
scientists had to be accompanied to the labs.
I think we began to
polygraph DOE employees at some point: -- only two agencies, DOE and the
CIA, have their employees subject·· to polygraphs.
Simultaneous with that, in terms of technology controls, we subject
the tightest restrictions of technology transfer that we have
on any country that is not on an embargo list for the United States.
So I think the record is that we acted aggressively.
I think Mr.
Berger acted appropriately and, theiefore, i would not release him or
ask for his resignation.
I just don't think there's any evidence to
support that.
8hina·~o
Now, let me say, the second question -- and this affects the welfare
of everybody else in the world 1 if you realize how China is growing,
both economically and the size of their population; this affects the
welfare of every person in Central Arrterica -- whether the United States
and China are at odds in a conflict or have a constructive relationship
that has honest disagreements, where.nobody is under any illusions that
the facts are different than th~y are.
I would argue that our efforts to have an hone~t and open policy with
China, so that they don't think that we have made a decision in advance
to try to contain and limit them in their economic growih and their
development ~sa nation, has paid-dividends.
I do not believe that
China would have signed the Chemical Weapons Convention, the
Compre~ensive Test Ban Treaty; I do not believe_they would have
practiced.the restraint they have pr~ciiced in the transfer of various
dangerou~ materials to countries like Iran and Pakistan if we had not
been constructively engaged with them.
I do not believe that we would have·had the level of cooperation in
Korea in trying to limit North Korea's ability to develop nuclear
capacity that we have had.
I do not believe we would have had the
cooperation we have had in trying to limit the impact of the Asian
financial crisis, which has plunged tens of millions of people from the
middle class into poverty in Asia, and represents the biggest
short-term threat to democracy and to stability in-Asia.
I do not
believe those things would have occurred if we had not had an open,
candid, honest relationship with China, aware of all the facts.
Keep in mind, this is about a case that developed in the mid-'80s. We
have known about China's nuclear capacity and their capacity to pose a
strategic threat and, more or less, wh?t ~he dimensions of th~t w~re
since the 1980s. And this raises the question of whether some
espionage in the '80s was somehow related to that capacity. We have
investigated it; we continue to investigate it. We have dramatically
increased our intelligence.
I believe we have taken all appropriate
steps.
I do not believe that that evidence justifies an isolated no-contact
relationship with China when we have gotten the benefits not only to
ourselves, but to the rest of the world of our engagement policy.
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Q I have a question for President Clinton. What are the commitments
that the U.S. has acquired with Central America with regard to the
migratory problem?·
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, as you know, for one thing; I stayed all the
deportations for all the countries affected by the hurricanes.
I had
to lift the stay for all the. countries~ other than Honduras and
Nicaragua, because under our law a temporary stay, because of the.
collapse, in effect, of th~ nation~l infrastructure of 1 a country due to
natural disaster, is very specific in our law ..
The fundamental problem with American law is that, essentially, with
regard to people who have been in the United States a long time, is
that we treat people ·from different Central American countries
differently based on the source of the oppression of human rights,
rather than whether people had hard~hips that caused them to come to
the United States.
The commitment I made was twofold:
one, that within the law -- and I
brought Doris Meissner, our Immigration Corninissioner here with me -that within the law I would do all I could to avoid a disruptive return
to people because of the law that I think we all admit. is unfair; but
that in th~ end, to fix the problem entirely, we would require
legislative change. And I would seek that from the Congress, and I
believe there is support from members-of both parties for that sort of
change.
Now, beyond that, I recognize that most of the people who might still
want to come to the United States, par~icularly in the aftermath of the
hurricanes, are not by nature law-breakers, they're people looking for
a better life for themselves and for their families. •But we have to
enforce our immigration laws. And if we don't, it's not fair not only
to people in other parts of the world, but to other Central Americans.
There are thousands and thousands of Central Americans who have
registered to come to our country under the laws that exist now ~n a
lawful way.
There is no reason that people who line up like that and.
try to do it should be deprived of their legaf right to come to the
United States as a result of a reaction in our country because of a
large flow of illegal immigrants.
So I made a commitment to try to ·be as reasonable as possible under
the existing law, but I have to uphold the law.
I made a commitment to
try to change the law to treat all people from all Central American
countries the same. And, finally, let me say, I believe the most
important commitment that I made is the commitment on debt relief, to
pass our aid package to help the reconstructio~ effort -- which is a
genuine emergency
to try to expand trade, and to try to develop the
economy.
In the.end, economic development at home will stem the flood of
illegal immigration -~ genuine opportunities for people -- more than
anything else we can do.
So those were the commitments that I made.
.
.
Q President Clinton, you've said often that NATO is prepared to act if
the Serbs attacked ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Violence is now on the
rise. Why isn't NATO responding, and what are you doing· to keep the
peace talks from collapsing there?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, as you know, Senator Dole has just come back
from Kosovo, also I think quite frustrated.
The real problem, of
course is -- I don't want this to be misinterpreted -- there is no, ~n
my view, moral equivalence between what has been done by the Serbs, and
what has been done by the Kosovar Albanians to try to secure the
autonomy which was unlawfully stripped from them a decade ago.
But it
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•'
is clear that in this interim period, when they went home from
Rambouillet and they're arguing about whether they should take this
peace agreement, there are·a lot of tensions and cross-currents.
The consensus among our NATO allies now is that in the next few days
we should be doing everything we possibly can to get these people on
both sides to realize that this is -- it is crazy for them to go to
war, to kill each other, to compromise their children's future, when
they have an agreement which, from the point of view of Mr. Milosevic,
only requires him to do what the law requires him to do anyway -- to
respect the autonomy of the Kosovar Albanians -- which, from the point
of. view of the Kosovars, avoids a bloody war and gives them a chance to
establish the mechanisms of self-g.overnment without foreclosing or
guaranteeing a future of independence, to see how they do in the next
three years.
It seems to me that a present war is the worst of all circumstances.
Now, if the prospect of the agreement were totally destroyed by an
outright military offensive, I would be the first to argue that our
NATO allies have to take action and take action now.
But the situation
is, frankly ~- even though you're absolutely right, there have been
some actions by the Serbs -- the situation is sufficiently murky and
the present status of the peace agreement arid whether either side can
bring itself to agree is sufficiently shaky, that all the NATO allies
.at this moment on this day believe that we should devote all of our
. energies to try to get the agreement.
But I can speak for myself, and I believe at least for most of my NATO
allies, that if this thing come apart at the seams we still have a
commitment. And I'm determined to honor our commitment.
THE PRESS:
Thank you.
END
4:36 P.M.
(L)
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I
I
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(San Salvador, El Salvador)
March 10, 1999
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
Legislative F..ssembly
San Salvador, El Salvador
11:55 A.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
To the President of the Legislative Assembly, thank you
very much for your welcome and your fine comments.
To· the President of
the Supreme Court, leaders and members of the Assembly; to the other
leaders from Central America who are here; members of the Diplomatic
Corps; other distinguished public officials from El Salvador; members of
the American delegation. Mr;· President, I noticed you said you would
officially certify the results of the recent presidential elections
today, so I don't want to jump the gun, but apparently, the
President-Elect is here. And I'm delighted to see him as well.
(Applause. )
I have come to Central America with qratitude for our partnership,
gratitude for the warm reception that my wife received when she came
here recently, and later the wife of our Vice President; with a
distinguished delegation of members of Congress, heads of our federal
agencies, members of the White House staff, my new Special Envoy to
Latin America, former Lt. Governor of Florida, Buddy McKay,· and others.
For two days now, ~~een seeinq and speakinrw±-t·h-·manYjdifferent
kinds of people in~ an~ondt~ now in ~ about
efforts to recover and rebuild ln the wake of Hurricane Mitch. We have
met people who have lost everything hqt hope.
I have been moved ahd
humbled by their refusal to be defeated in the face of the deaths ·Of
their children, their husbands, their wives, their parents, the loss of
all source of income.
I am very proud and grateful that the United States, through our
soldiers, our aid workers and our Peace Corps volunteers, our private
donations, have had the opportunity to work alongside the people of
Central America in the rebuilding process.
The message I have heard from all kind~ of people is that it is.not
enouqh now simply to fix things which were destroyed and move on; that,
together we must build a better life for future generations, restoring
people's lives and livelihoods as soon as possible, in a way that
strengthens freedom and peace and the rule of law over the long run.
No one can forget that just a few yea:ss--a.ge,-4:-he----pBO e of Central
America were suffering from a legion of ~e disaster
ar more cruel
than anythinq nature can bestow on us.
ere was a time not long ago
when many in this region believed they could onl defend the'r oint of
v'iew at the point of a gun. A ~en civil war and repression
claimed tens of thousands of li~ cast many thousan s more into
exile. A time when farmers were pushed off their lapd and children were
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i.
torn.from their parents .. A time which provoked, in the United States,
bitter divisions about our role in your region.
You have worked. hard here in El Salvador to shed light on that dark
and painful period.
Now, all of us as friends and partners, can and
must join in building a common future, determined to remember the past,
but never to repeat it.
~-
I hope the people of Central America now see the United States in a
new way, as a partner, a friend, a colleague in the process of
strengthening democracy and reconstruction and reclaiming your.rightful
future.
The wars are over.
Every· country in Central America now is governed
by elected leaders acco~ntabl~ to their p~ople.
What once was a no-win
contest· for power has turned into .a win win contest, for. better schools,
safer streets and economic opportunity. A battlefield of ideology has
been transformed into a marketplace of ideas..
Decades of struggle have
brought a victory for democracy -- the only revolution of our time that
has not betrayed its principles.
In so many other parts of. the world things are different.
Nations
still short-change schools and hospitals to pay for arms in the vain
pursuit of weapons of mass destruction.
Not in Central America. And
certainly not in El Salvador.
In so rrrany other places in the. world
financial turmoil has undermined confidence in open markets and
societies.
Not in Central America, and certainly not in El Salvador.
In so many other places people still try to resolve ethnic, religious
and political tensions by the force of arms rather than the force of
argument.
Not in Central America'. And no nation has traveled a greater
distance to overcome deeper wounds in shorter time than El Salvador.
You reached another plateau through your elections on Sunda9.
A hurricane can transform villages full of life into valleys of
rubble and death.
But it will not wash away the foundations of good
government and goodwill this people of Central Americ'a have laid.
It
cannot, it will not, take away from you the power to shape your own
destiny.
All the Central American leaders which whom I have visited have told
me that if reconstruction is managed in the right way, if it clearly
benefits all segments of society in a transparent way, if it carves out
new roles·for local government and voluntary organizations, if it
reflects the nece~sity of protecting.the environment then this region
will emerge in stronger shape than before the storm.
You are str.iving to build true democracies in which all people have a
stake and human rights are respected; to build more equitable societies
con uered not onl the bitter divide. between right and left,
but the embittering divide between poverty and wealt!}l::::to build safer
communi.ties in which people can live in peace and have faith in police
and judicial institutions; to build a more integrated community of the
Americas in which boarders are open to travel and trade, but closed to
deadly traffic in drugs and guns and human beings.
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..
First, we need to keep in mind the extent of the challenge just
before us -- the hurricane-damaged infrastructure that will cost $8.5
billion to re
'
be restored by aid alone. We also must
expand trade and investment to restore growth:) I have asked our
ess for funds totaling over $950 million to help restore Central
America.
·
Congress~~w
On_8-F-ro ,
sent to
prop:;:;;_ f
an enhance aribbean
Initjativ
vide for Central Arner1ca an
e
er benefits han the proposal I made last year
Ca ·
before the hurr1cane.
t would eliminate our tariffs on ~ll textiles
assembled here from U.S. fabric, as well as on all text1le handicrafts.
It would allow us also to treat all non-textile imports from Central
America exactly as we tr
imports from Mexico under NAFTA.
(Applause.)
The only
is that all nations must meet their
obligations u
'on and participate in the
o create
America
.ae;sin
Now, if our Congress agrees, clearly this will help people in Central
America find jobs, market their exports, stand on their feet.
It will
bring us closer to a day when goods move freely from Alaska to the tip
of South America with benefits to all nations.
In every country, including the United States, the progress of open
markets is met by some skepticism and resentment.
But look at th~
facts.
~Jndred~ of millions of people on every continent have risen
.from poverty because finally they.had the chance to produce goods aJ:Ja...
services for buyers beyond the borders of their nation.
This will
tontinue if we continue to tear down barriers that shut off countries
for their customers. Exports have been the main engine of your
country's growth for the last few years. They have helped the United
States, too. Our expanding trade with Latin America clearly has lifted
our own growth and limited the impact on us of the global financial
~~e
~:~ber
bu1ld a free trade area of the Arner1cas, however, we must
that_tra.sJ-e::tras fa work for ordinary citizens everywheL:§OZ> to
contribute both to w
·
; . We mus.Qu1ld a trading system
that upholds th
1ghts of workers ancCconsnmPr~ so that competition is
a race to the top; not the bottom. We must conclude a treaty to ban
abusive child labor everywhere in the world this year.
But I know it is not enough to keep children out of work. We must
gei them irito school in every nation.
Today, I am pleased to announce
that the United States will provide over $8 million in new funding to
help the children of America start school and stay in school.
(Applause. )
I must say, as I drove. along the streets of San Salvador today -first, to see the President and then to come here -- I was very moved by
the friendly faces of people waving to me.
But the most touching of all
were the children that stood out in front of their schools in their
uniforms with their little signs and their smiling faces. And I could
only think that our obligation is to give all the children of this
region the chance to stand in those lines, in those uniforms, and learn
what they need to know to
in the century ahead.
(Applause.)
We must als
rotect our environmeni) It is essential to the we a~ th
of our nations an
e
people. One of the central lessons
of this hurricane is that we have to protect the environment to protect
people.
It was the deforested hillsides, for example, that experienced
the deadliest mudslides.
In places that retained. their trees lives· were
saved.
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Now, we cannot stop hurricanes or earthquakes or storms, but we can
minimize the damage they do sd that every act of God is not a disa~ter
of biblical proportions. We can reforest watersheds and preserve
wetlands.
We can grow crops in a way that preserves instead of spends
the fertility of our soil. We can build more safely for the future.
We
in the United States are providing computer software and aeria~ imagery
to Central America to tell you where flooding and mudslides are most
likely to occur during the next storm; where roads and infrastructures
must be rebuilt to last.
But we also can do more. We must join together to stop the warming
of our planet.
Otherwise, there.will only be more of the storms,
floods, droughts and record-breaking temperatures that have caused so
much misery in the last. few years -- not only in our own backyard, but
throughout the world. We can do this together and we can .do this
without forgoi~g economic growth.
Each year we ar~ developing clea~er
technologies and cleane~ sources of energy.
For example, here in Central America you have an abundance of
geothermal energy ~n hot springs just waiting
must face the fact -- all of us -- that i
his new
nations need not, indeed nations cannot; c::Co'if'i'rtrn:n:r--t-.~'I'H''t'*Hf:..i:l.e4"r"-
ecanomies bY: clillging to the Industrlal Age energy practlces and
management practices and water management practices of the past. We can
"Cfo better. And if we do, we will create more JObs and grow our
economies faster, whether it is in Central America or the United States.
And it is a critical lesson for the leaders of every nation to teach the
people.
Each time -- (applause) -- it's okay if you hesitate on that; my
Congress is not sure I'm right, either.
(Laughter.)
But I am.
(Applause.)
I can only tell you this .from our own experience.
Each
time the United States has set higher environmenta~ standards, our
businesses have created the technologies to meet them, and we have
actually had more jobs and faster growth as a result.
Of course, this
has to be done in a. sensible way.
It matters how it is done, but it can
be done.
Healthy market economies, in the end; cannot resist change, they must
adapt to change.
Like protecting the environment, protecting our people
from drugs and crime is a challenge we must.meet together. We.have come
far in the last few years in building a common understanding of the drug
problem.
The United States has recognized that. we have a fundamental
responsibility to reduce demand for drugs.
Th~ nations of Central
America have recognized that drugs cannot pass th-rough a society without
leaving addiction and crime in their v;rake. ·so we are fighting the
scourge together today for the sake of a11· our children.
We also have to join forces to fight the proliferation of small arms
to criminal gangs.
For all the deadly advanced weapons technology in
the world today, the weapons most responsible for the most death and
destruction is not a missile or a bomb, but the rifle.
In too many
parts of the world it is easier and cheaper to buy a gun or a grenade
than to buy a schoolbook or a life-saving.drug. No 6ountri suffered
more in Central.America's civil wars than El Salvador.
Today, no
country suffers more from the weapons and gangs left over from the war
than El Salvador.
This assembly here can help to meet this challenge by
expanding our extradition agreement and preventing criminals from
escaping punishment by flight across borders.
But America must also do our part to meet this threat to tis all. We
will continue to help you to train police forces that can fight ~angs
and gun-runners, .while respecting human rights. We have tightened our
laws to prevent Americans from making arms deals abroad that would be
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illegal at home; beefed up controls on 6ur southern bor~er and stepped
up prosecution of smugglers. Together we helped to negotiate an OAS
Convention that criminalizes the unreg~lated manufacture and sale of
firearms~ mandates strong export co~trols, and requires all firearms to
be marked so they can be traced from one end of our hemisphere to the
other.
I am determined to try to extend·that ~onvention to the entire world
by the year 2000, and I hope I can count on your support for that
endeavor.
N6w, if we can do these things -- (applause) -- if we can do
these things, if we can create jobs, lift people out of pQverty, protect
our environment, build safer communities, we also will diminish the
pressure that causes so many people in this hemisphere to leave t~eir
homes in search of a better life.
Legal migration from Central America
has enriched the United States greatly.
It has made us a stronger, a
more vital, a more enterprising, a more diverse society.
But poverty
and the yearning for, a better future have also brought many illegal
migrants to our nation.
As the President said, people do not leave their families and their
homes and risk a dangerous journey for the uncertain prospects of life
in a strange land'willingly. Most illegal immigrants are not, by
nature, law-breakers.
Most are simply looking for the chance to live in
dignity and provide for their children. Nevertheless, we must continue
.to discourage illegal immigration, for it undermines the control of our
borders, which every nation is entitled to pursue. And, even more, it
punishes hardworking people who play by the rules and who wait for their
turn to come to the United States. Therefore, we must enforce our laws;
but we will do so with justice and fairness.
I believe fairness means
treating people equitably, whatever their country of origin.
Now, during the 1980s, many Central Americans fled oppression by both
the right and the left.
Some were hurt by soldiers, some harmed by
rebels. All whose li ve9 ·were shattered have a right ..to sympathy, safety
and justice. Many who have been in the United States for a long time
have established deep roots in our communities. At my request,
following the Central American Summit in Costa Rica two years ago, our
Congress passed legislation to help them.
But it did so by establishing
different treatment among groups of Central Americans, depending upon
where they were from.
I will do everything I possibly can to overcome
that different treatment.
(Applause.)
And I will work with our Congress to write laws that are more
even-handed. Our treatment of people from Central America should
reflect what they suffered, rather than who caused the suffering.
is wrong and we should change it.
(Applause.)
This
Now, it is important for all of us to stop looking backward and start
thinking forward about the future we want to build for our~~~~~~---
More than half the people of your nation today are unde
he
The same lS true ln Guatemala. and Nic
These young people with no adult memories of war will not ·be defined
the need to take sides in a bitter struggle between two ideological
extremE:s.
Instead, they will come of age in the 21st century with the
unquestioned right to choose their leaders and shape their destinies.
Now they will use that right, I believe, to demand of their ·
representatives better education, good jobs, fair justice, clean water,
safe streets.
They will want the things that will give them the tools
to live their own dreams, that can help them ·to give value and meaning
to their lives.
I believe we have a solemn obligation to make democracy deliver for
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•
•
them so they will see a bright future, a future that is their future
here in Central America.
Juntos para un mejor futuro.
(Applause.) Se
lo debemos a los fallecidos, se lo debemos a nuestros hijos.
We owe it
to the fallen, we owe it to the children.
(Applause.) Muchas gracias.
Thank you very much and God bless you.
(Applause.)
END
12:17 P.M.
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/
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Sao Paulo, Brazil)
For Immediate Release
October 15, 1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO BUSINESS LEADERS.
Auditorium
Memorial America Latino
Sao Paulo, Brazil
7:30 A.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much, Mr. Miller, for
your introduction and your statement. Thank you, Governor, for your
moving words. And thank you all for coming out this morning.
I am
delighted to be here and to be joined by a distinguished delegation of
Americans, including the Secretary of State, the· Secretary of Commerce,
the Secretary of Education, the United Nations Ambassador, my Special
Envoy to Latin America, the National Security Advisor and four
distinguished members of the House of Representatives, Congressman David
Dreier, Congressman Jim McDermott~ Congresswoman Nydia Velazquez and
Congressman Ruben Hiriojosa.
We also have the Brazilian Ambassador to
the United States here, the Minister of the Brazilian government and the
Mayor, and I thank them all for coming.
I think this speaks the importance of the r~lationship between
the United States and Brazil.
I'm delighted to be in Sao Paulo, the
economic engine of this great nation and the commercial heart of the
new Latin America.
I often hear it said now that Brazil is the land of
the future.
I think that in this city, the future is here.
I thank
you for giving me the opportunity to discuss the partnership that I
hope our two nations will forge for the 21st century.
'
All of you know that over the last decade, a genuine revolution
has swept across this hemisphere. As never before, Americas are coming
together in the embrace of common goals and.common values. We have a
special responsibility and a special ability, Brazil and the United
States, to work together with the other nations of the Americas to lead
this process, with the largest populations and the largest economies,
rich natural resources, enormous and fascinating diversity among our
peoples.
Most important, both of us cherish the same ideals:
freedom
and equality, respect for the individual and the integrity of the family
and community, social justice· and peace.
Our partnership is already broad in scope and ambition. We fight
drugs and the spread of nuclear weapons together. We work to protect
the Rainforest and to explore the Heavens together. We work to help
others in our hemisphere turn from conflict to cooperation togethei.
But nowhere can we make a greater difference for our people than by
leading all the Americas down the path to prosperity in the new economy
of.the 21st century.
The United States has worked -- watched with respect and
admiration as Brazil has embraced strong reform. With President
with the su
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five years -- a truly astonishing accomplishment.
In the course ·of so
doing, 13 million Brazilians have been lifted above the poverty line,
grbwth of more than four percent a year has been achieved.
Brazil has
become a magnet for billions of dollars of foreign investment, a good
deal of it from the United States.
Brazil's growing prosperity is good news for Brazilians, but also
good news for Americans.
Last year; our bilateral trade totaled more
than $21 billion.
The United States is Brazil's largest single trading
'partner, larger than the Andean Pact, the Central American Common
Market, CARICOM and Mercosur combined. We buy about a fifth ..·of Brazil's
exports and our exports to Brazil have more than doubled since 1992. As
Mr. Miller said, American businesses know that Brazil is a great place
to .bet on for the future, it's a good place to do business, and today
there is, I understand, also in this audience a first-rate trade
delegation from Seattle trying to support that propositio~.
Our big trade numbers sometimes mask a lot of individual stories
not always from large companies.
The Snider Mold Company of Mequon,
Wisconsin sells molds for making water tanks to companies in Brazil.
Brazilian firms use the.equipment to replace old tanks with safer
models, supporting jobs in both countries and providing healthier
drinking water for families in Sao Paulo.
Th~ live~ of real ~eople are
changed for the better by this kind of trade.
And in Brazil, we see a large snapshot of what is happening indeed
throughout our region, where barriers are falling, trade and investment
are booming,'trad~ among Mercosur countries has more than quadrupled
since 1990.
In that same period, the United States exports to Latin
America·have grown by more than 100 percent.
This all promotes greater
efficiency in economic growth in the Americas and brings people better
opportunities to build better lives for themselves and their children.
Early in the next century, as open markets continue to spread~ 20
nations around the world, home to half the world's population, will lift
themselves from the ranks of the poorest countries into the ranks of
middle-income countries.
Their gain in skills and jobs and wealth will
be our gain as well.
I want America to lead the process of economic integration and
rising living standards here ·in our hemisphere and around
worlcr:- In
the last four and half years we have concluded more than 20 separa
trade agreements with expanding trade accounting for one
our
own str~ng growth.
Now, I'm working to persuade our Congress-to renew
the President's fast track negotiating authority so that we can do
mo7
In the past few weeks, the Senate Finance Committee and the House
Ways and Means Committee, on which Congressman Dreier and Congressman
McDermott who are here with me sit, have approved this legislation with
bipartisan support. And we're going to do all we ca~ to pass the bill
this year.
I hope, if I might be forgiven this on foreign soil, I hope
that those of you representing American companies will.urge members of
Congress of both parties to support the legislation; I need all the help
I can get.
;·
I have also attempted
emphasis on Latin America.
comprehensive partnership.
The United State~ welcomes all constructive efforts by others to
bring our hemisphere together, and especially Brazil's leadership role
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in those efforts.
Brazil and Argentina, through their strategic
alliance, are providing a decisJ..ve impulse for democracy, economic
reform and regional security cooperation. Mercosur has expanded trade
among its members and with the outside world.· It has also. bolstered
democracy and promoted peace as a growing integration in interdependence
make yesterda~'s hostilities unthinkable today.
the process of hemispheric integration,
CARICOM or elsewhere we'll build momentum
of the Americas by 2005,
Our nations are committed to launch comprehensive negotiations at
Santiago in April and, as we agreed at the Miami Summit, to achieve
concrete progress by the turn of.the century.
Just imagine the
potential of an American market with 800 million people, from Alaska to
the southern tip of Argentina, buying each other's goods, spurring each
other's creativity, enriching each other's lives, investing in each
ot·her' s future.
even~
But even as we seize these possibili ·
lso work
harder to bridge the gap betwE¥U tiT£[ aves and the h
.
he
-age-old curse of Latin America, the c
an undercurrent of all
advanced economies of the last 20 years, has got to be dealt with more
seriously not only by government, but by people in the private sector
working in partnership with government. We have to give everyone who
will work for it a place in the future we are trying to build.
In your country and mine and throughout the hemisphere, many
people still question our course:
fearing the pressure of competition,
feeling as yet no benefit from the changes underway.
Knowing that as
yet, no' nation has found the perfect formula for both embracing the
global economy while preserving and extending the social contract.
Globalization is irreversible.
Protectionism will only make things
worse.
But while we cannot turn back the winds of change, we can and
must do more to harness their force to everyone's advantage and make
sure that the benefits and burdens of expanding trade are fairly borne.
That means deepening democracy and the.rule of law, including a
free press and an independent judiciary.
It means insisting on worker
protection so that trade enhances working conditions and living
standards instead of undermining them.
It means equipping all our
people with the education, training and skills to succeed so that
progress is everyone's friend.
Since 1993, we in the United States have been working hard to come
to grips with these two competing challenges. We have more than doubled
our worker training funds directed at those in the work force who may be
displaced by technology or trade. We have established the North
American Development Bank to try to make investments in communities that
have been displaced by our increasinq integration with Canada and
Mexico. We have worked to improve joint environmental inspections and
enforcement and to jointly agree to stop using some kinds of chemicals
and othe~ things which are damaging to the en~ironment.
We have set up special empowerment zones to giv~ our private
sector incentives to invest in communities which are not touched by
trade one way or the other because their economies have developed so
little. All these things have not had perfect results, but they are
making a difference, and they show that there is a way t6 have strong
economic growth, an open economy, an openness to trade and investment
and still care about extending opportunity so that more and more people
who are willing to work have a chance to work and succeed.
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We must also do more to protect nat~ral resources and the .
environment.
The United St~tes rejects the false choice between
economic growth and· environmental protection: We believe in sustainable
development, making sure that today's progress does not come at
tomorrow's expense.
Trade-dri veri growth need riot bring environmental
quality down; ·indeed, trade must maintain and improve the quality of our
environment.
·
Brazil and the United States share a commitment to meeting these
challenges, all of them, head-on. We can set a standard of success·for
the Americas, showing that democracy and free markets deliver,
protecting our planet for future generations, making education and the
wonders of technology the modern birthright of every citizen.
I am especially impressed with President Cardoso's determination
to improve education.
Both of us are working to ensure that every
school has high standards, that every child, rich or poor, has the
knowledge to succeed in the new economy. America's new balanced budget
includes the biggest new investment in education since 1965. Our agenda
is sweeping, but straightforward. We expect every 8-year-old to be able
to read, every 12-year-old to be able to log onto the. Internet, every
18-year-old to be able to go on to college, and every adult to be able
to continue learning for a lifetime.
Brazil spends nearly six perden~ of it~ GNP on education and is
working hard to increase enrollment and to help more children complete
their early years Df schoql.
Now, through our new P~rtnership for
·
Education that President Cardoso and I signeq yesterday, our nations
will work together to teach our children for.tomorrow.
· This afternoon I look forward to visi tin'g the Mangueira School in
Rio; where Brazil is proving every day that every child has the
potential to succeed.
I commend the Brazilian' business community for
investing in education, and .I thank the Sao Paulo American ChaiDber of
Commerce for your leadership·in this effort which Mi. Miller referenced
in his remarks.
Even as we 'speak, the First Lady is visiting one of the schools
you have adopted so that she can see your success firsthand.
Your
programs have helped to keep children in school, helped teachers.to
learn, and helped to raise ~tandards.
Now they will help to broaden
access to educational technology . . I urge you to do as much of that as
you can.
Brazil and the United States share the vision that all our
citizens should be connected to the Information Age. We have both
adopted ambitious programs to link our schools to the Internet. ·we are
attempting to make sure that every classroom and library in the United
States will be hooked up to the Internet by the year 2000. When we do
that and when Brazil does that, no math, no book, no tool of learning
will b~ beyond the.to~dh of our childreri, regardless of'the wealth 'of,
their families or the part of town ~There they live. And when that
happens, no dream will be beyond .thE~i~. reach.
Already, Brazilian-American partnership is bringing world-class
technology to boys and girls in Bra:i:il. Ashford International, a small
firm from Stone Mountain, Georgia tecently latinched a project with Sao
Paulo's local government supplying ~i,.OOO multimedia computers for 1, 000
area schools.
That's good for the students and good for the Stohe
Mountain company and its workers. ·
Even as computers and the IntE~rnet are expanding the world of
learning, they also bring new opport:unities.for electronic commerce.
When I took office in 1993, ju~t think of it -- in 1993 -- only high
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energy physicists had heard of the World Wide Web.
Socks, has a web page. ·(Laughter.)
Now, even.my cat,
I was meeting with one of the young men who has made a small -perhaps a large -- fortune in figuring out how to commercialize the
Internet in California the other. day, and he said that the Internet was
the fastest-growing organism in human history, that no one could ~easure
its expansion.
. Today, there are as many as 50 million people on the Internet, and
Brazilian Net brqwsers, .the surf is up.
Since 1996 -- since 1996,
the number of Internet hosts in Brazil has risen by 535 percent.
Electronic commerce can improve productivity, facilitate global
communications, help small companies sell to a worldwide market, create
a revolution in the way we all market and sell.
But in ordei for this
digital economy to flourish, it must not be weighed down by the heavy
hand of government regulation and fees.
fo~
President Cardoso and' I discussed the importance of creating a
market-led environment in which this new medium can succeed.
I feel
very strongly that all nations have at responsibility to facilitate, not
undermine, this process, it will have enormous e·conomic implications
that are quite positive for· eve~y country if. we. can do so.
Working together on behalf of new technologies, by the way, has
long been a mark of our relationship.
You may know that in 1876,
Brazilian Emperor Don Pedro II came to our Centennial Exposition in
Philadelphia where he helped draw attention to a new invention of
Alexander Graham Bell -- the telephone.
Today, Brazil's
telecommunications sector is the larg·est in Latin America.
Your
government predicts it will net investments close to $70 billion by
2003. And earlier this year, America's Bell South, teaming up with
respected companies in Brazil, won a bid to provide cellular telephone
services here in Sao Paulo.
A century ago, Brazil saw promise in our technological future.
Today, we are proud to be investing in yours.
New education and new
technologies will help carry our nations forward:
But we will soar only
if we also maintain our oldest values.
Your country and mine have a
generous tradition of welcoming people from all around the world.
One
of our greatest strengths is our commitment to live together·and work
together and learn together, regardless of our backgrounds of race,
religion or ethnicity.
I commend.President Cardoso for his human rights
plan and his emphasis on racial equality.
In our country, in one public school district across the river
from Washington, D.C., which I cap see'from the White House, there_ are
students from more than 150 nations in one of our school distri~ts, ·
speaking more than 100 different languages.
The neighborhoods of Sao
Paulo are a window on the world.
The colors of Italy enliven the
Bixiga.
The flavors of Japan in~use Liberdade. The spirit of the Middle
East fills Born Retire.
The rhythms of Africa pervade every quarter.
People from everywhere call this place home.
It must be truly mysterious to you. as it is to many of us when we
see people from Bosnia to Central Africa, from the Middle East to
Northern Ireland still determined .to hate one another, and fight and
sometimes rob people of their freedoms and their very lives because of
their differences.
Our differences make it much more interesting to
live in our communities in our nation and, frankly, much more profitable
to go into the future.
So, as we make the most of this age of opportunity, we ask
ourselves:
Which nations.will do best in the global economy? The
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nations with the g1obe inside their borders.
This, too, is a lesson
that Brazil and the United States must first never forget for ourselves
and, . second, try to impart to the· rest of the world.
I the 19th century, we forged a friendship grounded in our common
love of·freedom.
The United States was honored to be the first nation
to recognize Brazil's independence.
In the 20th century, we fought side
by side to prevail in World War II and to· preserve freedom's light.
The
United States is still honored that Brazil came to provide soldiers to
fight with uo/for freedom in both the great World Wars of this century.
Now, on t~v: of the 21st century, a bold, new challenge awaits us:
~e the blessings of freedom and prosperity for all the people of
our hemisphere and throughout the world.
Our nations share a vision for the future of the Americas, where
every child has quality education, all our people reap the benefits of
moder·n technology, open societies linked and lifted by open markets
create new opportunities for all people and protect their freedom to
seize them.
That is the future we are working to build. And, together,
I am quite confident that we will succeed.
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause. )
8:06A.M.
(L)
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�,.
.
Co until df the Americas -- About the Council
httpo//www.oounoiloftheamorioas.o.-gl•?
Council of the Americas
About the Council
·Iii
~
~
he Council of the
Americas IS the
leading U.S.
business
organization dedicated to
promoting regional
economic integration, open
markets, free trade, and
investment, and the rule of
law throughout the Western
Hemisphere. Corporate
membership is available to
U.S. companies that have
business interests in the
region. Associate
membership is offered to
firms headquartered outside
of the United States.
• President's Report
• History
• Mission Statement
'.
• Officers
• Board of Directors
• Advisory Board
• Committees & Task Forces
• Staff
• Membership Benefits
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�The Council of the Americas-- Site on the World Wide Web
http://www.counciloftheamericas.orglliistory.html
Council of the Americas
History
In 1965, David Rockefeller and a group oflike-minded business people
founded the Council of the Americas based on the fundamental belief that
Q e e markets and private enterpn~ ffer the most effective means to
ac 1eve regwna1 economic growth and prosperity. Since that time,
membership has grown to over 240 firms with interests and investments in
Latin America. Member firms include m;mufacturing, natural resources,
technology, communications, banking, financial services, and law firms.
Headquarters of the
Counc1l of the Amencas
m New York City
I Home Page I Programs I Membership Directory I GovemmentAffairs I President's Column I
=·.: •.• ·•• ··::
: ··~
·:
·-·
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�http://www.counciloftheamericas.org/mission.html
'fhe CouNcil of the Americas -- Mission Statement
Council of the Americas
Mission Statement
The Council of the Americas is a U.S. business organization dedicated to
promoting hemispheric economic cooperation and integration, free trade, open
markets and investment, transparent and effective judicial systems, democratic
and effective governance, and corporate social responsibility. Members of the
Council support these goals in the belief that they provide the most effective
means of achieving economic growth and prosperity.
Objectives
The Council works to:
• Facilitate communication among U.S. business and government
leaders and their counterparts throughout the hemisphere;
• Enable and encourage greater collaboration among private and public
sector organizations that share the Council?s vision of regional
cooperation;
• Educate the public about the benefits of free trade, open markets, and
economic integration;
• Encourage government policies favorable to hemispheric integration
and 'cooperation;
.
·• Promote corporate social responsibility.
Activities
The Council:
• Provides direct access to hemispheric leaders through public and
private meetings with heads of state, ministers, business leaders, and
other key decision-makers;
• Provides a forum for dialogue through panels and speakers on
economic, political, social and other issues relevant to our members'
interests;
• Offers focused programming on specific multi-sectoral issues;
• Advocates on behalf of its members to policymakers in the United
States and throughout the region;
·
• Provides members with networking opportunities to establish contacts
and interact regularly with government and business leaders active in
the region.
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�The Council of the Americas-- Site on the World Wide Web
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Council of the Americas
Officers
Robert E. Wilhelm
Vice-Chairman
Director and Senior Vice President,
Exxon Corporation
Amb. Thomas E. McNamara
President
President, Council of the Americas ·
Secretary
Vice President, Latin America, FMC Corporation
Richard de J. Osborne
Treasurer
Chairman, ASARCO Incorporated
Sergio J. Galvis, Esq.
General Counsel
Partner, Sullivan & Cromwell
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�The Council of the Americas-- Site on the World Wide Web
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Council of the Ameri,=as
The Board of Directors
~
=====---"=-----"·---=--=------=-----====-=----=---=---=----=-----~---=·~
Council of the Americas Members ... CLICK HERE for contact information!
Arnb. Cresencio S. Arcos
Regional Vice President, International Public Affairs, Latin America & Caribbean
AT&T
.
Donn B. Atkins
General Manager
IBM Latin America
John E. Avery
Honorary Member ·
Past Chairman, Council of the Americas
Alfredo M. Blanco
President, Latin America and the Far East
Schering-Plough Corporation
Amb. Everett E. Briggs.
Honorary Member .
Past President, Council of the Americas
J. Murfree Butler
President
1MB Global Associates Inc.
Juan C. Cappello
President & Managing Partner, Latin America
Hill & Knowlton
Eugene Celentano
President
Texaco International Marketing & Manufacturing
Maston N. Cunningham
Ex-Officio
President, American Chambers of Commerce in Latin America
Hamilton Da Silva
Chief Executive Officer, Latin America Region
American International Group, Inc.
George J. Donnelly
Vice Chairman- Americas
SpencerStuart
Ludlow Flower
Vice President, Government Affairs
Galaxy Latin America
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Sergio J. Galvis, Esq.
Partner
Sullivan & Cromwell
Timothy J. Haas
President, Latin America Group
The Coca-Cola Company
Robert C. Helander, Esq.
Senior Partner & Chairman, Latin Ameriea/Emerging Markets Dept.
Kaye, Scholer, Fierman, Hays & Handler, LLP
Robert Herzstein, Esq .
. Miller & Chevalier, Chartered
David E. Ivy
Senior Partner - Vice President
Korn/Ferry International
Amb. George W. Landau
Honorary Member
Past President, Council of the Americas
Francis R. McAllister
President & Chief Operating Officer
ASARCO Incorporated
John T. McCarter
President & Chief Executive Officer
GE Latin America
'
Amb. Thomas E. McNamara
President, Council of the Americas
· Elena C. Mola
Vice President, Latin America/Europe
CNG International Corporation
Hon. Robert A. Mosbacher, Sr.
Chairman, Council of the Americas
Chairman, Mosbacher Energy Company
John G. Mott
Partner
Arthur Andersen LLP
Martha T. Muse
Chairman
The Tinker Foundation
Richard C. Nerod
Vice President & Group Executive
General Motors Latin American Operations
Brian D. O'Neill
Managing Director & Latin America Executive
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The Chase Manhattan Bank
Jens Olesen
Executive Vice President, Latin America/Caribbean Director
McCann-Erickson Worldwide
Richard de J. Osborne
Chairman of the Board (Retired)
ASARCO Incorporated
Quinton Oswald
President, Latin America
Bristol-Myers Squibb Company
Andrew C. Quale, Jr., Esq.
Partner
Sidley & Austin
William R. Rhodes
Vice Chairman
Citibank, N.A.
Rodman C. Rockefeller
Chairman
Pocantico Associates
Federico Sacasa
Group Vice President
Bank of America
Alan Stoga
President
Zemi Communications, L.L.C.
Michael J. Tangney
President, Latin America
Colgate-Palmolive Company
Alberto V erme
Head of Latin American Group
Chairman, Latin American Committee
Salomon Smith Barney Holdings, Inc.
R. Scott Wallinger
Senior Vice President - International
Westvaco Corporation
Grey F. Warner
Vice President, Latin America, Human Health
Merck & Co., Inc.
Peter E. Weber
President
FMC Latin America
Robert E. Wilhelm
Director & Senior Vice President
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Exxon Corporation
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Council of the Americ=as
Advisory Boards
~
===================~
COA Advisory]Joard.
Council of the Americas Members ... CLICK HERE for contact information!
COA Advisory Board
Carlos E. Alfaro
Partner
Allende & Brea, Inc.
William R. Brown
President, Latin American Operations
Carrier Corporation
Nestor T. Carbonell
Vice President, International Public Affairs
PepsiCo Inc.
Daniel J. Ciccone
Marketing & Product Planning
General Motors Latin American Operations
Edward T. Cloonan
Vice President, Corporate Affairs
American International Group, Inc.
John P. Cogan, Jr.
Senior Partner
Baker & McKenzie
Jaime J. Conesa
Vice President & General Manager
Latin America Region
Honeywell
Kevin F. Cunningham, Esq.
Vice President & Counsel, ·
International Pharmaceutical Group
Bristol-Myers Squibb Company
Abelardo Curdumi
Managing Director,
Emerging Markets
Republic National Bank of New York
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Stephen de Kanter
President
Disney Consumer Products Latin America
Pedro Pablo Diaz
Vice President
The Coca-Cola Company
Frederick S. Green, Esq.
Partner
Weil, Gotshal & Manges LLP
Robert C. Helander, Esq.
Senior Partner
Chairman, Latin America/Emerging Markets Dept.
Kaye, Scholer, Fierman, Hays & Handler, LLP
Daniel T. Hickey
Manager, International Relations
Texaco Inc.
James Horan
· Managing Partner
KPMG Peat Marwick LLP
Lois M. Jackson
Director, External & Corporate Programs
IBM
William P. Kelly
Director, International Governmental Afiairs
Ford Motor Company
Gus Kinsolving
Vice President, General Counsel and Secretary
ASARCO Incorporated·
J. Frank Lazo
President, Adams
Warner-Lambert Company·
Larry A. Liebenow
President and Chief Executive Officer
Quaker Fabric Corporation
Bruce Macphail
Chief Operating Officer
Whitehall International, Inc.
Bob L. Martin
President & Chief Executive Officer
Wal-Mart International
Sebastiao Mattos
Partner
Baker & McKenzie
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Don E. McDonald
President
Caterpillar Americas Co.
Jorge P. Montoya .
President, P&G Latin America
The Procter & Gamble Company
John C. Polhemus
Vice President, Latin America Region
The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company
J. Eduardo B. Pupo
Managing Director, Latin America Business Center
PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP
Ian Read
Senior Vice President, Area President
Canada/Latin America, International Pharmaceuticals Group
Pfizer, Inc.
·
Ulrico A. Reale
Martin W. Schubert
Chairman
European InterAmerican Finance Corporation
Susan Segal
General Partner
Chase Capital Markets
Curt Selquist
President, J&J Merck Worldwide
Merck & Co., Inc.
Terence H. Thorn
Senior Vice President, International Government Relations
Enron Corp.
Ward J. Timken, Jr.
Vice President, Latin America
The Timken Company
Edwin D. Williamson, Esq.
Partner
Sullivan & Cromwell
ASCP Advisory Board
Roland B. Bandelier
Managing Director, Global Trade Finanee, Warburg Dillon Read
UBSAG
Gonzalo de Las Heras
Executive Vice President
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Banco Santander
Ramon J. Leon
Managing Director, Latin America Group
W estdeutsche Landesbank Girozentrale
Barry R.F. Luter
Executive Vice President
The Bank ofNova Scotia
Patrick Paradiso
Director , Global Markets
Deutsche Morgan Grenfell
Enzo Viscusi
Group Senior Vice President
ENI Americas·
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Council of the Americas
Congression(ll Testimony
Congressional Statement of
Dr. Susalll Kaufman Purcell
Vke President
Americas Society/Council of the Americas
March 15, 2000
House Committee on International Relations
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
The U.S. and Latin America in the~ New Millennium: Outlook and Priorities
The New Latin America. Latin America has undergone dramatic changes during the past fifteen years.
The military regimes that were dominant in most of the region's countries have been replaced by
democratically-elected governments. Formerly closed and highly protected economies are now more
open and integrated into the global economy. Intraregional trade has also grown as a result of the
formation of a number of subregional trade blocs. Finally, relations with the United States have
(~ improved considerably, in great part because the end of the Cold War allowed Washington to place
~ economic concerns insteaa of secunty issues at the top of its hemispheric agenda.
This is not, of course, the first time that Latin America has been democratic and had open economies.
Nor is integration a completely new phenomenon for the region. And despite the considerable imbalanc;e
of power between the United States and Latin America, relations between the two have not always been
hostile. In view of these observations, it is reasonable to ask whether this time around the changes will
prove more enduring than· in the past.
I believe that the answer to this question is "Yes." Democracy in Latin America today is considerably
stronger than it was in the past. Electoral processes have become more transparent and less capable of
being manipulated. Politics is also far less ideologically polarized. Parties of the left and the right have
moved toward the center. Incumbent governments defeated in elections are more likely to relinquish
power to their victorious opponents, even when the latter hail from the opposite end of the political
spectrum. Democracy is also no longer mainly a top-down process. State and local government have
grown in strength and importance. The proliferation of independent non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) has made politics considerably more participatory than in the past. And these participants are
better informed about the issues than ever before as a result of the spread of new technologies such as
television, the fax machine and mQst recently, the computer and the internet.
The opening of the region's economies is also more· durable than in the past, in part because
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protectionism is not a viable alternative in our increasingly globalized world economy. Most Latin
American countries do not have the resources to maintain closed economies and foreigners are
increasingly reluctant to invest in such economies. Furthermore, despite the fact that Latin America's
more-open economies have not lived up to the expectations of its citizens, there is now a critical mass in
most countries that has benefited from the economic reforms. The most dramatic reform, in this regard,
·
·
·
·
·
nd
is the virtual elimination of inflation, and even of h
Brazil are good examples. Other important reforms inclu
e riy_atization of many state enterprises,
which has resulted in improved and more efficient services and the re uctwn o goyernmept expenses.
Economic integration has also gone farther than in the past. The earlier experiment with integration in
the 1960s had an essentially protectionist rationale, which contributed to its failure. Integration today, in
contrast, is being implemented in the context of the new market-oriented economies. As a result, market
forces rather than negotiated decisions among governments are, for the most part, determining what is
produced and where it is produced.
1\
Finally, relations between the United States and Latin America are more constructive today than in
recent memory. This is partially the result of the Soviet collapse, which left the United State.s as "the
only game in town. "_Since Latin American co~ntries no longer were able to take advantage of
U.S.-Soviet competition to gain reater advantages from Washington, they wanted and needed access to
tl.!_ .. mar et an to U.S. capital. Latin American governments, therefore, dropped their
anti-Amencan mternational postures and instead emphasized the mutual benefits that could be achieved
by "greater cooperation.
Remaining vulnerabilities in the region. Despite LatinJ~erie'ff~mo
past fifteen years, many problems remain. Perhaps th 1ggest threa
c
/
a rea y large gap between the rich and
•
opening is the fact that the econorllfcreforms have w1 en
tri:e poor m the region. In addition, there is dissatisfaction with the often unimpressive rates of economic
growth and the h1gh levels of unemployment resulting from the opening and restructuring of the Latin
American economies. Finally, the · e perception that the new democratic governments have b~en
unable to deal effectively wi corruptio criminality (much of which is drug related), and growing
(.a,+._
threats to personal security tha
aracterize many Latin American democracies.
~.. 1. __
"
.
~Wvk.e
Although the reforms are being blamed for many of Latin America's current problems, the reality is
more complicated. Corruption and political and economic inequality have long existed in Latin
America. Furthermore, the unemployment and growing income inequality have more to do with the
realities of the new global economy, which rewards the highly educated and penalizes the poorly
educated, than with the so-called Washington consensus or any particular se\o.f_e.c.onomic_-===::.:_
Finally, it is becoming increasingly apparent that the probl~~~t~~~-~u~c~h~-re~~~~~~~<~
Stated different! those cpuntries thru have r ered
e been ens.
e and restructured their economies mos ._:fhe same can be said of the new democracies. Those
cOuiltries that have acted most expeditiously in building and strengthening the institutions that
democracy requires have the best prognosis.
~1.
rr" ,. ·
end a
The need for further reform. What, then, needs to be done? The unimpleme
nd the
inclu e~o.l.it-i.Gal-,:€co.no ·c and social reforms. High on the political list ar
dicial refo
ithout the rule of law, democracy cannot nctwn an
stren thening of the le al s
ei 1ve egal systems are also required for well functioning market economies. In the
economic area, tax reform, labor reform and so:cial security reform should receive high priority. In their
absence, capital and labor cannot be used efficiently and productively. High on the social agenda is
education reform, followed by health and welfare reform. Democracies and market economies that do
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an only go so far befor·e they stall, especially ~n our
It will.not be easy to implement this. so-call~.ec~tage of refi . s. h:r~ are many v~sted interests
that will oppose them. Also, the regwn's new cte'mocracres-vi ry m eu ability to work with them or
oppose them. On the other hand, failure to implement the needed reforms will prove politically and
economically costly, as we have recently seen in Venezuela and Ecuador. The big gap that exists
between the rich and the poor makes large numbers of Latin American voters susceptible to the populist
appeals of politicians. Valuable time and resources will be wasted on doomed populist experiments that
attempt to reduce inequality by lavish spending rather than by implementing reforms to increase
productivity. Once populism fails, these countries will have to implement the very reforms that they
qriginally .opposed.
·
What can the United States do to help? The main responsibility for carrying out the remaining reform
not committed to
agenda resides with the. Latin Americans thems:.si\!.e£.-If-batin-Amerie-a.!.s-lea€1
the reform .'
.'
.
lished. Com:ii].itted leaders however, are not enou .
hes_Veaders ·
· must als
fectively explain tot citizens of their respective countries why the reforms art;ln their
interest, how t ey ave enefited and/or will ultimately benefit from them, and what will be done to
help them navigate the difficult transition between the old and new econoiny. Unfortunately, this has not
been adequately done in much of Latin America. To bring about additional change, this must be an
integral part of future efforts.
erful wealthy and influential
That being said, there is m~ch iha
country in the region, can do to
'litate the deepening of the reform proce
Latin America. There
e , JU ICia systems, law enforcement,
are already programs in place to strengthen elec or
economic institutions and the like. If Congress determines that these programs are working well, they
should be continued·. In those countries where there are special problems, such as Colombia, the United.
States will have to increase its military and economic aid to the democratically-elected government and
work with neighboring countries to solve or at least contain the problem.
The expansion of hemispheric free trade is important both for the .future viability of democracy and
market economies in the region. Under the right conditions, it will make Latin American economies.
more productive and competitive: It will increase the potential for economic growth and job creation,
thereby raising the living standards of the people of the region.
Not all of the benefits of hemispheric free trade, however,.will go to Latin America. The United States
is already benefiting from the opening and restructuring of the region's economies. ~in America is
already the most im ortant market in the developing world for U.S. exports. By the year 2010, total ra e e ween atin America and the mte States is estimated to exceed the co1ilbmed U.S. trade with
--Furope and Asia. In addihon, the strengthening of trade relations between the United States and Latin
America will help reinforce U.S.-Latin American relations in other areas.
·
·
We have already seen this happen in the case of Mexico. Since NAFTA (the North American Free Trade
Agreement), trade between Mexico and the United States has almosttripled. The country has become a
powerful exporter of manufactured goods. Jobs are being created at a rapid pace in the new, more
high-tech economy and GDP growth in Mexico has begun to accelerate. The economic reforms and
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· greater integration with the United States have also facilitated Mexico's transition to democracy. They
helped decentralize economic and political power and gave democracy advocates a new forum outside
of the country in which to press their case: Mexico's greater involvement with the United States has, in
effect, helped make the country's political culture less authoritarian and more democratic. Finally, it has
facilitated the ability of the two governments to work together.
,
Of course, one would never know that NAFT A has been a success from the debates and discussions that
have. focused on it. These give the impression that NAFTA has been a failure. Organized labor in the
United States vociferously blames it for the loss of U.S. jobs, the decline in U.S. wages, pollution on the
U.S.-Mexican border, as well as crime, corruption and increases in drug trafficking in Mexico. It is true
that the picture from Mexico is not all rosy. Many ofMexico?s problems, however, preceded NAFTA.
At the sqme time, the problems affecting U.S. labor have little to po with.NAFTA and much more to do
with changes in the global economy and the high-tech revolution.
Unfortunately, the American public has not been adequately informed about the benefits ofNAFTA to
both Mexico and the United States. Instead, the administration has accepted the negative interpretation
ofNAFTA's impact on both countries and has tried to ignore the whole issue ofNAFTA. Nor did the ,
administration press sufficiently hard to obtain a renewal of so-called fast track authority. To a certain -·
extent this is understandable, given the political importance of organized labor to the Democratic Party,
which controls the presidency. The fact that this is a presidential election year compounds the problem.
The next administration will have a new opportunity to spread the good word about NAFTA and to
revive the momentum for establishing a hemispheric free trade area. Both AI Gore and George W. Bush
are strongly committed to free trade. Furthermore, there are signs that organized labor has begun to
reassess its position on a number of issues. Immigration is one of these. Instead of fighting immigration
because it threatens U.S. jobs, the AFL-CIO reeently called for increased immigration. In part, its
reversal on the issue can be explained by the realization that new workers mean potential new recruits
for the union movement.
·
A renewed pushfor hemispheric free trade, however, should not repeat the mistakes ofthe NAFTA
campaign or the fast track effort. These campaigns focused too narrowly on the issues of job creation
and the benefits that would accrue to the owners of capital in the United States and Latin America. The
multi-faceted ~nefi..ts-that-hemi.sphericJnt.egratian will hring..to the United States and Latin America
must be explaine
hese benefits, which include the strengthening of democracy m LITm menca,
possibility for higher standards of living in both Latin America and the United Stat~s, and better
U.S.-Latin American relations, are as important to the free trade argument as is the increase in
t:.-U-oi-\::I-~..Lt:.adership on the hemispheric free trade issue should not be
underestimated n the earl 1990 Eresident Bush announced his Enterprise for the Americas Initiative,
which included a ca -for the establishment oTa. Western Hemisphere free trade area by 2005. Few
speCific details were offered. Nevertheless, the promise o access o e . . mar e an a special
rehitionship with the United States captured the imagination of a new generation of Latin American
leaders and gave them an added incentive to open and restructure their economies and strengthen their
democratic institutions. With the recent defeat of fast track, however, Latin Americans felt that the
United States had broken its promise and left them to fight ~he diffic~lt battles for reform all by
themselves.
I have no doubt that a renewed U.S. commitment to hemispheric free trade will energize Latin American
·
leaders to press ahead with the second stage of reforms, which includes judicial, regulatory, tax,
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•
educational and welfare reform. It will also reinforce Washington's existing political, economic and
social pohcies toward the region.
·
For these reasons, the creation of a free trade area of the Americas should be the number one priority o
·
tlie next U.S. administration's Latin American polic
o er .. po Icy Im Ia Ive
Importance compared to e
emispheric free trade would bring to both Latin
America and the United States.
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Americas Society I Council of the
M
Americas
Op-eds and Published Articles
U.S. Policy Toward L,atin America During the
Clinton Administration
By Susan Kaufman Purcell
(Published in the June 1997 issue of Latin Finance)
The Clinton administration is ofi:en accused of
having no Latin American policy. Critics also
accuse the administration of not showing
leadership or of acting unilaterally when it does
take the initiative. These charges are partially
true, but also misleading because they judge US
policy in terms of past political and economic
realities instead of current ones.
Dr. Susan Kaufman Purcell,
Those who find the administration's Latin
American policy disappointing point to the
vr --Americas Society/COA
glaring absence of an overarching policy such as Franklin Delano Roosevelt's
Good Neighbor Policy, John F. Kefl11edy's Alliance for Progress, or George
Bush's Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. They note that Bill Clinton is the
first US president since Herbert Hoover not to visit Latin America during his
first term in. office. They also highlight the supposed lack of discussion about
Latin America during the 1996 electoral campaign.
The presidential and vice presidential debates, however, dealt extensively with
Latin American issues. The Mexican bailout, the inflow of illegal drugs and
migrants from Latin America, the Helms-Burton law and other aspects of Cuba
policy and the drug de-certification issue received significant attention. For the
most part, however, these issues were treated as aspects of US domestic rather
than foreign policy, mainly because most of them involve Mexico. Given our
shared 1,900-mile border, developments in Mexico have always had an impact
on the US. With the opening of its economy in the late 1980s, interdependence·
between the two countries has grown rapidly. As a result, it has become ,
virtually impossible to separate policy issues involving Mexico from US
domestic politics.
Geographic proximity also helps explain why Cuba and Haiti are the other two
Latin American countries that received attention during the 1996 campaign.
Their location in what has traditionally been regarded as the backyard of the
US, meaning that they can easily hurt US interests and thereby become a
political liability for an incumbent president or Congress.
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The impression that the Clinton administration has not given much time or
energy to Latin American issues also results from an excessive focus on the
State Department, the traditionally important player in the area of foreign
policy. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the globalization of the
economy, however, economic concerns have replaced the Cold War
preoccupation with security matters, specifically the need to contain the spread
of communism in the Western Hemisphere. In these new circumstances, the
Secretary of the Treasury, the US Trade Representative and the Secretary of
Commerce have often occupied center stage, while the Secretary of State has
busied himself with more traditional security issues elsewhere.
\
ortanLp_ licies involving Latin America during Clinton's first
t a the passage of the North American Free
Trade Agree r.e~n~;;::;.;ffl""';{""'i~.k':ecretary of the Treasury Robert Rubin took the
lead on the bailout policy, while Mickey Kantor, the US Trade Representative,
and Ron Brown, the Secretary ofCommerce, were key players in the NAFTA
campaign. Secretary of State Warren Christopher played a minor role in both.
The involvement of such important government officials in Latin American
policy is, in fact, somewhat unusual. Most of the time, Latin America does not
receive such high level attention from Washington, a fact bemoaned by both
Latin Americans and US experts on the region. It is far from clear, however,
that such attention is desirable. Usually, it signals a serious crisis or threat. The
Good Neighbor Policy was a response to US strategic concerns involving
World War II, while the Alliance D)r Progress was a response to the fear of
comrimnist expansion in the hemisphere in the aftermath of the Cuban
Revolution. The Enterprise of the Americas Initiative was a post-Cold War
policy aimed at consolidating US economic influence in Latin America to
parallel the creation of a European Common Market in 1992 and Japan's ·
expanding economic influence into Southeast Asia.
In the absence of a sense of crisis, US policy toward Latin America is handled
at lower levels of government, by technicians and b1:1reaucrats familiar with the
region. This may sound unexciting,, but it is not necessarily bad. Nor does it
mean that nothing useful is being accomplished. At the present time, for
·
example, there are a variety of inter-American workin r
hannonize laws tlnoughout the hen · p ere concerning intellectual property,
-tJailking and fmance and other Issues that will make the eventual creatiOn of a
Free Trade Area of the Americas easier to negotiate when Congress gives the
- P.!_eSident the authontYJQ=do so.
-In judging US policy, it is also no longer realistic to focus primarily on
government-to-government (bilateral) initiatives. Given Latin America's recent
economic opening, the US private sector is now actively taking the lead in
extending US economic influence in the region. Investment is expanding
rapidly, as is US-Latin American trade.
The fact remains, however, that many opportunities now available to the US
private sector in Latin America are the result of market-oriented government
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' policies, both in the US and Latin America. Examples include NAFT A,
Mercosur and other subregional trade agreements. The failure of the Clinton
administration to follow up on its commitment to expand NAFT A to include
Chile first and the rest of the region afterwards is responsible more than
anything else for charges that the Clinton administration has not shown
leadership in its Latin American policy.
It is difficult to lea<f, however, when potential followers do not want to be led.
The new Congress is considerably less favorably disposed to free trade than its ·
predecessor. The new leadership of the AFL-CIO, a traditional base of support
for a Democratic president, is even more militantly opposed to NAFTA than
was the case during the initial debates four years ago. Clinton's free trade
problems have also been exacerbated by the Mexican peso devaluation of
December 1994, which brought the Mexican economy to near collapse, thereby
postponing for over a year the anticipated benefits from NAFT A. And because
many Americans' views on Latin America are shaped by events in Mexico,
enthusiasm for expanding NAFT A collapsed with the peso.
It is becoming apparent, however, that the US stands to lose economically and
politically ifNAFTA expansion remains stalled while Mercosur, under
Brazilian leadership, continues to expand. A Chilean company, for example,
recently chose a Mercosur partner over a US one because imports from the US
would be more costly than imports from a Mercosur partner.
Until now, the US private sector has done little to lobby for the expansion of
NAFT A in part because there seemed to be no urgency to do so. The Ur!Jguay
Round was successfully concluded, the World Trade Organization had been
created and NAFTA had been approved. Few observers expected Brazil and its
neighbors to keep up the free trade momentum in the absence of US leadership. ·
That they were proved wrong is not so bad, since it is proving useful in
reviving US leadership on the hemispheric free trade issue'.
The other explanation for the recently revived US interest in obtaining
fast-track authority and pressing ahead with plans to expand NAFTA is the
upcoming presidential summit, scheduled for May 1998 in Santiago, Chile. It
is to be preceded by a finance ministerial in December 1997, also in Santiago,
and a trade ministerial in Belo Horizonte, Brazil in May 1997. President
Clinton also has two trips schedul·~d to Latin America this year, one to Mexico,
rescheduled for May because of his recent leg injury, and another to the
Southern Cone, now postponed until October. The upcoming summit,
ministerials and presidential visits will further focus the administration's
attention on its unfinished Latin American agenda.
Free Trade Focus
Hemispheric free trade remains the centerpiece of US policy toward Latin
America. The other major components of the Clinton administration's policy
compliment and reinforce this economic priority. This is particularly true of its
democratization policy. Free markets function best under democratic
governments. At the same time, the administration's support for market
3 of4
04/26/2000 9:36PM
�-~h~ ~ourwil
of the Americas-- Op-eds and Published Articles
http://www.counciloftheamericas.org/oped5.html
economies is not motivated by economic interest alQ_ne: open economies create
pressures for open political systerrlli...I9e initial empSasis was on free and fair
elections. As progress has been achieved in that area, Washington has
increasingly focused on the need for judicial reform to strengthen the rule of
law, reduce corruption and prevent growing public cynicism from undermining
Latin America's new democratic politics.
\
}
While there is broad consensus within the US for a democratic transition in
Cuba, there is sharp disagreement concerning the means for achieving this end.
There is growing evidence that the one-year-old Helms-Burton law has
discouraged foreign investment and lending to Cuba. It remains unclear,
however, whether this will lead to a change of government in Cuba as its
supporters claim. It is also unclear whether the costs of the policy -- the
alienation of governments usually friendly toward the US -- will exceed the
benefits.
A similar statement can be made about the drug certification policy which the
Clinton administration inherited from an earlier administration. The threat of
de-certification and sanctions has led both the Colombian and Mexican
governments to take steps against drug producers and traffickers that they were
unwilling to take in the absence of that policy. At the same time, there is no
convincing evidence to date that this and other aspects of US drug policy have
been successful in reducing the entry of illegal drugs into the country. As a
result, it remains far from clear that the benefits of the policy outweigh its
considerable costs.
Despite these problems, the fact remains that US relations with Latin America
are better than they have been in recent memory. Part of the rea~on is the end
of the Cold War, which gave the US and Latin America a common agenda -one focused on free markets and democratic political systems. But it is also due
to the success of both the Bush and the Clinton administrations in taking
advantage of the new opportunities presented by this and related developments
to shape a more mutually beneficial relationship with the countries of the
hemisphere.
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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FOIA
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America Council [4]
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Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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48
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9
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COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS ,
AN AFFILIATE OF THE AMERICAS SOCIETY. INC.
680 f'ARK AVENUE. NEW YORK. NEW YORK 10021 TEL: (212} 249-8950 FAX: (212}517-6247
THE 29TH W ASI-IINGTON.CONFERENCE
HEMISPHERIC INTEGRATION IN A
VOLATILE WORLD ECONOMY
WASHINGTON, D.C.
!\t1AY 2-4, 1999
�Council of the Americas
Hemispheric Integration in a Volatile World Economy
29th Washington Conference
May 2-4, 1999
AGENDA
Sunday, May 2, 1999
State Room
Renaissance Mayflower Hotel
6:30-8:00 PM
Welcoming Reception
Monday, May 3, 1999
Loy Henderson Conference Room
Department of State
7:30-8:30 AM
Registration and Continental Breakfast
8:30-8:45 AM
Welcoming Remarks
Robert Mosbacher, Chairman, Council of the Americas
Thomas McNamara, President & Chief Executive Officer,
Council of the Americas
8:45-9:15 AM
U.S. Policy Initiatives in· a Period of Economic
Volatility ·
Peter Romero, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Hemisphere Affairs
Introduction: William Pryce, Vice President, Council of the
Americas
9:15-9:45 AM
The Energy Component in Hemispheric
Integration
Bill Richardson, Secretary of Energy
Introduction: Robert Mosbacher, Chairman, Council of the
Americas
�.
Hemispheric
·
AGENDA (Page 2 of 4)
Integration in Vol~tile
a
World Economy
29th Washington Conference
May 2-4, 1999
Monday, May 3, 1999 (Continued)
9:45-10:15 AM
Hemispheric Commerce in the New Millennium
David Aaron, Under Secretary of Commerce for
International Trade
Introduction: Stephen de Kanter, President, Disney Consumer
Products Latin America
10:15-10:45 AM
Coffee Break
10:45-11:30 PM
Reassessing 1the Global Financial System:
Implications for Latin America
James Wolfensohn, President, The World Bank Group
Introduction: RobE~rt Mosbacher, Chairman, Council of the
Americas
11:30-12:00 PM
Reassessing the Global Financial System:
A Latin American Perspective
Marcos Caramuru de Paiva, Secretary for International
Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Brazil
Introduction: William Rogers, Senior Partner, Arnold & Porter
12:00-12:30 PM
Relocate to Washington Ballroom, Swissotel WashingtonThe Watergate
Bus service will be1 provided
12:30-2:00 PM
Luncheon
Washington Ballroom, Swissotel Washington-The Watergate,
U.S. Perspec:tive on Latin America and Global
Economic Instability
Lawrence H. Summers, Deputy Secretary of the
Treasury
Introduction: Thomas McNamara, President & Chief Executive
Officer, Council of the Americas ·
2:00-2:30 PM
Break and Relocate to Loy Henderson Room, Department
·of State
Bus service will be provided
�AGENDA (Page 3 of 4)
Hemispheric Integration in a Volatile World Economy
·
29th Washington Conference
. May 2-4, 1999
Monday, May 3, 1999 (Continued)
2:30-3:30 PM
Latin America and the Global Economy:
Business Perspectives
Lorenzo Zambrano, Chairman & Chief Executive Officer,·
Cemex S.A. de C.V.
G. Richard Thoman, President & Chief Executive Officer,
Xerox Corporation
Introduction: Robert Mosbacher, Chainnan, Council of the
Americas
Moderator: Cresencio Arcos, Regional Vice President, Latin
America & Caribbean, AT&T
3:30-4:00 PM
Break
4:00-5:30 PM
The Dollarization Debate: Prospects for a
Hemispheric Monetary Union
Pedro Pou, Pre~sident, Central Bank of Argentina
Guillermo Ortiz, Governor, Central Bank of Mexico
Ricardo Hausnr~ann, Chief Economist, Inter-American
Development Bank
Moderator: Brian O'Neill, Managing Director& Latin America
Executive, The Chase Manhattan Bank
5:30PM
6:30PM
Adjourn
Reception
Benjamin Franklin Diplomatic Reception Room, 8th Floor
Kenneth H. "Buddy" MacKay, Special Envoy of the
President and Secretary of State for the Americas
Introductory Remarks:
,
Peter Romero, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Western
Hemisphere Affairs
Thomas McNamara, President & Chief Executive Officer, Council of
the Americas
Tuesday, May 4, 1999
7:30-8:30 AM
Continental Breakfast
�AGENDA (Page 4 of 4)
Hemispheric Integration in a Volatile World Economy
29th Washington Conference
May 2:-4, 1999
Tuesday, May 4, 1999 (Continued)
Congressional Perspectives on Free Trade
8:30-9:30 AM
Richard Lugar, United States Senate
Robert G. Torricelli, United States Senate
Moderator: James Jones, Chairman, U.S. Council of the MexicoU.S. Business Committee
Latin America and the U.S. Free Trade Agenda
Charlene Barshefsky, United States Trade
Representative
. 9:30-10:00 AM
Introduction: Peter Weber, President, FMC Latin America
10:00-10:30 AM
Break
10:30-11 :oo AM
Labor's Perspective on Hemispheric
Integration
David Smith. Director of Public Policy, AFL-CIO
Introduction: Susan Kaufman Purcell, Vice President, Council of
the Americas
11:00-11:30 AM
.
Expanding Trade and Investment in the
Hemisphere:. A Governor's Perspective
Tom Ridge, Governor of Pennsylvania
Introduction: Ro.bert Mosbacher, Chairman, Council of the
Americas
11 :30-12:oo PM
Closing Address
U.S. Leadership in the Hemisphere
Madeleine K . .Albright, Secretary of State
Introduction: David Rockefeller, Honorary Chairman, Council of
the Americas
Closing Rernarks
Thomas McNamara, President & Chief Executive Officer,
Council of the Americas
;-
�SPEAKERS
David Aaron, Under Secretary for International Trade, U.S. Department of Commerce
Madeleine K. Albright, Secretary, U.S. Department of State
Charlene Barshefsky, United States Trade Representative
Ricardo Hausmann, Chief Economist, Inter-American Development Bank
Richard Lugar, U.S. Senate, (R-IN)
Kenneth H. "Buddy" MacKay, Special Envoy for the President and Secretary of State for the
Americas
Guillermo Ortiz, Governor, Central Bank of Mexico
Marcos C. de Paiva, Secretary for International Affairs, Ministry otFinance, Brazil
Pedro Pou, President, Central bank of Argentina
Bill Richardson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Energy
Tom Ridge, Governorofthe State of Pennsylvania
Peter Romero, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S.
Department c;>f State
David Smith, Director, Public Policy Department, AFL-CIO
Lawrence H. Summers, Deputy Secretary, U.S. Department of the Treasury
G. Richard Thoman, President and Chief Executive Officer, Xerox Corporation
Robert G. Torricelli, U.S. Senate, (D-NJ)
James Wolfensohn, President, The World Bank Group
Lorenzo Zambrano, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, CEMEX S.A. de C. V.
�Hemispheric Integration in a Volatile World Economy
-- Summary --
•
Over 250 business and government leaders from the Americas convened in
Washington, D.C. for the Council of the Americas 291h Washington
Conference. Participants discussed a wide range of critical business and
policy issues from the impact of the emerging markets financial crisis on Latin
America to the prospects for a hE!mispheric monetary union.
o
A number of speakers suggested that the best way to tackle socio-economic
problems is by boosting economi:c growth rates and targeting resources to
areas that have been neglected in the past such as education and health
o
In addition, governments can increase social equity and build support for
market-oriented policies by undertaking institutional reforms (e.g. overhauling
judicial systems and enhancing the transparency of financial systems) and
providing more credit for micro-enterprise.
• · While most participants agreed that trade liberalization and regional free trade
agreements such as NAFTA and Mercosur have been successful in
increasing trade and investment flows and promoting prosperity throughout
the hemisphere, a number raised concerns about the impact of such
agreements on workers and the environment.
o
Free trade advocates in business and government must address these
concerns and expand their efforts to educate the American public about the
benefits of free trade.
•
In addition to trade, participants discussed the movement towards energy and
monetary integration in the Americas. Both were seen as positive trends,
however, the idea of monetary integration needs further study to determine if
it is feasible, and if so, the circumstances under which it would be most
advantageous for the hemisphere. ·
�1999 Washington Conference Report
The 1999 Council of the Americas Vllashington Conference was opened by
Acting Assistant Secretary of State tor Western Hemisphere Affairs Peter
Romero who offered an assessment of Latin America's immediate and long-term .
economic and political prospects. Ht~ observed that Latin America is in
reasonably good health despite the financial turbulence that has swept over the
emerging markets since Russia's devaluation last August. Economic activity is
starting to rebound following a period of recession, inflation is at its lowest level in
over a generation, and market-oriented economic policies hold sway in most
countries. In addition, democratic institutions are being strengthened throughout
the Americas.
Romero expressed concern, however, that Latin .America's anemic per capita
growth rates may fail to satisfy risin~J expectations in a region where even the
poorest barrios and favelas have access to modern technologies and mass
communications. He emphasized that governments will need to narrow income
inequalities and enfranchise the urban poor and rural indigenous populations if
social and political stability is to be maintained - a point also stressed by World
Bank President James Wolfensohn and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
later in the conference.
Romero cautioned that governments cannot carry the burden of correcting socioeconomic imbalances alone. While they can provide "social infrastructure and fair
rules for all," the business community must also be an active partner. It can do its
part by creating jobs, investing in hUiman capital, and transferring technology.
In addition, the business community can help solidify democratic institutions by
promoting an open and meaningful dialogue among political actors, encouraging
government transparency, and working to ensure that political crises are resolved
peacefully and democratically.
Romero suggested that if governments and the private sector work together, they
can "turn the trickle of increasing incomes into a broad stream of wealth irrigating
all elements of society."
Regional Energy Integration
Energy Secretary Bill Richardson, like Romero, expressed optimism about the
region's economic and political outlook. Despite a year of severe hardship
resulting from financial crises, low commodity prices, devastating hurricanes, and
the El Nino weather phenomena, "none of these (democratic) governments have
fallen and even the weakest economies are struggling to their feet."
�Richardson noted, however, that numerous countries in the region face major
political hurdles. For instance, Marxist guerrillas are testing the mettle of t~e
Pastrana government in Colombia and democratic policies have not yet been
fully consolidated in Paraguay. Moreover, the direction of economic policy
remains uncertain in Ecuador and Venezuela.
Despite the uncertainty, the Secretary observed that regional energy integration
continues to advance, attracting much needed private investment and providing
the hemisphere with reliable and effici1ent energy sources. Flows of gas between
Argentina and Chile are increasing as a result of the Southern Cone Common
Market (Mercosui"). Likewise, energy flows between the U.S. and Canada are
expanding due to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement.
Richardson suggested that further energy sector integration will help fuel Latin
. America's future growth, thereby enhancing the prospects for peace and
prosperity in a region vital to America's national security.
Achieving Financial Stability
U.S. Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Lawrence Summers observed that
optimism is returning to Latin America's financial markets following a period of
deep pessimism.' He attributed this change to growing confidence in Brazil's
economic management, a continuation of sound macroeconomic policies in
Mexico and Argentina, rising oil prices, and a general upturn in global financial
and commodity markets.
Summers warned, however, that sentiment could deteriorate quickly if the
region's leaders fail to take swift action on a number of fronts. For example,
Brazil must undertake structural reforms and Ecuador must implement sound
fiscal and monetary policies. Venezuela must ensure that windfall oil revenues
are invested prudently, and Mexico and Argentina must demonstrate that market·
friendly policies can withstand the "vagaries of the electoral cycle."_
Beyond these immediate measures, the region must undertake a series of
medium-term initiatives to achieve financial stability. These include building
stronger and deeper national financial systems, improving public debt
management, creating enduring exchange rate regimes, and devising
mechanisms to better respond to future bouts of volatility in global markets.
Summers suggested that if progress can be made on these immediate and
longer-range issues, Latin America will enjoy enhanced financial stability, which
will provide a framework for progress on a myriad of other issues. "Stable finance
will not alone educate our children, protect our environment or build all of our
nations. But these things cannot happen without it," he stated.
2
�The Dollarization Debate
The question of whether Latin America should adopt the U.S. dollar as legal
tender sparked a lively discussion at the conference.
Argentine Central Bank President Pe!dro Pou discussed the advantages and
disadvantages of dollarization. On the positive side, he pointed out that
significant benefits could result from .a decision to abandon national currencies in
.
.
favor of a common monetary unit. "There are tremendous gains in efficiency if
we all use the same language. The same is true of money. If we all use the same
money, then we do not have to spend time and resources investigating the
current or potential future value of particular monies."
The Argentine central banker stated that the benefits of dollarization would
depend on which of the several variations now being discussed was adopted.
Unilateral dollarization would have .the greatest financial costs for dollarizing
countries since they would have to give up their seigniorage (i.e., revenue
derived from printing coins and currency). It would also imply significant political
costs. A much more attractive option, he asserted, would be a bilateral monetary
agreement whereby seigniorage revenue is shared equitably between the U.S.
and the dollarizing country.
A third option would be the creation of a Western Hemisphere monetary union
along the lines of the European Community. This type of arrangement would be
the most advantageous for Latin Ame!rica as it would involve shared seigniorage
revenue and other benefits such as guaranteed liquidity support in the event of a
financia! crisis. The U.S., meanwhile, would benefit from enhanced financial
stability and a reduction in the risk of ·financial crises and the need for costly
bailouts. Pou affirmed that a hemispheric monetary union should be the ultimate
goal to which financial policymakers strive.
0
Mexican Central Bank President Guililermo Ortiz agreed with Pou that a
hemispheric monetary union was desiirable in theory, but questioned its
practicality given the stiff political opposition in the United States. A more viable
alternative, he observed, would be a currency arrangement among the three
North American countries- the U.S., Canada and Mexico-- building upon the
strong trade and investment links the~' already share through NAFTA.
Inter-American Development Bank Chief Economist Ricardo Hausmann
acknowledged that the political obstacles to dollarization are significant.
Nevertheless, he said that the hemisphere's monetary authorities should
. continue to examine the idea in all its variations since the economic benefits
could be substantial. They includereduced exchange rate risks and increased
trade flows.
3
�The Outlook for Hemispheric Trade
Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade David Aaron expressed
optimism about the future outlook for hemispheric trade. He noted that Latin
America has been responsible for almost half of all U.S. export growth since
1995 and that currently one out of every five dollars in U.S. export sales go to the
region - a sharp rise from th~ early 1990s.
And while last year's trade performance was disappointing- total U.S. trade with
the region excluding Mexico declined for the first time since the early 1980sAaron expects trade flows to rise sharply in the coming years, as economies
south of the border stabiliz~ and Latiin American companies implement growth
strategies.
Aaron's optimism is based on the fac:::t that market-oriented reforms continue to
· be implemented throu.ghout the hemisphere, bilateral and subregional accords
are proliferating from Mexico to Argentina, and progress continues to be made on
the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) initiative- albeit at a slower
pace than many would like.
While the hemisphere's commercial outlook is generally positive, Aaron
cautioned that the "free trade consensus" in both the Democratic and Republican
parties appears to be fraying. Unless the U.S. government and business leaders
work together to educate the American public on the benefits of an open trading
system, U.S. exporters will find themselves increasingly shut out of lucrative
markets, to the detriment of U.S. workers and local communities.
United States Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky also expressed
. concern about growing protectionism in the Americas. She observed that antitrade sentiment in the U.S. is being fueled by the mushrooming trade deficit,
while sluggish growth rates and low commodity prices are pressuring many Latin
American governments to raise trade barriers in order to keep their balance of
payments in equilibrium.
Barshefsky emphasized that the U.S. government should vigorously pursue trade
liberalization at the regional and multilateral levels, pass Caribbean Basin ·
Initiative enhancement legislation, and implement business facilitation measures
in order to counteract protectionist sentiment at home and abroad. If these
initiatives are taken, she suggested that the hemispheric integration process will
continue marching forward.
·
4
�Breaking the Fast Track Deadlock
A major theme of the conference was the challenge of reaching a bipartisan
consensus on fast track legislation needed to open foreign markets to U.S. goods
and services. Such legislation would give the president authority to negotiate
trade deals that Congress can either accept or reject, but not amend.
Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN), an ardent free trader, emphasized the
importance of presidential leadership if fast track is to win congressional backing.
He noted that President Clinton, who pushed hard for the passage of NAFTA and
the General Agreement on Tariffs ancl Trade (GATI) during his first term in
office, has not made a similar push to win fast track authority. And while a
majority of congressional Republicans, including himself, would eagerly support a
_fast track bill, few Democrats have thus far been willing to back the president on
this key issue. Until that changes, Lugar suggested that fast track will remain
relegated to the legislative slow track.
Senator Robert Torricelli (0-NJ) offered an opposing view on the fast track
stalemate. He suggested that the legislation's failure stems not from presidential
inaction, but from widespread public bt~lief that existing free trade agreements
have been detrimental to American workers and t_he U.S. economy. He cited
NAFTA as a case in point: ''The greatest applause line in politics today in the
state of New Jersey, before any group of working people or middle class
consumers would be an attack on NAFTA."
Torricelli suggested that lingering concerns about the impact of free trade
agreements on workers' rights and the environment need to be fully addressed
before the U.S. enters into new trade at:cords- even if it means postponing the
launch of new regional initiatives. In the long run, "if it (further deliberation)
means that free trade has become mon~ genuine and includes all peoples of this
society and the multitude of objectives, .it will have been worthwhile."
David Smith of the AFL-CIO echoed Torricelli's concerns. He said that history
has shown that government intervention is at times necessary since unregulated
markets do not provide adequate safeguards for working people and the
environment.
'
Smith observed that free trade advocates tend to paint labor unions as "Luddites"
who oppose globalization and seek to turn back the clock of progress. In reality,
American workers support these trends but want to establish "rules of the game"
that will help guarantee that benefits are more widely shared. In addition, they ·
want a seat at the negotiating table when trade agreements are hammered out.
5
�Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge took issue with the notion that NAFTA has
been detrimental to U.S. industry am:l American workers. He noted that a wide·
array of manufacturers in his state- from railroad car-makers to steel producers
- have all benefited from sales to Me~xico as a result of NAFTA. These sales
have created hundreds of high-wage, high-skill jobs for residents of the Keystone
state and helped revitalize "rust-belt" communities.
He also affirmed that government and private sector leaders must do a better job
of educating the P.ublic about the benefits of NAFTA and free trade in general in
order to win public support for further trade initiatives. He pledged to continue
doing his part in Pennsylvania.
~·
Implementing Social and Structural Change
· The challenge of creating equitable growth and sustainable development was
another major theme of the conference. World Bank President James
Wolfensohn observed that 37% of Latin Americans currently live in poverty and
income inequality is higher than in any other region of the world. Wolfensohn
emphasized that political stability cannot be ensured unless these soCioeconomic imbalances are addressed.
The World Bank President also said that policymakers must correct structural
problems that plague developing societies. For instance, financial systems need
to become more transparent, corruption less pervasive, legal systems more .
dependable, and government more responsive. "I truly believe that when you
think about the architecture of the financial system~ we can have short term fixes.
But what is necessary is for us to look at long term solutions. And the long-term
solutions are structural and social," he! stated.
·
Xerox Corporation President and CEO Richard Thoman and Cemex S.A. de
C.V. Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Lorenzo Zambrano further·
underscored the need for social and structural change. Zambrano noted that
companies like Cemex require individuals with training and technical expertise to
compete successfully in global markets. At present, however, only a fraction of·
Latin Americans possess the education and skills needed to participate in the
information economy. As Thoman put it, "One hundred-fifty million people (in the
region) earn less than $2 a day and certainly can't be expected to operate
computers and other things."
6
�r/
Shoring Up Support for Democracy and Free Markets
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright closed the conference by identifying
numerous threats to democracy and market-oriented policies, that if ignored,
could lead to the return of state-onented economic models and authoritarian
pol~regimes.
Reinforcing Wolfensohn and Romero, Albright suggested that the huge disparity
between the haves and have nots in Latin Amerjca is the biggest threat to
stability. It is both "sobering and saddening," she affirmed, that Latin Amenca and
ttm Caribbean have the world's most unequal distribution of income and·that one
in every three people lives on less than two dollars a day. These disparities are
reinforced by regressive tax policies, antiquated labor laws and unsound financial
policies.
· A related threat is the widening gulf between those with the necessary skills to
succeed in the "new world economy," and those without them or without the
opportunity to acquire them. This knowledge gap is perpetuated by an
educational system whereby children from poor families tend to go to lower
quality schools and drop out sooner, while children from wealthy families attend
the best schools and graduate at a higher rate.
The Secretary emphasized that solutions to these problems need not entail
spending more money, but rather "inv~sting more wisely." One of the smartest
investments governments can make is in education - especially at the primary
and secondary school levels. Governments can also invest wisely by providing
entrepreneurs and small businesses with access to credit.
Albright concluded that the central challenge for the Americas in the coming
d
ensure that the process of globalization moves forward with a
' uman face 'The business community, she observed, will have a key role in
g his happen.
'Throughout the region, we must move to a higher level of democratic
development. We have to do more to foster a robust civil society and a broad
middle class in all our countries. And we have to have the assistance of the
business sector not only in helping economies to grow, but in helping societies to
become better by enabling more and more people to share in the progress."
By David A. Wernick, Director of Communications
7
�PA.RTICIPANTS
Alfaro - Navarro, LLC
Carlos E. Alfaro
Partner
American Chamber of Commerce
of Bolivia
Roger Dupuis
President
American Chamber of Commerce
of Bolivia
Anna Maria Galindo
General Manager
American Chamber of Commerce
of Brazil, Rio de Janeiro
Sergio Raposo
Executive Director
American Chamber of Commerce
of Brazil, Sao Paulo
John Edwin Mein
President
American IExpress Bank Ltd:
Liliana Nealon
Regional T1reasurer, Western
Hemisphene
AT&T
Mariano Klinge-Loy
Regional Manager, International
Settlements
American Express Bank Ltd.
Victor M. Polce
Country Tmasurer
AT&T
Matthew J. Leyes
Regional Director, International
Public Affairs
American ilnternational Group, Inc.
Cece Gamwell
Consultant, Life Division
Americas :Society
Anabelle Mariaca
Board Member
Amway Cc1rp.
Richard Holwill
Director, Worldwide Government
Affairs
AT&T de Mexico, S.A. de C.V.
Karina Duyich Acuna
Legal Director
AT&T de Mexico, S.A. de C.V.
Lauro Martinez Cortes
Contractor
Atlantic Richfield Company
Nydia M. Bonnin
Anheuser-Busch Cos., Inc.
Arnie Gianino
Manager, International Affairs
Atlantic Richfield Company
Richard N. Sawaya
Director, Government and Tax
Affairs
Anheuser··Busch International
Robert J. Gunthner
Vice President, Americas Region
Bacardi Limited
Facundo Bacardi
Director
American Chamber of Commerce
of Mexico, A. C.
Steven White
Director, Public Affairs
Arnold & Porter
William D. Rogers
Senior Partner
Bacardi Limited
Douglas Gibson
Vice President and Legal Counsel
Ameriean Chamber of Commerce
of Mexico, Guadalajara
Claudia Grossi
Executive Director
ASARCO Hncorporated
Francis R. McAllister
President and Chief Operating
Officer
Baker & McKenzie
Maria G. Gutierrez
Partner, Latin American Group
American Chamber of Commerce
of Mexico, Monterrey
Roberto F. Cavazos
Executive Director
Associaticln of American
Chambers of Commerce of Latin
America (AACCLA)
JohnS. Groene·
Advisory Board
American Chamber of Commerce
of Mexico, A. C.
' John M. Bruton
Executive Vice President and Chief
Executive Officer
American Chamber of Commerce
of Panama
Walter M. Laffitte
Director
American Chamber of Commerce
of Panama
Gina Marie Latoni
Executive Director
American Express Bank Ltd.
Marcelo Diaz
Country Treasurer
Associatic:>n of American
Chamber.; of Commerce of Latin
America (AACCLA)
Charles G. Preble
President
AT&T
Cresencio S. Arcos
. Vice President, International Public
Affairs
Baker & McKenzie
Sebastiao Mattos
Partner
Baker & McKenzie
Thomas W. Studwell
Partner, Latin American Group
Banco Mercantil
Alejandro Gonzalez Sosa
Chief Financial Officer
Banco Mercantil
Gustavo Marturet
President and Chief Executive
Officer
�The Bank of New York
Dorothy A. Kmetz
Senior Vice President, Latin America
Division
The Bank of Nova Scotia
Richard E. Waugh
Vice Chairman, International
Banking and Wealth Management
BankBoston
Deirdre Briggs Phillips
Vice President, Government
Relations
Bankers Trust Company
Steve Ferriss
Managing Director, Global Banking
Bankers Trust Company
Robert Gay
Managing Director, Research
Bankers Trust Company
Christian Stracke
Economist, Latin America Research
Bear Stearns & Company, Inc.
David Malpass
Director for International Economics
Bear Stearns & Company, Inc.
Alberto C. Mariaca
Senior Managing Director
BeiiSouth, Nicaragua
Carlos Reynaldo Lacayo
President
BPD International Bank
Luis A. Canela
President and Chief Executive
Officer
Brascan Brasil S.A.
Roberto Paulo Cezar de Andrade
President
Burlington Resources ·
International
William F. Whitsitt
Consultant, Policy and Government
Affairs
Case Capital Corporation
Andrew E. Graves
President and Chief Executive
Officer
Case Capital Corporation
Joyce E. Papes
Manager, International Credit
Caterpillar Americas Co.
Joe M. Green
Northern Region Manager
Caterpillar Americas Co.
Glen Kilgore
Consultant
Caterpillar Americas Co.
Donald E. McDonald
President
Caterpillar Inc.
John Bolden
Manager, International Marketing
CEMEX, S.A. de C.V.
Lorenzo Zambrano
Chairman and Chief Executive
Officer
Center f•or Strategic and
lntemati.onal Studies
David At1shire
Vice Chairman
Center 1'or Strategic and
International Studies
Lowell Fleischer
Senior Associate, Americas Program
Center for Strategic and
International Studies
Michael May
MERCOSUR-South America Project
Center for Strategic and
lntern~lltional Studies
Sidney Weintraub
William Simon Chair in Political
Economy
Central Bank of Argentina
Pedro Pou
President
Central Bank of Mexico
Guille1m6 Ortiz
Governor
The Chase Manhattan Bank
Leslie Lassiter
Managing Director, Latin America
The Chase Manhattan Bank
Brian D. O'Neill
Managing Director and Latin
America Executive
The Chase Manhattan Bank
Rosario Perez
Managing Director, Global Private
Bank
The Chase Manhattan Bank
Marie Wickham
Vice President, IFI
The Chase Manhattan Bank
George Wozencraft
Vice President, Chase Securities,
and Global Media and Telecom,
Latin America
Citibank
Carlos Fedrigotti
President
Citibank
Silvia A. Perez
Corporate Relationship
Management, Personal Banking for
Overseas Employees
Citibank
Douglas L. Peterson
Vice President, Audit and Risk
Review Latin America/ TPC
Citigroup
Michael P. Andrews
Vice President and Director. Global
Relations
Cocoa Corporation
Marco Vinicio Ruiz
President
COINVERTIR
Enrique .Umana
President
The Coca-Cola Company
Timothy J. Haas
President, Latin America Group
Conauto-Texaco
Lorraine Frei
Attorney
�Conauto-Texaco
Herbert Frei Perez
Executive Vice President
Decision Strategies Fairfax
International
Cassandra Atherton
Director
Consolidated Natural Gas
International
Elena C. Mola
Vice President, Latin
America/Europe
Deutsche Bank Securities, Inc.
Kris Banghart
Managing Director, Regional Head of
Credit, Latin A"merica
Consultandes, S.A.
John J. Youle
President
Deutsche Bank Securities, Inc.
Helen Cuevas
Deputy Director of Credit, Latin
America
Continental Airlines
Christy Rogers
Director, Latin America Sales
Continental Airlines
Glenn Smith
Corporate Sales Manager, Latin
America
Council of American Companies
Jaime Lizarralde
Executive Director
Council of the Americas
John E. Avery
Former Chairman
Council of the Americas
Everett Briggs
Former President
Council of the Americas
George W. Landau
Former President
Council of the Americas
Robert A. Mosbacher
Chairman
Council of the Americas
David Rockefeller
Honorary Chairman
DaimlerChrysler Corporation
Linda Becker
Senior Manager, Public Policy
Communications and Washington
Affairs
DaimlerChrysler Corporation
Dario G. Verdugo
Business Development Executive,
Latin America
Deutsche Bank Securities, Inc.
Liliana Rajas-Suarez
Managing Director and Chief
Economist, Latin America
Disney Consumer Products Latin
America
Stephen de~ Kanter
President
Dominion Energy, Inc.
Marl< T. Cox
Senior Vice President, International
Business Development
Eastman Chemical Company
Thomas A. Smith
President, Eastman Chemical Latin
America, Inc.
·
Ecuadorean-American Chamber of
Commerce
Roque Mirio
Executive Director
Eli Lilly and Company
Erin Huntington
International Government Relations
Embassy of Argentina
Cecilia Barrios Baron
Minister
Embassy of Argentina
Patricia E:spada
Counselor
Embassy of Argentina
Diego Ramiro Guelar
Ambassador
Embassy of Argentina
Marta de Jong
Counselor
Embassy of Argentina
Jorge A. Osella
Minister
Embassy of Brazil
Paulo-Tarso Flecha de Lima
Ambassador
Embassy of Brazil
Maria Stela de Frota
Minister-Counselor
Embassy of Brazil
Rodrigo De Azeredo Santos
Second Secretary
Embassy of Mexico
Jesus Reyes Heroles
Ambassador
Embassy of Peru
Ricardo V. Luna
Ambassador
Embassy of Venezuela
Alfredo Toro Hardy
Ambassador
Empresas Mendoza
Argenis Gamboa
President, lnternacional de
Automoviles 2100
Empresas Mendoza
Eugenio Mendoza
President
Enron Corp.
E. Joseph Hillings
Vice President and General
Manager, Federal Government
Affairs
European lnterAmerican Finance
LLC
Martin W. Schubert
Chairman
Flextronics
John P. Jurecky
Consultant
�FMC Corporation
Peter E. Weber
President, FMC Latin America
Forbes, Inc.
James LaCirignola
Director, International Advertising
Ford Motor Company
William P. Kelly
Director, International Governmental
Affairs
Harvard University
Steve. Reiten berg
Executive Director, David
RockefeiiE!r Center for Latin
American Studies
Harza En1Jineering Co.
Nyole Banys
Harza En"ineering Co.
Rimas Banys
Chairman
International Monetary Fund
Jose A. Costa
Advisor to Executive Director
International Monetary Fund
Javier Guzman
Executive Director for Central
America, Mexico, Spain and
Venezuela
International Monetary Fund
A. Guillermo Zoccali
Alternate Executive Director
Helados de Occidente, s,A. de
Ford Motor Company, S.A. de C.V.
Juan Antonio Salazar
Vice President, Financial and
Governmental Affairs
Adolf B. Hom
Chairman
lnversiones Heysa C.A.
RauiSosa-Rodriguez
Director
Ford Sosa and Morrice
Samuel Urrutia Cantoral
Executive Vice President
Hemispheric Strategies, Inc.
Gary L. Springer
President
JMB Global Associates, Inc.
J. Murtree BuUer
President
G7 Group, Inc.
Rowena Das Gupta
Latin America Analyst
Hershey l\llexico, S.A. de C.V.
Randy Main
Director of Operations
Johns Hopkins University
Riordan Roett
Director, Latin American Studies
Program, Paul H. Nitze School of
Advanced International Studies
Gartner Group
A. J. Foster
Manager, Consulting Group
Hills & Company
Carla Hills
Chairman and Chief Executiv~
Officer
General Electric Latin America
John T. McCarter
President and Chief Executive
Officer
Hills & Company
Julius Katz
President
c.v.
General Motors Corporation
Richard C. Nerod
Vice President & Group Executive, .
Latin America Operations
Honeywell Inc.
Stephanie Heuer
Manager, International Affairs
General Motors Corporation
Jeanne D. Pryce
Director, Western Hemisphere Policy
IBM
Lois M. Jackson
Director, External and Corporate
Programs
Global One
Paul Hilgenkamp
Assistant Vice President, Finance
Global One
AnaL Salas
Senior Attorney
Greenberg, Traurig, Hoffman,
Lipoff, Rosen & Quentel, P.A.
L Ronald Scheman
Chairman, International Finance
Group
Johnson & Johnson
Manuel M. Pelaez
Regional Director, Latin American
Professional Education and Training
JP Morgan & Co., Incorporated
Houda Foster
Regional Head, Andean Countries,
AMS Division
Kaye, Scholer, Fierman, Hays &
Handler, LLP
Robert Helander
Senior Partner and Chairman, Latin
America/Emerging Markets Group
Ingersoll-Rand Co.
Emesto Ramon
President, Latin America
Kerr-McGee Oil & Gas Corporation
Patricia L Horsfall
Vice President, Worldwide
Exploration
lnter-Ameriican Development Bank
Muni Figueres
External Relations Advisor
Korn/Ferry International
David E. Ivy
Senior Vice President
Inter-American Development Bank
Ricardo Hausmann
Chief Econctmist
The Laredo National Bank
Gary G. Jacobs
President and Chief Executive
Officer
�Latin American Information
Services, Inc.
Rosemary Werrett
President
Morgan Stanley Dean Witter
Ariel Aisiks
Principal, 'Private Wealth
Management, Latin America
PepsiCo, Inc.
Nestor Carbonell
Vice President, International Public
Affairs
Latin Trade
Sergio Bustos
Associate Editor
Morgan Stcmley Dean Witter
Fabian One~tti
Principal, Private Wealth
Management, Latin America
PepsiCo, Inc.
Jose Longoria
Manager, Government Affairs
Lucent Technologies
Juan R. Garcia
Corporate Counsel and Managing
Director, Global Public Affairs
Lucent Technologies
Joanne Wilson
Global Public Affairs Director
MacosaS.A.
Robert Moss
Chairman
Macosa S.A.
William C. Moss
Partner
Manatt, Phelps & Phillips
Eric Farnsworth
Senior Advisor
Marsh, Inc.
Paolo Carega
Managing Director, Latin America
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
James McGraw
Vice President, Strategic Programs
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
John D. Negroponte
Executive Vice President. Global
Markets
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Luis A. Viada
Managing Director. Latin America
Mendoza Foundation
Luisa E.M. de Pulido
Executive Vice President
Ministry of Finance, Brazil
Marcos Caramuru de Paiva
Secretary for International Affairs
Motorola, Inc.
Marian Bare~ll Nelson
Assistant Director, International
Trade Relations
Motorola, Inc.
William A. Davies
Vice President and Director,
Government Relations and
Standards, Latin America
Motorola, Inc.
Carlos Genal'dini
President, Latin America Division:
Senior Vice President, Latin America
Management Board
Motorola, Inc:.
George Spas
Director of Government Relations,
·
Latin America
The National Chamber Foundation
David T. Hirschmann
Executive Viet~ President
New York Mercantile Exchange
Jeffrey C. Ken·
Marketing Manager, Crude Oil
Occidental EJ:ploration and
Production Company
Maston N. Cunningham
President and General Manager
Office of the United States Trade
Representative
Charlene Barshefsky
United States Trade Representative
Organization of American States
Jose Manuel Salazar
ChiefTrade Advisor
Patri,lnc.
Renard Aron
Director, Busine~ss Development
Plastigama S.A.
Roberto Salas Guzman
General Manager
Pocantico Associates, Inc.
Rodman C. Rockefeller
Chairman
· Polaroid Corporation
William Houlin
Divisional Vice President, Latin
America and Caribbean Group
PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP
Auguste E. Rimpel
Partner
The Procter & Gamble Company
Jose Luis Oviedo. Sierra
Corporate Affairs Group Manager,
Procter & Gamble de Mexico, S.A.
deC.V.
Rafael Nunez & Associates
Rafael A. Nunez
President
Reale & Associates
Ulrico A. Reale
President
Representaciones de
Telecomunicaciones S.A.
Miguel Angel Grana
President
Salomon Smith Barney
Nils Mellquist
. Latin America Equity Strategist
Salomon Smith Barney
Domitilia Santos
Senior Vice President, Senior
Portfolio Manager
�SANLUIS Corp. S.A. de C.V.
Antonio Madero
Chairman and Chief Executive
Officer
SAN LUIS Corp. S.A. de C.V.
Teresa Madero
SBC Communications, Inc.
Richard A. Larios
Vice President, International
Government Relations
SBC Communications, Inc.
Felipe Munoz
Vice President, SBC International
Development
Schering-Piough Corporation
Alfredo M. Blanco
President, Latin America and The
Far East
Shearman & Sterling
Richard S. Aldrich, Jr.
Partner
Shearman & Sterling
Robert E. Herzstein
Partner, International Trade and
Government Relations
Shell EP International Ventures
Inc.
Bonnie S. Lloyd
Business Analyst, New Business
Development
Sidley & Austin
Andrew C. Quale, Jr.
Partner
Southern Peru Copper
Corporation
Charles B. Smith
Executive Vice President and Chief
Operating Officer
SpencerStuart
Alvaro Cadavid
Managing Director
SpencerStuart
George J. Donnelly
Vice Chairman, Americas
SpencerStuart
Rudolf Mayer-Singule
Managing Director
SpencerStuart
Alfonso Mujica
Managing Director
SpencerStu1art
Sam Podolsky
Managing Director
SpencerStuart
Louis Verdeja
Managing Director
State of Pennsylvania
Tom Ridge
Governor
Sullivan & Cromwell
Sergio Galvis
Partner
Sullivan & Cromwell
Edwin D. Williamson
Partner
Texaco, Inc.
Daniel T. Hiclcey
Manager, Government Relations
The Timken Company
W. J. Timken, Jr.
Vice President, Latin America
Transparency International-USA
Nancy Zucker Boswell
Managing Dimctor
\ Transparenc~r International-USA
Robert Leven1hal
Program Direc:tor
Trust Company of the West
Susan B. Bergan
Managing Director, TCW Worldwide
Opportunities Fund
Trust Company of the West
Penelope D. Foley
Managing Director, TCW Worldwide
Opportunities Fund
U.S. Chamber of Commerce
Craig Johnstone
Senior Vice Pr•esident, International
U.S. Chamber of Commerce
Michael Magan
Manager, Western Hemisphere,
International Division
U.S. Council of the Mexico-U.S.
Business Committee
James R. Jones
Chairman
U.S. Department of Commerce
David Aaron
Under Secretary for International
Affairs
U.S. Department of Commerce
Regina Vargo
Deputy Assistant Secretary for the
Western Hemisphere
U.S. Department of Energy
Bill Richardson
Secretary
U.S. Department of State
Madeleine K. Albright
Secretary
U.S. Department of State
Victor Marrero
U.S. Permanent Representative to
the OAS
U.S. Department of State
Peter Romero
Acting Assistant Secretary of State·
for Western Hemisphere Affairs
U.S. Department of the Treasury
Lawrence H. Summers
Deputy Secretary
U.S. House of Representatives
Meredith Broadbent
Professional Staff Member,
Subcommittee on Trade, Committee
on Ways and Means
U.S. Senate
Richard Lugar
(R-IN)
U.S. Senate
Robert G. Torricelli
(D-NJ)
�Uniroyal Chemical Company, Inc.
Michel J. Duchesne
Vice President, Latin America
Uniroyal Chemical Company, Inc.
Joseph B, Eisenberg
Executive Vice President
United Nations-ECLAC
Washington office
lnes Bustillo
Officer in Charge
Veirano & Advogados Associados
Ronalda C. Veirano
Senior Partner
Venezuelan-American Chamber of
Commerce and Industry
Antonio A. Herrera-Vaillant
Vice President, General Manager
Venezuelan-American Chamber of
Commerce and Industry
Pedro Palma
First Vice President
Venezuelan-American Chamber of
Commerce and Industry
Jorge Redmond Schlageter
President
Venezuela-U.S. Business Council
Alejandro Reyes
Vice President :
Venezuela-U.S. Business Council
Ana Teresa Wallis
Executive Director
Violy, Byorum & Partners,LLC
Stormy Byorum
Partner and Chief Operating Officer
Violy, Byorum & Partners, LLC
Julie Katzman
Partner and Managing Director
Violy, Byorum & Partners, LLC
Violy McCausland
President and Chief Executive
Officer
Warner-Lambert Company
John Marino
Marketing Director, Latin America,
Parke-Davis
Whirlpool Corporation
Thomas F. Catania, Jr.
Vice Presid1mt, Government
Relations
White& Case
Alexis E. Rovzar
Executive Partner
The White •touse
Richard Denniston
Special Assistant to the Envoy for
the Americas and State Department
Representative
The White House
Kenneth H. "Buddy" MacKay
Special Envoy of the President and
Secretary of State for the Americas
William M. Mercer
.Lawrence W. Woerner
General Manager, Latin America
The World B:ank Group
James Wolfensohn
President
Wyeth-Ayerst International
Michael O'Ne,iJI
Assistant Vice President, Industry
and Government Affairs
Xerox Corpo·ration
J. Michael Farren
Vice President, External Affairs
Xerox Corporation
G. Richard Thoman
president andl Chief Executive
Officer
Xerox Corporation
Donald P. Weber
Vice President, Market Access
Strategy/DML
Xerox do Brasil Ltda.
Henrique Costa Rzezinski
Director, Extemal Relations and
International Trade
��Testimony of
Bryan Samuel
Acting Assistant Secretary of State
Fdr Economic and Business Affairs
Before the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere, Peace Corps, Narcotics
and Terrorism
April 27, 2000
Senator Chafee and Members of the Committee, I am pleased to
have the opportunity today to review what lessons we can
take from NAFTA and apply to our relations with the rest of
the Americas.
I would like to review first the significant successes we
have experienced in expanding trade with our two NAFTA
partners, Canada and Mexico and in so doing; strengthening
the relationships with our North American neighbors.
Then I
would like to review prospects for extending these successes
to the rest of the Western Hemisphere.
NAF~~A'
s Record
The economic benefits of Nl\FTA are clear.
It has generated
growth and economic momentum for inany regions, communities
and individual citizens.
NAFTA .has helped spur the creation
of a North American market characterized b low and
d
ers common s-t_angards
nnovation.and dynamism. Trade between the
has grown by 96 percent sine
orce in
o ar igures, our trilateral trade
increased from $289 billion in 1993 to about $570 billion in
1999.
--.
America~has
In expanding trade in North
contributed
markedly to job creation at home.
S1nce~~enteS' o\1
·
force, U.S. employment has risen by over
percent (12.8
0
million jobs) and unemployment has dropped from 6.5o
4.3%. Many of these jobs are tied directly to increased
trade, and of course export-related jobs pay an average of
16 percent· more than other jobs.
The trade liberalization measures of NAFTA have played a
significant role in spurring growth in some of the most
�dynamic sectors of our economy.
For example, the
information technology industry now generat~s over one-third
of U.S. GOP real growth and has benefited greatly from lower
barriers ·in Canada and Mexico.
With disappearing trade
barriers and greater predictability· engendered by NAFTA,
companies can plan better and more effectively compete
throughout this dynamic market.
NAFTA has shown to the American public, and to U.S. workers,
what opening up markets for our products can do.
The
statistics cited earlier ar~ represented in countless
success stories at the individual company level:
-- Casas International Brokerage, a customs broker in
southern California, has seen business double and added 100
employees;
-- Taylor Dunn, another California firm which manufactures
electric vehicles, added fifty workers because NAFTA reduced
Mexico's tariff on its products from 25% to zero;
-- Multiplier Industries in Mt Vernon, NY increased its
employees by 25% as its mobile telephone exports to Canada
and Mexico increased;
-- Farmland Industries of Kansas City, the largest farmerowned cooperative in North America, which sold $50 million
in wheat, corn and soybeans to Mexico pre-NAFTA, is now
exporting $450 million, including beef and pork.
-- Goulston Technologies of Monroe, North Carolina, which
manufactures synthetic fiber lubricants, saw exports to
Mexico increase 250% since NAFTA began, and accordingly
increased its employee base.
Tariffs for its product
dropped from 15% to zero thanks to NAFTA.
These successes have been replicated many times over
throughout our 50 state~.
In many respects, NAFTA has
created a true North American market.
NAFTA has also changed investment patterns, leading
companies from all three NAFTA partners to base their
investment decisions more fully on commercial rather than
political factors.
NAFTA is eliminating requirements that
forced U.S. firms to 1nvest in Mexico if they wanted to sell
-products and serv1ces there. Companies can now more eas1Iy
spread manufactur1ng and distribution operations among all
of the NAFTA partners.
This is leading to higher degree of
economic integration across our borders, spurring the
economies of all three nations.
�A U.S. company building a facility in Mexico, for example,
will often need to increase·production from its U.S. base to
supply it, and manufacturing operations become closely
integrated across borders. When investment occurs further
afield, these kind of relationships are often not as strong.
Moreover, the dynamism of the North American market and the
greater attractiveness of a larger, more integrated market
has helped spur investment levels from all sources. Total
foreign direct investment into the NAFTA countries has now
-----~r~e~a~chh~e~dr<$~8~6~4-.b~l~IrTI'l~o~n~.------------------------------------------------
NAFTA has also had the positive effect of mitigating the
adverse effects of regional economic downturns, such as what
occurred in Asia several years ago.
Despite Asia's
contraction of purchasing power, NAFTA's reduced barriers
permitted us to increase our exports to Mex1co and canada by
3 billion in 199~ Moreover, the NAFTA agreement assures
\ls that the other NAFTA partners must keep their markets
open to us when they are experiencing economic difficulty,
such as occurred during Mexico's peso crisis several years
back.
The economic benefits of NF~FTA have led to equally important
salutary effects concerning our relationships with our North
American neighbors. As trade rises to unprecedented levels
and we are constantly being brought together to resolve
problems or address·common challenges, our relationship with
each of our neighbors has grown and matured.
The higher
growth and greater employment that NAFTA has also helped to
bring each of our countries increased confidence as we face
our future.
With respect to Mexico in particular, NAFTA has been
instrumental in making necessary economic reforms permanent
and irreversible.
T~ rulE~ of law l'las been r~iuforced, .ar~
de~n thened. And i.t is important to remember t
while NAFTA has done much to increase economic
integration in North America, the U.S., Mexico and Canada
remain sovereign, very much in control of our own economic
and political destinies.
Labor and Environment
NAFTA has also enabled us to increase cooperation on labor
and environment.
Environmental issues loom large in our NAFTA relationships,
given the shared North American continent.
We work closely
with both Canada and Mexico to promote cooperation on
ff
I{ ·
�resolving issues such-as boundary waters and controlling
transboundary air and water pollution.
For example, the
North American Development Bank has undertaken 14 projects
along the Mexican border to reduce water pollution and
improve health conditions of the public from both countries.
Since 1994, through the Cornn1ission for Environmental
Cooperation (CEC), the.U.S., Mexico and Canada have
undertaken projects in biological diversity, conservation,
sound chemical management, n1arine ecosystem protection,
pollutant reporting, and trade-environment issues. Examples
include conservation of the Monarch butterfly, developing
the North American Bird Conservation Strategy, and the
initiation of a North American Biodiversity Information
Network. Under the CEC, ·the North.Arnerican Fund for
Environmental Cooperation (NAFEC) has awarded 100
community-based grants in the past three years.
The North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC),
the labor supplemental agreement to NAFTA, allows us to
advance labor issues and monitor enforcement of labor laws
in our trading partners. It also creates a forum for public
concerns about labor law enforcement directly with
governments.
Twenty submissions have been filed under the
NAALC, several leading to ministerial consultations and
adoption of work programs to address their concerns.
Submissions in 1998, for example, led to ministerial
consultations on freedom of association and safety and
health issues.
Earlier consultations have led to a
trilateral conference on the labor rights of women in North
America, and a work program of trilateral seminars on union
registration, certification, elections, recognition and
union democracy.
~--0
And of course, NAFTA has been instrumental in crea ·
new
higher-paying positions, not just in the United States,
also in Canada and Mexico, making them better consumers of
oducts and services.
Extending NAFTA' s
Succes~:~
to the Rest of the Americas
We are now in the process of building on the success
NAFTA to create a hemisphere-wide Free Trade Area of
Americas, encompassing all of the democracies of the
Hemis here. W
leted irr_ 2005, the FTAA will be
largest free trade zone in the wor~tablishing a
trillion market with more than 800 million people.
of
the
Western
the
$10
The dramatic changes in Latin America over tbe past decade
have made such an initiative possible. Throughout the
~J}
~
~
~
�hemisphere, countries have rrroved from outdated economic
models emphasizing state control, closed markets'and import
substitution to privatization and open markets where foreign
trade and investment are welcome.
Just as important,
democracy and the rule of law.are now very much the norm
rather than the exception.
In opening up their trade regimes, nearly all countries in
the Western Hemisphere are participating in a wave of trade
groupings that have dramatically lowered barriers,
especially among participating countries, and contributed
significantly to the economic growth and political
stability.
Yet the transition to free markets and full civil society
participation is incomplete and there is danger of drifting
backwards.
Unforeseen events have also taken a toll.
In
recent years , m
· n cou r i e s __nh~Le-~e.Effi---51e'Ve:r~t-y--affected by urricane_s.)~ ·
,
and the sub equen ~~n commodity
hemispheric-wide trade agreement wou
e p to strengthen
market economies while providing welcome new access to Latin
American markets.
The leaders of the Americas have already made much progress
in building a more integrated and prosperous hemisphere.
In
periodic Summits of the Americas, leaders have set out
nu
�hemisphere, countries have n1oved from outdated economic
models emphasizing state control, closed markets and import
substitution to privatization and open markets where foreign
trade and investment are welcome.
Just as important,
democracy and the rule of law are now very much the norm
rather than the exception.
In opening up their trade regimes, nearly all countries in
the Western Hemisphere are participating in a wave of trade
groupings that have dramatically lowered barriers,
especially among participating countries, and contributed
significantly to the economic growth and political
stability.
Yet the transition to free markets and full civil society
participation is incomplete and there is danger of drifting
backwards.
Unforeseen events have also taken a toll.
In
recent years, many Latin countries have been severely
affected by hurricanes, El Nino, the Asian economic crisis
and the subsequent decline in commodity prices. Clearly, a
hemispheric-wide trade agreement would help to strengthen
market economies while providing welcome new access to Latin
American markets.
The leaders of the Americas.have already made much progress
in buildi
integrated and prosperous hemisphere.
In
the Americas~aders have set out
versa ~qcatiQn, access to modern telecommunications and
the-rnteFnet, cooperative programs of environmental law
enforcement, crime and narcotics control, and anticorruption measures.
In their December 19
made the historic decis1on to create
e FTAA
:li'TAA
In taking part in the FTAA negotiations, the administration
is applying the many lessons we learned in creating the
NAFTA.
For instance, prior to the launching of
negotiations, the 34 FTAA countries met regularly to discuss
the existing trade regulations and practices in the
hemisphere and began to identify issues for negotiation.
Nine negotiating groups and three committees were formed,
and actual negotiations began in September 1998.
Since
then, a fully functioning secretariat has been created and
negotiators have been meetinq in Miami nearly every week.
The negotiators created~:ated outlines
r the proposed
chapters of an FTAA agreement in 1me or last November's
Ministerial meeting in Toronto and are qow working on a
�draft text.
The ministers in Toronto also ·approved a
package of meaningful and practical business facilitation
measures that is already being implemented.
The measures
are mostly in the critical customs area, which should rna
difference in easing commerce throughout the hemisphere.
The nine FTAA negotiating groups, which range from market
access and agriculture to intellectual property and
competition policy, all have the same broad goals of
reducing trade ba.r~rs and establishing clear rnl es.
Among the principal aims of the FTAA is eliminate tariff
rates on as many products as possible, establish better
prot~ction of intellectual property, and encourage
competition, transparency and impartial regulation of the
services industries.
The FTAA will also create enhanced
means of resolving trade disputes. All of these measures
will greatly expand consumer choice, lower prices and spur
innovation.
In addition to the nine negotiating committees, the FTAA has
established three other groups whose mandate is to take into
account the special challenges of negotiating a trade
agreement in the 21st Century. An e-commerce committee is
working to identify the correlation b
,ee-n-fya-ae--r_ 1-e-s"'fnd
the ~e~ds of the e-commerce industry. Another co~i~
sp~~y focused on the needs of sm --er eco-nomJ,es wh1le
th~s designed to advise governments on the views of
l:5uSTTiess, labor, consumers,. environmentalists, academics and
other c1t1zens groups.
The establishment of this Civil
Society committee, for which I am the U.S. lead, iq
~cedented in any major t~de negotiation ~
Through the reduction of trade barriers and the institution
of fixed and clear rules, the FTAA will strengthen the
values of openness, accountability, and democracy.
CBI
Before I conclude, I would like to take the opportunity of
mentioning a related issue, the bill to enhance the
Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), which is currently in
conference. Since its inception in 1983, CBI has encouraged
the countries in the Caribbean and Central American region
to diversify their industries by providing preferential
a.ccess to the u.s. market.
It is a key component of the
Administration's strategy to help the countries of the
region strengthen democratic governance through economic
development.
·
�The existing program has been a great success for the both
the U.S. and the region, with annual two-way trade now
topping $40 billion. _Enhancing the CBI by providin~
Caribbean nations with add1t1onal trade benefits will
'support favorable economic and political trends in the
reg1on and also help enable these countries to undertake the
obligations of an FTAA agreement.
Conclusion
We have achieved much during the six years NAFTA has been in
effect and we expect even greater benefits to flow as NAFTA
continues to be implemented. In increasing economic growth
and stability in North America and strengthening the bonds
of friendship and cooperation across the continent, NAFTA
has served U.S. interests well.
An FTAA would provide similar benefits on a hemispheric
basis.
We intend to continue to move vigorously to bring
this process to fruition by the 2005 target date.
We look
for your support.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I would be
pleased to respond to any questions you or other members of
the Committee may have.
�.
/'
,.
Words into Deeds
Progress Since the Miami Summit
Report on Implementation of the
Decisions Reached at the
1994 Miami Sum_mit of the Americas
(Text in English)
�Section
Page
Introduction ........... ·..................................................................................................... 3
Executive Summary ................................................................................................,.,. 5
Strengthening Democracy and
Promoting and Protecting Human Rights ........................................................... 9
Invigorating Society/Community Participation ......... ~ .............................................. 21
Promoting Cultural Values ....................................................................................... 29
Combating Corruption ............................................. :....... .' ....................................... :37
Combating the Problem of lllegal Drugs and Related Crimes .................................. 45
Eliminating the Threat of National and International Terrori~m .. ,........................... 53
Building Mutual Confidence ........................... ~ ............... :....................................... 59
Free Trade in the Americas ...................... :.'.................. ~ ........................................... 67
Capital Markets Development and Liberalization .................................................... 73
Hemispheric Infrastructure ....................................................................................... 79
Eriergy Cooperation and
Partnership for Sustainable Energy Use ............................................................. 85
Telecommunications and Information Infrastructure ........................................... :... 97
Cooperation in Science and Technology .... ,.......................... :........................... , .... 105
Tourism .................................................................................................................. 115
Universal Access to Education ...................... ,............................................._. .......... 1?1
Equitable Access to Basic Health Services ............................................................ 131
Actions Take~ in CombatingHunger ................. ,.................................................. 143
Strengthening the Role ofWomeri in Society .................. :..................................... 147
Encouraging Microenterprises and SmaH Businesses ......................................... ,.. 159
White Helmets-Emergency and Development Corps .......................................... 167
Partnership for Biodiversity················:·······~················································~········· 175
Partnership for Pollution Prevention··························································'··········· 185
1
�This report describes progress achieved in implementing the 23 separate initiatives
contained in the Plan of. Action approved by the 34 Western Hemisphere Heads of State
and Government at the 1994 Summit of the Americas in Miami, Florida. It is based on
inputs from governments that served as Responsible Coordinators for the various·
initiatives and on contributions from international organizations. Reports on individual
initiatives were submitted by Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile,
Ecuador, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, the United States, Uruguay, Venezuela, the InterAmerican Development Bank, and the Pan American Health Organization, and useful
inputs were received from the Organization of American States. The Coordinating
Office for the Miami Summit edited the many excellent contributions to conform to a
common format and drafted an Executitve Summary for the report. That Office accepts ·
responsibility for reformulating the original submissions and for the presentation of the
material in the Executive Summary.
This report is not a policy document. The suggested actions under the "Future Steps"
section of each chapter are informal recommendations for the continued implementation
of the Miami Plan of Action. They are not meant to anticipate'decisions that may be
reached by Heads of State and Government at the April 1998 Summit of the ~ericas in .
Santiago, Chile.
Because of the extraordinary scope and specificity of the Miami Plan of Action, no
report of this nature could describe all of the significant steps that have been-taken to
implement the Miami mandates. This report, therefore, is not meant to be an exhaustive
· compendium of actions. It is, however, intended to convey a clear idea of the extensive
nature of the actions taken and of their value in enhancing the quality of life in the .
Hemisphere.
Note:
Each section ofthis report is followed by the text of the relevant initiative or initiatives from the
Miami Plan of Action.
3
�..
Since the Miami Summit, governments, international organizations, and civil society
have worked hard to implement the decisions reached at that historic event. Together,
they have made important progress in this endeavor.
I. Preserving and Strengtht!ning the Community of
Democracies of the Americas
Recent elections in the Hemisphere have been some of the fairest in history, and ':'oter
participation has reached extraordinary levels in some cases-e.g., 86 percent in the
1996 presidential election in the Dominican Republic and between 83 and 90 percent in
the 1996 municipal elections in Paraguay. 'Democracy has become more firmly
established in Haiti, where one constitUitionally elected President succeeded_ another in
1997.
Many nations have taken steps to refonn their judicial systems, and many have passed
laws strengthening human rights. At the OAS, a strengthened Unit for the Promotion of
Democracy has helped a number of countries modernize and improve their legislative
institutions and has fielded election observer missions to ten countries.
In a precedent-breaking decision guided by the Miami Summit recommendations, the
1996 SU;mmit of the Americas on Sustainable Development in Santa Cruz, Bolivia called
for the participation of civil society in decision-making on public issues. The Bolivia
Summit entrusted the OAS with the f01mulation of an Inter-American Str~tegy for the
participation of civil society in decision-making on sustainable development. The U.S.
· Agency for International Development (USAID) has established a network linking 30
(potentially 80) NGOs throughout the Americas.
· In its capacity as Responsible Coordinator for the Miami Summit initiative on Promoting
Cultural Values, Costa Rica began hosting an Exhibition on Cultural Values of the
Americas in San Jose in March 1998. Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala, Peru, and the
United States have signed international agreements on combating illegal traffic in ·
archeological artifacts.
The Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, a direct result of the Miami Summit
and the first of its kind in the world, was negotiated in record time and has already been
signed by 23 OAS member states and ratified ~y nine. At the nat.ionallevel, many ·
· governments have taken specific anti-corruption measures, including the passage or
strengthening of legislation against corruption and the approval of codes of ethics for
public officials.
5
�Through a series of coordinated actions, the Summit governments have launched an
unprecedented offensive against drugs and related crimes. The Summit partners have
developed new and creative hemispheric initiatives, including an Anti-Drug Strategy for
the Hemisphere, a coordi_nated action plan to combat money laundering, and a
convention against illicit firearms. n:licit coca cultivation has been reduced by 40
percent in Peru and in the Andes as a whole by at least 10 percent.
At a hemispheric Specialized Conference on Terrorism in Lima in 1996, participants
issued a 23-point Plan of Action calling for a wide range of specific steps against
terrorism. Bilateral and multilateral cooperation agreements have been signed. Peru has
dealt severe blows to its two terrorist organizations, and the United States has brought
major terrorists to justice.
At a regional conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures (CSBMs) in
Santiago, Chile in 1995, governments agreed on eleven CSBMs to be implemented on a
voluntary basis .. Peru and Ecuador, working closely with the Rio Protocol countries, are
now moving toward a historic resolution of their long-standing border dispute. Over
6,000 land mines have been destroyed in three Central American countries under the
aegis of the OAS.
II. Promoting Prosperity Through Economic Integration and
Free Trade
The Hemisphere's Trade Ministers have held four major meetings at which basic
principles for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FT AA) were adopted. Based on this
extensive preparatory work, Heads of State and Government are expected to launch
FTAA negotiations at the Second Summit of the Americas in Santiago, Chile,
April 18-19, 1998.
Working together, governments have taken important steps to strengthen and modernize
their financial markets. There is now a regional commitment to implement the Basle
Committee's Core Principles for Effective Banking Supervision as well as programs to
. train key bank personnel, improve clearance and settlement systems, and facilitate access ·
to finance by microenterprises and small businesses.
.
··~~
Numerous major infrastructure projects have been completed or initiated in a wide range
of categories, including energy, transportation, water and sanitation, and pollution
prevention. Since 1995, the IDB has loaned some $1.4 billion for private infrastructure,
mobilizing investments in that sector for a total of $4 billion. Transportation Ministers
have developed a Western Hemisphere Transportation Initiative aimed at promoting
integrated transportation systems that foster the economic development of the
Hemisphere.
Energy Ministers have built a well structured and effective framework for hemispheric
cooperation across a broad spectrum of energy objectives, including integration of
energy markets, the increased production and distribution of sustainable energy,
6
�.--------;----
-----
- -
..
environmental protection, and the promotion of private investment in energy initiatives.
Ministers have agreed to promote poliCies and actions supportive of the commitments
that their governments will assume within the context of the negotiation of the Free
Trade Area of the Americas. In addition, they have called for hemispheric cooperation in
addressing.theimportant issue of climate change.
At an unprecedented meeting of senior telecommunications officials in Washington in
. 1996, participants issued a comprehensive and detailed Plan of Action whose
implementation over time will result in dramatic and fundamental improvements in
telecommunications throughout the Hemisphere. These improvements will support
numerous critical objectives in such areas as education, health care, and public safety.
Ministers responsible for science and technology, meeting in Cartagena, Colombia in
March 1996, approved a Plan of Action of extraordinary scope designed to accelerate
economic development and integration in the Hemisphere through cooperation in science
and technology. The Plan of Action's 43 specific commitments cover a vast array of
actions-from joint projects in basic and applied research, to c~operation in ·agriculture,
education, and health, to efforts on specific issues such as the El Niiio phenomenon, to
special projects of benefit to small and relatively less developed countries.
Governments and the OAS have taken important steps to increase tourist flows and
improve the tourism industry. Between 1994 and 1997, revenue from international
tourism in the Americas (excluding international transportation costs) increased from
$95.4 billion to $119.8 billion, and the number of tourists. entering each of the major
regions of the Hemisphere rose substantially.
III. Eradicating Poverty alltd Discrimination in Our
Hemisphere
Tqday over 90 percent of the children of the Hemisphere between the ages ·of 7 and 12
are receiving some form of basic education, and large percentages of indigenous children
are benefiting from bilingual education. Programs in adult literacy, teacher training, and
school nutrition have been expanded and improved. In Haiti, the goal is to teach 2 ·
million people to read and write by the year 2000.
In 1995, U.S. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton launched a Measles Elimination
Program at the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Measles cases were reduced
from 23,583 in 1994 to only 2, i 09 in 1996. An upsurge of cases in 1997, which resulted
almost exclusively from an outbreak in Brazil, underscores the need for aggressive
vaccination programs. PAHO has launched a series of efforts against dengue, malaria,
and HN/AIDS. Over 80 percent of children under one year of age are receiving
immunizations against the major childhood diseases.
An Inter-American Conference on Hunger, convened in Buenos Aires in October 1996 at
the initiative of Argentina, issued a 15-point agenda for the battle against hunger.
7
�Proposed actions include the establishment of food banks and of national committees for
the fight against hunger.
Numerous countries have changed their electoral codes to increase female participation
in elections and, therefore, in political decision-making. At least seven countries have
adopted the approach of establishing quotas for female participation in elections.
Several countries have improved penal codes to protect women and girls from violence,
abuse, arid discrimination. The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention,
Punishment and Eradicittion of Violence Against Women, the "Convention of Betem do
.
.
Par.i," came into force on March 5, 1995, and has been ratified by 26 governments since
the Summit.
The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and other development agencies have
committed close io $1 billion dollars to the promotion of microenterprises and small
businesses throughout the Hemisphere. The IDB alone plans to invest $500 million over
the next five years in loans and technical assistance for microenterprise promotion.
The White Helmets Committee of Argentina, established in 1995 in response to the
Summit mandate, worked quickly with the United Nations Volunteers (UNV) to
establish the White Helmets Initiative as a functioning element within the U.N. system.
Efforts thus far have included land mine clearance in Angola, election monitoring in
Armenia, improvement of food aid distribution in Haiti, sanitation and vaccination
· programs in Paraguay, and an initiative for the eradication of Chagas' disease carriers in
Bolivia.
IV. Guaranteeing Sustainable Development and Conserving
Our Natural Environment for Future Generations.
In Brazil, a new 2.35 million hectare Amazon forest reserve has been added to two
existing parks, creating a total ri:serve larger than Switzerland. Also in Brazil, the size of
the protected Atlantic Coastal Rain Forest in Bahia has been doubled. The size of
. Bolivia's Noel Kempff Park has been doubled, and Peru has established the first new
national park since 1986, protecting 537,000 hectares. Progress has been made in
protecting the mesoamerican cOral reef systems and in preserving the unique biodivOrsity
of the Galapagos Archipelago.
·
In the area of pollution prevention, thirteen countries have eliminated the sale of leaded
gasoline, several more are scheduled to do so. by 200 I, and virtuallY all gasoline sold in
the Hemisphere is expected to be lead free by 2007. A $2 billion dollar pipeline to carry
. gas, a clean form of energy, is being buHt between santa Cruz, Bolivia and Siio PaulO,
. BraziL USAID has launched numerous pollution prevention projects throughout the
Hemisphere, including a $25 million cooperative effort with the Centnll American
countries.
8
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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American Council [4]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 1
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
Source
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-001-004-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/ac5534d628bf34663fe13144f26ebb66.pdf
ba77f0242ec5c4037215ebde51853c61
PDF Text
Text
_ Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as, ari
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Armed Forces Appreciation
()
'
--
1-
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
8
3
v
�-------------------.
Withdrawal/B~edaction
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. email
Sheet
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
To Thomas M. Rosshirt from Brooke D. Anderson. Subject: Armed
Forces farewell speech (1 page)
01/03/2001
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Armed Forces Appreciation
2008-0703-F
'm619
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAl
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rides and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAl
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAl
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAl
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAl
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAl
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAl
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAl
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAl
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAl
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAl
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAl
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAl
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAl
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.........
-·
Gibson/Rosshirt 01/03/00 10 pm
President William Jefferson Clinton
Armed Forces Farewell, Fort Myer
January S, 2001
Thank you, Secretary Cohen, for your outstanding leadership. You have brought to this
challenge a sharp mind, a fierce integrity and a deep love of your country and of those who wear
its uniform. Deputy Secretary Rudy De Leon, thank you for serving so ably in so many
capacities since the first days of this Administration. Service Secretaries, General Shelton,
General Myers, Service Chiefs, Members ofthe Armed Forces of the United States:
I thank you for these Distinguished Service Medals, which I am very proud to receive. I will ·
keep them in a place of honor, but they will always belong to you-- the soldiers, sailors, airmen,
Marines and Coast Guardsmen here today; the 1.4 million men and women on active duty; the
more than 850,000 serving in the Guard and Reserves. It is your distinguished service that is
responsible for the peace and the prominence America enjoys today.
In July of 1776, our first Commander-in-Chief: General Washington, ordered American troops to
assemble on Manhattan Island to hear the Declaration oflridependence read aloud, in full view
of the British forces landing on Staten Island, so that our troops understood that the survival of
our new country would depend on the success of our armed forces.
America has succeeded, because our Armed Forces have succeeded -- not just in defending our
borders, but in advancing the frontiers of freedom around the world. I have been privileged to
meet you on army bases and aircraft carriers in far-flung regions, where comforts are few and
dangers are many. I have seen the dedication and professionalism with which yoN defend
America's interests. You have given me, as Commander-in-Chief, the advantage ofknowing
that in times of crisis, America's word is backed by the greatest military force in the history of
the world. For that, I am deeply grateful.
Thanks to you the world is safer and America stands taller than ever before. Thanks to your
work, arm in arm with our South Korean allies, there is peace on the Korean Peninsula and new
hope for reconciliation across the last dividing line of the Cold War. Thanks to. you, arm in ann
with our NATO allies, ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia was ended, refugees have
returned to their homes, and freedom has a chance to flower.
Thanks to you, we are closer than ever before to building a Europe that is peaceful, undivided,
and democratic -- a Europe where it is far less likely that young Americans will have to fight and
die to defend our freedom. Thanks to your vigilance, Iraq does not have the capability to
threaten the world or its neighbors with weapons of mass destruction ..
And yet, that is not nearly all you do. On Christmas Eve, I telephoned a number of our men and
women in uniform serving far from home, doing critical work that is unknown to most of us, but
benefits all of us. I thanked Navy Petty Officer Second Class Mario Solares, who serves in
Bahrain -- making sure we have the piers, bridges, and towers our vessels need as they protect
�peace in the Gulf region. I thanked Air Force Staff Sergeant Erin McKenzie, who serves with
the 607th Air Support Operations Group at Osan Air Base, making sure members of the 7th Air
Force get a paycheck every two weeks as they guard the skies over the South Korea. I thanked
US Army Specialist Jeremy Kidder who serves on a remote Pacific island, working to destroy
our Cold War stock of chemical weapons.
I thanked Marine Staff Sergeant Robert Sheridan, who guards our Embassy in Belarus. He was
named Marine Security Guard ofthe Year in 2000. And we know how tough the competition is;
because we've been reminded how dangerous the job is. And I thanked Petty Officer Michael
Sandwith who serves in the Bering Seas on the Coast Guard cutter Midgett- and was recently
forced to give chase to a vessel illegally fishing our waters-- in the middle of a snowstorm with
gale force winds and 24-foot swells.
There are 1.4 million other Americans in uniform with missions just as compelling, serving in
places and doing jobs that Americans don't oft:en hear about. Behind my desk in the Oval
Office, I have a rack of coins from the military units and commanders I have visited these past
eighf years. Whenever I look at these coins, I remember the faces of servicemembers I've met men and women of every race, creed, and color- who trace their ancestry to every region on
earth- yet who are bound together by the common mission of defending freedom, and common
faith in the American creed: E pluribus unum. Out of many, one. It is not only inscribed on
our coins, it is the coin of America's moral authority in the world. And I can tell you after eight
years of traveling the world as your President: people marvel at it. Your ability to live and
work together in spite of your differences is, all by itself, powerful force for peace.
a
You are America's finest, and America must always give you what you need to do your job.
We can never pay you enough, but we can always pay you more. I am proud that a year ago we
put in place the biggest increase in military pay and retirement in a generation. I am proud that
we reversed a decade of decline in defense budgets and can riow point to four straight years of
sp~nding growth.
No one should think for a moment that the strength of our military is less important in times of
peace- because the strength of our military is a major reason we have peace. We live in peacein part- because your courage and your strength makes peace a wiser choice than war for any
potential adversary. History will record our triumphs in battle, but no one can ever write a full
account of the wars never fought, losses never suffered, tears never shed because the men and
women of our military risked their lives for peace. We should never, everforget that.
That doesn't mean our forces can be everywhere or should be everywhere. But it does mean that
there will continue to be times when we will need you to work with our allies to prevent war and
keep peace. Because the costliest peace is cheaper than the cheapest war.
Last year; I visited a refugee camp in Macedonia full ofKosovar Albanians who'd been driven
from their homeland. As I walked through the camp, these young children picked up the chant:
"USA-USA-USA"-- thanking America for gjving them a chance to reclaim their land and live
their dreams. It was the same when I visited Normandy i~ 1994 for the 50th anniversary ofDDay. There, American veterans were approached by French citizens, who told them no matter
�how young they were when it happened, or how old they might one day become, they would
never forget what America did for them.
Years from now, I hope some of our veterans who served in the Balkans have a chance to go
back and see in person the fruits of their service. Years from now, I hope some of our veterans
who served in Korea or the Gulf might have a chance to return there. That some of our veterans
who served in Africa, Asia, Latin America, or Eastern Europe return to where you helped keep
the peace, relieve suffering, or set an example £e>r a fledgling democracy. And it would not
surprise me if, years from now, someone whose hair may be gray, whose face may be weathered,
comes up to an American veteran and says: "God bless you. You gave us our future."
And I hope your nation understands - whatever you have done for the rest of the world, you have
done tenfold for America. For by helping advance freedom around the world, you have helped
make freedom more secure at home. Thank.you. God bless you. And God bless America.
�~-::
:::::
~?AN. 3. 2001
,Sib~rell,
From:.
Sent:
To:
. Cc:
Subject:
4: 26PM
APNSA
N0.206
P.l
Justin H. (NSAj
/1
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW) ·
Wednesday, Janu~ry 03, 2001 'I :14 PM
@NSA - Natl Security Advisor
··
@SPEECH • NSC Speechwriters; @DEFENSE • Defense Policy; @NSCComm
Armed Forces Farewell [UNCLASSIFIED]
Fan Myer draft Wad 1
For SRB and DLK:
Armed Forces Farewell Speech. Same additions and deletions and 400 words
shorter.
Changes to Rosshirt
1
�JAN. 3.2001
·4:25PM
APNSA
N0.205
P.2
Gibson/Rosshirt 01/03/00 1 pm
President William Jefferson Clinton
Armed Forces Farewell, Fort Myer
January 5, 2001
so ably in so many capacities since the first days·ofthis Administration. Service Secretaries
_ _ _;General Shelton; Staff General Myers, Service Chiefs ______, Members of the
Armed Forces of the United States:
I thank you for these Distinguished Service Medals, which I am very proltd to receive. I will
keep them in a place ofho11or, but they will always belong to you-· the soldiers, sailors, airmen,
Marines and Coast Guardsmen here today; the 1.4 million men and women on active duty; the
more than 850,000 serving in the Guard and Reserves ... It is your distinguished service that is
responsible for the peace and the prominence P.merica enjoys today.
In July of 1776, our first Commander~in·Chief, General Washington, ordered American troops to
assemble on Manhattan Island to hear the Declaration of Independence read aloud, in full view
of the British forces landing on Staten Island, so that our troops
~:0~ that the
survival, of our new country would d~~nd on the success of our anned forces.
.
�)AN. 3.2001.
_
..
4:26PM
RPNSA
N0.206
P.3
America has succeeded, because our Anned Fo:rces have succeeded -- not just in defending our
borders, but in advancing the frontiers of freedc1m around the world. I have been privileged to
meet you on army bases and aircraft carriers in far-flung regions, where comforts are few and
dangers are ma1.1y. I have seen the dedication and professionalism with which you defend
-tJ;:L.
America's interests. You have given me, as Commander-in-Chief, trhe l'ri-wlige an~vantage
of !mowing that in times of crisis, America's word is backed by the greatest military force in the
history of the world. For that,
.....
Y\: ~~.&.
a~
1ft
~u.
Thanks to you the world is safer and America stands taller than ever before. Thanks to your
work, arm in arm with our South Korean allies, there is peace on the Korean Peninsula * e
for reconciliation across the last dividing line of the Cold War. Thanks to you, ann in arm with
.
-~
our NATO allies, etlmic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia *)\ended, refugees have retwned to
their homes, and freedom has a chance to flower.
I
~to you, we are closer than ev~ing a Europe that is peaceful, undivided, and
democratic -- a Europe where it is far less lik,ely that yow1g Americans will have to fight and cUe
to. defend our freedom. Thanks to your vigilance, Iraq does not have the capability to threaten
the world or its neighbors with weapons of mass destruction.
And yet, that is ~ot nearly all you do.
a number of our men and
benefits all of us. I thanked Navy Petty Officer Second Class Mario Solares, who serves in
�, JAN. 3.2001
4:26PM
APNSA
N0.206
P.4
Bahrain -- making sure we have the piers, bndg1~s. and towers our vessels need as they protect
peace in the Gulf region. I thanked Air Force Staff Sergeant Erin McKenzie, who serves with
the 607th Air Support Operations Group at Osai1 Air B~e. making sure members of the 7th Air
Force get a paycheck every two weeks as they guard the sides over the South Korea. I thanked
US Army Specialist Jeremy Kidder who serves ,on a remote Pacific island, working to destroy
oti.r Cold War stock of chemical weapons.
I thanked Marine Staff Sergeant Robert Sheridan, who guards our Embassy in Belarus. He was
named Marine Security Guard of the Year 1n 2000. And we know how tough the competition is;
because we've been reminded how dangerous the job is. And I thanked Petty Officer Michael
Sandwith who serves in the Bering Seas on the Coast Guard cutter Midgett- and was recently "
forced to give chase to a vessel illegally fishing our waters -- in the middle of a snowstorm with
gale force winds and 24-foot swells.
There are 1.4 million other Americans in uniform with missions jU:st as compelling, serving in
places and doing jobs that Americans don't often hear about. Behind my desk in the Oval
Office~
I have a rack of coins from the military 11lllits and commanders I have visited these past
eight years. Whenever I look at these coins, I remember the faces of servicemembers I've met-.
men and women of every race, creed, and color - who trace their ancestry to every region on
earth- yet who are bound together by the common mission of defending freedom, and common
· faith in the American creed: E pluribus unwn. Out of many, one. It is not only inscribed on
our coins, it is the coin of America's moral authority in the world. And I can tell you after eight
�,,.
JRN.
·..
3.2001
4:26PM
RPNSA
N0.206
P.S
years of traveling the world as your President: people marvel at it. Your ability to live and
work together in spite of your differences is, all by itself, a powerfi.ll force for peace.
You are America's finest, and America must always give you what you need to do your job.
We can never pay you enough, b\.lt we can always pay yo\t more. I am proud that a year ago we
put in place the biggest increase in military pay and retirement in a generation. I am proud that
we reversed a decade of decline in defense budgets and can now point to four straight years of
spending growth.
No one shol..l.ld think fora moment that the strength of o-qr military is less important in times of
.peace- because the strength of our military is a major reason we have peace. We live in peacein part -because your courage and your strength makes peace a wiser choice than war for CID.Y
potential adversary. History will record our trhunphs in battle, but no one can ever write a full
account of the wars never fought, losses never suffered, tears never shed because the men and
women of our military risked their lives for peace .. We should 11ever, ever forget that.
r
That doesn't mean our forces can be everywhere or should be everywhere. But it does mean that
there will continue to be times when we will ne1ed you to work with our allies to prevent war and
keep peace. Because the costliest peace is cheC~.per than the cheapest war.
Last year, I visited a refugee camp in Macedonia full ofKosovar Albanians who'd been: driven
from their homeland. As I walked throtlgh the camp, these young children picked up the chant:
"USA-USA-USA"~-
thanking America for giving thep1 a chance to reclaim their la11d and live
�0
"
..JAN.
:=1.201211
4=27PM
APNSA
N0.206
P.6
their dreams. It was the same when I visited Normandy in 1994 for the 50th anniversary ofD-
Day. There, American veterans were approached by· French citizens, who told them no matter
how young they were when it happened, or how old they might one day becom~. they would
never forget what America did for them.
\
Years from now, I hope some of our ve~erans who served in the Balkans have a chance to go
back and see in person the fruits of their service. Years from now, I hop~ some of our veterans
who served in Korea or the Gulf might have a chance to return there. That some of our veterans
.
who served in Africa, Asia, Latin America, or Eastern Europe 1·eturn to where you helped keep
~;r~,..e,
t.; ·-T - -
the peace, relieve suffering, or set an example fbr a fledgling democracy. And
~. years from now, someone whose hair may be gray, whose face may be weathered, ~
S'
comiup to an American veteran and
s7
.s
"God bless you. You gave us our future."
And I hope .your nation understands - whatever you have do11e for the rest of the world, you have
done tenfold for America. For by promoting th1~ spread of freedom around the worlq., you have lltJ1 ~
.
.
~
.
turned back the most serious threat to freedom at home. Thank you. God bless America. . An~
God bless you who defend her.
~~
.
~·
. jjtji,_?
. (::;t_n
~-ov~'f-~
~:r
-.ut ,.~.,_,
~-
�;..
-.
~
Gibson/Rosshirt 01/03/00 1 pm
President William Jefferson Clinton
Armed Forces Jrarewell, Fort Myer
January 5, 2001
Thank you, Secretary Cohen, for your outstanding leadership. You have proved again that when
it comes to defending our country and supporting our troops, there are no Democrats and no
Republicans, there are only Americans. Deputy Secretary Rudy De Leon, thank you for serving
so ably in so many capacities since the first days of this Administration. Service Secretaries
---....,..;General Shelton; Staff General Myers, Service Chiefs
, Members ofthe
Armed Forces of the United States:
I thank you for these Distinguished Service Medals, which I am very proud to receive. I will
keep them in a place of honor, but they will always belong to you-- the soldiers, sailors, airmen,
Marines and Coast Guardsmen here today; the 1.4 million men and womeri on active duty; the
more than 850,000 serving in the Guard and Reserves. It is your distinguished service that is
responsible for the peace and the prominence America enjoys today.
In July of 1776, our first Commander-in-Chief, General Washington, ordered American troops to
assemble on Manhattan Island to hear the Declaration of Independence read aloud, in full view
of the British forces landing on Staten Island, so that our troops would understand that the
survival of our new country would depend on the success of our armed forces.
America has succeeded, because our Armed Forces have succeeded-- not just in defending our
borders, but in advancing the frontiers of freedom around the world. I have been privileged to
meet you on army bases and aircraft carriers in far-flung regions, where comforts are few and
dangers are many. I have seen the dediCationand professionalism with which you defend
America's interests. You have given me, as Commander-in-Chief, the privilege and advantage,
of knowing that in times of crisis, America's word is backed by the greatest military force in the
history of the world. For that, I can never adequately thank you.
Thanks to you the world is safer and America stands taller than ever before. Thanks to your
work, arm in arm with our South Korean allies, there is peace on the Korean Peninsula and hope
for reconciliation across the last dividing line of the Cold War. Thanks to you, arm in arm with
our NATO allies, ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia has ended, refugees have returned to
their homes, and freedom has a chance to flower.
Thanks to you, we are closer than ever to building a Europe that is peaceful, undivided, and
democratic -- a Europe where it is far less likely that young Americans will have to fight and die
to defend our freedom. _Thanks to your vigilante, Iraq does not have the capability to threaten
the world or its neighbors with weapons of mass destruction.
And yet, that is not nearly all you do.· On Christmas Eve, I telephoned a number of our men and
women in uniform serving far from home, doing critical work that is unknown to most of us, but
benefits all of us. I thanked Navy Petty Officer Second Class Mario Solares, who serves in
�------------------------------------------------------~--------------------~
Bahrain -- making sure we have the Riers, bridges, and towers our vessels need as they protect
peace in the Gulf region~ I thanked Air Force Staff Sergeant Erin McKenzie, who serves with
the 607th Air Support Operations Group at Osan Air Base, making sure members ofthe 7th Air
Force get a paycheck every two weeks as they guard the skies over the South Korea. I thaqked
US Army Specialist Jeremy Kidder who serves on a remote Pacific island, working to destroy.
our Cold War stock of chemical weapons.
I thanked Marine Staff Sergeant Robert Sheridan, who guards our Embassy in Belarus. He was
named Marine Security Guard ofthe Year in 2000. And we know how tough the competition is;
because we've been reminded how dangerous the job is. And I thanked Petty Officer Michael
Sandwith who serves in the Bering Seas on the Coast Guard cutter Midgett- and was recently
forced to give chase to a vessel illegally fishing our waters-- in the middle of a snowstorm with
gale force winds and 24-foot swells.
There are 1.4 million other Americans in uniform with missions just as compelling, serving in
places and doing jobs that Americans don't often hear about. Behind my desk in the Oval
Office, I have a rack of coins from the military units and commanders I have visited these past
. , eight years. Whenever I look at these coins, I remember the faces of servicemembers I've metmen and women of every race, creed, and color- who trace their ancestry to every region on
earth- yet who are bound together by the common mission of defending freedom, and common
faith in the American creed: E pluribus unum. Out of many, one: It is not only inscribed on
our coins, it is the coin of America's moral authority in the world. And I can tell you after eight
years of traveling the world as your President: people marvel at it. Your ability to live and
work together in spite of your differences is, all by itself, a powerful force for peace.
You are America's finest, and America must always give you what you need to do your job.
We can never pay you enough, but we can always pay you more. I am proud that a year ago we
put in place the biggest increase in military pay and retirement in a generation. I am proud that
we reversed a decade of decline in defense budgets and can now point to four straight years of
spending growth.
No one should think for a moment that the strength of our military is less important in times of
peace- because the strength of our military is a major reason we have peace. We live in peacein part- because your courage and ym:1r strength makes peace a wiser choice than war for any
potential adversary. History will record our triumphs in battle, but no one can ever write a full
account of the wars never fought, losses never suffered, tears never shed because the men and
women of our military risked their lives for peace. We should never, ever forget that.
That doesn't mean our forces can be everywhere or should be everywhere. But it does mean that
there will continue to be times when we will need you to work with our allies to prevent war and
keep peace. Because the costliest peace is cheaper than the cheapest war.
Last year, I visited a refugee camp in Macedonia full ofKosovar Albanians who'd been driven
from their homeland. As I walked through the camp, these young children picked up the chant:
"USA-USA-USA"-- thanking America for giving them a chance to reclaim their land and live
their dreams. It was the same when I visited Normandy in 1994 for the 50th anniversary ofD-
�.--------------
-----------
----------------------------------------.
Day. There, American veterans were approached by French citizens, who told them no matter
how young they were when it happened, or how old they might one day become, they would
never forget what America did for them.
Years from now, I hope some of our veterans who served in the Balkans have a chance to go
back and see in person the fruits oftheir service. Years from now, I hope some of our veterans
who served in Korea or the Gulf might have a chance to return there. That some of our veterans
who served in Africa, Asia, Latin America, or Eastern Europe return to where you helped keep
the peace, relieve suffering, or set an example for a fledgling democracy. And I hope on that
day, years from now, someone whose hair may be gray, whose face may be weathered, might
come up to an American veteran and say: "God bless you. You gave us our future.'~
And I hope your nation understands - whatever you have done for the rest of the world, you have ·
done tenfold for America. For by promoting the spread of freedom around the world, you have
turned back the most serious threat to freedom at home. Thank you. God bless America. And
God bless you who defend her.
�Gibson 01102/00 11 pm
President William Jefferson Clinton
Armed Forces Farewell, Fort Myer
January 5, 2001
Thank you, Secretary Cohen, for your outstanding leadership over the past four years. You have
proved again that when it comes to defending our country and supporting our troops, there are no
Democrats and no Republicans, there are only Americans. General Shelton, thank you for your
service to our country, and your uncompromising commitment to those in uniform. Deputy ·
Secretary Rudy De Leon, thank you for serving so ably in so many capacities since the first days
ofthi~ Administration. Vice-Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Myers, senior service
chiefs, service secretaries, the senior enlisted advisors, Members of Congress:
I want to thank you all for these Distinguished Service Medals, which I am very proud to·
receive. I will be honored to safeguard these medals, but they will always belong to you-- the
soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines and Coast Guardsmen here today, the 1.4 million men and
women on active duty, the [800,000] serving in the Guard and Reserves. It is your distinguished
service tharis responsible for the peace and security America enjoys today.
I have been privileged to meet you on army bases and aircraft carriers in far-flung comers of the
world, where comforts are few and dangers are many. I have seen the dedication and
pr_ofessionalism with which you d~fend America's interests. You have given me, as
Commander-in-Chief, the honor, privilege and advantage of knowing that in times of crisis,
America's word is backed by the greatest military force in the history of the world. For that, I
can never adequately thank you.
Thanks to you the world is safer and America stands taller than ever before. Thanks to your
work, arm in arm with our South Korean allies, there is peace on the Korean Peninsula and hope
for reconciliation across the last dividing line of the Cold War. Thanks to you, arm in arm with
our NATO allies, ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia has ended, refugees have returned to
their homes, and freedom has a chance to flower.
Thanks to you, we are closer than ever to building a Europe that is peaceful, undivided, and
democratic -- a Europe where it is far less likely young Americans will fight and die for freedom.
Thanks to your constant vigilance Iraq does not have the capability to threaten the world or its
neighbors with weapons of mass destruction.
On Christmas Eve, I telephoned a number of our men. and women in uniform to thank them for
what they do - and for what you all do. I thanked Petty Officer Second Class Mario Solares,
who serves in Bahrain -- making sure we have the piers, bridges, and towers our navy vessels
need as they protect peace in the Gulf region.
I thanked Air Force Staff Sergeant Erin McKenzie, who serves with the 607th Air Support
Operations Group at Osan Air Base, making sure members of the 7th Air Force get a paycheck
every two weeks as they guard the skies over the South Korea.
�...
I thanked US Army Specialist Jeremy Kidder who serves on a re~ote Pacific island, working to
destroy our Cold War stock of chemical weapons.
I thanked Marine Staff Sergeant Robert Sheridan, who guards our Embassy in Belarus. He was
named Marine Security Guard ofthe Year in 2000. And we know how tough the competition is;
because we've been reminded tragically how tough that job is.
And I thanked Petty Officer Michael Sandwith who serves in the Bering Seas on the Coast Guard
cutter Midgett- recently forced to give chase to a vessel illegally fishing our waters-- in the
middle of a snowstorm with gale force winds and 24-foot swells.
There are 1.4. million other Americans in uniform with missions just as compelling; serving in
places and doing jobs that Americans don't often hear about. Behind my desk in the Oval
Office, I have a rack of coins from the military units and commanders I have visited these past
eight years. Whenever I look at these coins, I remember the faces of servicemembers I've metmen and women of every race, creed, and color- who trace their ancestry to every region on
earth- yet who are bound together by the common mission of defending freedom, and common
faith in: E pluribus unum. Out of many, one. It is not only inscribed on our coins, it is the coin
of America's moral authority in the world. And I can tell you after eight years of traveling the
world as your President: people marvel at it. Seeing you live and work together to defend
freedom in spite of all differences- that simple human message, for the people lucky enough to
see it, can be the world's most powerful force for peace.
You are America's finest. You not only have the toughest mission of any organization in the
world. You accomplish your mission better th,~n any organization in the world. In the years
ahead, America must always give you what you need to do your job. As Secretary Cohen and . .1·
General Shelton always remind me, Wwe can never pay you enough, but we can always pay you
more. I am proud that a year ago we put in place the biggest increase in military pay and
retirement in a generation. I am proud that we reversed a decade of decline in defense budgets
and can now point to four straight years of spending growth.
No one should think for a moment that the strength of our military is less important in times of ·
peace- because the strength of our military is a major reason we have peace. History will
record our triumphs on the battlefield, but no one can ever write a full account of the wars never
fought, losses never suffered, tears never shed because the men and women of our military were
risking their lives for peace. We should never, ever forget that.
That doesn't mean our forces can be everywhere or should be everywhere. But it does mean that
there will continue to be times when we need you to work with our allies to prevent war and
keep peace. Because the costliest peace is cheaper than the cheapest war.
Last year, I visited a refugee camp in Macedonia full ofKosovar Albanians who'd been driven
from their homeland. As I walked through the camp, these young children picked up the chant:
"USA-USA-USA"-- thanking America for giving them a chance to reclaim their land and live
their dreams. It was the same when I visited Normandy in 1994 for the 50th anniversary ofDDay. There, American veterans were approached by French citizens, who told them no matter
�how young they were when it happened, or how old they might one day become, they would
never forget what America did for them.
Years from now, I hope veterans who served in the Balkans have a chance to go back and see the
fruits oftheir service. Years from now, I hope veterans who served in Korea or the Gulfhave a
chance to return there. That our veterans who served in Africa, Asia, Latin America, or Eastern
Europe return to where you helped keep the peace, relieve suffering, or set an example for a ·
fledgling democracy. And I hope on that day, years from now, someone whose hair may be
gray, whose face may be weathered, might come up to you and say: "God bless you. You gave
us our future." (to me this doesn't work- hoping that they can return???)
And then I hope you return to your own country and understand- whatever you have done for
the rest ofthe world, you have done tenfold for America. For by promoting the spread of
freedom around the world, you have turned back the most serious threat to freedom at home.
(???)
Thank you.
God bless America.
And God bless you who defend her ideals.
�Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
From:
Sent:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
Cullom, Philip H. "(DEFENSE)
Wednesday, January 03, 2001 9:28AM
Binnendijk, Johannes A. (Hans) (DEFENSE); Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
@DEFENSE - Defense Policy
Order of Precedence [UNCLASSIFIED]
From WHMO, the order of precedence is:
Secretary of Defense
Deputy Secretary of Defense
Service Secretaries
CJCS
VCJCS
Chief of Staffs of the Services
1
�Withdrawal/R~edaction
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. email
Marker
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
To Thomas M. Rosshirt from Brooke D. Anderson. Subject: Armed
Forces farewell speech (1 page)
01/03/2001
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Armed Forces Appreciation
2008-0703-F
·m619
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute. a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office j(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�...
.I
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
From:
Sent:
To:
Subject:
Cullom, Philip H. (DEFENSE).
Wednesday, January 03, 2001 8:49AM
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHVV)
RE: Armed Forces Farewell Speech [UNCLASSIFIED]
As always, Tom, I'm swayed by reason. Whatever we do ... and you know best ... saying what comes naturally to POTUS
is always the right answer.
-----Original Message----From:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Sent:
Wednesday, January 03, 2001 8:39AM
Cullom, Philip H. (DEFENSE)
To:
Subject:
RE: Armed Forces Farewell Speech [UNCLASSIFIED]
Phil--
thanks for the facts, and I will amend that section to make it clear we're talking about the range of what they do that is
not commonly known. On your final point, I see it a bit differently. It doesn't seem to make sense to say: "you gave
your tomorrows for our today," unless the person you're talking to is dead, and died young.
Also POTUS often talks in terms of giving someone th<eir future, or changing the future for someone.
If others find the line confusing or uninspiring, I'll take a second look. But for now, I think it works.
-----Original Message----From:
Cullom, Philip H. (DEFENSE)
Sent:
Wednesday, January 03, 2001 8:03AM
To:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW); @SPEECH- NSC Speechwriters; @DEFENSE- Defense Policy; @NSCComm; @MUL TILATMultilateral and Humanitarian Affairs
Subject:· RE: Armed Forces Farewell Speech [UNCLASSIFIED]
Tom,
Some data for the speech:
•
Guard and reserves- 864,600 (I would use "over 860,000")
•
Checking into placement of service secretaries (they should probably be before service chiefs)- have call in to
WHMO
•
The thanks/examples section has lost its meaning (the intent was that these are people doing jobs in remote
corners of the world that are not often connected to the service. Would change the paragraph to read:
On Christmas Eve, I telephoned a number of our men and women in uniform to thank them for what they
do -- and for what you all do -- sometimes in remote corners of the globe doing critical jobs that most
Americans don't realize are an essential part of what you do every day. I thanked Navy Petty Officer
Second Class Mario Solares, who serves in Bahrain -- making sure we have the piers, bridges, and
towers our Ra¥Y vessels need as they protect peace in the Gulf· region. I thanked Air Force Staff Seargent
•
The analogy of the weathered gray haired old man saying, "You gave us our future" may be confusing when it
is implied that it would be said in the future. Perhaps a variation of the saying we thot:Jght about using
Memorial Day of "you gave your tomorrows for our today". You may recall that SECDEF/CJCS referenced it
during the C9le memorial. Seems it is certainly timeless and would better evoke an image of sacrifice. Just a
thought.
-----Original Message----From:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Sent:
Tuesday, January 02, 2001 11:23 PM
To: @SPEECH- NSC Speechwriters; @DEFENSE- Defense Policy; @NSCComm; @MULTILAT- Multilateral and Humanitarian
Affairs
Subject:
Armed Forces Farewell Speech [UNCLASSIFIED]
« File: Fort Myer draft Tue 11 pm.doc »
SRB expressed concern about the length of the last draft. This draft, after my cuts, is nearly 450 words
shorter. Hans and Eric: my personal view-- now that I've gone over it carefully-- is that mention of the ICC
Treaty would be out of place.
1
�---------~
--
----
----------
--------------------------------------c--------------.
Please get back to me with edits, changes, or factchecks.
\·
2
I want to run it by DK and SRB one more time.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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Armed Forces Appreciation
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-001-005-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/3528b41d0d13fd3717f1c3cf012105e1.pdf
313b8257c6a78aa7d7e1bfa6a6a42469
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation:/ Vietnam Trip [1]
0
'
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
14020
'
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
8
3
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. note
Phone No. (Partial); Personal (Partial) (3 pages)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
002. email
To Robert Rosen from Lisel Loy. Subject: Citation in speech (2 pages)
11110/2000
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation I Vietnam Trip [1]
2008-0703-F
'ml76
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice .between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
. b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
�~1ate_mentJ3y
.
H. E. Mr TranI Due Luong, Pr. .. blic Of Vietnam At The NUtp~urnrfiitgov. vn:8080/Web+server/... b927 I cdd9ec725696 I 00 I cccdS?OpenDocument
.
,
.
I
.
~
I
I
... I
._
.
,.
STATEMENT BY H.E. MR TRAN DUC LUONG, PRESIDENT OF THE
SOCIALIST .REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM AT THE MILLENNIUM SUMMIT
.
(New Yorkl, 6-8 September 2000)
Mr. President,
Mr. Secretary General of the United Nations,
Distinguished Heads of State and Government,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Millennium Summit is an important event for mankind at the threshold of the 21' 1 Century and
the Third Millennium. On behalf of the people and State of the Socialist Republic of VietNam, I
would like to extend to the Mille1mium Summit and Your Excellencies our wam1est
congratulations-. The Vietnamese people expect that this Summit will identify prio,rities,
orientations and practical measures to made the United Nations an organization struggling for the
right to self-detennination of all nations, international peace and security, and for the sake of
development and prosperity, freedom and equality among states as spelled out in the United Nations
Charter 55 years ago, ensurmg a brighter future for mankind in the next century.
Mr. President,
As we move to the new century and millennium, all countries are posing to themselves a most
serious question on their destiny as well as that of mankind.
Over the last 100 years, mankind has made great leaps fmward in their civilisation and knowledge,
marked by their emancipation from slavery in the late 19" century, the routing of Fascism at the end
of the Second World War, the collapse of the colonial system of colonialism;. the emergence and
gradual victory of the most progressive ideas to eliminate exploitation of men by rnen, oppression
and exploitation of nations by nations in every form; moving toward a just and advanced world.
Humanistic values of equality :.md equal rights for all nations and individuals as crystallized in the '
pnnciples of the United Nations Charter are mankind's great achievements in the 20" century. Also
in this century, mankind has been striving to understand the deep mysteries of nature, from the t,'Te~t
rnacroworld of the universe to genetic engineering of the microworld, has built an advanced
transport network linking continents together, giving rise to novel knowledge-based economic and
commercial activities whose potentials canno
t be all predicted at this moment. These are making profound changes in the economic, cultural and
. all other aspects of the human life. Nonetheless, globalization and international econoinic
inte )ration do not present equal o) ortunities to all conntries. The world we arc striving for must be
a civilized one ill w 1ch all nations enjoy the same henetits of ths scirnti fie and techno og al
.
...... ........,
revolution.
~
-----
Looking at the world overall pictme, we can see many outstanding and potential problems. The
most prominent of which are the state of injustice in the world, the ever-widening gaps hetween the
rich and the poor, between democracy and imposition in international relations. Pollution and
environmental destruction, rising crimes and epidemics, particularly the pandemics of drugs and
HIVI AIDS, which continue to threaten the development of all countries. Developing countries,
particularly least developed conntries, are those that suffer. They are under the most intense pressure
from development challenges. While a handful of countries and a small number of people arc
I of6
10/27/2000 3:I6 PM
�---------~--~-~--------------------------------------------.
S'\atement•~y H.E. Mr Tran Due Luong, Pr... blic Of Vietnam At The Ni~~tgov. vn: 8080/Web+server/... b9271 c.dd9ec7256961 001 cccd8?0penDocument
leading ample life, dozens of countries and billions of people in Africa, Asia and Latin America are
being left in absolute poverty.
Under the process of ongoing globalization, advantages are, in the main, created for a minority of
countries and development centres as well as powerful transnational companies. Meanwhile the
interests of the majority of developing countries, who have lagged far behind the common
development due to a variety of historical conditions and objective reasons, are rarely taken into
account in the formulation of international trade and investment rules. The globalization whirlwind
dominated by harsh market rules continues to push many countries into the danger of being further
impoverished or marginalized form the development process.
·
Mr. President,
The world's people all share the earnest aspiration to have peace, stability, justice and cooperation to
create a favorable environment to focus on development and work together for solutions to pressing
global problems. Learning from the .Jcssons of success and failure in world's history over the last
100 years and in the United Nations' existence over the last 55 years, we, at this impottant Summit,
would like to share the common views that the international community should give priorities to the
following issues:
First and foremost. allocate adequate resources to meeting the urgent demands for economic
development and improvement of people's life. Especially, efiorts should be made to address
poverty, which is threatening the daily life of 5/6 of the world population and narrow down the
development gap between rich and poor countries, between the North and the South.
Develop the international economic, trading and financial relations as called for in the recent
Havana Declaration. These should be fair, transparent and non-discriminatory, giving legitimate and
satisfactory assistance and preferences to developing coLmtries, including assistance bv develpQ_ed
countries to their international economic inteo-ration and their accessiOn '
--~- ; refraining
from imposmg unreasonable con tttons o restrict and eliminate the economic competitiveness of
developing countties.
Raise the level of 011icial Development Assistance to 0. 7% of GDP
ountries
have committed; improve preferential lending conditions; ' · e down debt for developing countr·
and write off the same for least developed countries. DecisiOn
·
or
·
VAl
heavily indebted poor countries are only initial steps in this direction.
expand~
¥-
teclmolo~?
Accord and
preferential treatment to developing countries in the transfer of
facilitate access to and etiective use of new technology, particularly the inforrnation technology.
Renew commitment to the programmes of action adopted at the United Nations international
conferences on children, women, population, environment, drugs, social development and actively
implement them through practical activities; considering them as urgent tasks to ensure that
econ01mc growth IS associated with sustainable development and social equity.
Strengthen peace and stability, create a favorable environment for development and poverty
alleviation; develop just and civilized political-economic relations on. the basis of the respect for
national sovereignty. Exert greater efforts toward disannament, against anns race, including the
deployment of the TMD, with priority given to nuclear disarn1amcnt and other weapons of mass
destruction; resolve conflicts through peaceful dialogue free froin interference; reject and put an end
.
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to all acts of intervention, imposition, embar;ao and blockade as they not only violate the sovereignty
of countries, threat ·
a wnal peace and secunty L
cause untold sufferings to the people
and others .... The 10 year-old
living under 1bargo and blockade 1i ,_
~ against Iraq has taken t e toll of almost 1.5- million Ira 1 1ost of whom are children,
women and old folks due to the shot1age of foo an
Local conf1icts with outside
int~rvention have taken the life of many innocent peopl
c::!· Tlr~mot be aycepted by civilized m<m~nd. :::::>
00
0
Today, peace and development are associated with each other, only in peace and stability can we
focus on development; in much the same way without prosperous development, and the eradication
of poverty and injustice, peace and stability- will not be maintained, in a country, a region or the
world.
0
In that spirit, we share. the view of the President as expressed in the draft Millennium Declaration
that our countries have "separate responsibilities to our individual societies" and, at the same time,
"have a collective responsibility to uphold the principles of equality and equity at the global level".
Acc~rdingly, we welcome the efforts by ·the President of the UN General Assembly and the
Secretary General of the United Nations in preparing for our Summit and their recommendations for
. giving priority to development, poverty alleviation, epidemic control and prevention,· further
assisting developing countries in the1r. development process and mtegrahon .mto interi1ationai
economy, and addressmg the uneven (hstnbut1on of benefits when takin ' art in ulobal economic
an trade acttvttles. t IS nnpOI an 1at we identify feasible measures to realize these goals . ....~
°
In development cooperation, leaming from our experience with other countries, we would· like to
propose the followings to further promote the cooperation between developed and developing
countries:
Expand three-party cooperation meclumism or the 2+1 fonnula, in which two developing countries
and a donor or an international organization as the third party cooperate in different fields, first in
food security, agricultural development and poverty alleviation. Cooperation between VietNam and
tiiendly African countries like Madagascar, Benin, Senegal with the pm1icipation of the F AO, the
initiative by our Cuban friends on South-South cooperation in the field of public health has shown
that with intemational financial assistance developing countries can still tap their potentia! for
effective cooperation and mutual assistance m resolving urgent issues of the day.
Further promote initiatives for the cooperation among the less developed· subregions; develop
interstate economic development corridors, triangles and quadrangles with a view to maximizing the
local advantages; form ·liberal economic cooperation space; enlist assistance and investment from
developed countries and other donors. In this spirit, the development cooperation programme along
the West-East Corridor in the Mekong subregion, which was adopted by the VI ASEAN Summit in
Ha Noi and is to be financed by the ADB and developed countries, holds great promises.
0
Mr. President,
At the threshold of the new Millennium, a common question put to the international community is
how to ensure that the United Nations, the most universal organization, would make worthy
contributions to the development of every cotmtry in a peaceful, just ai1d sustainable environment.
Over the past 55 years, the United Nations has significantly contributed to the realization of the
purposes and fundamental principles enshi·ined in the UN-Chmier for the sake of international peace
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and security, thus developing an equal international legal environment which uphold the respect for
national independence and sovereignty in the interest of shared developmeat cooperat1on. The
valiant struggle of colonial countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America has brought about the UN's
endorsement of the famous 1514 Declaration (1960) on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples. As a result, host of new countries regained independence from colonialism
and became equal members in international relations and at the United Nations; UN membership
has expa11ded from 51 founding states to 188. However, over the past 55 years, the UN, dominated
from time to time by selfish interests, has been making attempts and actions running counter to the
purposes and principles ofthe UN Charter, detrime
ntal to sovereignty, independence of states and the prestige of the Organization itself.
a
~,
In order to enable the United Nations to play a more wmihy role in the context of great changes
taking place in the world, Viet Nam shares the view commonly expressed by other countries that
while complying with the principles enshrined in the UN Charter on the respect for sovereignty,
noninterference into internal affairs of other states, the United Nations should cany out reforms
toward greater democratization, transparency,. effectiveness in the service of the. common interests
of all counh-·ies, big and sm~ll. 1:_· should.not_b~ de~-ei·1-dent on and d--ominate~ b-y the interests ~~an-y ~
countly or group of countn_es. Such senous v olat ons of the UN Charter' bke the NATO m1htary
}
~ttack against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in Kosovo must no
e pem11 e o .mppen agam.
The United Nations must give adequate resources to _assist developmg and -least developed - L
countt·ies,especially in poverty alleviation. We support the idea of strengthening the central role of
the General Assembly, the representative body of al
l UN member countries, based on the principle of sovereign equality, and of reformiilg the Security
Council and enlarging its membership, both pern1anent and non-pem1anent, to promote its
representativeness, fairness and democratization.
With reforms taken along this direction, we are confident that in the new millennium, the United
Nations will make increasing positive contributions to realizing mankind's common objective of
peace, independence, justice and prosperous development.
Mr. President,
.1e c~of the new millennium, the Vietnamese pea e are joyfully commemorating t 55"
.: ·
cpuli Ic
anniversary o the foundation of the Democratic Republi of Vie · ,
of Vie · . Having endured numerous hardships and m
o c sacrifices tor the era of
independence and freedom, striving toward the objective of ·~wealthy people, economically strong
count
··
· " our eople are deeply imbued with the
trutl ''Nothing is more precious than independe:nce and freedom" · e have made untiring effort to
com
our mtema strengt an t e s rengt o t 1e times for our own existence and development.
Viet Nam has a vital stake in the common cause of the world people to develop fair international
· ternational laws,
relations on the basis of the fundamental principles of the UN Cha
namely in.dependence, sovereignty~. .
_·-.-.
other's internal affairs nd working
for the sake of peace, independence~1~m~~u:t
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service of humankind. While it is at a low
· '· o ment in ten of GOP per capita, Viet
Nam ranl)s-_::relafively high among developing countries in the HOI/ art. 1 its future development
strateE,ry, 'Hie State of Viet Nam considers educatiOn an
· 1mg as well as scientific and
technological development as the highest national priority.
Agricultural development has been considered as a front of paramount importance, and as a result
the nation has been able to maintain food security <.md increase its tood export with every passing
year. From a country with high population growth (over 2.3% a year) for a long time, Viet Namhas
reduced this rate to 1.7%, thanks to effective government policies and assistance by UN specialized
agencies as we11 as other donors. Our achievements in these and the national programme in povetty ·
alleviation have been appreciated by the United Nations. The ratio of poor households by
Vietnamese standards has dropped from 30'% in 1992 to 13% in 1999. We will continue to give
priority to this task. With the efforts of each cotmtry and international cooperation, let us strive for
this great humanist cause, for a civilized world or country as our President Ho Chi Minh said at the
beginning of the Vietnamese revolution that ways must be· found to 11 ensure adequate food,
..--ctlr~2-:-~:=th~Ii:n~g..;a;n~d~e::;d=;u~c:;a;b:=;o~n.;;l~b~r~eiv-=:e=:~on~e~·'_'=at=ld==--":::cal"'-1·nations
~
have the ng s o e ree and equal".
After decades ofprotracted war of aggression, VietNam is now on the path of Doi moi (renovation)
and an active member of the international COJmnunity. We have so far established and developed
diplomatic relations with nearly 170 countries in the world and entertained economic, trade and
investment ties with 167 countries and territories. VietNam is-also a member of the Non-Aligned
Movement, Group 77 and the South forum, the organization of French-speaking countries, the
United Nations. It is also a member of ASEAN and President of its ASC, a member of APEC and·
ASEM as well as other international and regional organizations.
\
Determineq to intensify the renovation process and pursue the foreign policy of independence,
sovereignty, diversitication and multilarerlaisation alQ!lg the line of befriending all conntries in the
w
iet Nam advocates the fullest usc of its. internal strength while mobilizing external strength
for the cause of industrialization and modernization and active integration into regional and
·
ational economies. From this a·ugust rostrum, we would like to reaffinn that in intemational
relations, Viet Nam has been and will be a constructive and reliable partner, striving tor the world
people's common goals of peace, justice, development, and equal and mutually .beneficial
_:oopegtion.
( ~
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Distinguished Delegates,
At this crucial moment of transition, we have sufficient grounds to be optimistic though concerned
about the future of mankind. However, we all share the finn belief in the triumph of humanist and
progressive values that mankind has achieved during its long history of struggle and creativeness.
With that conviction, Viet Nam looks torward to working closely with friends from all comers of
the world to make tb,e UN Millennium Summit <:mel its Millennium Summit an imp0rtant landmark
in UN history, starting the stage when the UN plays a more deserving role in the new century.
Tn that spirit, we would like to solemnly propose to Your Excellencies that we declare the first
decade of the 21" century "the Decade of Greatest Global Efforts toward Poverty Alleviation". It is
our belief that with that Declaration, our Summit will meet our aspirations and remind us of our
responsibilities to our nations.
~ ~J"
May I wish our Summit great success.
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Thank you for your kind attention.
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Remarks by Prime Minister Ph an Van Khai on the conclusion of the Vietnam - US trade
agreement
(14.00 PM July 14, 2000)
VTV correspondent: Would you please comment on the significance of the conclusion of the trade
agreement between the United States and Vietnam?
Prime Minister Ph an Van Khai:
In 1995, when their bilateral relations were normalised and diplomatic relations established , the
governments of Vietnam and the United States agreed to give priority to normalising their trade and
economic relations. Over the past years, these relations have seen encouraging developments, though
incomplete. The conclusion of the Bilateral Trade Agreement has finalised the normalisation of trade
and economic relations between the two countries ..
greement resulted from'untiring efforts made by both sides
during the pa four years ofnegotiatio
e agreement is based upon the principles of respect for
1
'XY
independence,
1gn y, non-mterference into each other's internal affaiu;, equality and mutual
~~ benefit, conforms to international practices and the principles of the World Trade Organisation, takes
~into account a reality that Vietnam is a developing country, in a process of transforming its economic
~ · structure and integrating into the regional and world economy.
.. I ·-"'
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It can also be said that, this is a result of the foreign policy independence, self-reliance a o the line
of diversification and multilateralisation of our Party and State. 1s 1 so an impo an s ep in
Vietnam's international economic integration, especially its accession into the World Trade .
Organisation. The Agreement will facilitate the expansion of trade and promotion of co-operative
relations and investment between the two countries.
The Agreement will not only ensure the interest of Vietnam and the United States but also be a positive
contribution to peace, stability, co-operation for development in the region and the world over.
The conclusion and implementation of this Agreement are in line with the renovation policy (Doi Moi)
of the Party and State; make positive contributions to our country's industrialisation, modernisation, to
building an independent and self-reliant economy along the socialist orientation.
,:::=_
In order to meet these requirements,. ministries and agencies at all levels and enterprises should make the
fullest use of'internal resources, improve management, apply scientific and technological achievements
in order to increase the efficiency of our economy and the competitiveness of Vietnamese goods.
It is my hope that both sides would spare no efforts to effectively implement the Agreement, bringing
about practical benefits to both countries.
,. Updated on 07/26/2000 at 03:01PM
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Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vmtnam
in tho United States of America
PROMOTING THE GLORIOUS TRADITION OF THE NATION,
MOVING THE COUNTRY AHEAD IN THE NEW STAGE
Keynote Speech
by HE. Prime Minister Phan Van Khai
at the ceremony in commemoration of 30th April and 1st May
·
·
(Hanoi, 29 April2000)
Dear compatriots and combatants throughout the country and Vietnamese compatriots
overseas,
Esteemed leaders of the Party_r:=an:..:.:d~th=e:.....:S::..:.t=at::..::e.L,----::-~
Dear revolutionary veterans,[f!eroic Vietnamese mothers, /
Distinguished guests, ·
Dear participants, comrades and friends,
These days, our entire country is joyfully celebrating the 1975 Great Spring Victory,
reliving. the glorious atmosphere of the general offensive and. uprisings that led to the
liberation of successive provinces, ending with the historic Ho Chi Minh campaign and
the complete liberation of the South. Our resistance struggle for national salvation had
traversed 30 years of untold sufferings and sacrifices and ended in total victory. This has
opened up a new era in our national history, an era for the realization of our entire
people's aspirations to build a Vietnam of peace; unification, independence, democracy
and prosperity as envisioned by our beloved Uncle. Ho in his Testament.
In reviewing the resistance war, the IVth Party Congress in 1976 made the following
assessment: "notwithstanding time, the victories of our people in the anti~US resistance
for national salvation will forever be engraved in the national history as one of the most ·
brilliant chapters and a ·vivid demonstration of the complete victory of the revolutionary
heroism and human intellectual. This goes down into world history as a great triumph of
the 20th century, an event of international and epochal significance". These great values
have been and will be shining forever ..
The commemoration of the 25th anniversary of the South Liberation this year is taking
place concurrently with the solemn celebration of Hung King ancestral anniversary that
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represents a strong reminder of the roots of our nation and makes us prouder of our nation,
a nation whose fortitude and intellectual have been forged for thousands of years of
national construction and defence. Since the Communist Party of Vietnam founded and
trained by President Ho Chi Minh assumed the leadership of the Vietnamese revolution
and established the people's power in our country, our Vietnamese nation's glorious
tradition has been strongly enhanced, the revolutionary heroism and creativity increased in
the struggles against foreign aggression; and our entire nation has overcome countless
hardships and challenges to win. the glorious victory in 1975. This glorious triumph is a
continuation of our ancestors' exploits in the struggles for national independence. This
also represents a new victory of progressive mankind in the national liberation movement
against new and old colonialism.
With the independent and self-reliant policy, creative revolutionary methods and
· sharpened strategy and guidelines, our Party was able to unleash, mobilize, and bring into
the fullest play the strength of the entire nation while gaining the international support and
sympathy. All this led to the synergy that ensured the final victory. The celebration of the
Victory Day reminds us of lessons from the evolution process of the Vietnam Communist
Party that we have just celebrated its 70th anniversary early this year, particularly, the
lesson to train and keep the Party pure, strong, courageous and close to the people like
blood and fresh to live up to expectations as a decisive factor in determining every succes~
of the Vietnamese revolution in the struggle for national salvation as well as in the process
·of socialist construction and national defence.
Amid the jubilant atmosphere of the celebration of the South Liberation, the song "Uncle
Ho would live in the Great Victory Day" echoes throughout the country. His life and
example have stirred up and fostered in each and every Vietnamese the will and resolve
"we would rather sacrifice all than lose the country and become enslaved" and" Nothing
is more precious than independence and freedom". It is this spirit that has solidified the
foundations of the broad national unity and brought the whole country together in the
fight against foreign aggression. This constitutes the invincible strength of all-people war
against foreign aggression. The strong resolve reflected by President Ho Chi Minh " to
drive out Amer.icans and to topple down their puppet regime " was creatively and
successfully realized by our entire people and armed forces under the leadership of our
Party headed by late General Secretary Le Duan, leading to the successful liberation of the
South and national reunification.
We are proud of our heroic people's armed forces and army who held aloft the tradition
"faithful to the country, loyal to the people, ready to fulfill any tasks, overcome any
difficulties and defeat any enemies". Countless successes had been recorded in the
liberation struggles, the culmination of which is the Great Spring Victory in 1975 and the
historic Ho Chi Minh campaign. This marked the outstanding development of ·the
Vietnam's military art and our mature armed and paramilitary forces as well as the talents
of our generals, which glorified our tradition of struggles against foreign aggression for
national salvation.
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We. bear engraved in our hearts and minds the great deeds of the Vietnamese mothers - the
heroic mothers of mart)rrs, invalid soldiers, our comrades and compatriots who bravely
made sacrifices and endured untold sufferings and losses. for national independence and
unification, for freedom and happiness of our people. We still toss and tum as there
remains a great number of unlmown soldiers whose remains have yet to be accounted for.
·
Their spirit will never die.
Our celebration of the total victory coincides With the International Labour Day, May 1st.
The solidarity between the world working-class and labouring people,· and those of
Vietnam, tested and tempered during Vietnam's resistance war for national independence,
is now in a better position to give its full effect to the struggle for peace, friendship and
cooperation for a better and more equitable life for every human being on the planet.
The Vietnamese people will never forget the wholehearted support of sqcialist countries,
especially the former Soviet Union and China, the international communist and workers'
movement, the nation::-tl independence movement, the world peace loving :imd progressive
forces, brothers and friends in all continents. Their support and encouragement did help us
fight ·and win. On this occasion, we, once again, express our sincere thanks to world
people, governments, and international organisations for their feelings toward and
valuable support for our resistance war for national salvation and we are also grateful for
their cooperation and friendship with Vietnam. We hold in high esteem the feelings of the
peace- and justice-loving Americans, especially the then young generation who sided with
justice, protested against the aggressive war and opposed the war in many ways, thus
helping bring the US military adventure in Vietnam to an end and are now contributing to
the development of Vietnam-America relations.
·
As a nation which entertains a tradition of humanitarianism, reconciliation and an attitude
of doing away with animosity, our view of looking forward to the future does not only
manifest itself in State policies but also is imbued in the behaviour of every Vietnamese
when meeting with foreigners who once fought against them on the other side and now
came back to Vietnam. We appreciate non-governmental organisations and individuals
from a number of countries for having realized the responsibility of their countries in the
aggressive war against Vietnam and having taken actions to help war victims in our
country. Although the war ended twenty :five years ago, its serious consequences and
sequels remain. Common sense in relations among nations demand that countries that
conducted and took part in the war aggression against Vietnam should contribute, in an
active and-responsible manner, to doing away with the consequences of war, together with
the Vietnamese government and people, through appropriate forms of practical and
effective cooperation. Such an attitude and activities not only help obliterate obsessions of
the past but also enhance confidence and cooperative relations between Vjetnam .and
concerned countries for peace and stability, development in the region and the world .
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Dear comrades and friends,
After the complete. victory on 30th April, 1975, in addition to new advantages, we had to
face with great challenges. Hardly had we been able to recover from the decade-long war
when we. had to stood up again to safeguard our sovereignty and national integrity and .
helped stop the genocide in Cambodia. Our country was then under blockade and
embargo. Hostile forces opposed us on many fronts. The economy, then poor, backward,
externally dependent and exhausted after the war, worsened due to mismanagement and
misguidance in the early period of peace and national construction. This led to a
prolonged social and economic crisis. The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the East
European socialist countries further exacerbated our problems ..
Our Party and people, once again, demonstrated the wisdom and mettle in coping with all
challenges and difficulties to bring the country ahead. On the strength of creativeness of
the people and the grassroots units, our Party summed up practical experi~nce and
launched a comprehensive renovation to get our country out of the crisis, laying the
foundation for . intensified industrialization ·and modernization along the socialist
orientation.
Over the past 15 years of renovation, our socio-economic development, high at times and
low at others, has generally recorded great and significant achievements, The country has
escaped the socio-economic crisis and continued to stand firm in the turbulence and
regardless· of the losses caused by the regional financial and economic crisis and natural
disasters. Our position and strength have been enhanced in all fields. The embargo broke
down. We have been gradually integrating. into the world economy and our stature in
international relations has been raised. People's living s~andards and intellectual level,
together with the social dynamism have been improved. National defence and security has
been consolidated and political stability and social order maintained. Schemes and
activities ' by hostile forces . to undermine our society have been foiled.
The achievements recorded since the complete liberalization and national reunification,
not least in fifteen years of renovation, have wrought changes in the country following
two great changes, namely the success of the August Revolution and the victory of the
national defence struggle.
Our endeavours in the past few years have brought us many precious lessons to be fully
grasped and developed. These are upholding the goals of national independence and
socialism in the basis of the ideological foundation of Marxism and Leninism and Ho Chi
Minh's thoughts; realization of the goal of wealthy people, economically strong nation,
equal and advanced society; reliance on the people, great solidarity and mobilization of
resources of the entire nation; combination ofthe strength of the nation and the strength of
the times; integration into international economy on the basis of the .preservation of
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national independence and socialist orientation, building up, streamlining, and
strengthening the Party's leadership and management, building up transparent and strong
government. For regulatory agencies, the great lesson is that social renovation can only be
successful if each and every agency reforms itself first, unceasingly fosters the ethical
morality of its staff, improve their knowledge, sum up Vietnam's practical experience and
learn from other countries.
Dear comrades and friends,
As our nation enters the 21 st century, opportunities and favorable conditions intertwined
with grave challenges and acute hardship.
0
The world as well as the region have been experiencing the trend of peace and cooperation
for development and have been facing with complex and unpredictable developments.
International economic integration is a process of both cooperation and hard struggle in
which we have to cope with increasingly intense competition and attempts of interference
and imposition of view from the outside.
Political and social stability constitutes a fundamental advantage of our country. Our
society, however, is facing with a number of pressing issues such as unemployment and
livelihood. Our people are discontented with bureaucratism and corruption in our State
apparatus.
Our position and strength have been significantly improved as compared to the time of
liberation. Still, our economic and scientific-technological level is lower than that of ·
regional countries. Moreover, the efficiency, competitiveness and growth of our economy
remain low; and there are potentially unstable and unhealthy factors. The risk of falling
further behind, in consequence, is still a grave challenge.
On the threshold of a new century, our nation is facing with a historic and pressing task of
pushing ahead the industrialisation and modernisation to overcome poverty and
backwardness, turning our country into an industrialised one with modem infrastructure
and technology, sound economic structure, advanced production relations, advanced
culture imbued with national identity, progressive and just society, wherein environment
is protected and improved, the spiritual and material·life of people of all strata uplifted,
and security and defense steadfastly strengthened.
The curn;nt ·situation and practical conditions not only open to us windows of
opportunities to develop but also require that industrialisation and modernisation in the
next decade must bring our country onto a path of steadfast and sustainable development
with new ·strides in economic self-reliance and active integration into the international
economy. To bring into fullest play the material and intellectual strength and willpower of
the _entire country, to release and devellop production forces by means of further
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intensifying the comprehensive and integrated renovation in the social and economic
fields and enhance operational effectiveness of the political system on the whole, first and
foremost . the State apparatus remam the driving force for development.
In the coming years, we have to, step by step, increase the economic growth rate, produce
major changes in the competitiveness, development efficiency and the science-technology
as~ well as education and training capability; fulfill our commitments to international
economic integration in accordance with a planned roadmap; create, in a homogeneous
way, elements of the socialist- oriented market economy. We also have to continue to
build up socio-economic infrasducture; pay adequate attention to address pressing. social
issues such as unemployment, hunger erad1cation and poverty reduction, push back social
evils, improve the material and cultural life of the people; safeguard national
independence, so-vereignty, territorial integrity, maintain stability and· political security,
social safety, stand ready to cope· with every possible eventuality; create necessary
premises for the next stage of development.
A major question that dominates our thoughts and actions is how. to capitalise on
opportunities and favorable conditions, surmount difficulties and negotiate .obstacles,
bring our country onto the path of industrialisation and modernisation. The ·answer lies in
our ability to bring into full .play the strength of the· great unity of our entire people on the
basis of national spirit and patriotism .fostered by thousand years history whi~h has
.become . the national identity of the Vietnamese people. Patriotism has united our entire
people under the banner of the, ·struggle for national independence, freedom and
reunification to wash the shames :of foreign domination and the pain of the country
division: Today, it is patriotism that brings together and encourages each and every
Vietnamese of all ethnic groups,. social strata and generations across the country and
overseas to maximize their capabilities and intellectual to create wealth for· themselves and
the nation in the determination, to escape the shames of poverty and danger of lagging
further behind. Vietnam's mountains and rivers belong to Vietnamese, who have the same
Ancestors and root. Building the country is an obligation for each and every Vietnamese.
Any Vietnamese, _wherever he is_ apd whatever his p'ast is, deserves a rightfu~ place in the
broad solidarity of the people, provided that they make joint efforts to build Vietnam into
a peaceful, reunified, independent, democratic, rich and strong country.
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The country's Doimoi (renewal) process is now underway, which both creates
opportunities for and requires the strength of the broad national solidarity bloc to be
elevated to a new height. The C_ommunist Party of Vietnam and the State of the _Socialist
Republic of Vietnam continue to pursue the process of Doimoi, improve institutions and
policies in. order to remove barriers -and complexes, creates favourable conditions for
mobilizing all internal and external resources as well as contributions from the overseas
Vietnamese for the sake of national construction and development. The State and society
honour creative workers, talented businessmen, meritorious intellectuals and men of
culture, dedicated and impartial civil servants, resourceful and staunch soldiers in the
defence and security services. This spiri~ runs through and gives its effect in the
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preparation and implementation of the National Emulation Congress to be held at the end
of this year.
In the context of globalisation, Vietnam combines our internal strength with international
cooperation, attracts outside resources considered key elements in its active economic
integration into the region and the world so as to push forward the industrialisation and
modernisation. It is Vietnamese consistent foreign policy to befriend all nations in the
world community, striving for peace, independence and development, broaden the
friendly and cooperative relations along the line of diversification and multilateralisation.
In order to make full use of internal and external resources, there is a need to build a clean
and strong State apparatus, enhanc~__, the efficiency of the administrative reform, continue
with the Doimoi process and strictly implement policies and regulations. Redtape and
corruption must be prevented through measures to address the root causes and by applying
severe penalties against wrongdoers; streamlining and improving the State apparatus at all
levels, rearranging and improving virtues and qualifications of civil servants;
implementing regulations on democracy and transparency to enable the people to oversee
and contribute more effectively to national building.
Strengthened Party leadership constitutes a factor that ensures successful implementation
of Doimoi process and national development with socialist orientation. In making full use
of the. initial outcomes of the implementation of Resolution of the 6 th Party Central
Committee Plenum (2nd session) on Par~y building and regeneration, there is a need to
strengthen and substantiate this campaign, further reinvigorating the Party politically,
ideologically and organizationally under renewed (methods of leadership that suits new
circumstances and requirements. Each and every cadre and Party member must uphold
the exemplary and vanguard roles in activities and lifestyles to have new thinking, take
actions and assume responsibility before the people and Party.
Comrades and friends,
Dear Compatriots,
·We are now reliving the glorious moments of the victory exactly 25 years ago, with full
rejoice at the achievements recorded during the period full of hardships and trials since
national liberation and reunification.
Celebrating the International Labour Day on May 1st, we take this opportunity to uphold
crystal-clear internationalism, fully recognize the key role played by the· Vietnamese
working-class, peasants and intellectuals during the struggle for national liberation and
reunification, and at the same time, enhance this role in the ongoing process of national
modernization and industrialization.
.
·
These celebrations urge us to make ourselves deserve the services and contributions o{
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the older generations and combatants who fought ·and made sacrifices so that we can lead
a happy life today. With heavy responsibilities resting upon the shoulders of today's
generation, each and every Vietnamese, in all positions and areas, is required to bring into
full play the national tradition; fully recognize that their interests coincide with those of
the fatherland and destiny, practice thrift for the sake of national building, combat poverty
and backwardness by all means, enhance our country's position and strength in a intensely
competitive environment in the world. A nation, which has recorded resounding exploits
in the struggle for national salvation, will definitely obtain greater achievements in the
course of national building, gaining a worthy position in the international arena.
From this solemn meeting, on behalf of the Party and State, I call on the compatriots and
combatants in the entire country as well as Vietnamese overseas to be united and
one-minded in the joint endeavours to realize the common objectives of wealthy people,
economically strong country, just and advanced soCiety. Our confidence and jubilance on
this triumphant celebration and International Labour Day must be translated into
determination and concrete actions in the cause of national building and defence so as to
advance our country forward to the goal of socialist-oriented modernization and
industrialization. This is also a pledge of the entire Party and people before the souls of
those who have fallen as well as our commitment . to future generations.
Long live the spirit of the victory of 30 April
Long live the Socialist Republic of Vietnam!
President Ho Chi Minh lives forever in our cause!
and International Labour Day!
Thank you, comrades, friends and compatriots.
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�SPEECH BY H.E. PRIME MINISTER PHAN VAN KHAI
http://www.asean.or.id/~ummit/6th/prg_cls2.htm
CLOSING REMARK BY
H.E. PRIME MINISTER PHAN VAN KHAI
Hanoi, 16 December 1998
Your Majesty;
.
Your Excellencies:
Ladies and Gentlemen,
After months of active preparations and two days of intense activities in an atmosphere of friendship and
mutual trust, the 6th ASEAN Summit has come to a successful conclusion.
Now, we have sufficient grounds to say that the Hanoi Summit is a real bridge joining two centuries,
reflecting our determination to strengthen unity and cooperation for the future of peace, stability, and
sustainable development, responding to the aspirations of our peoples .and the world community.
Fully conscious of ASEAN's opportunities and challenges on the eve of the 21st century, and reflecting
the will of the peoples ofSoutheast Asia, we have agreed on major orientations of ASEAN's activities in
the time to come.
1.. We have demonstrated the determination to strengthen unity on the basis of traditional "unity in
diversity", and tum it into a driving force to elevate ASEAN's cooperation to a higher plane. With
this determination, we will build upon our community spirit based on the inherent identity and
values of each member and the whole region as well as the basic principles and way~ which have
helped to develop ASEAN through the years. In the interest o.f strengthened peace, enhanced
cooperation, and the fulfilment of the vision of ASEAN-10, we have a agreed to admit the
Kingdom of Cambodia into the Association at an early special ceremony to be held in Hanoi.
2. We have agreed to strengthen our political cooperation, make joint efforts to prom~te our role.at
the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), maintain the environment of durable stability, and consider
them vital elements for the prosperity of each member country and the whole Association.
3. We have emphasised, once again, the spirit of national and regional resilience, the efforts to
further exploit 'our region's diversified potentials, especially the abundant source of industrious and
creative labour, make the fullest use of the fundamentals created to overcome the crisis, regain the
prosperity.
4. Against the background of the economic crisis, we have also stressed the policy to enhance
cooperation through the best efforts and most effective measures with a view to restoring
macroeconomic stability and sustained growth.
Toward this end, we have unanimously agreed to speed up reforms, especially those of banking
and financial institutions, deepen our integration, with a view to creating a dynamic, attractive and
competitive ASEAN economic area, fully capable of responding to changes in the global
economy. We are committed to implement our collective and individual plans of action and a
series of bold measures, taking into account the conditions and adaptability of each economy, with
a view to actualising the ASEAN Free Trade Area, the ASEAN Investment Area, and the ASEAN
Industrial Cooperation Scheme.
5. At.the same time, we have reaffirmed the need for cultural development to be in harmony with
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SPEECH BY H.E. PRIME MINISTER PHAN VAN KHAI
....
'', ••
http://www.asean.or.id/summit/6th/prg_cls2.htm
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social development, rural development in harmony with urban development, with greater focus on
poverty alleviation, job creation, an_d comprehensive development.of the human factor. We have
agreed to carry out transportation and communication projects, creating growth triangles and
quadrangles, including the promotion of development programmes for less developed interstate
areas along the West-East Corridor of the Mekong Basin (WEC).
6. While making the fullest use of our ovvn potentials and those of the region, we send to the
international community a strong and clear message that ASEAN will continue its
outward-looking policy, and wish to strengthen cooperative relationship with its dialogue partners
and other countries, regional organisations, and make worthy contributions to the cause of peace
and prosperity. of Asia-Pacific and the rest of the world.
Reflecting the above, the Hanoi Declaration, the Hanoi Plan of Action, the Statement on Bold Measures,
and the Framework Agreements and Protocol signed on this occasion have created assets for ASEAN to
advance into the third millenium, fulfil the objectives of Vision 2020.
On behalfofthe Government and people ofVietnam, I would like to express our sincere thanks to Your
Majesty, the Sultan Of Brunei Darussalam, Your Excellencies, ASEAN Heads of State/Government for
your valuable assistance and effective cooperation, which have greatly contributed to the success of the
Summit. I would also like to assure our close brotherly Brunei Darussalam that Vietnam will do her
utmost to contribute to the preparations of the next Summit to be held in Bandar Seri Begawan.
Our Summit's success can also be attributed, in an important way, to the great efforts of the Ministers,
distinguished senior officials of member countries, the Secretary-General of ASEAN, and the conference
supporting staff, including translators, interpreters, and technicians. Allow me to express, on behalf of
Your Majesty, Your Excellencies and all of you present here, our high appreciation for their
contributions. Our gratitude also goes to the representatives of regional and international media for their
timely and full coverage of this important event, bringing good tidings from Hanoi to the peoples of
Southeast Asia and the rest of the world.
0
0
With the success of the 6th Summit, we will de£initely translate into reality the theme of the Summit
"Unity and Cooperation for an ASEAN of Peace, Stability and Equitable Development".
0
With this determination, I would like to declare closed the 6th ASEAN Summit and wish to pass on the
responsibility of hosting the next ASEAN Summit to His Majesty Haji Hassanal Bolkiah, the Sultan of
Brunei Darussalam.
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PREPARATORY MEETINGS FOR SIXTH ASEAN SUMMIT HELD IN HA NO!
http://www. vnagency.com. vn/asean/news/8 16_I O.htm
Ha Noi, Dec. 16 (VNA) -- Vietnamese Prime Minister Phan Van Khai appreciated
the initiatives proposed by the Governments of China, Japan and the Republic of
Korea to strengthen cooperation with and support for ASEAN.
The appreciation was made at the luncheon in honour of the heads of State and
Government of ASEAN, China, Japan and the RoKon Dec. 16. Here is the full text
of Khai's speech:
.
"I have the honour and privilege to extend, on behalf of Your Majesty, the Sultan
of Brunei Darussalam, Your Excellencies, the. Heads of State/Government of
ASEAN, and the Government and people of VietNam; our warmest welcome to the
leaders of the People's Republic of China, Japan and the Republic of Korea to Ha
Noi for our Summit Meetings on the occasion of the sixth ASEAN Summit.
"We are grateful for and highly appreciate the good will shown by the leaders of
China, Japan and the Republic of Korea in supporting olir proposal of continuing the
Summit Meetings on the occasion of last year's Informal Summit in Kuala Lumpur
which has now become part of ASEAN tradition. In tile context of the economic and
financial crisis in our region and as we make preparations to advance into the 21st
century, I think it is very important that we have opportunities to exchange views on
measures to jointly address the crisis and strengthen our traditional friendship and
cooperation.
"I am gratified to inform you that the sixth ASEAN Summit has successfully been
concluded, reflecting ASEAN's high sense of one-mindedness and strong
determination to strengthen its unity, to make every effort to address the crisis, to
ensure sustainable and equitable development, and to enhance regional peace and
stability.
"With the fine tradition of cooperation for developmemt between ASEAN and
China, Japan and the Republic of Korea, it is our hop13 that you will continue to
make greater and more practical contribution to peace, stability and development in
the region in the common interests of Asia-Pacific and the world. In this spirit, we
welcome and highly appreciate the measures to bring about economic recovery and
development as well as the initiatives proposed by the Governments of China, ·
Japan and the Republic of Korea to strengthen cooperation with and support for
ASEAN. We are confident that these efforts will make worthy contributions to the
economic recovery and development in East Asia in particular and in Asia-Pacific in
general.
·
.
"In an atmosphere of friendship and unity of today's meeting, I would like to invite
Your Majesty, Your Excellencies and all of you present at this luncheon to join me in
the best wishes for:
-The good health of His Majesty, the Sultan of Brunei Darussalam,
-The good health of Your Excellencies the leaders of ASEAN, China, Japan and
the Republic of Korea.
"May the traditional friendship and cooperation between ASEAN and China,
Japan, the Republic of Korea be enhanced and developed with every passing day.
"May our countries be ever prosperous and live in durable peace and
stability."-"VNA
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KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY H.E. PHAN VAN KHAI, PRIME MINISTER
http://wwW.asean.or.id/summit/6th/prg_keyn.htm
KEYNOTE ADDRESS
BY H.E. PHAN VAN KHAI, PRIME MINISTER
OF THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM
AT THE 6th ASEAN SUMMIT
(Hanoi,
is December 1998)
Your Majesty,
Your Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I would like to express my sincere thanks to Your Majesty and Your Excellencies for your kind words
about our country and people. These are vivid expressions of the spirit of good neighborliness among
ASEAN countries. Your words strongly encourage our people, who are now focusing their attention on
Hanoi and awaiting the successful conclusion of the 6th ASEAN Summit.
This Summit is of great significance since it takes place. at a time mankind is approaching a new
millennium.
The 20th century will go down into history as one that has brought momentous changes to mankind in
general and to the peoples of Southeast Asia in pa~icular, and a century wherein nations regained
independence, and the right to dt:,:cide their own destiny.
At present, even though conflicts still occur in different parts of the world and hotspots exist, and
complexity and unjust imposition abound in international relations, the will power and strength of
nations have become an increasingly decisive factor in promoting peace and cooperation which have
now become tlie prevailing. trend in the world.
Developing countries, including ours, are faced with intertwined opportunities and challenges. Great
achievements in science and technology have created boundless capacities for mankind, but at the same
time challenged developing countries with the danger of lagging further behind industrialised ·and
developed countries. Rapid economic globalisation is bringing about greater market access and new
partners for development, but also putting the weaker economies m a more vulnerable and
disadvantageous position, and in an uneven competition ..
Looking back, into the history of Southeast Asia and the development process of ASEAN, we can
legitimately be proud of the achievements that we have recorded. The nations of Southeast Asia have
become independent and been living in peace, former animosity and confrontation are gradually replaced
· by friendly cooperation and regional cohesion. From poor and backward lands, Southeast Asia has risen
to a region of dynamic development with high growth rates sustained for many years. Although the
current" economic turmoil has deprived us of many of our. hard-earned gains, the social, economic and
cultural foundations that each of our countries has put in place, plus our great potentials and advantages,
give us grounds to be confident that the internal strength of each country and the region, coupled with
external cooperation, are the forces which will steer the ASEAN ship through the turbulent seas onto ·the ·
21st century.
The current financial and monetary turmoil clearly d'emonstrates that in the natural process. of economic
globalisation, every crisis today is to start chain reaction that could only be checked through concerted·
a
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.
efforts at all levels - national, regional, and global.
At the national level, it is vital to mobilise to the maximum all internal resources inherent in each
country. Those are the established economic foundations, untapped natural resources, and the domestic
market in each country and .in the entire region, the abundant source of well trained, skillful, and
hard-working labour. In addition, other significant strengths are our sense of national and regional
resilience, and values of our traditional culture. At the same time, this calls for the acceleration, in
appropriate steps, of reforms and renovation. For the time bei1,1g, particular attention should be focused
on reforming the financial and banking system, enhancing the effectiveness. of macroeconomic
management.
Vietnam, in its initial stage of economic integration into the region and the w9rld, cannot avoid the
adverse effect of the crisis either. In the course of combating the financial turbulence and maintaining a
positive economic growth rate, we have, come to better understand the correlation between internal
mobilisation and external integration. As a country where 80% of its population live in rural areas, and
more than 70% of the labour force engage in agriculture, Vietnam attaches special importance to the
endogenous capacity in agriculture and rural areas. In industrialisation and modernisation, it is our policy
to develop industries and services in the rural areas instead of concentrating them in large urban centers.
That it is an appropriate way to alleviate poverty, harmonise economic growth with social equity and
stability as well as to improve ecological environment and achieve sustainable devel~pment. Agriculture
including forestry and fishery, plays an important role in almost all regional countries. Our region is able
not only to ensure food security for all member countries but also to help meet the nutrition needs which
are becoming urgent in the world: Reality shows that international integration is a natural trend, on the
other hand, liberalisation of trade, investment, services and finance. should take appropriate steps in line
with each country's level of economic development, with the pace of renovation and enhancement of
macro-management capability.
·
At the regional level, ASEAN has been able to set up a mechanism for cooperation under favourable
economic conditions. We, however, have not been able to create a mechanism for coordination in time
of crisis. We hope that this economic turmoil would give us valuable, lessons to design a system for
warning, preventing and handling untoward developments. This could be a mechanism for the exchange
of experience in macroeconomic management, monitoring, coordination, and mutual assistance. At the
same time, practic;al economic, financial and monetary measures, including those related to the
establishment of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and the ASEAN Investment Area (AlA)
incorporated in the Hanoi Plan of Action, will certainly create a synergy for us to quickly overcome the
crisis and move further forward.
At the global level, when economic interdependence grows to an unprededented height, cooperation
·becomes necessary. We welcome the support and assistance given ·by all countries and international
finanCial and monetary institutions, to those seriously hit or affected by the crisis. We also hope that
while extending assistance, they would take into account characteristics of the recipient countries to
spare them from social disturbances, and impediments to economic recovery. One practical help is to
open their markets and grant nondiscriminatory treatment which would help those countries tide over.
This crisis has tolled a bell, warning us that the global financial market is very much likely to get out of
control. Clearly, it is high time that we reforined international financial and monetary institutions, found
ways to curb monetary speculation detrimental to many economies and the global economy as a whole.
Developing countries are often requested to foster foreign investors' confidence. That is a legitimate
request and we are all doing our utmost to improve the investment environment, restore investors'
confidenc~. In return, we expect foreign investors to reinforce our confidence in their commitment to
long-term and mutually beneficial investments.
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KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY H. E. PHAN VAN KHAI, PRIME MINISTER
As a Vietnamese saying goes: "As fire tests gold, hardship tests will" we have every reason to believe
that ASEAN will be able to address those challenges and soon tide over, continue to develop in a
sustainable and equitable manner. Drawing up lessons of experience on the crisis, we need to strengthen
the fundamentals for sustainable economic development in harmony with social and cultural
development, making use of the human factor, improving the ecological environment, eradicating social
evils, especially the drug issue and the HIV/AIDS threat which are growing at an alarming rate in some
countries of our region.
Today, ASEAN includes member countries at significantly different development levels. Most of our
countries have yet to ensure an equitable development to different geographical areas and population
strata. As such, the idea of equitable development that we emphasise at this summit is highly relevant
and timely. On this occasion, we would also like to draw your attention to a considerably large area of
the Mekong Basin. This area remains underdeveloped, though endowed with great potentials. It covers
the central parts of Vietnam and Laos, and Northeastern part of Thailand. Vietnam's initiative on a
regional development programme aimed at creating a West-East Corridor (WEC), has drawn the
interests of many countries.
It is vital for us to maintain peace and stability, Although the environment of the region is one of relative
peace, it is not really stable because there, still exist a number of possibly destabilising factors.
1
At the 5th Summit, the ten Southeast Asian countries signed a historic document - the Treaty on the
Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone. We eall on the Nuclear Weapons States to sign, at an early
date, the Treaty Protocol so as to ensure the effectiveness of the Treaty, thus saving our region from a
likely disaster caused by this weapon of mass destruction.
We warmly welcome the success of the free and fair elections last July and the recent formation of a new
power structure in Cambodia under the important guidance of His Majesty, King Norodom Sihanouk.
From the bottom of our heart we wish the Kingdom of Cambodia peace, stability and prosperity.
Following an open exchange of views, the ASEAJ\J" Leaders come to the decision to admit the Kingdom
of Cambodia as the tenth member of ASEAN and has instructed their Foreign Minister to orga~ise a
special'admission ceremony in Hanoi. The decision makes it possible to fulfil the vision of ASEAN-10,
enhances ASEAN's strength and international standing, and contributes, in an important way, to
strengthening peace, increasing cooperation and promoting development in Southeast Asia.
As a coastal country bordering the Eastern Sea, we always harbour an earnest desire for stability in this
region on the basis of the agreement by all countries concerned to work through negotiations for a
fundamental and long-term solution to the sovereign disputes over the archipelagos in conformity with
international law, especially the i982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and the 1992
ASEAN Declaration on the Eastern Sea. Pending such a solution, we should maintain the status quo,
refrain from complicating the situation, ·especially from the threat or use of force; work out, with the
agreement of the parties concerned, appropriate fonns of cooperation.
Today, domestic and international stability, economic, political and social stability are intertwined.
Disturbances in our region would not serve any country's interests and outside troubles would negatively
impact our region. Therefore, we expect mutual respect, constructive cooperation to maintain peace,
Stability. The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) has proved its initial effectiveness, making contributions
to building confidence and enhancing stability. We firmly believe that ASEAN will continue its leading
role in driving the ARF in the right direction, thus laying foundation for durable and long-term security
in Asia-Pacific.
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�KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY. H.E. PHAN VAN KHAI, PRIME MINISTER
http://www. asean.or. id/summit/6thlprg_keyn. htm
The key to ASEANs success is the close unity among its member countries. President Ho Chi Minh the
founding father of the now Vietnam, stressed, on many occasions, the significance of "Unity, broad
unity, broader unity; Success, great success, greater success." We may come to think that this thought is
true not solely for Vietnam. In reality, unity in diversity has been and will be giving added strength to
each country, promoting cooperation e:md enhancing ASEAN's standing in the international community.
Today, against the backdrop of the economic and financial crisis, unity and one-mihdedness has become
more crucial than ever before. It is our firm belief that with the common objectives of peace, cooperation
for development; with the common legal basis ofthe Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC); with "the
ASEAN way", we will definitely strengthen our one-mindedness while maintaining member countries'
identities. With this belief, we would like to call upon all member countries to make joint efforts to
resolve outstanding issues, so that ASEAN's younger generations can advance, hand in hand, and free of
. misgivings, into the new century in great strides and durable harmony.
With those thoughts in mind and with our· appreciation of all your articulate and heartfelt statements,
haye a lot in common, we are . fully convinced of the success of our Summit.
w~ich
Thank you for your attention.
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�WELCOME REMARK BY H.E. PRIME MINISTER PHAN VAN KHAI
http://www .asean.or. id/summit/6th/prg_wei c. htm
WELCOME REMARK
BY H.E. PRIME MINISTER PHAN VAN KHAI
AT THE OPENING CEREMONY OF THE 6th ASEAN SUMMIT
Your Majesty,
Your Excellencies, .
Ladies and Gentle
It is indeed a great honour and pleasure for us to extend, on behalf of Government end people of the
Socialist Republic, of Vietnam, our warmest welcome, once again, to Your Majesty, the Sultan of
Brunei and Your Excellencies, Presidents and Prime Ministers of ASEAN to Hanoi for the 6th Meeting
of ASEAN Heads of State/Government. My warmest welcome also goes to Your Excellency Samdech
Hunsen,. Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Cambodia. Today's Opening Ceremony is also
honoured by the gracious presence of the Heads of Diplomatic Missions in Hanoi.
Our Summit takes place at a historic moment, the juncture of the two centuries. This is the last ASEAN
Summit in this century as we make preparations to bring ASEAN onto the new millenium. It also marks
an important step in the development of our Association and is the first Summit that reflects in reality
the vision of an ASEAN embracing thee whole Southeast Asian region, ·an association of Southeast
Asia, by Southeast Asia, and for Southeast Asia. We firmly believe that Hanoi Summit will be a shining
symbol of the spirit of unity and cooperation for an ASEAN of peace, stability, and equitable
development.
At the, moment, our region of Southeast Asia is facing great challenges brought about by the economic
and financial crisis. At this Meeting, in the spirit of cooperation and mutual assistance in the interests of
individual countries the whole association, we willjointly exchange views on and look for measures to .
. bring back the, regions sustained development. Our ideas and agreements will be reflected in the Hanoi
Declaration, the Hanoi Plan of Action and Agreements signed on this occasion with a view to achieving
the objectives of ASEAN Vision 2020. At the same time, the decisions of this Summit will constitute a
clear message on the part of regional countries and peoples to the world about ASEAN's determination
to jointly address challenges and difficulties for further development.
ASEAN has always been an outward-looking organization entertaining dialogue partnership with many
countries and major world economic centers. On the occasion of the Hanoi· Summit, we are gratified to
meet with the Leaders of dialogue countries in East Asia which include the People's Republic of China,
Japan and the Republic of Korea, thus creating a new frame tradition in ASEAN Activities. The Leaders
of many dialogue partners of ASEAN as well. as international and regional organisations have sent
messages of congratulation to our Summit, expressing strong confidence in our potentials and prospect,
strongly reaffirming their wish to support and· cooperate with ASEAN. These are eloquent evidences of
the·world community's great interest in ASEAN, its attractiveness and its rightful position in the world.
Allow me, on behalfofthe Association, to express our sincere thanks for their noble feelings and strong
support.
Having become an ASEAN member for only more 3 years, Vietnam considers hosting and chairing the
6th Summit a great honour and will do her utmost to ensure the success of our Meeting, for the
sustainable and strong development of ASEAN towards the future.
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�http://www.asean.or.id/summit/6th/prg_welc.htm
WELCOME REMARK BY H.E. PRIME MINISTER PHAN VAN KHAI
.,
'•
· With those words, I now wish to declare open the 6th ASEAN Summit.
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�PM.Pha~ Y.~n Khai: New development in t...ietnam and Russia, Belan.httpuf~fa.gov.vn:8080/Web+server/ ... 7ea6f9a922c72569600026bf9d?OpenDocument
PM Phan Van Khai interviewed by Daily Nhan Dan:
New development in ties
between Vietnam and Russia, Belarus and Bulgaria
Q: Can you please tell us the purpose and the outstanding results of your visits to Russia, Belarus
. and Bulgaria?
A: The three countries that the Vietnamese government delegation has been to are our traditional
friendly countries, having had friendship and co-operation ties with Vietnam for over half a century.
They supported and helped Vietnam during its struggle for national independence, the country's
reunification as well as the national reconstruction and defence. After a time, those ties were
suspended due to the change in the political systems in Russia, Belarus and Bulgaria. Recently, the
political relations between Vietnam and these countries have seen positive developments.
Co-operat,ion in economy, trade, science, technology and education between Vietnam and these
countries has made good progress. However, it has not yet matched with the potential and satisfied
the aspirations of each country. In that context, these visits aimed to affirm our Party and State's
foreign policy of independence, self-control,, diversification and multilateralisation, unceasingly
consolidating and developing friendship and multi-side
d co-operation with traditional friendly countries. The visits also created chances for Vietnam and
these countries to have exchanges at the top level on orientations, measures and forms to accelerate
the multi-faceted co-operation between Vietnam and other countries, particularly in economic,
commercial, scientific and technological fields. Also during these visits, Vietnam and these
countries exchanged opinions on the situation of their respective countries, on international and
regional issues of common concern, to enhance further their mutual trust and understanding. We
also compared notes on how to strengthen co-operation and co-ordination in international activities.
With such a significance, we can assure that the visits to. Russia, Belarus and Bulgaria of our
government delegation ended in success. Vietnam and these countries have signed several important
documents and continue to complete the legal framework to make a positive contribution to
developing multi-faceted co-operation in the coming time. Leaders of the three countries shared the
same views with Vietnam that more efforts should be made to boost multi-sided co-operation with
Vietnam, particularly in economic, commercial, scientific and technological spheres ,so as to match
with the potentials of each country.
Q: Could you please say what Vietnam should do to effectively implement the agreements reached
in order to further strengthen multi-faceted relations with the Russian Federation, Belarus and
Bulgaria, especially in the economic, trade, scientific and technological fields?
A: First of all, it is necessary to confirm that the Government encourages and will take measures to
facilitate the sectors, businesses and localities nationwide to look for partners and widen and boost
ways of co-operation in economy, trade, science and technologywith their partners. Potentials of the
parties are great. Vietnam and these countries have big advantages that can complement one
another, meeting the practical development needs of each country. Markets in these countries are in
need of tropical products of Vietnam such as rice, coffee, tea and rubber as well as consumer goods
<~;nd handicraft and fine arts products. Vietnam has a requirement of widening co-operation in many
fields in which these countries have advantages including exploiting and processing oil and gas,
electric energy, producing and assembling lorries, tractors, engines, electronics and fertilisers.
I of2
10/27/2000 3:21PM
�Pl\iPhan.V~n
Khai: New development in t ... ietnam and Russia, Belanbtlptd'~fa.gov.vn:8080/Web+server/ ... 7ea6~a922c72569600026bf9d?OpenDocumcnt
The most important thing is that the partners in both Vietnam and these three countries need to be
active and patient to find effective measures to develop co-operative relations of mutual benefit,
contributing to raising trade turnovers and scale of investment.
Q: Could you give us your impressions on the visits to these countries?
A: This was my first official visits to the' Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus and the
Republic of Bulgaria !lS the prime minister of Vietnam. We were warmly welcomed by the hosts.
They impressed us with their deep sentiments. I had an opportunity to relive the unforgettable days
during my study in the friendly country forty years ago. I was very glad to find out that the fine,
sincere and warm sentiments given by the host leaders, officials, businesses and people to the
Vietnamese delegation and people were in a constant development despite great changes in each
country in the recent past. I believe that "the traditional, friendly and co-operative ties between
Vietnam and these three countries will see fhrther development, matching with the potential and
people's wishes in each country.
2 of2
10/27/2000 3:21PM
�..
..
V.
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. VETERANS
01\
. . 'AMERICA
.
.
2001 S Street NW ..
Wasbiugton DC 20009
(lO:a) 483-922l
Fax (202) 483-.9312
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To: Tom Rosshirt
Fr: John Terzano
Re: President Clinton's visit to Vietnam
Dt: November 8, 2000
Tom:
As promised, attached is the information. If necessary, I could provide some additional
information of the in-country operations in Vietnam. Let me know if you believe it will
be useful. I will give you a call before you leave and let you know where I will be
staying so we can hook up in Vietnam.
John
200 IS Street NW • Washiogtt>n DC 20009 • Phone: 202·•183-9222 • Fax: 202-4S3·9312 • web: http://www.vv:af.oq;
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VIE1NAM
VETERANS 01\
AMERICA
F
Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation 0fVAF) is a Washington, D.C. based international
humanitarian organization that addresses the c:auses, conduct, and consequences of war through its
rehabilitation projects for victims of war, its landrnine survey projects that assess the socioeconomic consequences of landmines in some of the worlds most mine-affected nations and its
public education and advocacy programs that deal with the changing nature of conflict as well as
the effectiveness of international constraints on conflict.
In 1998, VVAF, in a collaborative effort with nine other international humanitarian organizations,
established the Survey Action Center to coordinate and conduct a Global Landmine Survey of the
social and economic impact of landmines in the world's most mine-contaminated nations.
The Global Landmine Survey details the socio--economic impact oflandmines. This survey,
conducted by visiting all the mine-affected communities within a country, provides the foundation
for all subsequent mine awareness, demining and victim assistance activities. Executed to a
common international standard, the survey permits national authorities to develop plans focusing on
areas of greatest impact, allows donors to apportion funds to places of greatest human need, and
gives implementers data that provides success indicators for mine action programs.
The Survey Action Center, in conjunction with the Government of Vietnam and the US Department
of State, is planning pilot and regional surveys as precursors to a possible full
Landmine/Unexploded Ordnance Impact Survey ofVietnam. The Government of Vietnam has
identified the Survey as a priority for this heavily contaminated country. Contamination there is
extensive, among the worst in the world, and only limited information currently exists to facilitate a
countrywide mine action effort. The US Department of State has agreed to provide initial financial
assistance of US$ 1.4 million to be used for the Survey in Vietnam. This assistance is in addition
to other U.S. funding on behalf of the Survey Action Center's operations in Yemen, Chad, Kosovo,
Thailand and Mozambique. With this contribution total U.S. funding support for Landmine Impact
Surveys in all coWltries exceeds $5.1 million.
2001 S S!~ee! NW • Wuhinjpon DC 20009 • Phone: 202-483-9222·• Pax: 202-483-9312 • web: http:/fwww.vvaf.org
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SUNDAY, APRIL 25.
1993
War and Forgiveness
Qin~on
- · - · C~1k the One to Stop Puni~JEEg _Vietnam and Start 1alkine
.
- - - - - - - - - - - . - - . :..,icy agenda. The statesman-like and
ica's Vietnam veterans to its
By John F. Tenano
' sensible altt~rnative is to admit that
shores.
· f~ America's war in Southeast Asia
It's time we did the.same._ The
RESIDENT CLINTON ·apin i. :.. was a mistake and move quickly to
1960s began with the dreams and
faces a diff&eult personal:de- 'I''~ put the pas~ ~ehind_ ~ . . . . .. -·-- ,. .. aspirations of millions of .Amedcans ·
cision concerning Vietuam. ·:;: Wtien I v1S1t~d Vu:~tnam last year.
who believed they could dtange the
But unlike 24 years ago, his actians ··.:: I found the V1ecnamese people ~aworld; But it ended with those
Will. affect not just his
ger to ~pen a new era .of pe.ace With
dreams being shattered with sach
ture but the future of tens ofmil·:··r the Umted :State~. '_Th~ .longc::d to
intensity, pain and suffering·that its
·
onal
ef'tects are still felt. But maybe this
lions of Americans and Vietnal'lll!!5e. :· ''! become . "art of, the. · J"'ternat1
..
.. . .
''
can change. We now have-a pres·
The war tllat yowtg Bill Clinton:~p-.".: c~~mumty and soun_ded more than
· lo
b h
~, .;, wrllmg to open theu·. economy to
ident who like many of us knows the
~ lS. ng over, ut t. e P~: · American investment;•j!lst as they
terrible truth about the Vietnam
poliete~ that seek to P.umsh and &S?- ::;: have done wirh European and JapWar and the appalling effect .it has.
lat_e Y1etnam have lived on. W11l , anese corporations.
had on our nation's conscience and
Clinton change cou~?
·
· The Vietnamese have not forgoton our generation. He also must
Much of the media and the Alllll!r· :.1':: ten the_war::::,Ciildthe2 Inillion Jives
KliOw that the only way .to finally
ic:an public's attention continues·to-·;:; lost-in it-any more than we have~ heal the wounds is to end the trade
focus on. events- that took ptu;e\.·;;, forgotten the 58 OOO_Americansj
embargo with Vietnam and grant
more than 20 years. ago. Retied \:-whoaiea:-]usi as ~e- cannot dismiss
diplomatic recognition to our for- .
·Gen. John W. Vessey Jr., whoilas :;~ our 2.000 missing in action, the
m~~.en~my............ .
. .served as pre~dent~l emissary.~ on ·~ ~ietnamese. Camb_odians and Laoontrast our present policy
. POW{MIA affairs sance 1987, has ~,. tJans are ev1er mmdful that huntoward Vietnam with that of
just ret~ed ~m _Vi~tnam. The? dreds of th~usaD:ds o~ ~eir country·
France, a. ~::ountry ~th its
crux of Vessey s masswn was the . , men are also stall mJ~s.ng. The efown tortuous history of mvolve·
search for missing Americans. Tliis .<:) fects of the war are stJll being felt in
ment there. French President Francois Mittemnd recently toured the
quest costs $100 million a year, !>; V~etoam and here in _America-and
according to the Senate Sell!et .::~ will be for som~ ._t.une. But that
bunker at Dien Bien Phu in north. should not prevent us from changern Vietnam where the French
.
.
Ql~tt~ ~n POW/MIA Affa:a:s• .:! ing the eou.rse of Vietnameseforces in Vietnam surrendered on
·~IS a sa~ca.nt pa~ of our na- .· American relations.
May 7, 1954. While 10,000 French
tion's seemmgly mte~ble effort ::;: There are those who argue Clinand Vietnamese lost their lives durro come to terms with. the e"Y.er· ···; ton's draft status and his anti-war
ing that 60-day battle, Mitterrand's
elusive truths related to our in- .· activities preclude him from moving
visit wasn't limited to touring the
volvement in Vietnam. The recent ..,. forward with relations with Vietold battlefield-he also visited a
controversy over what appears to
nam. On the: contnry, Clinton
school built with French money.
be a 2Q-year-old North Vietnamese shares a community of interests
Mitterrand's historic vi~t-the
memo concerning POWs is just th(! '· with the vast majority of his genfixst by a Western head of state-is
latest '-~"'~"'r in this story.
eration, who did. not volunteer for
an example of what a nation can do
I.a 196'9, Clinton's views were • service, were not drafted-and' who
when it refuses to allow itself, in the
clear. He wrote eloquently about opposed the war.
words of former president George
how he "despised the war (in Viet·
Just as Clinton once condemned
Bush, to be Msundered by a mem·
nam)n with a •depth of feeling" he our war in Southeast Asia so now he
ory." f\Cco~panyin~. Mitterrand
"reserved solely for racism in ~ould ~!so eoz~demn. our 18-year
were s~x eabmet mm1sters and a
America." Does he feel the same economJc contlJCt with Vietnam.
dele~atlon_ of ov~r 200 govern!Dent
today? If he does, he should not al- Our vindictive: trade embargo
offic1als, JO~rnalistTsh an~ busuu:ss
·
ha
· f
· 1
senres no purp,ose except to prorepresenf.lt&ves.
e 1mpress1ve
low· ~e sa_d c pter o our t_DVO ve-- long the tragedy of our involvedelegation. was met by thousands of
P
personai'\fu-'.1"
c
ment m:.y1etna~ to be rewntten as
a "no~l~ cause. ~or should he, out
of politi~ ex~~ncy, relegate t~e
long ove~ue poh~1cal ~nd econom1c
rapprochement w_tth V1etnam_ to the
back burner of his own fore1gn pol
fohn Tmano is president of the
Vietnam Vetnrsns of Ameriea
.Foundation.
soo!voo·a vzzs#
ment. Vietnam is not 8 syndrome
that needs to be bW"ied. It is a country o{ 70 million people (the majority of whom were not even born
when the last u.s. troops !eft Viet·
nam) struggling to join the community of nations. It is a nation that
has put its war firmly in the past
and welcomed thousands of Amer·
cheering Vietnamese who lined
streets adorned with French flags
and welcoming banners: . ·
_At a formal banquet m has honor,
Mitterrand sat next to Gen. Vo
N~yen Giap, the legendary strategtSt who __ led .the Vie~mese
forces at D1en B1en Phu.· He sat
across from Vietnam's President Le
Due Anh, who fouiUlt the French as
99Z1£6 £8v ZOZ L1=01 OOOZ,80'AON
�. -During his visit,
also met with othet sen·
ior Vietnamese ·leaders. many of
whom spent years 'a~ politicai·pris·
onets in French prisons. But all of
the pain and suffering of the:past
seemed r.o be buu distant memQr;~; _ __
an=ailitude=effi?llasized by ·Mitter~
rand;wiloreassured the_
1 that h.e was making hts v1s1t "to.-.J
,e~e
close a chapter [and} even mor~·so~'
to open another;~.-..--;": ~ . . ___;
'-Tilefrencli lead~r's visit v.;oa;>1not
without its critics ·back. in_...Ffance.
Some veteraos of the1954':FrenchIridochina .Conflict caStigated Mit·
terrand for betraYing French na·
'
'/
.
.
tionalism by consorting with its for·
mer 1eneiny. Mitterrand respOnded
b{i'pping the ante-'reminding
<French citizens;of his meetings with
/ ;t:.erman generals following World
Miirt.,,.,..,,,t1
Vi~t~am-
I
.
I
~.
'
~-
·War II: "OW' effort in Europe was
:1imed at reconciliation with our for·
mer enemies," he said blandly.
·'Why not do the same elsewhere?"
He migbt have left it at that. but he
added that l!,.e.. had always believed
that the war between France and
Vietnam "was a mistake" and that it
"was wrong."
. ,
.
It was a startling. though truth·
ful, admission-and one that American politicians, wrestling with this
own
still loathe
make.· If only we in the· United
States had a leader courageous
enough to ·say the. same thing about
America's war with Vietnam. But
then. maybe we do.
.. . • .
nation's
SOO/SOO'd !iC:C:S#
wir.'aie.
to
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\
Pure Color
*
Early pioneers of globalism:
TJ who wanted rice; Henry
Ford who said idealists seek prosperity of others (and paid his
people enough so they could buy his cars)
in one hundred years
what was idealist now is a pragmatist.
\.
*
Jefferson (Miller p xv)
wrote in a letter "The dry rice of
(Cochinchina) has the reputation of being the whitest to the
eye, best flavored to the taste, and most productive."
Of
course, this confirms him in our eyes as a man of exquisite
taste, and vision of coruse since VN is not the world's second
largest exporters of rice.
\
*
Confucius - Moral force never dwells in solitude; it always
brings neighbors.
*
Confucius said:
"the good persori does not grieve that
other people do not recognize her merits. Her only anxiety is
that she should fail to recognize theirs."
Use this as set up
to praise of Vietnamese people, history, etc.
*
(Miller p.· 48) Early US Vietnamese history tells the story
of frequent efforts to reach a treaty of commerce and
friendship.
These early efforts failed. According to one
historian, these efforts failed because:
"two distant cultures
talking past each other, and the importance of each to the other
was insufficient to overcome these barriers." Not anymore.
*
Soccer - the paragraph in pr~ise of Vietn~m should include
an "oh, by the way"
their soccer team, with nickname, if
possible."
*
we all have an interest in one another's prosperity. Asian
financial crisis -- US kept its markets open, helped you export
your way out.
why did we do it, beause we recognize we have an
interest in the prosperity of others.
*
globalism- we can't control it; it's like the wind.
(see
if wind plays a role in any vietnamese myths.)
or rivers ... we
have to adapt, and do bold, p~rsistent experimentation.
*
globalization and commerce is based on trust - trust is
built by experience of laws and being treated well. money is
not in the banks because of lack of trust, hurts everyone.
�2
*
Three Seasons, a hauntingly poetic vision of contemporary
vietnam·was the big winner of the 1999 Sundance Film Festival,
becoming the first film in the events history to snare both
egran jury prives and audeicne award.
Scent of Green Papaya
also up - artistic and culture of vietnam share with the world:
it's a two-way street.
*
vietnam performs well in international math and science
competitions.
*
vietnam has the highest literacy rate in SEA, around 90
percent. but the reality is that less than 38 percent go to
secdonary schooo. about 9 percent attend colelege and fewere
than half graduate.
SF examiner sept 17 2000
*
Ho Chi Minh - most famous phrase:
"nothing is more precious
than independence and freedom."
(now some people say "for
yourself."
*
one third are poor, many sit on their savings to avoid taxes
and because they don't trust banks.
*
recently opened a stock market.
*
communist party concerns: vietnam falling behind other
countries; threat of peaceful evolution; existence of corruption
and division in cp; country's deviation from socialist path.
*
cp answers - need for political stability; need for
openness to work through foreign tade and invesmtsent; needs for
veitnam to reform at its own pace.
*
we vietnamese are full of energy, but sometimes officeisl
resrcitions cut off our energies.
(think of an efficient
machine, least energy lost).
*
3.5 million vietnamese on both sides lost their lives in the
war.
*
one million boat people, who fled - about 5 percent of svn
population.
*
the big mistake the maiercans made was not udnerstaind the
vietnamese culture or mentality.
they were so sure military
strenght would win the war, they never bothered ot learn who
they were fighting.
�3
*
Bobby Muller, anti-wa~ activist former gung-ho marine.
Montreal gazette april 30, 2000. He believed that the wounds of
war needed healing and that veternas, not the US government,
were the ones who should being the reconciliation process.
in
1981, as head of a niatonawide veterans organization, he led the
first group of vets to retun to veitnam. A president of the
Vietnam Veterans of American Foundaiton, Muller has come back
often to oversee projects that his nonprofie org runs here, in
eluding one that provides prosthetic limbs to land-mine victims.
Not long ago, Muller returned to Quang Tri province, where he
lost the use of his legs. He visited a war cemetery near Dong
Ha, paysing to wonder if we're friends now, why not then?
Leter, he wrote in the vistors register:
The magnitude of the
vietnamese people suffering is hard to imagine, even thogh we
are so connected in our history and hearts.
Let these
sacrifices inform and inspire all of us to continue working for
peace, healing and to prevent anything like what happened here
from happening again.
*
vietnam can compete - soccer, judo, math and science, cannes
(these people want to
film festival - comments of compaq guy.
hire you and give you responsibility.
*
make the point that all vietnamese abroad who are successful
and famous, make the point that more world understands the
talent of vietnamese the more they want to partner with
vietnamese -- use partner to get around invest in or profit
from, helps finesse the idea that some vietnamese have left
vietnam.
(link to teammates, partners, who would you like on
your team.)
*
What the BTA means - folks haven't been public about it in
vietnam and students don't know and they would be top
beneficiaries.
*
anti-drug message might work - problems we share
*
POTUS should have soccer scores ready and available.
Vietnamese top star is Le H~ynh Due Lay Hwin Dook. He is the
michael jordan of vietnamese soccer. he's at 28.
if potus has
free time, he should get this guy at a reception. make
reference to game.
See if US is not going ove~ to play some
matches.
(The Cambodian coach said vietnam plays at a very fast
pace, even faster than Singapore, we will be under great
�4
pressure from .the start.
Vietnam was disappointed to end its
first match in a draw with Malaysia. Le had chances but did not
score.
they're looking for a goal' harvest against cambodia
because the semifinalist in group b may be determined by goal
differential.
*
tale. of kieu == look for a passage where she has escaped and
still has hope for the future.
*
she's 21 years old.
her story, from a fishing village in
southern vietname,
her familiy didn't ev~n know. some reproter
came to their door.
your sister just won the gold medal. no
phone or internet - reporter.
*
Sin (please) Chao
Vietnamese - greeting and closing
(hello) cac ban - closing:
"I wish you health and success success, success, great success." chuc cacban suckhoe tang cahm
*
(vallely) - party congress calling for 7 percent growth at that rate will catch Thailand in 60 years. need to create
1.4 million jobs a year, only private sector can do that, BTA
gives it a chance. Need science, need capital. Vietnam has
highest literacy in the region, some of the best mathematicians
and scientists in the world. Need an internet as fast as your
neighbors.
*
famous successful vietnamese - columbia math professor who
inspired good will hunting. pianist who won the Tchaikovsky
competition.
math olympiad, soccer, olympics, cannes.
Painter
who's a great portrait artist - Do Kwan EM *
globalization is not just about economics; it's about being
enriched by the cultures of others.
then cite aspects of
3~~ culture.
)
*
A country chooses its rate of growth - how prosperous do
you want to be?
With your talent and energy - you decide.
foreign diret investment is down 80 percent from its peak.
Thailand fdi is three times what it was before the crisis,
vietnam one-fifth of where it was.
Human resources of vietnam
are known and respected around the world. epeople would invest
here if they simply knew the rule, kew they would be honroed,
kewn the compeititon would be fair.
Quote compaq guy. With
your gifts, we have an expression: you don't need to take a
back seat to anyone. Your children are entitled to the same
opportunities chindre everywhere have.
·
1
il"" ewv..
*
"f
JJj r~ CDN-JfhN i
rkv
�5
*
Jiang lands in Phnom Penh the day POTUS lands in Hanoi
*
status quo minus; status quo plus; great leap forward
*
Henry Ford - idealist are those who want to make others
prosperour (from idealistic to pragmatic in 100 years.)
*
HO:
'Nothing is more precious than freedom and
indedpencen"
HO:
"No task is difficult
*
if we have due commitment and determination
embassy foreign national says the first line is as recognizable
as "when in Rome."
*
Last two lines of national anthem:
Forward!
All together advancing
Our vietnam is strong eternal.
that first line perhaps could mean ALL together.
*
\.
Ambassador says:
VN has 85% under 40
(this belongs in a
"let me tell America about vietnam sentence." More than ever
they have clothes and motrocycles tevs internet cafes,
computers, but they are thirsty from education.
*
amb peterson: No two nations have ever done what we're
doing to discover losses suffered in war.
*
Amb Peterson:
If VN signs and implements these provisions,
VN would very quickly become on toe fhte most prosperous nations
in Asia.
*
rights - cherished in america, not made in america, not a
wettsern value, a universal right.
*
the grief and anguish of not knowing;
the tragedy of the
past should not keep us in thepast, but propel us even faster
forward toward a future unlike the past (pivot here to poem from
Kieu
*
POem: Chinh Phu Ngam by Dang Tran Con
"Satisfied that our sad memories recede with time,
�6
we will treasure happiness in a time of peace."
*
temple of literature is a couple thousand years old.
Culture counts ...
*
declaration of interdependence.
*
Why are people eager to invest in vietnam - if the climate
is right - they want to invest in the intelligence and energy.
invest if you think sotnethingis going to grow and prosper, you
want to contribute to it and share i~~-;;:;-;:--.J..;.,
*
IW'/h ~
no nation can achieve full greatness unless the people
allowed to reach their full potential.
a2
*
driving political force in US for better relations is from
veterans.
*
democracy is not our values, its opening the door to the
expression of local values.
It's the only system that by
definition can't be imposed, it has to be embraced.
If it has
to be embraced; it can't be imposed."
*
ingrained in every vietnamese heart:
"by working together we
can accomplish much more than if we work alone."
*
vietnamese villagers finding remains reporting to the
authorities having it repatriated very quickly
*
diary of PAVN soldier turned over by american veteran.
*
Veteran's map was able to help vietnamese find grave with 95
bodies.
He said he wanted to ease the pain of those who did not
know where their loved ones 11\rere.
*
we invited south vietnamese archivists to visit washington
to review documents that would give ideas about their missing.
we gave them 390,000 pages.
*
possible mini-announcement:
"we are now giving htem the
remining portion of marine archives.
total of 1.2 million all
about their MIA soldiers.
*
we are invited theie scientist to work with ours next year
to see our methods of accounting.
�7
*
viet kieu coming back with great resources and energy.
*
compaq's dilip Phadke, who flew to vietnam with his company
to host seinateu on internet infrastructure in hanoi comments:
"the respons has been remarkable.
the vietnamese are
enthusiastic, eager, and ready to go.:
*
VNU - cooperation with 90 institutions all over including
australia france japan and us.
* NON zero:
"It is harder and harder for me to win, unless
you also win.
mmore an more our interests converge.
some
will say that it's not really caring about others, it is caring
about self.
I say it begins to end the distinction.
~U.VV
*
The President has summarized Wright's premise by saying, "The argument is that the more
complex societies grow, and the more interconnected we all get, the more interdependent we
become, the more we have to look for nonzero sum solutions. He basically argues that if you
look at it over the whole sweep of history, it is a good thing that we are growing, A, more
complex, and B, more interdependent, because it forces us to try to find solutions in which we all
win, instead of solutions in which some of us win at everybody else's expense. That is, solutions
in which we all win, instead of solutions in which I win at your expense."
*
you can ignore people or leave them out, or worse still try to defeat and deny them.
(where is the religious piece about my hand, my foot?)
*
*
POTUS expression, cut off your nose to spite your face.
1 Corinthians 12:20
As it is, there are many parts but one body.
The eye cannot say to the hand, I don't need you. And the head cannot say to the feet "I don't
need you." ... Qhere should be no division in the body and the parts should have equal concern
for each oth~ ... If one part suffers, every part suffers with it. if one part is honored, every part
rejoices with it."
* biggest fulbright program anywhere in the world in term ofUS government support. $4
million fulbirgh program awarexdc in FY 2000 a total of thirty-eight grants to eight US scholars,
seven vietnamese scholars, eighter us students and fifteen vietnamese students.
* US national weather service and vietnams' hydro meterorological service have conluded a
memorandum ofu that provides a framesour for cooepraiton to improve vn's storm and flood
forecasting and its capacity to respond to weather related emergencies.
*
what the BT A will do and what it means for these students.
�8
*
successful countries cannot afford to be afraid of the future
*
tale ofkieu -look for a pssage where ~;he escpaed and still has hope for the future.
*
Le Huynh Due - soccer star- need clinton photo with him.
*
they appreciate the attempt to speak the language.
*
You see signs up and down the street for english lessons.
*Vietnamese students excelled at the 41st (2000) International Mathematics' Olympiad
held in Seoul, the Republic of Korea with three gold, two silver and one bronze medals.
These results made Vietnam the 5th top team, following China, Russia, the United
States and the Republic of Korea.
A total of 463 competitors from 82 countries participated in the Seoul Mathematics
Olympiad. The results obtained by thEl Vietnamese team demonstrate real strength and
qualifications of Vietnamese participants.
* visited a flower growing area, met a farmer, his 14 boy was learning english on the internet
was determined to be a doctor.
*
three seaons and scent of green papaya.
*
refernece to the history fo poetry in vietnam - tenth to 18th
century, vn military men were also mandarins and to beocmea
mandarin one had to master a complete set of literary techniques
and forms.
like having to write a sonner for foreign service
exam
*
by acknowledging the Vnese dead, the president could make a
profound contibution toa deep and full peace between our
nations.
* Sorry, I have to correct myself, Ms. Tran Hieu Ngan won a silver medal in
Taekwondo at the Sydney Olympics. She is, nevertheless, a big star now in
Vietnam. Hers was Vietnam's first ever Olympic gold medal and was a very
big deal locally. The President would really connect with his audience if
he is able to recognize her achievement. You can look up her results at
the Olympics' site (http://www.olympic:s.com/eng/).
Also, the Tiger Cup is now being held in Thailand, not Malaysia as I
thought. I am attaching a wire story on Vietnam's performance.
Hope that's helpful.
�/
9
Regards,
28 September 2000
Vietnam won their first Olympic medal - a silver- after Tran Hieu Ngan fought
her way into the final of the women's 57 kilograms class in taekwondo on
Thursday but then lost to South Korea's Jung Jae-eun.
Ngan, 26, is the fourth of eight children and comes from the small fishing town
of Tuy Hoa, capital of the central coastal province of Phu Yen, where her family
runs a sweet shop.
The town is about 350 km (220 miles) northeast of Ho Chi Minh City.
"This is such a great honour for me to be the first Olympic medallist from Vietnam," she
said.
"This medal is for my country and all the people who live there." Vietnam's Foreign
Ministry said
the whole country had been behind Ngan. "We want to say that we are with you," it said
in a statement.
Taekwondo, which is making its debut at the Sydney Games, is an ancient martial art
which resembles
karate but focuses on kicks with bare feet and is Korea's national sport.
Tiger Cup 2000 is going on right now, warm-up games have been played and opening
ceremonies are going on, Vietnam and Malaysia went 0-0 in their warm-up game and is
scheduled to play against Cambodia tomorrow. We can check scores on
www.thaifootball.com
*
The tale of Kieu- the music and magic of Nguyen Du's verse
- oe of the masterpieces of tarditional asian literature.
he described the complicated moral pilgrimage of Kieu.
talent as a "national poet"
Du's
He divides her life into two parts - the itme of misfortune and
degradation - and the time of restoration and happiness after
she is rescued when she is compensated for her sufferings.
a remarkable hymn to individual fortitude and indiviiual moral
responsibility.
many vietnamese folk poems are simply six eight couplets.
�10
it is an ideal medium for oral transmission, -- easier to
memorize and recite than any other form of poetry.
to rach the public had to learn the poems by heart and recite
them.
supreme masterwork of vietnamese literature.
a spare poem of 1627 couplets.
celebratuion of the vietnamese language in all its diversity
with all its reouscse of shythem and tone.
Lines 1795-96
"Just as the lotus wilts, the mums bloom forth time soften grief, and winter turns to spring."
have to make this the sentiment of others - perhaps you can have
muller's statement in there.
"The magnitude of the vietnamese people suffering i~ hard to
imagine, even thogh we are so connected in our history and
hearts.
Let these sacrifices inform and inspire all of us to
continue working for peace, healing and to prevent anything like
what happened here from happening again."
folk sayings in Kieu:
"sawdust and bitter melon" - comes from a hawker who foisted
sawdust as rice bran he came across another - who passed bitter
means off for cucumbers, the two traded their goods, duping each
other.
global capital flows:
P. 516 of the nyt almanac:
"the crrent dyri.amic interaction among thes very dispareat
econmoic aided reatly by the tech revoltion has set in motion an
unprecedent global movement of capit aform the welathiest
nations to developin ones.
since holdersof dapital always
sseek grfeater reutnred on tehri ivnestment they will put their
mony in econmcies tha who potentila growth; if they owti or fun
�11
ocerpation they will look for wasy to reduce th costs of
manufcturing expecially labor costs, so they realize a greater
profi. by investingin foreign companies of by extalbihsing hteir
businesse is foreign natios thepower of capital can rapidly
tarnsofor the concomi of poorer nations while rearranging the
patterns of daily life for millions.
the inreasein the teal maon of pfivate capit goinv overseeas
form the US japan and the EU nations to devleoping counrei has
exploede from 43.9 billion in 1990' to 2 01 billion in 1995, and
an estimate 299 bilion in 1997o ver so' percent of it cam in tow
categories, foreign direction in vesmtent and
portfolioinvestment.
the amant of money flowing form the wealth nations to the
develop;ing ones in this wayincreased from 24.5 billion in 1990
to 155 billie in 1998, east asian nations received almost hal fo
the total . china alone received 45 billion.
It not only
brings capital - it brings technology, knowledge, management
expertise.
and infrastructure.
cultural influence - the films at Cannes, etc. but also the
traditional vietnamese dress ao dai (literally long dress) .
Armani, Lauren, Klein have all produced collections in spired by
the ao dai - its origins can be traced back as far as the ot he
Hung kings of the Dong Son civilization.
*
dec 1981 trip - 9th anniversary of christmas bombing of Hanoi.
vets walked about, were approached curiously:
"are you the
Welcome to vietnam."
Yes.
american soldiers?
*
these vets recognized there needs to be r,econciliation. No
one will get out ahead of us on this. no one else has standing
to seek reconciliation.
if it happens it will have to start
with us; we have to lead.
*
US and Vietnam are tightly bound because of the common
suffering and sacrifice.
it was a deeply powerful experience
of both our nations.
both sides paid a monumental price.
we
recognize you suffered.
It binds our natioa together in a
powerful way.
not about saying sorry, about acknowledging a
special relationship.
*
Let the time-frozen images go - see a country that is not the
war and people that are not the enemy.
bobby muller:
I saw
�12
\
\
g~ . b~ck b.enef'i t 'from
every singl bet that has had the chanc eto
the mag~c of going.
*
Mitterand went to vietnam 50 years afb~r·~fen bien phu:
*
bobby's group now manufactures orthotic'l;:>races fro ~hiidren
who have mobilityproblems - born with crippli!pg~ cfL'~e.~ses like
polio or cerebral palsy.
two clinics in Hano±.and a mobile ..
outreach.
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Second trip in 1982 they talked about gettlng-; ·more -money. "
Foreign Minister said to them:
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
~.
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
Phone No. (Partial); Personal (Partial) (3 pages)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation I Vietnam Trip [I]
2008-0703-F
'ml76
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of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�-~----~------
----------------------------- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - c - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - .
··•'~·
.
Bob Schiffer
Dennis Harter - DCM
~{~::· . ~~;., ·,.·~~~t{,tKl/~,.\' {
1 1
: t _:1;i
\.:~ _)~·:{~.~~:;:_f~~i:
''':·)c;$.s_~(fH::>i1i'ty; '
fUJ!V
H
·f
.
··speaking as he does fromteh perspective. who has
seen the worst of the possibilities. it is not what one needs
to focus on. when talking to other members of congress, even
talking ~o oth~rs who have been pris6qers.
arguing for a relations that
·.no_.:". __ ...,_·."····
b~ilds
on
trust~
his own record in congress is that same way. he does not seem
to have had a partisan package when he was in florida.
a forceful and convicing person by his manner bf d~livery very
relaxed and easygoing. _clearly ~:~;~/f~-~~.'/9-e~a,~~'.ip~·;~:{~{El~Y<;m·f.or_ the
vietnamese people as people
came to it
instead of
of him, he
p~rachu~;~_d
because he was scared to death when he landed,
beirig mistreated they kept him alive. . they took care
did not suffer physical. ,~~~~:s~wk(~.\.{6i:lt:.;1]6f,:kh~:. ;p'r'arie,>
-ab{;:;Jl:(:w~-8 ':b~:J?tlir~d~Y:jih~ t·re J;~li~~-~-d. .
·
storythe,·;tie'-l!l•s(',ha:V'ing~:f!hlis:·:.g\::rn:lYci'e'c'i·dTng·;'}iYhetherc-~.or·"not •he would
0
f f~~ f'I·.~·~1;•_:~\itt'):t~:¥i~ ;r·w~;_i:~'if'~i:$:4~~e1''t~~:'P-':'·-~~''=~/~''Y~~;~:;~~~--t~ct:J~:,:.: -.~L ,c . . . · ·
·:
no one can argue with results.
I was with him when he went out
fo rthe first time to that village. sawy the whole image of how
he was responded to. retains h~equent contact with- the village.
captured him and protected him/
. .
r~.; ·l~;.~. :.i:_· ~~--r~(1 ·J.~;-;::-.:-:~~: ~.~,:-~t:_~:~;t:~~~;if.~~~~~ffr~l\r~t/~'tJT:·1'/ ~·t ~
·
he has • with NGO arranged "'',E·0~";fl'a;v:E~{(~a~tsehool',.•Jt>",..,..,...j~~ ~~:~;4,J{t:~~:')?.\!fft?}1::t:\\·~1~".,.WhJ.:' ch is
'bU'ili;],t:.f.,t-he,Pe- ,:~71~;.~~~~t:\· ii:' .:; (~~,1
.
"'i,,,~:.t,.-:.'i'· ~:;~.~-.;..';P'~;<;;"fl~··.:t
"•'~"'"
going lnto the process of dedJ.catlon. lf not very'"'sooB'i' :;.:::!may be
done.
..:,, ··: •'' .
"'-"" ..•.•• ··- ..,'
••;.·,
91 or 92
he went back with delegation of congres~meri focussed
on MIA issue. onthat trip he was put off on the way we were
handling the thing. went to pres bush, you need ot get it
sorted out or we're going to tell what a farce it wa~.
it was
a halgf-assed effort our peoel were out of the coutnry, not on
�2
the ground tyring to work with the veitnamese.
ended up creating the joint task force
after that we
as a resul_t_of-t-h-i-s-e-r--it-i-cism-the-'-exec~branch __cr_eq._ted this new
systsm. \!he_J_TR-thaL.has pr.o:v:ed __mos_t __effs=~~tiy~ ___ t_hci't kicked of
in 92 93.
he was ele
he served three terms completed in jan 91.
elected in 90
how does he fill his days in vietnam.
he's in by 7:15 -catches up on email traffic from de daytimes.
he and I discuss early in the morning.
reviews of the schedule.
he has an active schedule of meetings of people here from the
US, sometimes ordinary citizens who have been couseled to come
see him.
he sees veitnamese gov't officials frequently.
~---------·-----
---
-----
---
-- -----
-~-------
discu_§§ions-----=: -foF--lasc--year--and--a---ha±-f---intensj_vly -engaged-on-----.
'-:;:__ ----------------- -·- --------- -- .. -bi._latrial trade agreement, Fry~ing tq get a compel te a-greement- o:n
theth-ingsEh<iE-wei·e--causing-·concerns.
HE was persuasive in
vconvincing the vietnamese we needed to make it done during this
president.
He told them they had to get it done now.
.
He aws persuasive in that.
VIetnamese negotiators weren't good
in briefing the senior vietnamese leadership.
had not briefed
senior leadership.
traveled throughout the country get a view of different parts of
it,
been to every province maybe missed a half a dozen.
he has
also, in that activity, sought very clearly to convey to
vietnamese leaders and ordinary people why the US wants to come
back here, to put behind us the problems of the past.
He has spent a great deal of time talking about presonal
freedom, relgiosiu freedom.
dare human irghts issues; as
something that is in vietnam';s own self-interest.
he is engaged quite actively.
To persuade you got trust you got to like.
�3
Peterson- he's likable. very unassuming .. doesn't put on airs.
he talks in a straightforward and irecto manner.
he lisiens to
their reactions in cOnversation if he feels they're going off in
a direciton where he was not clear. he goes back and
reemapahsizes.
he 8ose'nt spout out a line - he does actually spend time making
sure people do understand.
I got to a lot of the·metings'he goes to, I see him workign with
the pm party sec gen.: other senior level members. all the time.
they like most about working for hm.
open door you can do in an
talk tohim odesn' t make any difference if you've been: in 3
months or 30 years.
you know if you have something he ffeels he
needs to know,
he is very receptive to trying to communicatino
to other people the kinds of things he hears and iearns.
sense of humor.
he's good with jokes.
hesitate to poke fun at himself.
quips.
doesn't
seriousness - sense of humor.
he puts every bit of himself into this job.
he came in may.
he has selected me
I got here in august 97,
from where I was.
I was officer repsonsibile for normalization
once he was selected,
at state depariment.
his spoken ~ietnamese,
not terribly good.
tried to do some
studies, pulled in too many different directions.
he tries to
string some words togethe.
he couldn't really have a conversation.
�4
about PETE:
getting out on this motorbike,
in that movie,
the camera people convinced him to ride on the motorbike without
the yhelmet,
he has creaetd the safe vietnam campaign.
started
out with people having accidents iwthout helmets.
expanded into a total safety program.
awarness.
kids don't know how to swim.
hazads.
no concept of sfaety
buildings are terrible fire
he basically state this idea -workginw tih medial an health
advisors. we've put together roundtables that will lead to a
conference in which veithetmaese will come up with national
safety awareness plan.
this starts with him getting out on a
motorbikes seeing the accidents and the traume.
here he is on national TV.
she had no helmet on Vi La
VEE
peterson
Vanity helmet he had started the safety campaign.- his recreation he gets out
and rides around.
hwat is he proudest of:
getting the trade agreement done.
proud of fact this ~QWMIA _____
proce_ss_has __ de_y~lop~_q_tnto a successful effort, ~_Q_t_
__Qp_ly:_f_or___-~--;
I
.
,
- ..
----------____ ,
bri:ngi_:Q::::s:.losure to families that had thts loss in-Efie-war:---but--- __ r
.
,
....,
.
·.
.
a~:so to help us cre.~te a system ~o tak§_ car~_of pOtential'' losses ~ ./
ip-·~he fyture.
this. has proved to· be o~ use ~,:r:J. the gulf war a
whe~ series of procedures have been Pcll..t_:::i!'l.-PJ:a~ce:-:-for_~attlefiled
losses-makes-i-t-hard tno_to_knQ~~hat' s _haJ2J;mes tQ__~an J:pdidviual
---~-----------~-
~
---~------
he has successfully increased votes in congress for jackson
vanik waiever to get normal trading status and has been used to
giev them an opoprtunity in absence of a trade agreement to get
�5
OPIC exim bank loans.
each time we've had the vote, he's
mangaeg to get it approves and pick up 20 or 30 votes each time.
we start out at 260 now we're about 330.
gone from 260 to 330
in round three.
jackson vanik need it to lend through our ganks opic etc.
Vietnam has to demonstrated cointining progress on freedom of
immigration. done on jewish migration.
that was expanded from
USSR to all communist countries.
creation of this embassy annes where we create new facilities
and convince and cajole and browbeat the agencies now that
they're in it they realize they saved money and their in better
offices.
one thig: he can be teased about - a saying about the way we
have had to live in a veitnamese constrcution agency build
embassy. they were building for themselvse but we acquird we
have been trying to build ourselves in
putting lipstick on a pig, the procesq is one of those things
that puts cosmetic on a dog,
then he manages to create another
annex.
other agencies in much better :Eacility. the other fcailict is
korean built office and residence complex much beter ocnstuct
more user fiendly.
at inexpensive rates we got it developed
into office space.
lipstick on a pig - took this dog and had to cosmetically try to
best avaiable thing
make it usable. nice little paint job.
when we were looking for liasison.
annex - its original name is the roase garden building.
guess there:
I never promised you a rose garden.
I
other thing:
his inability to convinced the people in
washington to make the deal that he and most everybne wanted
with regard to getting a brand new property.
falling in love
with the peg. you weren't convincing when you argued for the
property.
you could say he's been effective in convcincing congress not
colegaus in state on land issues.
�6
He never looked at it - or never recounted it in terms of a
specific defining moement. when he was in captivity, spent a
long time tihinking about release and what he would do when he
got out.
refers to walking out of the camp.
that was the enmd.
that was the past. there was nothing he was dfoing to be able to
do about htat period of time,
if he reamined mired in that, he
would not b able to deal with the future.
as you know, he had a child he never even sawy who was born
afrter he left
he has a 6 year old child he never met.
he reiterated.
child ended up dying tragically in an auto accident as a
teenager.
That
probably early nineties she died.
It applies that his wife died from cancer. he was gone from
here,
she has no idea he was alive until video fo a christmas
meal.
she re
he always felt back about his older kids they missed out on
their formative.
I can't do anything about it - but I can do something abou thte
present and the fute, that's what ideced,
what was going to
happen when I walked about that gate.
it 'dosen't .mean he doesn't have dreams and memories. it means he
won't let that dominate his life.
he has talked to other who have not been able to do that.
embassy web site - bio on peterson
other part I would emphasize - a variety of careers, a strong
solid commitment to public service.
even as he treie to
rebuild lost years of service.
in military for a time, back
into congress, internaitonal responsibility
make the world better.
millions.
a healer.
he has helped to handle it for
�7
Bob Schiffer- he was the guy who put the bee in
bonnets about the award thing.
bennis Harter - DCM
Record Type:
To:
peopl~·~
H
Record
Sarah R. Rozensky/WHO/EOP@EOP, HHather L. Davis/WHO/EOP@EOP
cc:
. Lisel Loy/WHO/EOP@EOP. Robert Rosen/WHO/EOP@EOP, Robert A. Bradtke/NSC/EOP@EOP,
Tomasz P. Malinowski/NSC/EOP@EOP
Subject: citation for pete peterson
fyi for logistics of this event:
Liesel suggests that the mil aide read the citation and the potus give Am b. Peterson
the medal. We will also have a member: of .congress speak at the embassy event-not sure which one is appropriate. POTUS would say some nice words about
Peterson. Not sure if you would want to open this up to press or not ... FYI Berger
wants to keep this a secret from Peterson.
-----------------:----- Forwarded by Cynthia L. Gire/NSC/EOP on 11/10/2000 04:47PM---------------------------
Record Type:
Record
To:
Gene 8. Christy/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject:
Cynthia L. Gire/NSC/EOP@EOP
citation for pete peterson
gene: a further question about the citation. is this ok?
---------------------- Forwarded by Robert A. Bradtke/NSC/EOP on 11/08/2000 03:13 PM ---------------------------
. Record Type:
To:
cc:
Subject:
.Record
. Robert A. Bradtke/NSC/EOP@EOP, Brooks L. Bash/NSC/EOP@EOP.
See the distribution list 'at the bottom of this message
citation for pete peterson
bob/brooks,
"actively pursuing a full accounting of all americans missing in ·action" ... does that
·
include pows? and if so, what is the best way to phrase that?
thanks fcx your help.
�8
Citizens medal citation for Douglas "Pete" Peterson
As ambassador, three-term member of Congress, and highly decorated Air Force pilot, Pete
Peterson has devoted his life to protecting and strengthening democracy. While in our Armed
Forces, he survived 6-1/2 years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam and returned there in 1997 as
America's first postwar ambassador to begin the process of reconciliation. With diplomatic
skill, sensitivity, and an extraordinary capacity for forgiveness, he has worked to heal the
wounds of the past while actively pursuing a full accounting of all Americans missing in
action. Through his selfless and inspiring service, Pete Peterson has demonstrated an
unwavering devotion to duty, honor, and country.
Message Copied To:
Lisel Loy/WHO/EOP@EOP
G. Timothy Saunders/WHO/EOP@EOP
Adam L. Rosman/WHO/EOP@EOP
David E. Kalbaugh/WHO/EOP@EOP
Maureen A. Hudson/WHO/EOP@EOP
Ambassador Peterson was interviewed by Ned Colt of NBC November 8 on
videotape, for use in stories NBC is preparing. for the Nightly News at the
time of the POTUS trip. Summary/paraphrase of interview:
Q 1. The preside(nthas_pJaJJD5:l_d_
_tbisJ[ipJor_s~me time ...
A. Yes, it will m_~rka point of closu~e, an exc!_?mation mark in the
relationship(}3TA is the final link in full normalization.
.1
---------~)
02. Trip is full of symbolism ...
A. Yes, but real work will be done, too. l"here's a ~otential S&T-agreement:
1:
--·····
�9
that could be signed, other agreements, and some commercial aspects.
03. What does VN get_out of it? What is their reaction to the visit?
A. They're excited. Klormalization of th-e-relati6ffship is important, having .
a relationship that isn't ~TOnedever{aay~-basea on-the-past--Compare
our relationswiffiJcipan:German)I:-Waly. - - - -1)
_______
04. What brought us to this point (of a presidential visit)?
A. Improved quality of relations, starting from VN cooperation on the MIA
program, which has evolved into a true partnership.
05. What about the changing VN role in the region, and the world? They had
bad relations with the U.S. for over 40 years.
A. (Vietnam's isolation) was not a one-sided matter. VN opted not to
engage other countries for a long time, until forced by economic crisis to
I??!S_out~~~<!~- Onl~ ~fter we sta'rtedcool)erating onMIAs~ere·_~~~~~~~s-·--- . (
~o_bUII~_~_suff~~~~!-~~~~l__o!_!_r'_~st ____________ ... •
- - ·· j
06. Will U.S. investment in VN go up now?
A. The BTA has already had a psychological impact. Once it's ratified I
expect to see greater U.S. interest in investing in VN.
07. Last spring Sec. Cohen said that cooperation on MIAs remains our
highest priority with VN.
A. It remains our number one priority. 'We've made significant progress on
MIAs with VN cooperation, to the point where it is a partnership. We are
not questioning the level of cooperation. The issue is still high on our
list of priorities.
08. VN gets something out of it too, don't they?
A. We're doing significant work in helping the Vietnamese to find their own
missing, bringing them artifacts and information, offering access to our
archives, etc.
09. As a former POW and a veteran as well as ambassador, can you give your
insight as to why the MIA issue is so important?
A. We want closure for the families who have waited to learn the fate of
their loved ones. Also, it demonstrates our national commitment to those
who have been lost and those who wear the uniform now and in the future, our
determination to resolve such cases much faster than before.
010. On Agent Orange, is there a plan for joint research?
A. We're moving ahead with joint field research, we've had a series of
meetings with the Vietnamese, and we ~expect to begin joint research some
time next year. Vietnam is interested in pursuing this. The scope of the
research and who will participate are still under discussion.
I
�10
011. What is the extent of the problem?
A. I'm not a scientist. I'm reluctant to SU!~gest what the outcome might be
or indulge in speculation.
012. Research by Canadians, Italians, Jlapanese suggests that something
. needs to be done -- clean up hot spots, move people away from them. D'o we
need to do more than research?
A. Some of the studies are quite good on environmental aspects, e.g.,
· Hatfield. I'm not in a position to suggest where we go 'from here. We need
to do the research, but we don't have to wait for the end of the studies to
take other action if such is indicated.
013. Why has it taken so long to move on Agent Orange? It seems that both
VN and Washington were reluctant.
A. One reason may be that no one on either side had specific responsibility
for such matters. We couldn't identify appropriate counterparts. There
also hasn't been a good understanding here of the benefits or scope of joint
field investigation.
014. Will there be an agreement on AO announced while POT,US is here, or is
that being done in other quarters?
A. It will probably be done in other quartt3rs. We want to do a careful
job, not rush into something for the sake of an agreement during the visit.
015. Has the question of liability been a factor?
A. I don't thank anybody is looking at it from that angle. There is a
genuine interest in the effects and impact of herbicides (not just Agent
Orange) in VN, and we are making an honest effort to·do the science.
016. [My notes illegible-- possibly regarding remediation of AO effects?]
A. It won't be done quickly. It needs a long-term commitment. There
should be no rush to funding. First we have to do the science.
017. What tangible progress in U.S.-VN relations. will this visit
demonstrate? ·
A. The president coming here is a big event. It marks closure on
normalization of our relations. VN has decided to reach out to the world.
The visit will showcase.VN as a country. It benefits both countries,
underlining the opening of markets, stability.
018. The VN government is a bunch of old men. Don't we have to wait for
younger cadres to come up before we see real changes?
A. There is too much generalization about the VN leadership. The top
echelons have been divided; there has been an ongoing debate about reform.
There is some strong leadership in favor of it. They are not monolithic.
�.·.
11
There has been a steep learning process on free market economics The
signing of the BTA shows a strong commitment to move forward.
019. Some have doubts about ratification of the BTA.
A. I don't share those doubts. Both VN and the U.S. will ratify. The
National Assembly, and the Congress will both evaluate the agreement, and I
believe both VN and the U.S. will ratify. VN is already taking preliminary
action to implement some provisions.
020. There is a certain fear among VN IBaders of moving forward, opening up.
A. Their caution is understandable. But they have sorted this out. They
will take it step by step. We worked with them on BTA for five years. It ·
was like teaching an MA program in macroeconomics, nationwide.
021. Compare VN's process toward WTO accession with that of China.
A. I predict they will achieve it in a shorter time than it took China.
022. [my notes semi-legible, some sort of comparison with Laos]
A. VN and Laos have totally different circumstances. There is no good
comparison.
023. VN has reason to be suspicious of other nations.
A. They have a history that affects their views.
024. Are they getting over it?
A. I think so.
025. Are Vietnamese following the U.S. elections? How do you explain to
them the complexities of our system?
A. There's enormous interest here. The system is difficult to· explain.
This is the closest national election in m lifetime.
[End]
Suggestions for POTUS Remarks to Hanoi Embassy Community
Ambassador Peterson, Mrs. Peterson,
(Vi - pronounced VEE) i
Thank you for inviting me today to meet the Embassy Community.
--: Appreciate exemplary work all have provided to make my visit
Know
- the first by a U.S. president to Hanoi --: a success.
there have been long hours, weekends spent on this and the
occasional frayed nerves as you have nailed down every aspect
and detail of my program.
-- Not only myself, but also by my wife, Hillary, the new
Senator-elect from the State of New York, and Chelsea extend
�12
their appreciation to you for arranging their tremendous
programs, which have helped the Clintons learn so much about
this fascinating country.
-- In fact, I appreciate the work you do every day.
There is an
amazing breadth to what you do: from traditional foreign policy
work to humanitarian assistance and everything in between, you
are not only moving the relationship forward, but also helping
to build Vietnam into a more modern, globally-oriented nation.
·For the American members of the Embassy community, I know
that living in Vietnam can be a great adventure but also in some
respects_a -sacrifice-;-~~~You- are-~Tar ·from cthe ·un-itea -~States and
far Lfrom-r'elat·ives~-arrd -friends-:-~You -experien-ce~- t-he -~exot~ic, -yet_.
very rich Vietnamese culture - including some of the most
chaotic traffic I have ever seen - 'up close' each day.
Families and children share the challenges of this life far from
home.
Know we appreciate your devotion.
~--
-----
~
--·
-~-~---~-------~-----~--
-------- Ii___..---Cl,m---::-especially grateful for the excellent wor~_of the
)Viecnamese national staff of the Embassy.
Witho.ut cyour support,
Lfrankly,- -t-he--United __ States would _be_unable _t_o_do' its business
here. Ambassador Peterson has underscored how dedicated each
and every one of you are to achieving Embassy goals, and how
proud he is of the Embassy team.
(
-- Sp~aking personally, I want you to know my being here with
you today gives me great satisfaction.
Establishing a new,
forward-looking relationship has been a personal goal of mine
over the course of my Administration. While I consider this
work to have been one of the highest foreign policy achievements
of the Administration, it has not been easy.
But I think we all
agree it was worth every bit of the effort.
-- Looking back, it's hard to believe how far the U.S.
relationship with Vietnam has come in just a few short years.
For this progress, we have to thank you and your predecessors,
who have worked so hard and so well to build a foundation of
trust while building from scratch a U.S. mission that stands
comparison with the best.
-- And we have to thank the leadership of Ambassador Pete
Peterson who arrived with a vision of what U.S.~Vietnam
relations could be, and who has made that vision a reality by
exercising the kind of inspiring leadership that is all too rare
in any institution or community.
Thank you ( In Vietnamese:
Camon pronounced GAMUN)
�.------------
..
--------------
··
13
T0m- My boss only noted the draft remarks for Embassy community event after
they went out. He asks acknowledgement by POTUS also be made to State Dept
volunteers and other agency volunteers who will also be at the event, in
addition to the Embassy community livin~l and working in Hanoi and volunteers
from our consulate general in Ho Chi Minh City.
regards, robertd//
> -----Original Message----> From:
Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov
[SMTP:Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov]
> Sent:
Thursday, November 09, 2000 10:41 PM
>To: Dry, Robert W
> Cc: harter, dennis g; hicks, gregory(eap/bcltv); monk, david b
Re: Draft Suggestions for POTUS Remarks to Hanoi Embassy
> Subject:
>Community
>
>
> Thanks so much for the draft remarks. We're buried in work now,
> particularly on the University speech, but I will be in touch shortly.
>
>Thanks again,
>
>tom
>
�Withdrawal/B~edaction
Clinton Library
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12July 2000 :Thailand and Vietnam head groupings for Tiger Cup
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Lanka hammer South
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Thailand and ''ietnam head
Zimbabwe thrash
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..groupings for 1Liger Cup
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Lee reported to ICC
over suspect action
.
(:;
---~----·--,
,B_t\I~~G~g!(: IQp-r(:l_!!~~:d soccer_nvals VIetJ1<~,!!ta~d~ j
Chanderpaul. Walsh to
; . · . ·· .· .. · ....· lfhailand will head the two groups of the 10-nation- --::
miss rest of one-day
ntel"tamment · "· .
.·
.
.
. -· 7 series ·
f·. ., ,. ·, ··~ . •·• ·•.. · •, ·i\--+tger Cup November+ 1.4 m Th.mland, orgamzers satd ;· - . - .
.
:, ~.~d.•a ~u~,m:e,~~~:~ ·~Tuesday..-No._LseeQ_Tha!liJ:nd will b~_~tQI> Group A
) Howar~ says Brett 1s a
,/I.nti'.Bus.~n:l7~s.:·,..; along with Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei ~~((th-e· - · - c 'fantastic bowler'
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Philippines while second seed Vie,tnam was placed
; -.Infotech,. ' · ·· · with Singapore,. Malaysia, Laos and Cambodia in
Donald set to take
county break
[·Health:/Sf.i,enc~! Group B.
fEditorl~l,:,: :· ..;1
I· 'lnt:·~r~ie~ . 1 Although they did not meet in the final of the last Tiger
·fL~t~ers•, · ' ·
Cup, held in Vietnam in 1998, the rivalry between.
c~rJtri·riist~ '.':' Thailand and Vietnam· in soccer is regarded as among
!:'?~:?''
'
the most intense in Southeast Asia.
·
Flintoff told to follow
seniors' line
.
~:·,.,•.:!
.
.
.
I
Vietnam beat Thailand 2-0 to grab the gold in the
Southeast Asian dames in Brunei in August, while in
the 1998 Tiger Cup :Vietnam downed the Thais 3-0 in ·
the semi-finals.
i~'di~tiri;~~~i
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.fop:l:hjladU~es,
· ·Fitio:to·G~n~;·Y:
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' . Group A teams will play in the noithern city of Chiang
Mai while Group B matches will play in the southern
town of Songkhla. The semi-fihals and finals are
.. scheduled for Bangkok. ·
) ·
: 'F:t~a'i,_u~e~ • · ·
f'':·-
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The ,Tiger Cup includes teams from the Association of ·
Southeast Asian Nations. (AP)
..:·' Indians ofthe·
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12_July 2009 :Thailand and Vietnam head groupings for :riger Cup
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Lewis trainer backs his
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·
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Euro 2000 site gets a
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United sends Taibi
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Thailand and Vietnam
. head groupings for
· Tiger Cup
,)
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.12 !illy 2000.:Thailand and Vietnam head groupings for Tiger Cup
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11/6/2000 I 0:38AM
�w~siwyg:/1151/http:l/www .geocities.ccim/Tokyo/FlatsiSJII/soccer.ht
Wt;.dnesday.
Wednesday, August 26, 1998
Earning Its Stripes
· Despite Hav·ing No Professional Leagues, Soccer~Crazed Vietnam
Takes On Tiger Cup, the Championship of Southeast Asia
By TIN! '{RAN, Times Staff Writer .
I :]
RELATED
SOCCER
AP OTHER SPORTS
THE GALAXY
MLSGAME
TRACKER
l of l
ANOI--Draped in banners and clutching a host of
Vietnamese flags, Tra.n Due Loi, 21, earnestly repeated
his mantra-to anyone who would listen: "We will win. We will
win."
If there is a national religion here in this Communist state, it
might well be soccer.
And die-hard fans are in the throes of ecstasy as opening
ceremonies begin today for the Tiger Cup, the biennial
two-week. soccer championship for Southeast Asian countries.
T-shirts and sports banners are flying.out of stores. Businesses
near the 20,000-capacity stadiums in Ho Chi Minh City and.
Hanoi where the games will be played are reporting boom
times.
"People have soccer fever," said sports commentator Trinh
Long Vu of Vietnam Television. "If Vietnam beats Laos [in
the opening match], thousands of people will take to the streets .
. You 'II see. Everybody is crazy about football here."
Despite all thi"s interest, Vietnam has no professional soccer
leagues; the. national team is chosen from ranking amateurs ..
Vietnamese officials have pledged ticket revenues "toward ·
developing domestic soccer.
Among the sport's fans ·are Prime Minister Ph an Van Khai', who
visited Vietnam's national players at their training center over .
the weeke~d and told them in a pep talk: "The gains of the ·
Vietnamese team will be the gains of this country."
Vi~tnam had only two months' notice to organize the
eight-country event after tunnoil in Indonesia and Malaysia·
scrapped plans to hold tbe tournament in those countries .
. Eager to prove to its regional neighbors that it can handle its
first large-scale sporting event, Vietnam has been
1116/2000 10:33 AM
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WhaJ dci you think.- of
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Vietnam: We'r~ a s;tronger outfit 0 Ag'reat Budget ·
· O,so~so ...·
this time around
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Many attributed their achievement to homeground
advantage. Vietnarn lost 0-1 to ~ingapore in the final
then.
But this year, Vietnam have sounded ·out an early
warning to their Group B rivals, including Malaysia, by
stating that they are an even stronger side this time ·
around.
Weather ·
"We are stronger this time and we hope to maintain our
reputation in the tournament. We also want to prove that
our success in the .last tournament was not due to home
ground advantage," coach Alfred Riedl said yesterday,
on the eve of their opening match against Malaysia at the
··
Tinsulanon Stadium here.
Columnists
"Our mission here is to win and the team are
well-prepared and have been progressing well since the
1998 tournament."
Maritime
Jobs
CyberKuali ·
. Clove
Millennium
Markers
'Honours lists '
Riedl said Vietnam had benefited from ~aving an
established 'group of players· who understood the
derrianqs of the national team.
Vietnam will have 80% of the players_ from the 1998
squad this time.
And this has given them the confidence that they will [)e
the team to watch in the tour:nament, wh~re they also
have defending champions Singapore, Laos and
I of2
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Cambodia to contend with.
"Most players know what to do and I think we are
physically and tactically stronger," said Reidl.
He said that the players who cou1d turn the tables in their
favour included attacking superstars Nguyen Hong. Son;
rated as .the best player in Vie.tnam at the moment, and
Lee Huynh Due. .
·
The coach said that Vietnam's target was to play in the
final and; that to accomplish this, the team must finish
the first round in an impressive manner.
On their match against Malaysia,, Reid! said it would be
a 50-50 match and the team which made fewer mistakes
would win.
"I'm not underestimating the others but our target is to
win,'' he' said..
.
"Malaysia are not an easy team to .beat and their
performance is unpredictable,'' he added.
Vietnam's probable line-up: Tran Minh Quang, Do Van
Khai, Pham Hung Dung, Nguyen Due Thang, Pham Nhu
Thuam, Tran Quang Huy, Vu Minh Hieu, Nguyen Van
Sy, Nguyen Hong Son, Le Huynh Due, Van Sy
Thuy.--Bemama
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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Thomas Rosshirt
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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.------------------------------~----------
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13
NGUYEN DU
THE TALE OF KIEU
A BILINGUAL EDITION OF TRUYtN KIEV
Translated and Annotated l1y HuJ!n/z Sanh Thong,
wilh a Ifislorioal E.\·.my by Alexa11der H. Woodside
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All righls reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in
any form (beyond thRL copying permitted by Sections l 07 and 108 of the U.S.
Copyright Law and except b}' reviewers for the public press), without written
permission from the publishers.
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The talc of Kieu.
English and Vietnamese.
Pl.AJ78.9.NSf713 1983
ISDN 0-30!Ml4051-2 (pbk.)
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Prt:face
Th~ Historical Background
by Alexmrder B. Woodritle
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TRL:Yl?N KIEU
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THE TALE'OF KIEU
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In 1973 Randqm House published my translation of Nguybl Du's
masterpiece under the title The Tale of Kieu, and it was received with a
chorus of praise. Scholars and critics, glad to have a readable English
version of the Vietnamese classic at last, chose to ignore its defects
and notice only its virtues. Dut, as the one who had struggled for
months with the long poem, line by line, often floundering in the gulf
between ~c poet's pristine Vietnamese and my secondhand English,
I viewed the result less kindly: I considered it to be no more than a
tentative drafl.
Ten years later,l now have an opportunity lo provide readers with
a revised edition, The Tale of Kieu. That Kieu has bec.ome Kieu
implies not a small change but, rather, a breakthrough in American
publishingofViclnamese studies: alongside the translation, on facing
pages, this book reproduces the complete text of TruJ•~n Kieu in
romanized script.
The pamllcl presence of the Vietnamese text also suggests something different about the translation: it is less free-wheeling and
verbose, and it hews more closely to the original than did the 1973
version.
While !he old edition was prepared chiefly with the general reader
in mind, this one is intended to meet the needs of studenL-. and
scholars: though by no means exhaustive and certainly inadequ:Jtc as
fat· as Kieu aficionados are concerned, the annotation has been increased manyfold. The introduction has been modified somewhat to
take into account recent research and the history of the Vietnamese
people ovel' the past decade.
Alexander B. Woodside, \yho wrote the historical essay for the
1973 edilion, has allowed it to be reprinted here with minor alterations. I am indebted to him for much more than thai scholarly
exercise alone: he was the first to recommend publication of what I
had intended merely for classroom usc at Yale, and since then he has
never failed to support my efforts to make Vietnamese poetry
available to the English-speaking world.
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Many other colleagues and friends, with generous enthusiasm,
have raised The Tale of Kieu to lhe status of required reading for
Vietnamese studies and even for Southeast Asian or East Asian
studies. Notable t~mong them are John M. Echols. Alton B.!cker,
John K. Whitmore, David G. Marr, Gerald C. Hickey, Ngt1y~n Dinh
Hoa, Eric Henry, John C. Schafer, John Balaban, Marion W. Ross,
Hu~-Tiim Ho-Tt~i, Cong-Huycn Ton-Nfr Nha-Trang, Keith Taylor,
Charles Benoit Jr., Tran Van Dinh, and Tnrcrng B~ru Lam.
That lhis bilingual edition of Truy~n Kieu has appeared at all,
when Vietnamese studies hardly flourish in the United States, is
owing lo the initiative of two Yale scholms whose areas ofinteresllie
outside Vietnam: James C. Scott, a specialist in Malaysian politics;
and James R. Rush, an Indonesia historian. Encouraged by their
insistence that the Vietnamese ch1ssic should not s(ay out of print in
English, I mustered enough faith and energy to undertake the difficult
task of reworking my earlier rendition.
This book would not have been possihlc without the lahar of
numerous Kie11 scholars, iiving or dead, whose namt.-s <tre listed in the
bibliography. Spocial thanks I must s.tve for Ph<:~m Thai Chi, a
gentleman of vast knowledge who. through both written messages
and telephone calls from California to Connecticut, helped me make
some textual decisions in an informed manner.
People ar Yale University Press handled my manuscript with the
c.are and flair that have graced all their publications. I would like to
single out Ellen Graham, the editor, and Anne Mackinnon, the copyeditor, who brought consummate skill and sensitivity to her job.
After all due acknowledgments. the fact remains that this revised
lranslalion·srittoocs scant justice to th"Ci1iiiSiCiimf-ma·gic-of~Nguy~n
-·~rse, and J must assume sole rcspd'iisibility for anyshortoomings of the book.
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THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
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Alc•xtuuler R. Woodside
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.\II students of East Asian and Southeast Asian history and civililation will be profoundly grateful to Huynh Sanh Thong for giving
f:nglish-speakin ~uplcs , tL1st, such a shre\ d and fastidious translation of o of the masterpieces of traditional Asian literatur
o
the Vietnamese people t emsc vcs, u• Talc ~~r Ki(-:u is much more
thanjusl a glorious heirloom from their litem•'}' past. It has become a
kind of continuing emotional laboratory in which all the great and .
timeless issues of personal morality and political obligation arc tested
and resolved (or left unresolved) for each new generation. Western
readers who are curio\IS about Vietnam and the Vietnamese may well
gain more real wisdom from cultivating a discriminating appreciation of this one poem than they will from reading the entire library
of scholarly and journalistic writings upon modern Vietnam which
has accumulated in the West in the past two decades. As a vivid
transcript of Vietnamese approaches to the dilemmas of the human
condition, The Tale ofKie'r1 has survived in. and gained new strength
from, hundreds of diJferent contexts. Rut what was the historical
selling in which it was actually created?
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Vietnam was a society
of perhaps seven or eight million people. In other words, its population was probably larger than that of the United Stales at the time
or Washington's Farewell Address and almost as _l~rge ~s that of
Great Britain, then just beginning to industrialize. Like the Japanese
and the Koreans, the Vietnamese people had for many centuries
belonged to what ·- . . well be called the East Asian classical..world:
might -· ·- -· -·-- i - - - .. -- -·
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_ 1hcy regarded themselves as the devoted heirs of those traditions of
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.... ~ govcrnmenCPhilosophy, literature, and moral and sociaT'ih'corY. 7r c 1 a een eve
.... ..,. ... ma;;;•n..,lhc_ag~Q[..t!IL>.;..grea ~b~inese philosopfiers, Confucius and Menciunnd others~ an(Hhen-elaborated-ana changed hy hundreds of suoceeding generations of
Chinese classical scholars. E\·en Vietnamc..<;c Buddhism eventually
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acquir~d an E~s!:Asian_cJassicaJ-complcxion)i!:_;;;~h~ M~b_ay~na/
~ddl1~s~ of <:;h!~.-~or_~a,_and Japan, rather than the Theravada
-----Buddhism of S1am and Burma, and all Vietnamese Buddhist sutras
~e!!~refull~ w~i~n in the classical Chinese language.cT;he~thon
c:of-17te:-Tal£'-t?LKieu.J~.Ig\!Y11Lptr;wtio:visitoo Cnlna:a8 a-Vieliiime8e-:l
c:!mllaSsadorto-thePekingcour:t-;was~siij)efO:Easi-Asianclassicist:in
his own right, and as Huynh Sanh Thong so justly observes, The Tale
is_~ ~~n~!:!_l~ ·:·~~s~re-~ovc of classical Chinese learning."
l But the false conclusiOn many Westernreaders-might be_i~cJined
toi d.raw·fronnuch a summary is thai Vietnam was simply a callow
imitation~ on a much smaller scale, of the Chit1esc empire. Nothing- _,
C<JUid ha\•e been farther from the truth. OEach one -0 r the four-tradic ;
ti~n~I East Asian societies had created its own distinct culturaf\vorld_-r-- r_Wl~hu~- f~(! ~~oad~r fr~!}l_e\york_Qf_tlt~ cl<!_s~jgll_ ~iv_ili~~~C?_n_to which all:
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p.rud no mage; VIetna~esc rulmg elites themselves deliberate!)· cont
~trolled-their-cuttu-rafborrowing from China, and influences from
elsewhere in Southeast Asia were also at work in manv important and
subtie ways in the march of Vietnamese daily life. To some extent
Nguyen Du:s relationship to the East Asian classical world was real!;
somewhat hke the relationship of many of his Western literary contemporaries to their Greek and Roman classical traditions, and
perhaps this observation may be of some help to readers who are
baffled by the parade of Chinese allusions in The Tale of Kieu.
II' Nguy~ Du makes some fifty refcrcnoes in his poem to the
Chincse Flook of Odes (whose songs dale from about the Lcnth lo the
seventh century B. c), much of the form and spirit of his EngJish
conlempor,uy Wordsworth's "Ode: Intimations of Immortality
from Recollections of Early Childhood" is borrowed from Pindar,
the Greek poet of the fifth centur>• n.c. When another one of Nguy~n
D~'s English contemporaries, John Keats, writes about Lhe "dizzy
pam" he feels after gazing at the Elgin Marbles in tbe British
Museum, or about the permanent "friend to man" thai he finds in a
~recian urn. or a bout the world of high romance he tasted by looking
mto Chapman's Homer, he ellpresses a rapturous adoration of the
Greek classical tradition !hal Vietnamese poets matched, but could
hardJy transcend, in their admiration of the Chinese classical past.
. It would nol even be very difficult to go farther and compare the
mtense classical atmospheres in which political debates were condue ted: and ~litical decisions made, in Vietnam and in Western
countnes durmg the lifetime of Nguyen Du. When a Western mis-
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that
Chrtsllamty was 1,815 years old, the ~latemen.t beca~1_c mtelhgtble to
1hc Vietnamese court only when G1a Long ~ oillctaJ astronomer.
Nguy~n Ht'ru Th~n, converted the date of~hris~ianity's genesis to a
point in the reign of the Chinese Han Yuan-LJ emperor (a rather
creative conversion, since Han Yiian-ti had ruled China from 48 to
J2 n.c.). Gia. Long himself sententiously declared in I!! 16 that the
Chinese Han dy0~sty (206 B.C.-A.~. 220, roughly contem~orary wit~
Rome), and not the many dynasties that bad come after 1t, cxemphned the highest ideals and the most successful ~!terns of human
political behavior. But Gia Long's obeisances to the me':'ory ol: the
Han empire were not remarkably different from Western mvocat1ons
of the mem~ry of Greece and Rome_ at about the ~c time. P~litic~l
ora tory dunng the F_rench Revol~tJon ~o?eled Itself u po~ Cicero s
speeches, and the entire Napoleomc era m I· ranee flauntod Its Roman
symbolism, from political titles to regimental insignia to Davi~'s
paintings. Even in the young American republic, Ihe Senate took 1ts
name from., Roman institution, the names of cities and towns as far
apart as Cincinnati, Ohio, and Athens, Georgi~, were inspired by
talismanic memories from Greek and Roman h•stor}', and Thomas
Jefferson's Virginia home was built as a proud imilation of a Roman
villa.
To a considerl\ble degree, then, The Tale of Kieu was tl1e product
or a world in which the hegemony of classical ideas and ornamentation was still almost as striking in the West as it WflS in East Asia; it
was not a world in which the West had completely and irrc\'oca.bly
discarded its classical heritage and East Asia alone remained enclosed
in a oocoon or traditionalism.
Moreover, Vietnam was not a completely static society whose
institutions were in perfecl equilihrium, even if it was not, like
Europe, on the verge of dramatic industrial change_ Tne:::autb_o-ro_f~
TI&J'ii/e_t>J-Kietf2p~n_t-fED_St of-thc-first.-thirty-five-}'ears-of-~i~-lif~_::_~----:::1
(!_16S::;J800fattem-pting-:to-survive thc-Tay-sO'n revolution. Tnis11ast
social and political movement began in the south central frontier
lands of Rinh-d!nh Province in 1771. demolished all the existing
governments of Vietnam with a flamboyant program of "virtuous
and charitable banditry," which included some very modest rcdistribution of-uppcr-class_wealth,and attai_n!dJ' brilliant eli~~ with the
\!riump~l_!~ defe'!!_ '?ran invadi'!_~_~hinese
inT788-89. Nguy~n
Du\Va-s not a supporter of the Tay:s&-ns,arYdJhis fact-demonstrates
a1my
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H_i.o.1_orical
Dac~ground
the "historical limitations" ofhis_tbought in the eyes of some modern
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----- -- . . -------.,
Vietnamese Marxist critics who cherish Du's poetry buc also regard
the Tiiy-sO'Il revolulionasa-miracle-or-military-·prow~ss and of
attempted social emancipation. Jmpeocably loyal to lhe LC dynasty
(1427-1788), which the Tay·scrns had eventually destroyed, Du spent
much of this period as an impoverished backwoods scholar, haunted
by the tragedy of a vanished "orthodox succession·· of emperors to
which his family had been deeply attached and by the \vhirlpool of
unstable, promiocuous political affiliations which had replaced iL It
can bejustlyclaimcd, however, that Du was uri'dcr very few illusions
about the perversion ofbureaucrdtic gov~rnment and social morality
in Vietnam which had stimulated the T:iy-sO'n movement. His descriptions or· corrupt onlcials and of dealers in prostitutes-and, as
Mr. Thong suggests, the spectral pre.o;ence of the inspirational leader
of the Tiiy-s<Yns, Ngu}'·cn Hu~. in the character T.:r Hai-- -make this
cle.ar.
-
Du spent rhe last two decades of his life (1800-20)considcring.ilnd
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pmcticin!! an unenthusiastic co!!aboralion wilh the new ruiers of
Vietnam, the Nguy~n dynasty. The Nguy~n house, whose roots were
in U1e central region and the south rather than in the north, ultimately
repressed the exhausted Tiiy-s<Yn movement and made a new national
capital at Hue in central Vietnam in 1802. Members of the old
northern scholar class, of which NgiJy~n Du was a member, found it
possible to serve the first Nguyen emperor, Gia Long (1802-20),
because his reign promised pe.ace and unification after nearly three
centuries of disguised and undisguised political division and because
the Nguy~n dynasty itself had not d_irectly_caused-thc tlownfall_ of -~
_their deeply mournod Le monarchy! Their cooReration, however, ;
~.
--- - . - . . -.
---- ------- ____,
often cOrlbea(eaari-friner.havoc of melanchol)' self~recfiminatiori,
;esentment of the misfortunes of the past, and doubts about thb
....
------- .future. -~-- -------------------~
.
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"----fheyinew that Gia Long did not depend entirely upon them: his
power had also been augmented by the assistance of several hundred
French engineers 11nd soldiers of fortune. These exotic private ser- ·
vanls of the new emperor designed imposing walled citadels for him
on the sites of man)• provincial towns and also at Hue. Dut whilt one
of Gia Long's senior olficials called, in 1804, the "sighs and grievances" of the luckless Vietnamese peasants who were forced to build
the walls of Hue suggested that the dynasty was fatally widening the
gulf between itself and ordinary Vietnamese society at a rime wnen a
!:J_i~C()rira)
Background
iz
:~
XV
: I
'(S)
shattering military confrontation with the West was less than sixty
years away. Nguy~n Du, of course, had no premonition of this
coming confrontation. He could hardly have been oblivious, however, to recurrent storm signals from the countryside: some lOS
peasant uprisings have been counted for the brief eighteen years of
Gia Long's reign, including 18, or one per year, in QuAng Ngiii
Province alone and a Triad Society insurrection in the north in the
year 1807. rcwas -against-_:_-t-hl;;-b<tcl(gt-()lliiCi=rlie-refucianr supcrinJposition ofa-loyaltyofw~~;enience upon the memorf6f·a tiue
loyaJt}' buried in the past, combined with an apprehensive conscious~less- of oontinuing social unrest despite the country;s formal
rbunification-::-:-Jh!!t_Nguy~n Du-wrol.e The Tllll! of Kiru. --- ·
'--It should be added that Nguy~n Du never enjoyed real political
1
power of any kind after 1802, despite his formi<.la ble erudition and his
nominal adherence to the political causes of Gia Long's empire. His
official court hiography, compiled in the nineteenth century, tells us
Ihat he served as a provincial prclect hue resigned this post because of
illness, that he was summoned to Hue in 1806 Co serve in one of the
imperial "scholars' pavilions," that he hccame a provincial registrar
in 1809, that he served as an envoy on a Vietnamese tribute mission to
China in 1813, that he was t)romoted for these services to the position
ofvice-p_~~siJ!entoLthe.Huc-Board-of Rites,~dthalhe dicc.fin fl:l20 . -~
~as about to de;!par.t on another mission to China._Dut-the-Huc- __i
scholars' pa~ilions-V:7e~ually liltlCmore-lhan·airless, apolitical
sanctu<1ries which collected and employed elderly Le dynasty
scholars or supplied learned tutors to the children of the imperial
family. Diplomatic missions fo China, for their part, were customari[y stalfed with poetic masters of Chinese literature, who could
represent Vietnamese politics in unimpeachably Chinese terms within the frigidly condescending atmosphere of a Peking audience hall.
Real power in Vietnam, almost to the time of Du's death, was
aw·arded to the military paladins of the "Bangkok honor roll," to
those homespun and unevenly educated soldiers from central and
southern Vietnam who had endured exile with Gia Long in Siam
before his final victory over the Tay-sO'ns. Northern civilians like Du
were patronized but never generously admitted to the inner circles of
the dynasty. And as lale as I 836-sixtcen years after Du'sdeath, and
at a time when Confucian civil service examinations rather tluln
the "Bangkok honor roll" occupied .the predominant place in
Vietnamese political life-a bureaucrat serving in Du's home region
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____________________ __
H_is toncalBa~~~und
in north-central Vietnam could still observe that "there is a great
amount of differentiation between southerners - - - northerners: beand
J
-----cause southerners-ar-c:luckycnough to be tlatterers;evefythinJrthat)
the~ say and do occupies lhc position of advantage, and nort~erners'
in their innermost thoughts consider themselves to be sb!!med." Du
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-· .. ··- -· .
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himself'publicly epitomized, almost unnaturally, this psychology of
shamed subservience. On the occasion of his death, in 1820, the
official ,.veritable records" of the court characterized him as a "frightened man who, each time he presented himself at an imperial audience, was terrified and anxious and could not reply."
The court chroniclers ~t2_p_ro_duced this disdainful ver!fi«tha,d
-never-made a greater errore Du ~·~!>_better able to reply than any other
[_QO~t_ !n_~Q~l theast Asia. Out ~)f his-pei·son~ll-agonies; -·.vllicfi\vcrc- ··
shared by a whole generation of northern, upper-class scholars who
~_<!!l_.ba<Uo _come loJcrms with a cankered world o(c_o~npromises, he
l described the complicated moral pilgrimage of Kicu.- ~icu's story
'-.stoo-<.1~ in C!fecl, -as_a_ parable oft he queitingsa.nd the sadnesses of his
own politic,aUife._M.erely__to__writc_such _a_poe~ might have been
d~ngerous, ~~t _!)t~'~ill~n~~ as a ·~~at~~l!.~l _ro_et"}seem to have won
h1m the respect of tne Nguy~n rulers.
·
A very thin and shadowy line separated literature from sedition in
late traditional Vietnam. The forty-seven moral injunctions of the Lc
emperors, first promulgated in 1663 and reissued in 1760, five years
before Du was bom, declared that only "classics, histories, philosophy, belles-lettres, and essays" could be prinled and circulated
among the Vietnamese population, that the ''cutting of printing
blocks and the engraving and printing" of "national tales" and of
ballads and poems ''which arc associated with profligacy" were
strictly forbidden. In the first year of Gia Long's reign, 1802, the
uneducated soldier Nguy~n Van Nhan, who candidly admitted that
he had not begun to read Chinese texts himself until he was fifty years
old, designed a program for local education, "deeply commended"
by the emperor, which ordered Vietnamese children to read the
Chinese Five Classics and threatened with swift punishment all villagers who had beoome "addicted to songs and ballads." In this
cultnrally authoritarian environment, insecure rulers suspected that
even the flutes and the gongs of the tiniest village tht!atric~l groups
might_oonveythe-mostdcadly iconoclasms:_
_:To look for philosoph,ical uniformities in 11re Tole of Kieu would
\~~'?..'!~ be idle. Different philosophies mingle in the poem, and
__
.
Hislorit:_al Background
Iz
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xvii
Confucian language mingles with Buddhist language. Yet the work is
a moral tale in which the commonplace determinisms of Buddhist
popular evangelism, while inevitably present, may well be sharply
subdued. The Buddhist doctrine of "cause and effect"--the belief
that there are inescapable relationships between present existences
. and past and· future existences, and that crimes committed during
past existences preordain miseries in the present---is prominent
enough, but is it the central theme? Du does not make the sl!ght.est
1
elfor~ _to po~tr_ay anythi_ng bul __t_h~ ~lll:!ent ~x_i~t~~~- of ~i~u. He L --!
~-d.lv~desberlife into twoJ>arts, Che time ofmisfort_uneand de~a~a.r·i-on
~vh1ch oomes to an end when she throws herself mto the Ch 'ten~t ang · ·
_l{i\'Cr, and the time of restoration and happiness after she is rescued}
iL... when-she·is - · · - - - - - - - fQ.r her_sufferings:tile Buddhist belief that'
compensated_
- ·- - tlic full pas..<iidns of love are "retribution," mochanically leading to
more pain-''To passion sorrow clings and won'tlet go," intones the
prophetess Tam H9'J'-mftY not be of cardinal importance to
Nguyl!n Du's extraordinary vision either. After all, he docs not make
Kieu regret her one lifelong love, but instead makes her fear that she
has committed an offense aga_LnstherJo\lcr,J~..itn Tr_Qf1g, by her forced
, \'en__tu_r~~_i_~~o ~~ca_<_l~n-~: ~erhaps the real meaning ofNguy~-ri-DUi(at
llcast on one level) is that passion does not, by itself, bring punishment ;
[ i'n the ne"t world but must, lobe moral, car'}'_ ill!p~r!lln~ re~e!Dplive, 1
S;elf-denying obligatiQns_with it in this. world: Morality is painful and
difficult, and happiness is only a qualified and far rrom utopian
reward at the end, not the constant oomfort of even the truly moral
person. Despite its trappings of a_!t_rolQgy_and_mclcmpsysb9_sis, ------1
the
r- - - - poemjn_!l!is_sen~_j._CfOmes a remarkable hymn to individual forti'
tu4~and individual moral responsibility. 1
------- ___ ,
WhaCllowever, ·v.•ould this signify iri historical terms'! Du's apparent emphasis upon decision making and the moderately positive
resul(s it can bring in this world, rather than upon utopian salvation
in the next, suggests a tougher, less mystical creed than those cherished by many other members of Vietnamese society in the early
1800s. Popular Buduhisl movements among the peasantry-for·
example, the "Precious Mountain Miraculous Fragrance" (Bu·11 SO'n
Ky Humrg) movement which evolved in Sa-dec Province in the south
in 1849--rarely pretendoo that "hidden merits" and individual
moral industry could "tip the scale'" in this world rather than in the
next. The adherents of these powerful, Vietnamized offshoots of the
Chinese White Lotus religion hoped instead for a dazzling apoc-
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alypse, for the time of the great "dragon flower" meeting when the
messiah Buddha would descend to earth in a cloud offrc~grant scents
and ethereal fireworks and end all human tribulations. There appears
to be, in short, an outlook in Tile Tale of Kieu that was ~y_no_mJ!am__ ·
<i"mple~Jy ordinary in early nineteenth-century Vietnam; an outlook !
that moderh, more secularized Vietnamese intellectuals '-find-liospi:-\.
ta6leario -that Vietnamese revolutionaries, faced with their own
fatiguing and-sometimes temporarily humiliating pilgrimages to a
better futurJ, find inspirink The historian must lake note of the
surprisingly m~dern qualities in this work, as well as of its synoptic
recitation of the vicissitudes of a bygone classie<~l age.
_Thanks.to.Hu)·nh Sanh_Thong'simaginalive, p;~!_ns!aking_art_i.§.try,
)
a great literary synthesis of the Vietnamese experience has finally /
· ---; been imported into the English-speaking world. In !l1is- world~ one L histoTia·n-is·confidcn('llie- waridciing-soul of Nguyen IJu will find
more than a few admirers of a poignant if highly deceptive .. talc of
love rcoorded in old books.''
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INTRODUCTION
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\ .-\nne:<c<.lto the 01inese empire for almost a millennium, Vietnam did'
,-n~~-;;-~c an independent stale until939. (!,;en then, the ruling elile
· Ldungro-Chiriese-gQ_\I.er:nmenL insLiLutions_as__ the_ be~~ safeguards
againsl reconquest! Cle1ssical Chinese remained the official language·
up to the second tialfofU1enineteentllcenfury, \\•hen-the Frenchimposed their.dominion over the country.
Rul as national self-confidence grew, a movement arose to promote Vietnamese as a vehicle for creative expression among scholars.
rDuring the fourt~nth century a demotic script called d11i· nom (the
!..Souihetn-scrip~." ~s opposed_to_the sc•·ipt of the "Northerners'' or
\.___
.
---·tncChinese)-first came into currency. It was a rather cumbersome
system for representing tlie ~1JJJ.9_s o0he_:vern,acul:.n:__\ll.ilhsl1~raft~rs_ ,
adapted from Chinese~ Oiit it had an electrifying effect on literature, j
rrecing write•·s to explore-and-exploiCthcreso1li·ces of'thei'r native culture.
The marriage of Chinese classical influences and Vietnamese folk
_!!_a_d~~iqns bego.IJhe_ll!_()sL_rcrryarkable genre in Vietnamese literature,
[t!le ~~~~ nar~~-~~·~ p.ocm_k~9wn as ~ru_1•fn nom, o_r the "~al~ in the
Somliern scnpt. 'Oltcn hased on Chmese works ot prose fict1on, the
poems were v.rritlen in a form acce~sible to the masses: l~c-bilt, or
"six-eight," verse, the prevalent mete•· offolk poetry.* Reduced to its
smallest unit, six-eight verse is a couplet \vith six syllables in the first
line and eight syllables in the second; in contrast, most Chinese poetry
ht•-~ an_ o_dd_number ofsyllables.(fiveor-scvcn) in each Jj_ne.
\ Many Yiel_l}t!~~~folk_PQemL ar~ ~~~ly six-eigh-t couple,ts,
'sllorter-than Japanese haiku. But any number of-il1ccouplcts can be
strung Logelher into a continuous, unbroken whole without inducing
monotony. By using end rhymes and internal rhymes al ·the sixth
syllable of an eight-syllable line, one c.1n make each line rhyme with
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ViNnllmP!JI' POl'try, edited and franslaretl by Huynh Sanh Thong (Yale University
Pr~: New Haven aud London, 1979), pp. xxv-xl\'.
xix
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XX
Introduction
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lhe next and at the same tiinc introduce a fresh rhyme in every other
Iine._Two,more ch<ffactenstics of six-eight verse should be noted: it is
~redominantly_iambic,-aAd the accented syllables follow a definite
L--- --- - - pattern_o[flatand sharp_ton_es,_
~rsincerhyme, meter, and tonal regularity ail mafe lon!fstrilchcs or--)
six-eight verse easier to memorize and recite than any other form of/
-~etry, it 1iS an ideal ~odium for oral tra~smission, pe~ectly ~daP;Ied'"
, -~ ~~eed~~~-~£~!~o_Liong_narratJve poems.; In old-VIetnam,
pu6Iication of books was severely limitec..l, not only because printing
was scarce in a subsistence economy but also because of government
curbs. Furthermore, only the educated minority could read books,
since the Sot~thern script requil:ed an eKtensive knowledg~ ofChinese
characters. To reach lhe general public, the sole method was to have~,
profe~_~io!'al ora!n_atel)_r f:>a_rd_s_l~'!_!~_~h~ poems/b};-heart- and reciteJ
- them.- .,
---- :
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and Ch'iao") by a shadowy figure who called himself the "PureHearted Man of Parts" (Ch'ing-hsin Ts'ai-jcn; in Vietnamese,
Thanh-tam Tai-nhan). American scholars such as Charles Benoit,
Jr., and Eric P. Henry believe tHat the author must have Jived during
the earlier years of the Ch'ing dynasly. Each of the twenty chapters
carries appreciative comment ascribed-fraudulenUy, in all likelihood-to the famous critic Chin Sheng-fan ()(jm Th<\nh Than;
C<l. 1610-61 ),.who could-not have lavished-praise on such a mediocre
work~-The novel is about historical figures wbo lived and died under
.the Ming dynasty. In 1554, Governor H u Tsung-hsien (H6 TonH ien)
;mounted a campaign to quell the revolt led hy Hsi.i Hai (Tlr- Hai),
[whose troops controlled the seacoast area of Fukien and Cheki(lng.
Onable to vanquish him by force of arms, Hu bribed Hsu's mis'tress, a
rormercour•tesan named Wang Ts'ui-ch'iao (Vu-O'ngTiniy Ki_~u): she
,.persuaded the rebel to surrender, aml he was killed. ForcetUo marry
[_--The
narrative poem in six-eight verse, which developed
i a "barbarian" (a tribal chief), she drowned herself. Bul in'lhe novel
\....--...
......_
dur!_ng!h_c seventecnth_or_eight~J!!!! century_, reached its culmination
~the anonymous a_uthor ai!owed her to be rc~v.:ucd and rc.unitcd 1 with
\
...
r--~irf._The Talc of Kh?_~ by Nguy~n Du-( 1765-l820fAI:cording to tradi; herfamily.~ ·-;:
1 -·- tion;-the-poct-originally·entitled-it-Do(1n-tr-tffl.n};'-ltl~ tlumh ("A New
!...-- The Vietnamese poem broadly follows the events in the Chinese
Cry from a Broken Hear!")_ He showed rhe manuscript to his fellow
novel (which includes Wang Ts'ui-ch'iao's life in Peking and love
schol;u Ph<:1m Quy Thich (1760--1825), who loved it so much chat,
affair with Chin Chung before she sold herself to ransom her father
after doing some minor editing. he undertook the task of having ir
and unwittingly embarked upon a career in vicc)._RutNguyerrOu-has--;
engraved and printed in Hanoi under a dilfcrent title: Kim Vlin Kii!u
re<Jl!~d_lhe number-ofincidents·and-personae; bondensing alongisiLJ
tan truyrn ("A New Version of the Tale of Kim, Van, and Kieu")- To
riovcl into a sp.ne p_oem of),62}_oouplets_which,lthrough the magic
millions of Vietnamese it is known as Tile Tale of Kim, Van, ami Kif11
ohiisarCsprrng; to life as a world revolving around a creature of
(Truy~fl·!<im- Viin-Ki,tu), as 71rc Tale of Kieu (Truy(~ll Kicu), or' simply
fiction that has become a psrson-o(ncsh and blood in the minds and
·\as Kieu, ]A perfect example of the long narrative poem in six-eight
hearts of most Victnamcs'c: Kicu. }
Lycr-se,-it has also stood unchallenged since its publication and_(Hs~- ____ l
As a medium for Iit.cdture-in-Vietnam, the native tongue had been
semination ~-~~~-!__O?>nd _decade_of---:thc ninetecptb ce~a-s ~~ ___ _
J
fighting a difficult battle against classical Chinese since the early part
. ,---supreme masterwork of Vtetnamese hterature. And thro\fgh Ils-perof the fifteenth century, when Nguyen Trai (1380-1442) wrote his
Lvasive-popularity; -riuJe-shorCof.adufatory v.~o~hip, nmon,g_borh _
___
sbort poems of four or eight lines. In a poem of over three thQusand
schol~~~and__illiremtes and in all spheres-of-life; its author, ~guy~n _ _
Jines, Nguy~n Du led that fight to a victorious conclusion. Weaving
,PU.has.~c~i~vccl !l_S@Jlls__s_e\cJpm equaled_by a_,_~-riter in hi_s_9·r I~ m~n
foreign and national elements into a seamless, shimmering fabric, the
~u_nlr~. The only other example that read1ly comes to mmd IS
,-~~Ukessed Ki~u the- prostitute- in clothingJit for _a queen: his ___ ~
Alexanaer Pushkin, for Eugene Onegin.
~ masterpiece is a celebration of the Vietnamese language in all its
f
Both the original title and the one given by Phgm Quy Thich
L __ diversity, with all its resources of rhythm and tone, of-sound_:-and
suggest that Nguy~n Du did not invent the story himself but bor;>image,-oLt.crsc and rich expression. By triumphantly reseuing Viet=
rowed il from another source. II was, in fact, a Chinese prose novel, a
lllamesc~poetry from,the strangJelfold'of classical ChineSe,Nguy4!n Du
copy of which he may have found while he was traveling in China
pe~formed-for the vernacular_whatDante ha~ o__nce done for Italian~
from I 813 to 1814 as a diploma lie envoy to the Manchu court. It is a
li!Jeratiilg'iffrom -irs'-position of subservience-to-Grin~-:-:.-~-- ~·~ -·
narrative entitled Chin Yun Ch 'iuo chuan (''The Tale of Chin, Yiin,
The-Kieupoem' ppeafto scholars-is easy to understand. N guy~n
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Du pays loving attention to the fine points of a classical poet's craft.
For example, when Kieu first sees the abandoned grave of E>~m Tien,
a courtesan, she contents herself with writing a chueh-chii ("cut-oiT
lines") qualnl in to commemorate the occasion. But after D<)m Ticn 's
ghost appears in answer to her prayer, Kieu gets carried away-"a
poet's feelings, rife with anguish, flowed" (line 131 )-and she writes a
ku-shih ("old-style") poem, a freer fonn with a flexible rhyme scheme,
which does not require a fixed number of lines or words in a line.
The poem is a treasure-trove of classical Cbinese learning. A study
made in Hanoi has identified in it some fifty quotations from The
Book ofOdeJ, the Confucian anthology of verse; some fifty references
to other Confucian classics; some sixty translations or adaptations of
\'atious Chinese poems; some seventy allusions to Chinese works of
fiction; and about twenty mentions of Buddhist or Taoist scriptures.
Such erudition, if indiscriminately displayed in fln imaginative work,
runs the risk of boring or even offending. But in Kif!u it fits so
graoefully into the texture of the poem, it is so apposite to !he purpose
in each case, that it may elude the average rc--.Hler while tt surprises
and delights the connoisseur. When Kieu is trapped in a second
bawdyhouse and complains of Heaven's cruelty toward women, she
does so by a play on words: Hong-quim ("Heaven") and lliJng-qw'in
("[those who wear} red skirts"). Then, addressing Hon~:-quan, she
says. "You've spun me so, yet you won't let me olf" (line 2158). The
metaphor lakes alert readers aback-suddenly it dawns on them that
the phrase Hong-quan, which is \'aguely understood by most people
to indicate Heaven, God, or the Creator, is being used here in its exact
meaning: the Great Potter's Wheel.
Nguy~n Du's allusions to other poets and poems are also both
pet1inent and unobtrusive. Consider the line "Birds flocked the
branch, winds stirred the leaves" (line 1231). In context, it implies
that Kieu allra.cts many customers to the brothel. While nobody can
miss the point, a reader's enjoyment will be sharpened after realizing
Lhat the fine is a neat paraphrase of two lines from a poem by a
renowned T'ang courte.san, Hsueh T'ao (Tiet Dao): "The branch
greets birds from south and north./The leaves sway hack and forth
with winds." Similarly, the poet describes the rebel Tir Hai as follows:
"PI}ring his oar, he roved the streams and lakes I with sword and lute
upon his shoulders slung., (lines 2173-74). Anyone can picture Tiras
a free spirit and a sensitive soul, but the informed reader will also
recognize here the self-portrait of Huang Ch'ao (Hoang Sao), the
IS)
T'ang scholar-rebel who captured Ch'ang-an in 881 and reigned
briefly as emperor. When Kieu's younger s.ister, Van, urges her to wed
Kim TrQng after a fifteen-year separation, she says: "The tree stm
be<lrs some three or seven plums,/ the peach stays fresh" (lines
3075- 76). It is clear she means that Ki~u is not too old for matrimony, but the East Asian classicist will spor at once de(t allusions to
lwo songs of courtship and marriage in Tile Book of Odes.
Nguy~n Du's artisu·y goes far beyond esoteric games, however.
His poem illustratesthe craft of fiction in its more universal aspecrs
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ptthy, yet v1vtd, descnpt1ons of nature, for example, never appear for
their picturesque vr~lue alone but always accomplish a narrative or
ps}•chologiC<ll purpose.
There is the cycte or seasons-'"the moon h<.~re and lhe sun crow
whirled round" (line 1269)-as the plot unfolds. It all started on a
beautiful third day of !he third month: ··s,vift swallows and spring
days were shuttling by-/ ot· ninety radiant ones three score had
tlcd./Young grass sprcaLI all its green to heaven's rim;/some
blossoms marked pear branches with white dots" (lines 39-42).
Summer begins: ''As windswept days and moonlit nights wheeled
round./ red dimmed, green deepened-spring was past and gone"'
(lines 369-70) and "For summer cuckoos cried beneath the moon; I
above the wall pomegranates kindled tire" (lines 1307-08). In the
ominous autumn, things happen as leaves turn: "Now, in the courtyard, planes mixed gold with jade./ Along the hedge, frost-hardy
mums peeped Jlut:_:_(lines_JJ86=87).-The-seasonal circuit is also
associated_:~:fth the healing process of time, as whin- young ThUc
r gra~ually. accu_s._t~I"!!_S- hi!Jl_S~I.fJ:_o.\
~rrone~~~J~~a t!~~LKieu
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penshed m a fire: "Just as the lotus wdts, the mums bloom-forllr=-/- l
~lime softens grief, and winter turns to spring·· (lines I 795-96).
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met Kim Tr~,>ng and found D?m Tien's grave on the same day. the
moon becomes a silent witness to Lhe secrets of a soul lorn between
hope and fear: "Outside the window, squinting, peeped the moon-/
gold spilled on waves, trees shado\\'ed all the yard" (lines 173-74). AI
a crucial moment of their tryst, the lovers arc not alone: 'The slark
bright moon was gazing from the skies I as with one voioe both
mouths pronounced the oath" (lines 449-50). Necessity compels her
to brec!k lhat oath, and as she follows Scholar Ma, who has bought
her, she is reminded of her betrayal: "A road that stretched far off in
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Introduction
------------------------------------~
Introduction
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hushed, still night:/ she saw the moon, fell shame at her lo\'e VO\vs"
(lines 915-16).
Not only the moon but nature as a whole joins in the story,
providing an appropriate background for the action, adumbrating
events to come or mirroring the state of mind of the chief protagonists. In Confucian society, for a nubile girl to obey her impulses and
go to her lover's apartments was tantamount to a deadly sin, so the
poet prepares the reader of his times for the shock. Seemingly innooent passages of description foreshadow Ki~u's deed: "East
drooped a red camellia, toward the next house: 1as dewdrops fell, the
spring branch bent and howe<!" (lines 175-76) and ..Outside the
window chirped an oriole--/over the wall a catkin 11ew next door"
(lines 239-40). As young Thuc leaves his spouse behind and rides a! a
gallop to rejoin Ki~u. his true love, the landscape takes on the hues of
his mood: ''v.•aters, all gleaming, mirrors for the sky,/ walls \vreathcd
in sapphire mist, peaks gilt with sun" (lines 1603-04). But, "when
you feel grief, can what you sec give joy?" (line J 244). The lyricism of
folk poetry informs the depiction of a twilight scene viewed through
Kicu'.s eyes as she, a captive in the brothel, wonders about her future:
''She sat.lly watched the harbor in gra}' dusk'--/ whose boar was that
with fluttering sails, far olr?/She sadly watched the river flow to
sea-- I where would this flower end, adrift and lost'! i She sadly
watched the field of wilted grass,/lhe bluish haze where merged .the
car!h and clo_uds./ She sadly watched the wind whip up the cove/
and scl all waves a-roaring round her seat" (lines 1047-54).
Despite the strict economy of a poem in which fewer than thirtyfive hundred lines encompass a host of incidents, Nguy~n Du brings a
wide range of techniques to bear on character delineation .. With
precise strokes, he conjures up a gallery of portraits that breathe both
in their physical presence and in their psychological identity. Here is
Kim Tr.;>ng, "a scion of the noblest stock" (line 148), endowed with
the expected attributes of a member of the Confucian aristocral~Y. }'et
memorable in himself: "They saw a youthful scholar come their
way I astride a colt he rode with slackened rein. I He carried poems
packing half hi~ hag, I and tagging at his heels were some page
boys./ His frisky horse's coat w·as dj•ed with snow . .I His gown hlent
tints of grass and pale blue sky" (lines 135-40); "His figured slippers
troJ the grt.-en--the field I now spa rk:led like some jade-and-ruby
grove" (lines 143-44); and "Born into wealth and talent, he'd
received I his wit from heaven, a scholar's trade from men./ Manner
and mien set him above the crowd: /he studied books indoors, lived
high abroad" (lines 149-52).
Though he uses cliches that embody Chinese canons of feminine
beauty, Nguy~n Du succeeds in contrasting the two Vtr011g sisters:
"Bodies like slim pl11m branches, snow-pure souls: I each her own
self, each perfect in her way" (lines 17-18). Destined for domestic
felicity, the younger sister evinces a somewhat dull, placid sort of
comeliness: "In quiet grace Van was beyond compare:/her face a
moon, her eyehrows two full curves; l her smile a tlo\ver, her voice the
song of jade;/ her hair the sheen of clouds, her skin white snow" (lines
19-22). We do not count on her to feel too deeply about anything, and
when she chides Kieu for crying over D<_1m Tien's grave her words
ring true: "My sister, you should be laughed at,/lavishing tears on
one long dearl and gonel'' (lines 105-06). On the olher hand, Kieu's
melancholy charm and artistic temperament indicate a predisposition to sorrow: "Her eyes were autumn streams, her brows spring
hills./ Flowers grudged her glamour, willows her fresh hue./ A glance
or two from her, and kingdoms rocked! I Supreme in looks, she had
few peers in gifts./ By Heaven blessed with wit, she knew all
skills: I she could Wl'ite verse and paint, could sing and chant. 1Of
music she had mastered all five tones/and played the lute far heller
than Ai Chang. i She had oomposed a song called Cruel Fate I to
mourn all women in.soul-rending strains" (lines 25-34).
But it is in the portrayal of villains that Nguy~n Du's brush,
unhampered by the dead weight of stereotypes, is most striking. Here
is Mit, scholar turned pimp: "Past forty, far beyond the bloom of
youth,/ he wore a smooth-shaved faoc. and smart a !lire" (Jines
627--28) and "Scholar Ma, the roguc,fhad always patronized the
haunts of lust. /The rake had hir a run of blackest luck:/ in \vhoredom our whoremaster sought his bread" (lines 805-08). Ma shows
his tntc,\t colors when he is allowed to speak in his own behalf. In
this interior monologue, caughl between profit and lust; he debates
whether he should exercise his mariral right to Kieu or deliver her
intact to his wife, Dnme Tu, who nms a brothel: "The flag has come
to hand!/! view rare jade-it stirs my heart of goldr /The kingdom's
queen of beauty! Heaven's scent! /One smile of hers is worth pure
gold--it's true./When she gers there, to pluck the maiden bud,/
princes and gentlefolk will push and shove./ She'll bring least thl'ee
hundred liang, about/what I have paid- net profit after thai./ A
morsel dangles at my mouth--what God/ ser\'es up I crave, yet
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�xxvi · - - - - - - - - - - - - - - · - - · - · · · - - · - - ..
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money hate to lose. I A heavenly peach wiLhin a mortal's grClsp: /I'll
bend the branch, pick it, and quench my thirst./ How many flowel'fanciers on earth I can really tell one llower from the next?/ Juice
from pomegranate skin and cockscomb blood /will heal it up and
lend the virgin look./ln dim half-light some yokel will be fooled: l
she'll fetch that much, and not one penny less./ If my old broad finds
out and makes a scene, I I'll take it like a man, dmvn on my knees!/
Besides, it's still a long, long way from horne:/ if I don't loud! her,
l«ter she'll suspect" (lines 823-44).
From the soliloquy we can surmise that the academic pimp has
met more than his match in the "old broad," "whose wealth of
charms was taxed by creeping age" (line 810). We catch a glimpse of
her outward appearance: "One noticed at first glance her pClllid
skin-/what did she feed upon to gain such bulk?" (lines 923 ··24).
The bawd's vulgarity, however, can be fully conveyed only in her own
words, which gush out when she learns thai Scholar Ma has tampered
wiih Kieu: "Her devils, fit:nds, anu dt:mons ail hrukc loose: /'Whai
happene<.l is as plain as day to sec! I She caught my man alive for her
own use! I I sent him for some lass to bring back here I and put to
work as hostess, e<lrn our bread. /llut Chat false-hearted knave, rhat
beastly rogue I had his damn itch-he playe<.l and messed with her./
Now that the cloth has lost all starch and glaze, /I here goes to hell the
money I put up! IYoulittle strumpet, they sold you to me, I and in my
house you go by my house rules. I When that old lecher tried his dirty
trick, /why did you listen~ Slap his face, instead! I Why did you just lie
there and take it ali? /The merest chit, do }'ou already rut?/ I must
teach you ho\v I lay down the law.' I She grabbed a whip, about to
pounce and lash" (lines 962-78).
Miss Ho~n is in a class by herself as a villain. The daughter of a
prime minister, she is married to young Thuc, who prefers Ihe charms
of a prostitute. Ferocious in her jealousy, she still commands our
admiration by her self-control and ability to present~ brave front to
the world despite her husband's esca~de: "His garden boasted now a
fresh-blown rose-/so she had heard from every mouth hut his./
The fire of wrath kept smoldering in her breast/ against the knave
whose fickle hcarl had roamed: I 'If only he'd confessed, told me the
truth, I r might have favored her with my good grace. i I'd be a fool to
Jose my stately calm/ and gain the stigma of a jealous shrew. I But
he's Lhought fit to pull his boyish prank/and hide his open secretwhat a faroer /He's fancied distance keeps me unaware. I Let's hide
Introduction
· - - - - - - - --
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xxvii
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and sock-1 too shall play his game./ I entertain no worry on this
roore: I the ant's inside the cup-where can it crawl? I I'll make them
loathe and shun each other's s.ight. I I'll crush her w she c.1nnot rear
her head./ I'll rub the spectacle in his bare face I and make the traitor
feel my iron h;md'" (lines 153.5-52). This is a preview of what is !yi11g
in store for her husband and Kieu: "She locked her anger deep inside
her heart/and lei all rumors breeze right past her ears./Later, two
louts came bea.ring their report, I hoping to earn due wages for their
pains./The lady in high dudgeon thundered forth: /'1 loathe pert
knaves who'll weave, embroider things! I My husband's not a com-' mon, vulgar churl:/ mouths with less truth than froth have spat this
lie.'/ She bade her lackeys execute her Ia w, /slapping their mouths
and knocking out their teeth. I An awestruck hush now scUied on her
house: I nobody risked another single peep./ In her pink room she'd
idle mom and eve./ she'd chat and laugh as if naught were amiss''
(lines 1553-66). She will give a hellish time Co her rival- -yet it is part
uf Nguyen Du's hum<~ne iouch to make us fed much syrnpaihy for
the ''lioness": she is defending the integrity of her home. TI1is is clear
as she puts her case before Kicu at the trial: "I havc:t woman's mind,
a petty soul, i and jealousy's a trait all humans share" (lines 2365-66)
and "I felt esteem for you in my own heart-/ what woman, though,
would gladly share her man?" (lines 2369- 70). Forgiving her and
letting her go scot-free, Kieu shows merq• founded on a special sense
of justice.
Wilen a highbornlildy eschews rhetoric and speaks--the plain
. lang\.tage of passion, it is realism-«n il!!p_orta_l)t_ facet of Nguyen
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fidcl11y to hfc 1s hts sense of comedy, a rare attnhutc m a classical
poet. It was deemed far henea th th_e dignity ofa Confucian gentleman
to-smile, let-alone-laugh.-Wfth-few exceptions, classical Vielna~ese
I
,literature presents an air of grim seriousness 11L best and dismal gloom _
__al\vorsl, and this J~ck of gaiety f~ils to reflect the temperament of the~_-:
1 average, un-Confucianized Vietnam_ese', who can joke under tbc most
,lsolcmn or trying circumsta nccs: C~lloqularsrceCl)a h01rrid.;Jri. \•iords
8nd__ phrascs_for_mirth_and d~rision. -~-:
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Nguyen Du oflen imparts an ironic twisL to some learned cliche
and mClkes it look fresh again. A favorable wind once drove the
young Wang Po's boat to Prince T'eng's palace, where he attended a
banquet and delivered a brilliant addrc.'ls in parallel prose and thus
made his name overnight To scholars the phrase duyen Ddug ("fate
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xniii
Introduction
lntroduc!ion
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xxix
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*
that takes one !o Prince T'eng's palace") has served as a metaphor for
other than Nguyi!n Do has depicted it in all its mystery and variety.
good fortune and success in the literary world. But the Vietnamese
There is no rational explanation for it: "Unbidden, love will seck
poet chooses to apply the trope to a nonliterary event, young Thuc's
those meant for Jove" (line 2206). It may strike someone as hardened
marriage lo Miss Ho~n-which, on reflection, is quite apropos after
as a ruler of men: "Entranced, he heard her; spellbound, he watched
her./0 miracle, love disturbed an iron mask!" (lines 2579-80). To
all: since scholars viewed literature mostly as an avenue to membership in the ruling elite with all its privileges and perquisites, to wed the
Kieu, love happens three times, for three quite different men, Kim
daughter of a minister of slate was, for all practical purposes, to reach
Tr<~ng, Tiu1c K)• Ta.m, and Tir Hai: "Of course, when two kin spirits
Prince T'eng's palace in time for a feast. Likewise, the express.ion
meet, one tie 1soon binds them in" knot none can yank loose" (lines
. ;. - 1287-88)-still, each tie has its own texture, its own resiliency.
"fish-cress and perch" (lhuan ric) is supposed to evoke homesickness
by its allusion to Chang Han, who resigned from office on an autumn
With Kim, it is first love, at first sight: "Wbat stirred their hearts
day and went back to his village because he missed the taste of those
' · • their eyes still dared not say" (line 164). Nguyen Du knows how to
1
two common dishes of his native countryside. But Nguyen Du uses . /
express the psychic turmoil lhat accompanies an adolescent's disthe stock phrase to suggest that young Thuc begins to get tired of
covery of the other sex: "How strange, the race of lovers! Try as you
home cooking and his wife as the sights and sounds of autumn
wiU,/ you can't unsnarl their hearts' entangled threads" (lines
prompt him to dream of more exotic fare: "To perch and fish-cress
243-44). Seldom has the erratic behavior of a boy in the throes oflove
he'd begun to take/ when down the well planes dropped a few gold
been rendered with such acute yet affectionate perception, as if the
leave.-." (lines 1593 -94).
poet were reminiscing about his own youth and mocking himself:
If that kind of wit is too subtle for those unfamiliar with the
"Sinoe Kim was back inside his book-lined walls,/ he could not drive
allusions, Nguyen Du's sense of hllmor chuckles almost audibly in
her from his haunted mind./ He drained the cup of gloom: it filled
other places. such as Scholar Ma's soliloquy. Sometimes, the poet lets
anew-/ one day without her seemed three autumns long./ Silk cura ludicrous situation speak for itself: "Between, an altar all rigged
tains veiled her windows like dense clouds, Jand toward the rose
out: above, /the image of thnl god with hoary brows. /In bawd)'within he'd dream his way. /The moon kept waning, oil kept burning
houses old tradition bids /them worship him as patron of their
low: I his faoe yearned for her face, his heart her heart. /The studyLmdc,/ o!Tcr him !lowers, hurn incense day and night./ When some
room turned icy, metal-cold-/ brushes Ia}' dry, lute strings hung
jinxed gal drew too few customers,/ in front of him she'd doff her
loose on frets./ Hsiang bamboo blinds stirred rustling in Lhe wind-·/
shirt and skirt,/ then light some incense candles mumhling prayer./
incense roused longing, tea lacked love's sweet taste. I If fate did not
. She'd take all faded flowers to line her m1at, / an~Lb.cc_s_wo.uld-swarm--- _ .
mean them to join as mates, Jwhy had the temptress come and leased
a-buzzing all around!'' (lines 929-38)._More often, for comic •·elieC,-- J his eyes? f Forlorn, he missed the scene, he missed the girl: /he rushed
jlhc poCL<lmws Oll the inexhaustible supply of folk sayingl!, \yhichJl.C - ··)
back where by chance the two had met./ A tmcl of land with grasses
( cho~ses ~l_!h_Cl_n_ u_I}_ean!Jy _flair.·How.dseto-poke- fu~ a!- the marriage·· lush and green,/ with waters cryst.1l-clear: he saw naught else./The
""""ofan aging prostitute and an aging debauchee but to cai!J.~eeting
breeze at twilight stirred a mood of grief-/ the roods waved back
of c'-'sawdust and a bitter melon'Tl'hk proverbial phrase ·~a\Vdiist~
and forth as if to taunt. I A lover's mind is full of her he loves: I he
a/ld bitter melon" (m(tl clrtt mw&p rMng) comes from a folk tale:
walked straight on and made toward her Blue Bridge" (lines 245-66).
lia~ker who "'fOisted sawdust (m(tl cwa) as rice bran on unwary:::o-~'
According to Confucian ethics it was unspeakahle for a well-bred
~ustomers came across another who passed bitter melons (murrp ----~.
girl to meet a boy in secret in his room---yet Nguy~n Du convinces us
(/(mg) off for cucum_bers--thc_two_tradcd~goods, duping each----i
of the purit)' of Kieu's motives and gives us a romantic heroine's
dther.
- - -:;
eloquent case for premarital contirH~nce: "Treat not our love as just a
game-/plcascstayawayfrommeandletmespeak./Whatisamere
Yet, despite the squalor and sordidness in the story, Kii!u is
basically a romance-another reason for its enduling popularity.
peach blossom that one should I fence off the garden, thwart the bluebird's quest?/ But you've named me your bride-to serve her man, 1
Love is the subject of many Vietnamese tales in verse, but no poet
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XXX
---------------
Introduction
she musL place chastity ~bovc all else. /They play in mulberry groves
along the P'u, /but who \\'Oul<.l care for wenches of that ilk?/ Are we
to snatch the moment, pluck the fruit, I and in one sole day wreck a
lifelong trust'!/ Lei's ponder those love stories old and new---what
well-malched pair could equal Ts'ui and Chang? /Ye~ passion's
storms did topple stone and bronze:/ she cloyed her lover humoring
alibis whims. I As wing to wing and limb to limb they lay,/ contempt
already lurked beside their hearts. I Under the western roof the two
burned out/ the incense of their vow, ~nd love turned shame. I If J
don't cast the shuttle in defense,/ we'll later blush for it---who'll bear
the guilt?/ Why force your wish on your shy flower so soon?/ While
I'm alive, you'll sometime get your due" (lines 501-22). Kim is never
to gel his due, however. AL the end of the story, he and Kit!u are
reunited and joined in wedlock, but the union remains unconsummated. He reluctantly complies with her scruples: "To live in concord, need two share one bed'!" (line 3178) and "Their wishes all came
true since fate so willed,/ and of two lo.,•crs marriage made two
friends" (lines 3225-26).
Uut it \•.;ould be a mistake to infer from this that Nguyen Du was a
prude. He is one of the very few classical East Asian poets to cclehrate
physical love frankly but within the bounds of good taste. He cannot
be accused of pandering to any prurient interest-a mildly pornographic passage in the original Chinese novel is reduced in his poem
to this professional lecture by the bawd: "The trade of love, my girl,
takes care and pains,/ an<.l we who ply it must know all its tricks./ ... /
Men are all alike:/ thc}•'Il get their money's wortb or won't come
here. /There are more things to love than meet tbc eye/ and wa}'S to
cope with men hy day or dark./ Know these by heart-Jearn seven
ploys Co catch I and hold a man, eight ways to please in bed./ Play
love with them until you've played them out, I till heads must swim,
till hearts of stone must spin. I Now flil't with eyebrows, now coquet
with lips./ Now sing the moon, now sport among the flowers. ;'There
you have it, our house's stock in trade: I learn it and be a mistress of
our craft" (lines 1201-16).
The love between Ki~u and the weak-willed Thuc eventually
matures into a deep attachment, but sexual attraction is its main
ingredient, and Nguy~n Du takes care to stress the point. Here is
homage pa.id to Kieu's beauty: "A woman's charms, 0 wondrous
tidal waves I that tumble homes and topple halls like toys!" (lines
130 1-02) and "lo, such pure jade and such whire ivory! I Her body
Introduction
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xxxi
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stood as Heaven's masterwork" (lines 1311-12). Sexual intercourse
is described in a restrained but intense manner: "Behind the tasseled
drapes he faced the flower: I his fane}' relished each of all her
charms./The young camellia, shimmering on its stem, _I would glow
still brighter with each fresh spring shower!/ Man and girl, girl and
man in fevered clasp: I on a spring night, hO\v can one quell the
heartr' (lines 1281 -86). We arc made to feel the poignancy of the
lovers' griefwheri they have to part: "She walked back home to face
tbc night alone,/and by himself he fared the long, long way./Who
split the lovers' moon? Half sUiycd and slept/ by her lone pillow, half
lit his far road" (lines 1523-26).
In most ways the opposite of young Thuc, T\r H~i is the strong
man whom K icu can look up to and lean on. When "eyes meet eyes
and heart endounlers her~rt" (line 2178), she is shrewd enough to sense
his potential greatness. He is holh flattered by and grateful for her
keen insight: "T\vo kindred souls have joined ... /We're not those
giddy fools who play at love./ For long I've heard them rave about
your charms,/ hut none's won favor yet in your clear eyes. I How
often have you lucked upon a man? l Why bother with caged birds or
fish in pols?" (lines 2179-84) and 'Through life how many know
what moves one's soul? /Those eyes be praised that, keen and worldlywise, I can see the hero hid in common dust! l Your vmrds prove
you discern me from the rest-/ we'll sit together when I sit on high"
(lines 2200-04). Tt'r feels for Kieu a Lender, protective, indulgent kind
of love; he wants to right the wrongs she has suffered, see to her
comfort and well-being, grant her every wish and desire. In the end,
he meets his doom because "love for a woman bent a hero's will" (line
2176). She takes full blame for his death: "A hero was my Tlr-he
went his way I beneath the skies, he roamed the open seas./ I talked.
he listened overtrusting me-/ the victor [aid down arms to serve a·
court!/He hoped to gain the world for man and wife-/alas, h.
came to nothing in a trice./ Five years he roved between the sky an
sea, /then dropped his body on the field like trash" (lines 2549-56,
ln addition to its romance, Nguy~n Du's poem shares other features with works of fiction that have mass appeal. It is a melodrama
that throbs with violent incidents, including war: ."Gray phantoms,
fumes of slaughter leapt the skies/as sharks ro-ved streams and
armored men prowled roads" (2251-52) and "Imperial troops
rushed fonvard giving chase- I death vapors blasted men, choked
up the skies" (lines 2523-24). II is a story that caters to folk beliefs
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lntroduc1ion
Introduction
xxxiii
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in supernatural phenomena: the brooding presence of D(J.m Tien's
ghost, fortune-telling, witchcraft, Tl¥ H:\i's deification in death. The
Vietnamese people have given Nguy~n Du's poem the ultimate accolade in this respect: they have consulted it for divination purposes,
to which it lends itself quite well because, within its scope, it covers
most life circumstances, from the highest to the lowest, the happiest
to the saddest,_,_.~-beauty and forcefulness ~fth;;-wor-k-cannot alone-explain?
/the spell
Du's poem has case over the Vietnamese, peasants
--BUttii"e
Nguy~
L and_~!~o~s ~lik~. Tile}' a}rliavet'ound{.;-llsome-_~~~~on (ie"JiO~i
- nator about theu-vlorld that touches a chord m the1r collective
psyche:(\ clue, perhaps, is a word that recurs throug!louUhe poem:
1-~oan. The\nearcst equivalent in English is a past participle: wrongf!_d.~
L-story-p\u•porting to recount events that occurred i'n-Ming China
manages to project o_~_:~e.__stark, readily recognizable image about
Vietnam-thepicture of victiins, of people punished for crimes or
sins they arb-not-a warc-tfiey tlave commiHed.
Down the ages, more than most other peoples, the Vietnamese
have known a history marked by turbulence and torment, by natural
or human forces unleashed against helpless individuals. Time and
again, typhoons have devastated the delta and coastal area of north
and oentral Vietnam with its dense population: they arc, indeed,
"disasters that come flying on the wind" (•'(l ~:io flli hay), acts of God
visited on innocent heads. But more oflcn_than_not,_the_phrase refers
figuratively (as it does in the poem) to tuisfortunes wreak~donmen-i
\by ~owetf\11mcn, whOimposethci~ arbitrary will from above. /J
L-Thosc masters-could-be foreig.rrers:-afterconqucst1md despite en----' ·
demic rebellion, the Chinese and the French ruled the country and
had the people at their mercy fora total of over a thousand years. But
the Vietnamese suffered at the hands of their fello\\' countrymen, too;
with few exceptions, native rulers were also t}'-rants. To survive constant Chinese pressure as well as the challenge of other pretenders to
the throne and the ever-present threat of peasant revolts, Vietnamese
monarchs had to adopt and maintain a state apparatus patterned on
the Chinese model, an inslrumeot designed more for repression and
suppression than for justice.
In theory, the sovereign acted as the "Jamp of Heaven" (den TnJ-i),
shining justice on all, but in practice he never would or could get close
enough to the people to hear their grievances: "This wrong/could
they appeal to Heaven far away?" (lines 595-96); "When wronged,
(S)
can flies and ants demand redrqss?" (line 1758). To keep law and
order through the realm, the sovereign had to depend on local
scholar-officials who, often underpaid, were tacitly encouraged to
live off their charges. Cor11.rption- \\·as-buifti~to -the systeii'l:in
dealing-with-onicials, the people had to learn to "pave this way-and
\- -cldar that path ~'Jiordti-lufm(fii,V):Therehigh-principled man''--darins, of course, but even they tended to prefer a decorous aloofness
from the populace, lest familiarity should breed contempt and undermine authority: "Play with a dog, and it will lick your face" (Ciw-i vifi
cho clro liem mt}t), says the proved>. Those who wielded actual power
with the poople on a daily basis were the mandarins' subordinates:
clerks and scribes, sheriffs and runners. In a position to bully and to
squeeze, they were the most feared and hated members of the government: "Lawmen behaved that day as is their wont,/wrcaking dire
havoc just for money's sake" (lines 597--98). Rare were tho,s_e_underlings who would not abl!!ie.__the_authority_dclcgatcd to_them: 'There
____/
("was anelllerlyscrl~~~~~ surnamed Chung, I a bureaucrat who some~ _r --- :
( hO\V had a heart'_' (lil!eS 607:..::0Kf
scene Ngtiy~} Du shows how
men \vho represented the law perverted it for their own selfish ends:
"With cudgels under arm and swords in hand,/ those fiends and
monsters rushed around, berserk. I They cahgued them both, the old
man, his young son-/ one cruel rope trussed. t\vo dear beings up./
Then, like bluebottles bu:aing through the house,/ Lhcy smashed
workbaskets. shattered looms to hils./ They grabbed all jewels,
fineries. personal things,/ scooping the household clean to fill greed's
bag" (lines 577-84); ''Fear gripped the household-cries of
innocence I shook up the earth, injustice dimmed the clouds. ,I All day
they groveled, begged and pn1yed-deaf ears/wou1d hear no plea,
harsh hands would spare no blow./ A rope hung each from girders,
by ~is~~=/ rocks.__Jvould_hayc__broken,_l~L.Jl~ne mere
men:' /Their faces~spoke-sheer"pain~and fright---this_wrong{eould
.
-_,-.....}
lheyappeaLioHeavenJaraway?" (Iines-589:.."96);
--~
What crime were the VtrO'ng father and son guilty of to ca II down
such punishment? A laconic line mentions an unspecified charge
brought by "some knave who sold raw silk" (line 588). The failure to
give more precise details might be regarded as a lapse in narrative
skill, hut it points UQ_the arbitrary nature ofthearrest:_ontheffirns~est .
of-groundsi lives and families coul11_b_e_vn:.ecke_d_~!_t the whim of those
,
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m.RQ_wer_._ _ _ ;
For the three hundred liang (or tacls) of silver needed to buy ber
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------------- ---·
l
Jnlroduclion
father's freedom, Kieu sells herself as a concubine to Scholar Ma,
later revealed to be a pimp, and she is swept into a life of turpitude:
she becomes a toy, an object dizzily spun by some occull foroe
variously called the "blue potter's n·heel" (klwtm xan/1), the "sacred
potter's w~e_cj':.__(khyon thieng), and the ·~grear potter's wheel" (hOng-· ..
,---qua1:J~Like Kieu, man.y p~ple in an. unj~sl ~~c~~.t~JJ.!tY~_bcen_slruck_ ~J
L by • disasl.t..'Ts tbat come llymg_9_n_.!he_w~nd, 15y mexphca.b!e catastrophes~- andtncy-haveempathiZC<J
with ner-Iot, feeling no reluc-tance to idcntif)' wjrh a prostitute. If Confucian momfisrs condemn
women who "deal in powder and sell perfume" (huon phon ban
hurrng), the people take a kinder view of those who must "sell their
rump.~ lo feed their mouths" (hciu tdm 11111h mi$;11g). Prostitution is a
tcmporc1ry necessity from which a woman will escape at the first
chance. According to a folk saying, "a whore works in nine places,
but she saves one place lo get a husband" (/rim di chin pl111r:mg, del m{h
plrurmg lily chong). The ethical authority of marriage and the family
is such that a man may "make a whore his Vt'ife, but no one should
make his wife a whore" ua_v dlltim !'~. khong ai lii_v I'~ iiun di). Kieu
the prostitute oonforms lo !hal ingrained prejudice in favor of marriage ilnd the family: she fUllS away with the cad so- Khanh in hope
that he will make an honest woman of her; she asks for a concubine's
modest niche in young Thuc's home ("Should she, displeased, object
and raise a storm, I tell her I know my place and honor hers"); she
attains transient respectability as the consort of the rebel Til- Hai
during his five-year period of victories; and in the end, .she is reunited
with Kim Tr<;mg, who generously accepts her as a platonic bride. She
expresses her gratitude to Kim in these lerms: "If ever my soiled
body's cleansed of stains, I I'll thank a gentleman, a noble soul/ ... 1
. A home, a refuge-what won't you give me'! I My honor fives again
as of lonigh!" (lil1~~-J _181::-Jlli).,___ ~ ___________________ _
[,Moresiimed against than_sinning, Kicu, as a folk symbol, st~tlds-- /
~or the victim's struggle to survive by dnnving comfort and susten:, :-·
from a mixture of the popular
L-Buddhisl ooncept of fare: "This we have learned: with Heaven rest all----,
Heaven appoints each human to a place./lf doomed to roll in
/
\.:-dust,_we'll rollin dusl; 1-wc'llsit on highwhen_desti!led for high seats"
(lines 324!-44) and "Our karma we must carry as our lot--/let's
stop decrying Heaven's whims and quirks" (Jines 3249-50). The idea
of injustice, of wronged innocence, is: so intolerable to sane minds
that, in order to preserve their mental balance and endure, powerless
\~mce
~--things./
beliefin-Heaven:s_wil~nd_:_!he_
z
lntroduclicm
XXXV
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I
victims of either natural calamity or human wickedness must justify
their misfortunes in some _g\tasi~rationnl-fashion:-ManyVietnarnese,
like Kicu, liave "fiecepted the twin concepts of Heaven's w_illand
karma, or atonement for sins eommitted in an earlier cxi~t~~c-e.--tiut
~lism, as a passive defense mechanism of individuals, denies the.
~fuln~ss_ofany:-ciltemprto-change'the world, and it is this message,'
within Nguy~n Du's poem that Mar~istqili~s_havc_q.l!~rreled with~
1
1ftlfe massesnave-fou-n(:fcatharsis and solaoe in Kieu, members of
the Vietnamese elite have looked upon her as their alter ego as well. It
can even be claimed that in the plaintive voioe of a girl sold into
prostitution and slavery, Nb'llY~ll Du himself airs personal discontents with his official career. At both the start and the finish of his tale
he seems to hint at this purpose: "A hundred years-in this life span
on earth I tafcnt and destiny are apt to feud" (lines 1-2) and "In talent
take no overweening pride, I for talent and disaster form a pair" (lines
3247-48). In classicalliteratnrc, when tale~t is deploroo as the target.
of ill fi1tc, it belongs to a man rather than to a woman: "talent for
men, beauty for women" (trai tai giJi .~he).
The poem also contains a debate on women's clwslity and fidelity.
Toward the end of the story, when Kim urges Kicu to abide by her
vow and marry him regardless of all that llas happened to her, she
answers: "A home where love and concord reign, I whose hcart'won't
yearn for it? But I believe /that to her man a bride should bring the
scent I of a close bud, the shape of a full moon. I It's priceless,
chastity-by nuptial torch, I am I to blush for what I'll offer you?"
(lines 3091-96) and "How dare I, boldfaced, soil with worldly
filth I the homespun costume of a virtuous wife?" (lines 3103-04). But
Kim will not yield to her line of reasoning and retorts: "How skilled
you are in spinning words! /You have your reasons-others have
their own. I Among those duties falling to her lot,/ a woman's chastity means many things./ For there are times of ease and times of
stress: I in crisis must one rigid rule apply? I True daughter, you
upheld a woman's role: I what dust or dirt could ever sully you?"
(lines 3113-20).
Such verbal give-and-take is reminiscent of an animallale in verse,
Trinh Tlu'r ("The Constant M ousc"), written by a Vietnamese
scholar, presumably in the nineteenth century. It is about a shemouse who, in the absence of her husband, resists the advances of a
me and refutes all his arguments against chastity and fidelity. If
classical writers seem obsessed with the notion that women should
a
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�xxni
Introduction
remain immaculate in thought and deed, a student of East Asian
literature realizes that, more oflen than not, the issue serves as an
allegory for a crucial problem in feudal times: polilical allegiance.
For example, the T'ang poet Chang Chi (765-830) responded to
overtures from the rebel Li Shih-tao with a poem entitled "Song of a
Chaste Wife" ( Chiellfu yin): "My lord, you knew l had a husband-/
yet you sent me two shiny pearls./ Affected by your loving thought,/
I sewed them to my red gauze blouse./ My home s(ands tall near the
Imperial Park./ My man bears arms and guards the Radiant Hall./1
know your pure heart glows like sun and moon-/butto my mao
I'm pledged for life. I I give you back your pearls with my two
tears./ Oh, why had you and I no I mel before?"
What we know of Nguy~n Du's life seems to con !inn the suspicion
that he saw himself as a political Kieu, a man forced to betray his
loyalties and convictions by the duty lo shield his family from harm.
Although he belonged to a prominent Northern clan whose members
had served the U sovereigns, the Tr!nh lords, and the Tily-so-n rebels,
he became a courtier in Hue, servi1~g the Soulhern upstarls~the. __ _
Nguy~n-house.-inT8o2~ wiihrhe help of French missioi1arie~ and
~.
tneroenaries, Nguyen Anh emerged as the victor in a long civilwa'r
\md, assuming- - - - - · - · - - - - - -title, · - · - Vietnam. In
Gia Long as his reign - . unified
I
likeliflOOO;the poet rallied to the winning side leS..,-fro-mcnthusiasm ·-~·
than from fear that his dan, badly compromised with Nguyen Anh 's
erstwhile enemies, might be persecuted. The tbeme of Iiiia I piely runs
like a litany through his poem. Despite the prestige he enjoyed as a
scholar and as a poet, Nguy~n Du's proud nature never adjusted to
the stifling atmosphere of Hue, where a young: insecure dynasty
ruthlessly crushed any sign of insubordination. Tl is reported that
while he behaved humbly at court, he maintained a glum reserve and
was afflicted with an incurable melancholia until his death. His secret
wishes and dreams apparently flowed into the creation of lhe most
astonishing characler in his poem: Tll' Hai.
all . .
In I he original Chinese novel. Hsii Hai is Jitlle more than a bandit
chief or wadord. Nguy~n Du's rebel, on the contrary, rises to epic
heights-a hero .falls peur el sans repruche, admired even by Ho Ton
Hien, who sets ou1 to destroy him; "A tiger's beard, a swaliow'sjaw,
and brows/as thick as silkworms-he stood broad and tall./A
towering hero, he outfought all foesjwiU1 club or fist and knew all
arts of war./ Between the earth and heaven he lived free" (lines
2167-71) and "Bamboos split fast; Iiles slip, soon fall apart:/his
Introduction
z
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:xxxvii
----------------·--
0
I
IS)
martial might now thundered far and widc./ln his own corner he
installed his court/ for peace or war and cut the realm in two./Time
after time he stormed across the land I and trampled down five strongholds in the Soulh./He fought and honed his sword on wind and
dust, I scorning those racks for coals, those sacks for rice./ He stalked
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and swaggered through his horder ficf,/with no less stature than a
prince, a king./Who dared oppose his flag, dispute his sway? {For
five years, by lhc sea, he reigned sole lord" (line$ 2439-50).
Wben he is asked to trade his independence for a bigh post at
court, Ttr Hai's thoughts no doubt reflect Nguy~n Du's own loathing
for a courtier's role: "My own two hands have built thi~ realm-at
will./l've roamed the sea ofCh'u, the streams of Wu./ If I turn up at
court, bound hand and fool,/what will become of me, surrendered
man? f\Vh' let them swaddle me in robes and skirts? /Why play a
duke so as Lo criuge and crawl? I Had I not better rule my marchdomain? i For what can they all do against my might? j At pleasure
I slir henven and shake earth-/ I come and go, l bow my head to
uone'' (lines 2463- 72). But listening to Kicu's advice, Ttr Hai surrenders and falls into an ambush. Great in life, he looms larger yet in
death: "The fierocst tiger, taken unawares, I will lick the dusl and
meet an abject end. I Now doomed, Ttr fougl!t!tlsc9WOJast:fi~~
earth /to show them all a_soldier:s.dauntless-heart./-When_his brave
\soul left him to join the gods. I he still stood on his feet amidst his-----_,
L[oes:fHiH)ody ;fiJ:rri'='as rock and~har:d,as:br.,onze, 1who in the ytho}e ~,
'
~vide world could_ ~hak~_ or move?" (lines 2515-22)-:-j
·
---fn -Co~-fucian society, rebellio.n is the cardinal sin-yet here is a
courtier singing a rebel's life in rapturous accents. If Nguy~n Du
jettisoned the Chinese model of the original prose talc, neither did he
create Tlr Hili wholly out of his imagination. In the early part of the
nineteenth centur~, Vj~tnJ.l1Jl_s_till_echoecLto .a . real-life__eRic-the
meleorie_career.odNguyen Hu~. Flaunting his "cotton shirt -a-rid rod
~ag" (an vtli cit duo), he led the Tay-sO'n revolt to one of the greales·t--, ·tpumphs in the history of peasant uprisings. He defeated lhe Trinh
lords in the north and the Nguv~n lords in the south, anc.J in 1789 he
\__
.
"
laun'ched a let or New Year's offensive to rout the two hundred ·,
thotisand~troops of the,€1iinese emperor Ch'ien~lung: "He bean he~
wo~lo}ifiWit and grit, shook heaven by-sheermigh!'.'.(lines2901::::04). · -=
H'is reign.as-EmperorQuang Trung was ephemeral. however: after
his death in I 792 at the age of forty, the Tay-s<m dynasty fell apart.
Along with that of lhe heroine, Ki~u, 1he portrait of Tll' Hcii,
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xxno~-- _______________________ _
lnlroduction
inspired by a genuine folk hero, firmly fixes Nguy~n Du's talc in !he
Vietnamese people's affections. As emblematic figures thar carry the
hopes and dreams_ofJhe_downtrodden,-prostitute-and rebel compl.e.:_
1J1ent each olher..lf she personifies passive resistance to injustice and)
o~pression, he embodies a man's ability to break through the evil'--.
\S"ystem and lake the law into
and.!
\rewarding virtues: the trial ?cciie-:\Vnerehelcts--hcr payfOes anCJ-:
'-{riel.lQu!lcir_du~_\~gcs, is a favorite with rnost_Vie_rn<!rt}eS4:!.
~ In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the significance of Nguy~n Du-•s poem came to tra n:o~cend both private anguish
and popular identification. By an accident of histoq' between East
and West, the autobiography of a divided soul epitomized a moral
dilemma that confronted aU Vietnamese-scholars and intellectuals,
in particular. Aner 1862, political allegiance bec.tme the paramount
question as the Hue court, under military pressure, was lorccd to cede
the throe eastern provinces in the South to France. Phan TI1anh Gian
committed suicide after the further loss, in 1867, of the three \\.'estern
provinces entrusted to his care. The blind schoiar-poet Nguyen Dinh
Chi~u totally ignOI'ed the enemy, turning down offers of financial aid,
refusing to W:Jsh with French-made so:1p or walk on Frcnch-builr
roads. Other scholars, like Ton That Thuyet and Ph an Dinh Phung,
organized resistance groups, which soon disintegrated in the face of
superior military power. Less hardy spirits chose the safest course:
they collaborated with the French occupation forces.
When .~holars and intellectuals accept a foreign master and do his
bidding, even for the sake of a mere livelihood, let alone wealth and
rank, tbeirbehavioris properly called prostitution: In his controversy
with Phan Van Tri after 1862, the collaborationist Ton ThQ Tm'rng
wrote a poem apologizing for his pro-French conduct and comparing
his own plight to Kicu's-"whcn evil strikes, you bow to circumstance" (line'600). Like Nguy~n Du, Tu-img was never reconciled !o
what he did; toward the end of his life, in another poem, he likened
himself to an old whore who had become a Buddhist nun and fasted
for ~nancc. _________________ ----· _ ------ ·-- -- . __
Quring tbc-l920s and 30s, a political dcbntc revolved heatedly':- ,)
~round 1Y1e Talt:.!!l!f.ifli~The _Qirectorof Political Affairs for"f~·rench ·'
Indocl!ina;t;ouis"Mariy, appointed a brilliant scholar, Ph:;~m Quynh,
to preside over a cultural movement that would attract Vietnnmese
intellecluals and advance French interests. In many articles, the
movement's chief organ, the monthly review Nam Phong ("South
\
h~_Qwn_lHm~s._rjghtiDg_w_n~ngs
z
xxxix
Jntrudnclion
----
0
c
I
Wind" or "Southern Ethos"), published a detailtXt study of Nguy~n
Du's poem to prove that French rule and influence posed no permanent threat because, in Ph~m Quynh's oft-quoted words., "as long
as The Tale of Kieu lasts, our language will last; and as long as our
language lasts, our country will last." Deliberately glossing over the
ambiguities in Kieu's character, Ph~m Quynh canonized her and
proclaimed The Ttlle of Kie11 a "pure" masterpiece, subtly suggesting
that "pure" litc'rary pursuit was a glorious (and profitable) alternative to politics or revolution.
~
Scholars who opposed the French control of their oounlry, notably
Ngo DircKe (187R-1929)and HuS•nhThucKhang(lR76-1947),saw
through PJu.1m Quynh's game and sought to denounce him. Under
the watchful eyes of the secret police, they had to attack him on the
sly. Suspeding that he cast himself in the role of Ki~u, a filial Vietnamese who sold out to thecolonialisl'i for the fatherland's sake, they
wrote satirical poems in which they savaged a certain "brothel": of
course, their butt was the Nam Plwng group, headed by Ph~m
Quynh, whom they regarded as a Scholar Mii, a pimp, not as a whore
with a heart of gold. 'Mostly--;-tlieyreviled-Nguycn-mrs-masterpiece,
.~
Calling ilpoisOOOUSl~ash and its heroine a dcpra Ved Sinner. Rec!tUSC _ j
pfi~m Qu}'Tlh-had-preempted·one -end of the critiearspectr·un( they
went to the other extreme to dramati7-e their hostility lo\V"clrd someone they considered the mo_st__c:!angcrousht<nchman of French imperialisnl:iffhe Tale ojK.,1u meant everything Loa-fraitor;-then it
m·eanf notb_ing,.or_worse_than t:!QUl_i~g,_to patriots.·:::;::------- .. j
In the last third of the twentieth century, Vietnam \vas once again
forced to "go through a play orebb and_flo-""~/_a!_l.Q_2Vatf~Y\1£i!!hi~g_s
as make you sick at heart." ~Th_<!_ughtful Vietnamese cannot help~'
r-------;----------·-- --.
.
recognizing in their country the image of a karma-cursed Iwoinatc · "'
I
1 Ki(.:U. Between 1965 and J975, the Washington crusade for· a world
lsafe·from-Soviet·Russia-and Red-China torel~sunder the warp and
'woof of society in South Vietnam and bred prostitution, sexual and
otherwise,.on.a.vast scale. Unseen, unheard B=52 bombers that rained
.._____
. ·-·---·----·-·
--·
-----.
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death_ailifaestruclion out of the blue gave=a.,.newc:meaningl-othe
....__
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'phrase "<Jisasters thafi:omc flying on the wind." The United Staies
go~ernment intervened in-.the-btlieFthaf"thc· wealthi~sf:..po_~r. on
e~i"lh,~_!>o~st!ngjh~=mos_~-l!<iVl!.f•5c4-~•u)w~edg~Af~~~~e. sin\~ly
could not lose. But Nguyen Du says: In talent tak:e no-overwcemng
pri~e. I for talent- aiid' d.isa.st~- form a:::~w-::· The Americans pro~ __} ooedeo to prove the poet's point: they visited-untold harm on those
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damage on themselves as well.
After the collapse of South Vietnam and Ihe communist conquest
in- I975, hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese have fled from their
homeland and now Jive in exile, scattered over various paris of the
globe. Often psychologically and socially estranged from a hosl
country whose language they do not understand, many derive spiritual comfort from Nguy~n Du's masterpiece. They know most of its
lines by heart, and when they recite them out loud, they speak their
mother tongue at its finest. To the extent that the poem implies
something at the very core of Vietnamese experience, it addresses
them intimately as victims, as refugees, as survivors. In the course of
Vietnam's tormented history, the individtml, like K ieu herself, has all
too often become the toy of necessity, has been compelled to do the
bidding of some alien power, to serve a master other than the one lo
wbom_hc or-she should owe a!legiarice.Hey{.ndltiliteralmeaning,-1
cK-icu's prostitution is interpreted as a metaphor for the betr"!ynl of ___ __,.
1principle under duress, t..'ie submission to Ioree of cin:umstances. ·" ,
Morc-gencra!iy, Ki~u-sta-niJSTOi--\lietnamitsef(a land \vel! endowed'
with natural and human resources, but too often doomed to see such
riches gone co wastt;_or_dcstroyed.-And-yet, -dc.~pitc its_ grim details __ . . . ,
and~rdidaspccts,-Ki~u's story conveys a message of hope for both /
the individual and the couorr}': if, li~e Kieu, the Yiernamcse accemc:- I
rind endure with fortitude whatcvel' happens to them, someday they l
have paid the cost of their evil karma and will achieve both
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
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n.d.
RESTRICTION
P3/b(3)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Asia-Pacific Economic Copperation I Vietnam Trip [2]
2008-0703-F
"m177
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. note
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: Vietnam speech (I page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA!Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Asia-Pacific Economic Copperation I Vietnam Trip [2]
'
2008-0703-F
·ml77
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
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an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
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b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy J(b)(6) of the FOIAl
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purposes J(b)(7) of the FOIAI
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b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells J(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information J(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute J(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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�Voila: News with AFP
wysiwyg:// I Q31http://www. voila.co.uk/News/afp/arts/00 II 03142700. 9t5vq252.htn
World
Sports
Vietnam puts forward film by Tran Anh Hung for
Oscars
.HANOI (AFP) - - Vietnam has
proposed a film by
previously-banned
,Franco-Vietnamese director
Tran Anh Hung for
,consideration as best foreign
·language film in next year's
Oscars, official media said
Thursd;:iy.
he-film.~Vertical~summer, .. -is7 ; ·
first work by the director of 7
Tnn.-..,.r"r"la:imea·ycyCio'' ancr
,.
.·"The Scent -~LGre~nP~paya"
entire~-~/
·Vi=~~-:--)---
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is also the first
Hung's!
films to b"'e"pJ2I!!1itted to be ·~~- ~.
··scre-=-en~8d-irnlie ·c-ountry.------.~.
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Tran Anh Hung ·.
. JAFP/Frederik.B.alfol1r/File]
-~-
..
.. -
Cyclo, which won the Golden
:Lion award at the 1995 Venice
.Film festival, caused an official
outcry in Vietnam and was
never shown here.
The authorities had accused the film, which recount~d the descent into crime of a
Ho Chi Minh City rickshaw driver after his vehicle was stolen, of presenting a
negative impression of Vietnam.
·
I of2
11/6/2000 10:41 AM
�..----------------------;---------~---~--------
wysiwyg:l!l93/http://www. v.oila.co.uk/News/afp/arts/00 II 03142 700. 9t5vq252.htn
Voila: News with AFP
rnm~-tne~cemm~
u~d
To obtain-permis·sion -to--sh-oorVerticarSu
nlsLcaRit§l, H
to_n~gotiate for nine. months to convince~officials-the film-would_!JQ.Lconfairfeither- ,
p'oliticaLdiscussion-or-issues-of-morality)
· ·. ·
---._, -~-~-. ·-- ---.; ·
.
'
During the 62 days of filming, a ministry of culture censor was on set to ensure the
film di9 not deviate -from the original plot.
Vertical Summer, made for a modest 4.8 million dollars, tells the story of a sum·mer
month in the life of three sisters and a bro1ther from a modern middle-class Hanoi r
family.
The acto.rs are mainly Vietnames.e, including two actresses well-known 'in the
country, Nhu Quynh and Le Khanh.
·
The wife of the director, Tran Nu Yen Khe, .plays the youngest of the three sisters
amd Hung himself makes a brief comic apprearance as a foreign based
·
·
Vietnamese film-maker.
Previous story! Back to top IN.ext story.
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©2000: AFP
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111612000 10:41 AM
\..
�VIETNAMESE STUDENTS RANK SECOND IN ASIA-PACIFIC MATHEMA T'ICS OLYMPIAD
http://www. vinsight.org/ 1999news/0621.htn
·viETNAMESE ST.UDEl'fTS.RANK SECOND IN
ASIA-PACIFIC MATHE,MATICS OLYMPIAD
I
HaNoi, June 21, 1999 (VNA) --Young Vietnamese student mathematicians did their country proud in this
year's Asia-Pacific Mathematics Olympiad (APMO) competition, fil)ishing second to the Republic of
.. Korea (RoK) out of 21 competing countries. . .
.
They won one gold, two silver and four bronze medals.
.
.
I .
.
The gold medal went to HaNoi Teachers' Training College's 12th grade student Le Thai Hoang, who
·
specialises in maths studies, with a total mark of 23 out of 25 for five exerGises.
Twelfth-grade student Ho Ngoc Ky from central Nghe An province and 12th grader Hoang Manh Quang
from northern Nam Dinh province won the silver medals with 21 marks.
Nguyen Khuyen Lan from Thanh Hoa province also registered 21 marks but APMO only allows ead
country to have a maximum of two silver medalists, Lan accordingly was aw.arded a bronze medal.
The three other bronzemeda~ists for VietNam were Pham Van Quyen from Nam Dinh with 18 marks, Ha
Ho~g Ha from HaNoi with 18 marks, and Doan Thai Soil from HaiPhong with 17 marks.
Ly Minh Tuan from Ho Chi Minh City with 16 marks', Pham Hai Trung, Bac Ninh, 15 marks, and Ngo
Anh Tuan, Vinh city, 15 marks received letters of commendation .
All the above were awarded their medals by the Ministry of Ed!lcation and Training (:ty1oET) at a ceremony
in HaNoi last Saturday.
·
Sixty eight Vietnamese high school students from 34 cities and provinces took part in this year's APMO
,
contest.
·
·
,
.·
The competition was centred on talented high school maths students and also hoped to improve exchange
9f information on teaching and encourage mathematics cooperation in the As{a-Pacific.
,
APMO was first organized in 1989 by an australian mathematician Peter O'Halloran when four teams,
Australia; Hong Kong, Singapore and Canada, attended. ·
·
Last year's competition, the lOth of its kind, ~aw participation of 54 Vietnamese high schools students
from 27 cities and provinces.
The MoETwill send four Vietmim~se teams to the Intc~rnational Olympiads on Mathematics, Physics,
Chemistry and Biology this year.
The 40th International Mathematics Olympiad is to start on July 5 in Rumania; the 30th Intertnational
Physics Olympiad starts on July 12 in Italy; the 31st International Chemistry Olympiad commences on July
1 in Thailand and the lOth International Biology Olympiad in Swedent starts also on iuly 1.-- VNA
Retum to news index
I of I
11/6/2000 9:33 AM
�Vt~ .. ~~~
tinitcd ~tarrs ~cnatr
~
WASHINGTON, DC 20510
October 18, 2000
The President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
We welcome your decision to visit Vietnam in November, and believe the trip will be viewed as an
historic, symbolic step towards further reconciliation between our two countries.
You have played an important role in improving our bilateral relations with Vietnam by deciding to lift
the embargo in 1994 and normalizing full diplomatic relations a year later. We believe that your planned visit
represents another opportunity to build on the progress of the past, particularly in areas where-- given the
proper emphasis-- the Vietnamese leadership may be willing to institute meaningful changes that benefit the
lives of all Vietnamese people. Specifically, we would strongly urge you to press for significant, realistic and
tangible progress in human rights when you meet with President Luoug, Prime Minister Khai and other senior
officials.
We are strong supporters of the recently concluded free trade agreement, and look forward to
working with the next Administration to gain its passage in the 107th Congress. At the same time, we are
concerned that political reform has not kept pace with economic change in Vietnam. Greater progress in
·respect for internationally recognized human rights in Vietnam would simply undergird prospects for
improving the overall relationship, and we hope that you emphasize that fact in your discussions with
Vietnamese leaders.
You would be remiss in not giving Vietnam credit for steps taken in the area of human rights in the last .
twenty-five years, including the release of tens of thousands of re-education camp detainees, receiving
Vietnamese refugees who had fled abroad and returned to Vietnam, and inviting UN human rights specialists
to visi~. Siowiy, there has been some forward movement in allowing greater civil and political liberties for the
people of Vietnam.
c
The broader record; however, remains a source of major concern. Basic rights of free expression
and freedom of association are restricted. Certain religious organizations, democratic activists, and those
who call for greaterpluralism and an end to corruption all continue to be subject to imprisonment,
surveillance, intimidation, and house arrest. The silencingof government critics is a sad testimony of the
ongoing repression in Vietnam today.
�We hope that you can privately raise, if not publicly, the following matters with Vietnamese officials:
(1) Releasing prisoners of conscience who are being held for peacefully expressing their political or
religious views;
(2) Lifting restrictions on forn1erly imprisoned activists and religious leaders who continue to be·
harassed;
(3) Inviting the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which last visited Vietnam in 1994, to
conduct a follow up visit to assess any progress to date;
(4) Implementing the UN's recommendations on religious freedom, including the release of those
· imprisoned for their religious beliefs and activities and full restoration of their rights of citizenship,
property, and residence permits;
(5) Repealing the arbitrary Administrative Detention Decree that allows village level officials to detain
·anyone, without trial, for up to two years if they are considered to have violated national security
laws;
(6) Easing censorship and control ofthe media, for example by amending the 1993 Publishing Law
authorizing pre-publication censorship "in necessary circumstances decided by the Prime Minister."
o•
'
I
In return, it would make sense to offer our assistance where possible to assist Vietnam in certain
·areas. For example, as part of an effort to increase transparency in Vietnam's legal system, it would be
appropriate to provide technical assistance to help reform Vietnam's criminal, press and national security
laws. Pledging support for such programs through the World Bank, or even on a bilateral basis, would
demonstrate our interest in helping Vietnam directly rather than simply offering our criticisms on human rights
generally.
We recognize that the priority in our relations with Vietnam remains accounting for our POW-MIAs,
building a strong economic relationship, and achieving better cooperation on a range of regional and
international issues, and that these subjects will be the focal point,ofyour meetings while in Vietnam. Our
hope is that a serious discussion on human rights can occur indicating our desire to improve relations based
on principles of freedom and fundamental human dignity as well as increased economic engagement.
Sincerely,
cc:
~~
Honorable. Samuel Be.rge.r
National Security A~vise.r
�TRIP OF THE PRESIDENT
TO
. ·.HAW!ill, BRuNEI AND ViETNAM
DRAFT
THURSDAY,NOVEMBER16
8:00 am- .. BRIEFING
· 8:10 ain
Staff contact: John Podesta, Samuel
Berger
. 8:30am ARRIVE Jerudong Polo club
. 8:30am MEET&GREETW/.LEADERS
8:55 am JERUDONG POLO CLUB
9:00 am- LEADERS' GROUP PHOTO
9:10am JERUDONG POLO CLUB ·
·. POOL PiUiSS
9:15am- LEADERS' RETREAT12:30 pm SESSION ONE
.
JERUDONG POLO CLUB..
POOL SPRAY AT TOP (T)
.1:00pm-. APEC LUNCHEON
2:00pm ROYAL BRUNEI GOLF CLUB
• CLOSED PRESS
.
.2:30pm- RETREAT SESSION TWO
4:00pm JERUDONG POLO CLUB
. CLOSED PRESS (T)
4:05pm- READING OFDECLARATION
4:20pm JERUDONG POLO CLUB
OPENPRESS ·
4:30pm BRIEFING AND BILAT Wl
6:00 pm PRESIDENT JIANG (T)
.
JERUDONG POLO CLUB (T) ·
POOL SPRAY (T)
6:45 pm-(T)BILAT W l THE SULTAN
7:30pm· LOCATION TBD · .
PRESSTBD
8:30pm DEPART en route Hanoi, Vietnam
[flight time: 3 hrs, 05 mins]
[time change: -1 hour]
Note: Emtiassy meet and greet on tarmac.
10:35pm ARRIVE Hanoi, Vietnam
RON
DAEWOO HOTEL
HANOI, VIETNAM
*
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 17
9:30 am- BRIEFING
9:45 am Staff contact: John Podesta
· 9:45
BRIEFING
. 10:00 am Staff contact: Samuel Berger
~ 10:20 am-~ AL CEREMONY
10:40 am PRESIDENTIAL PALACE
OPEN PRESS (T)
·10:45 am•PHOTO OP Wl PRESIDENT TRAN
10:55 am DUC LUONG
PRESIDENTIAL PALACE
POOLPRESS
.
·11:00 arri-BILAT Wl PRESIDENT TRAN
·11 :45 am DUC LUONG
PRESIDENTIAL. PALACE
· ·PRESSTBD
12:00 pm- BILAT Wl PRIME MINISTER KHAI
12:30 pm THE WHITE HOUSE (T) ,
PP.ESSTBD
12:45 pm-BRIEFING &BILATW/.PARTY
1:45pm SECRETARY LE KHA PHIEU
COMMuNISTPARTYHQ
.
· PRESSTBD
2:00pm- DOWN TIME
. 3:00pm DAEWOO HOTEL
3:30pm- SPEECH
. 4:45'pm HANOI NATIONAL UNIVERSITY
OPENPRESS .
5:15 pm- .DOWN TIME
6:45 pm DAEWOO HOTEL
7:00pm- STATE DINNER
8:30pm PRESIDENTIAL PALACE
POOL PRESS (T) (TOAST REMARKS)
8:45pm- CULTURAL PERFORMANCE
9:30pm .·LOCATION T_BD
RON . 'DAEWOO HOTEL·
am-
.
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 18
10:00 am-BRIEFING
10:15 am Staff contact: John Podesta
10:15 am-BRIEFING
10:30 am Staff contact: Samuel Berger
:* 11:45 am-JTF-FA E"'CAVATION SITE
f
12:45 pm VISIT .
.
EXCAVATION SitE
EXPANDED POOL PRESS
2:00pm- DOWN TIME/CUL:rURAL EVENTS
.. 3:30 pin LOCATION TBD
· ~ 4:00 pm- HOLD FOR DEMINING EVENT (T)
4:45pm LOCATIONTBD
.
PRESSTBD
5:00 pm- DOWN TIME
6:00pm LOCATION TI}P
1~ 6:00 pm- ~MBASSY EVENT
-~ · '6:30pm LOCATION TBD
. 6:45 pm- HOLD FOR POSSIBLE .
. 7:45pm RECEPTION-AMBASSADOR'S RESIDENCE
1f
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**
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10/24/2000 2:29· PM
RON . -DAEWOO HOTEL
HANOI, VIETNAM
•
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�TRIP OF' THE PRESIDENT
TO
.
· HAW AD, BRUNEI AND VIETNAM
DRAFT·
SUNDAY,NOVEMBER19
*
DEPART en route Noibai Airport
REPATRIATION CEREMONY .
8:45am
NOIBAI AIRPORT
OPEN PRESS
· 9:00 am
DEPART en route Hue
. _ _ [flight time: approx 1 hr, 30 mins]
.· 10:30 ain ARRIVE Hue
.
_\l-. 11:30 am- DISASTER RELIEFi
'7!'t _ 12:30 pm PREPAREDNESS EVENT
. -LOCATION TBD
OPEN PRESS (T)
1:15pm- TOURCITADEL.
2:00pm CITADEL
2:45pm- TOUR TU DOC TOMB . ·
3:30 pm TUDOCTOMB
4:30pm DEPART en route Ho Chi Minh
City, Vietnam
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 20
.7:30am
10:00 am-BRIEFING
·t: 15 am ARRIVE Andrews AFB
10:15 am Staffcqntact: John Podesta_
1:40 am ARRIVE The White House
10:15 am BRIEFING
10:30 am Staff contact: Samuel Berger
RON . THE WHITE HOUSE
-;t:.. 11 :00 am- JIOLD FOR POSSIBLE NEXT
12:00 pm GENERATION LEADERS . ·.
ROUNDTABLE
.
.
..
LOCATIONTBD
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1:30pm LO~ATIONTBD
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3:00pm LOCATION TBD
- .
3:30 pm- BUSINESS RECEPTION
. 4:30pm LOCATION TBD
PRESSTBD
s:oo am-
_
*
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RON
NEW WORLD HOTEL
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* 5;15
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6:30 pm
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 21
I.
LOCATION TBD
6:00pm DEPART en route Elemendorf AFB
[flight time: 10 hrs, 50 mins]
[time change: -16 hours]
12:50 pm ARRIVE Elemendorf AFB
12:50 pin-REFUEL STOP
2:50pm ELMENDORF AFB
2:50pm DEPART en route AAFB
[flight time: 6 hrs, 25 mins]
[time change: +4 hrs]
RON
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11=04AM
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MON l~ :H f.'\K
IIJ
October 2, 2000
TO: Steve Naplan. NSC; Doug Rasmussen, DC>S ·
PR: Mike Jcnd.rzejczyk, H.RW/Asia
RE: President's Vietnam Trip
Jonathan Hecht ftom Yale Law School. former1ly at Harvard. is currently working in Viell"J.a:m ..
He's in New Have~' just for this weelc. (203-436-0984) and I asked his advice on rule ofla:w
programs that have an emphasis on broader judicial and legal reform, not limited to commeri>:al
matters.
He suggested that Clinton might visit the law f;:Lculty for a roUildtable ciiscussion at the Natiotlal .
University ofHo Chi Minh City, which is; doiD.,J~ some interesting legal refonn wot'k, including
with the help of some Americans (eg from the Universit;y of San Francisco.) The dean of the
College of Law is Ms. Quy. who spealcs good E'.nglis_h. I..ess int.eresting is the law schOol in
.Hanoi which is under the Ministry of Justice.
·
I asked for his advice on nlle ofl'-W pro,erams tlbe US might support financially; he said there are
some good tega.l c.Ud programs worth supportitlB~ that help women and are involved in population
issues. UNDP also has a range of programs LLnd.crway. You can contact John Bentley who works
for TJNDP in Vietnam as chiefoftec:hnical administration.
·
Hope this is helpful.
5Dii-101
.•'
GENERAL SER\IICES ADMINIBTA/I.TION
1
�10/31/2000 15:19 FAX 4566569
-- -~ - - --· - - - - - - - ----- --·
----=E=E=OJ;l LIBRARY
"Ford, Henry" Encyclop~dia Britannica Online.
<http://search.eb.co:rnlbol/topic?eu=ll7255&sctn=•2>
[Accessed 31 October 2000].
In 1914 the Ford Motor Company a.Ilnounced that it would
henceforth pay eligible workers a minimuin wage of $5 a day
(compared to an average.of$2.34 for the industry) and would
reduce the work day from nine hours to eight, thereby converting
the factory to a three-shift day. Overnight Ford became a
worldwide celebrity. People either praised him as a great
humanitarian or excoriated him as a road socialist. Ford said
humanitarianism had nothing to do with it. Previously profit had been
based on paying wages as low as workers would take and pricing
cars as high as the traffic would bear. Ford, on the other hand,
stressed low pricing (the Model T·cost $950 in 1908 and $290 in
1927) in order to capture the widest possible market and then met
the price by volume and efficiency. Ford's success in making the
automobile a basic necessity turned out to be but a prelude to a
more widespread revolution. The development of mass-production
techniques, which enabled the company eventually to tum out a
Model T every 24 seconds; the frequent reductio:11s in the price of
the car made possible by economies of scale; and the payment of a
living wage that raised workers above subsistence and made them
potential customers for, among other things, ~Lutomobiles--these
innovations changed the very structure of societ)~.
141002
�EEOB LIBRARY
..
I
Henry
~003
]~ord
1863-1947
ArnericiD"~;- Auto Ma~n~u~fi.::::ac::..!t~ur~e~r--==~==-==-===---==-===-"
An idealist is a person who helps other people to be prosperous.
-July, 1919
Background of Author/Speaker:
Born: July 30, 1863 iri Dearborn, ML Died: April 7, 1947 in Dearborn, MI.
Career Highlights: Built first inexpensive auto, Model T, 1909; introduced assembly line, 1913.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Dublin Core
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Title
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Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation / Vietnam Trip [2]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 1
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-001-007-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e0c36db37aa08cbd4d93281c40f1c4e6.pdf
605d324205f0787d2ec12a65ba1c556c
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library ·staff.
Folder Title:
Davos
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas ·
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
8
3
v
�~----------------------------------------------------------------
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. notes
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: World Economic Forum speech in Davos; Phone No. (Partial)
[page 10] (14 pages)
01/00/99
RESTRICTION
P5, P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Davos
2008-0703-F
'ml78
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act- JS U.S.C. 552(b)J
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information J(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency J(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute J(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information J(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy J(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes J(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells J(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute J(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information J(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy j(a)(6) of the PRAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�MAY CONTAIN DOCUMENTS CLASSIFIED
UP TO TOP SECRET/CODEWORD
NATIONAL SE:CURITY COUNCIL
BOX IINVENTORY
OFFICE:
. PREPARED BY:
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�Withdrawal/JRedaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. notes
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: World Economic Forum speech in Davos; Phone No. (Partial)
[page 10] (14 pages)
01/00/99
RESTRICTION
P5, P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA!Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Davos
2008-0703-F
'ml78
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAl
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) 'or the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAl
National SecuritY Classified Information l(a)(I) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�WVRLD
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1999 Annual Meeting
Davos, 28 January -2 February
Confirmed List of Media Leaders
-fEeNFIBEN't'IA:t)
As of 13 January 1999
Euripedes ALCANTARA, Editor-in-Chief, VEJA, Brazil
David ARMSTRONG, Edi'tor-in-Chief, The Australian, Australia
Mikhail BERGER, Editor-in-Chief, Segodnya Newspapers, Russia
Arjen BONGARD, Senior Editor, Europe, Dow Jones & Company Inc,
Un~ted Kingdom
Hugo BUTLER, Editor-in-Chief, Neue Zurcher Zeitung, Switzerland
1
.Jesus CEBERIO, Editor-in-Chief, EL PAIS SA, Spain
Hasan CEMAL, Senior Columnist, Sabah Yayincilik AS, Turkey
Nayan CHANDA, Editor, Far Eastern Ec<,:momic Review, Hong Kong
Nuri COLAKOGLU, ChiefExecutive Officer, NTV Television, Turkey
Jean DANIEL, Founder and Editor-in--Chief, Le Nouvel Observateur, France
Sergio DE ANDRADE, Editor:-in-Chief and Assistant to the Editor, Jornal de
Noticias SA, Portugal
Roger DE WECK, Editor-in-Chief, Die Zeit, Germany
Michael ELLIOTT, Editor, Newsweek International, USA
Richard ENSOR, Managing Director, Euromoney Publications Pic, United Kingdom
Jonathan FENBY, Editor-in-Chief, South China Morning Post, Hong Kong
Diane FRANCIS, Editor.:-at-Large, National Post, Canada
Nathan GARDELS, Editor, Global Viewpoint, USA
George GOODMAN, Anchor, Host and Editor-in-Chief~ Adam ·Smith Television, USA
Robert GOTTLIEBSEN, Chairman and Editorial Director, BR W Media, Australia
Bernard GUETTA, Editor-in-Chief, Le Nouvel Observateur, France
Jose GUTIERRE VIVO, Director; Radio Programs de Mexico, Mexico
Jose Roberto GUZZO, Managing Editor, Editora Abril Exame, Brazil
Anthony HALL, Chief Executive, BBC News, British Broadcasting Corporation,
United Kingdom
Katrina HERON, Editor-in-Chief, Wired Magazine, USA
Lauri HELVE, Publisher and Executive Editor-in-Chief, Kauppalehti, Finland
James HOGE, Editor, Foreign Affairs Magazine, Council on Foreign Relations, USA
Donald HOLT, Editor, The Journal of Commerce, USA
William HUTTON, Writer and Columnist, The Observer, United Kingdom
Juan-Pablo ILLANES, Editor-in-Chief, El Mercurioi S.A.P., Chile
Erik IZRAELEWICZ, Editor-in-Chief, Le Monde, France
Folkert JENSMA, Editor-in-Chief, NRC Handelsblad, The Netherlands
James JONES, Editor-in-Chief, Business Day, South Africa
Fred KEMPE, Editor arid Associate Publisher, Dow Jones and Company Inc, USA
Yevgeni KISSELEV, Vice-President, NTV Television Company, Russia
Akira KOJIMA, Editor-in-Chief, Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei), Japan
Philinne LEFOURNIER. Director. Club de L'Exoansion. L'Exoansion (Grouoe).
�"
Club of Media Leaders, 1999 Aimual Meeting 28 Jamiary-2 February
Draft as
f~{
I 2/29/1999, pg 2
France
Urban LEHNER, Publisher, Executive Editor, The Asian Wall Street Journal,
Hong Kong
Franc;ois LENGLET, Editor-in-Chief~ L'Expansion (Groupe), France
Mikael R. LINDHOL,M, Managing Editor, Borsen, Denmark "
Andrew MARR, Cominentator, Consultant, United News/Oberserver, United Kingdom
Peter MARTIN, Editor, International Edition, The Financial Times, United Kingdom
Lawrence MINARD, Editor-in-Chief, Forbes Global, Forbes Inc., USA
Ann MORRISON, Editor, Asiaweek Magazine, HongKong
Donald MORRISON, Editor, Time Asia, Time Magazine, Hong Kong
Philippe MOTTAZ, Head, News and Current Affairs, Television Suisse Romande,
Switzerland
Henry MULLER, Editorial Director, Time Inc., USA
Moises NAIM, Editor, Foreign Policy, USA
T.N. NINAN, Editor, Business Standard, India
Serguei P ARKHOMENKO, Editor-in-Chief, Itogi Magazine, Russia
.
Michael PARKS, Editor and Senior Vice·-President, Los Angeles Times, USA
Anthony PERKINS, Editor-in-Chief, The Red Herring, Germany
Antti-Pekka PIETILA, Senior Editor-in-Chief, Taloussanomat, Finland
Alexei PUSHKOV, Author and Programme Director, TV -Center, Russia
Holger QUIRING, Managing Editor, VWD Vereinigte Wirtschaftsdienste
'
GMBH, Germany
Christopher REDMAN, Editor, Time Atlantic, Time Mgazine, United Kingdom
Philip REVZIN, Vice-President, International, Dow Jones & Company Inc., USA
Charlie ROSE, Columnist, Charlie Rose Show, USA
Aveek SARKAR, Editor-in-Chief, Ananda Bazar Patrika Ltd, India
Philippe SASSIER, Deputy Editor-in-Chief and Economic Commentator,
·
Elias SELMAN, Director, Revista America Economia, Chile
Jean-Louis SERVAN-SCHREIBER, Chairman, Group Expan.sion, France
Stephen SHEPARD, Editor-in-Chief, Business Week, USA
Robert SILVERS, Editor, The New York Review ofBooks, USA
Richard M. SMITH, Chairman and Editor in Chief, Newsweek, USA .
Theo SOMMER, Publisher, Die Zeit, Germany
Peter SULLIVAN, Editor, The Star Newspaper, South Africa
Hatsuhisa TAKASHIMA, Executive Controller General, NHK Japan Broadcasting
Corp., Japan
William THORSELL, Editor-in-Chief, The Globe and Mail, Canada
Gebran TUENI, Publisher and Chief Executive Officer, An-Nahar SCPA, Lebanon
Garrick UTLEY, Contributor, CNN,.USA
Alexander VAINSHTEIN, President, Moskovskiye Novosti, Russia
Mark W. WOOD, Editor-in-Chief, Reuters Holdings Pic., United Kingdom
France 2, France
�.!
1998 Annual Meeting
Davos 28 January - 2 February ·
Confirmed list of Editorialists
as of 5 January 1999
GmJFIE>EfHIAL
Werner ADAM, Foreign Editor, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany
Didier ADES, Editor-in-Chief, Radio France, France
Swaminathan S. AIYAR, The Economic Times, India·
Jodie T. ALLEN, Washington Editor, Slate Magazine, USA
Ken AULETTA, Communications Columnist, The New Yorker Magazine, USA
Bill BAGGITT, Managing Director, SeniorProducer, CNN, United Kingdom
Boike BEHRENS, Senior Editor, Wirtschaftswoche, Germany
Krzysztof BIEN, Deputy-Editor-in-Chief, Rzeczpospolita, Poland
Manfred E. BISSINGER, Editor-in-Chief, Die V\loche, Germany
Jim BITTERMANN, Comm~ntator, National Public Radio, France
James F. BLUE Ill, Producer, ABC News, USP,
Philip BOWRING, Columnist, International Herald-Tribune, Hong Kong
'
Marcus W. BRAUCHLI, Bureau Chief, The Wall Street Journal, China
Genevieve BRUNET, Economics Editor, L'Hebdo, Switzerland
Ralf-Dieter BRUNOWSKY, Editor-in-Chief, Capital, Germany
Janet BUSH, Economics Editor, The Times, Uni.ted Kingdom
John C. BUSSEY, Foreign Editor, The Wall Street Journal, USA
, Salvatore CARRUBBA, Author, Italy
Arlette CHABOT, Deputy Director, France 2, France
Mike CHINOY, Bureau Chief, CNN,-United States
Robert CHOTE, Economics Editor, Financial Times, United Kingdom
.,
�Richard COHEN, Columnist,
The Washington Post, USA
Ora COREN, Commentator, Globes, Israel
Alan COWELL, Business Correspondent, The New York Times, Britain
Francoise CROIGNEAU, Deputy Chief Editor, Les Echos, France
Lee CULLUM, Columnist and Commentator, Dallas Morriing News, USA
Karen CURRY, Bureau Chief, NBC News, United Kingdom
William DAWKINS, Foreign Editor, The Fi~ancial Times, United Kingdom
Dominique DAMBERT, Chief Editor, Radio France, France
John DEFTERIOS, Principal Anchor, Cable News Network, USA.
/
J.P. DONLON, Editor in Chief, Chief Executive Magazine, USA
William M. DROZDIAK, Central European Bureau Chief, The Washington Post, USA
Brian DUMAINE, International Editor, Fortune, USA
JOrgen DUNSCH, Senior Economics Editor, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany
Lawrence ELLIOTT, Economics Editor/Assistant Editor, The Guardian, United Kingdom
Klaus C. ENGELEN, International Editor, Handelsblatt,
Germ~my
Antonio FERRARI, Senior Correspondent and .Author, Carriere della Sera, !taly
Andrew FINKEL, Autho[. Turkey
James FLANIGAN, Senior Economics Editor, The LosAngeles Times, USA
Dieter FOCKENBROCK, Editor, Handelsblatt, Germany .
Peter H. FOGES, Executive Producer, Adam S:mith's Money Game, USA
Alan FRIEDMAN, Lead Economics Writer, International Herald Tribune
Thomas L. FRIEDMAN, Foreign Affairs Columnist, New York Times, USA
Jonathan GAGE, Business and Finance Editor, International Herald Tribune, France
James GEARY, Editor, Time Magazine, England
Esther GIRSBERGER, Editor-in-Chief, Tages-Anzeiger, Switzerland
Markus GISLER, Editor in Chief, CASH,
Switze~rland
Andrew J. GLASS, Senior Columnist, Cox Newspapers .. USA
�Misha GLENNY, Writer and Broadcaster, United Kingdom
Sigmund GOTTLIEB, Chief Editor, Bayerischer Rundfunk, Germany
Nik GOWING, Main Presenter, BBC World TV, United Kingdom
James L. GRAFF, Bruxelles Bureau Chief, TIME Magazine, Belgium
'
Loic GRASSET, International Editor, Capital, France
.
.
Christopher J. GRAVES, Vice President, News and Programming, CNBC Europe, United Kingdom .
Hugh GREENWAY, Editorial Page Editor, The Boston Globe, USA
David GREISING, Business Columnist, Chicago Tribune, USA
Pranay GUPTE, Editor and Publisher, The Earth Times, USA
Vladimir GUREVICH, Editor-in-Chief, Vremia MN, Russia
Ali HAMADE, Senior Columnist, An-Nahar, Lebanon
Pjerre HASKI, Deputy News Editor, Liberation, France
Jacquie HARVEY, Executive ljlroducer "Lateline", ABC Television, Australia
Daniel HENNINGER, Deputy Editor of the Editorial Page, The Wall Street Journal, USA
Uwe J. HEUSER, Editor and Author, Die Zelt. Germany ·
Anthony HILTON, City Editor, London Evening Standard, United Kingdom
Eric· HOESLI, Director and Editor in Chief, Le Temps, Switzerland
Paul HOFHEINZ, Managing Editor,Central European Economic Review, The Wall Street Journal Europe,
Belgium
Charles HODSON, Anchor, CNN, Pinnacle Europe, United Kingdom
Otto C. HONEGGER, Executive Producer, Swiss TelevisionDRS, Switzerland
Richard HORNIK, European Business and Economics:Editor, TIME Magazine, United Kingdom
.
Vitali N . IGNATENKO, Director-General, !tar-Tass, Russia
Yoshinori IMAI, Presenter/Commentator, NHK, Japan
Atte JAASKELAINEN, Senior Busines.s and Economics Editor, Helsingin Sanomat, Finland
Tony JACKSON, Management ·~ditor, Financial Times, United Kingdom
Josef JOFFE, Foreign/Editorial Page Editor, Si.lddeutsche Zeitung, Germany
Guy de JONQUIERES, World Trade Editor, The Financial Times; United Kingdom
'
�Anatole KALETSKY, Associate Editor, The Times, United Kingdom
William KEEGAN, Economics Editor, The Observer, United Kingdom
Kelly PATRICIA, Bureau-Chief/Correspondent, CNN (Brussels Bureau), Britian
Paul KELLY, International Editor, The Australian, U$A
. Nikita KIRICHENKO, Editor-in-Chief, ZAO Magazine Expert, Russia
Richard KIRKLAND, Deputy Managing Editor, Fortune Magazine, USA
David KIRKPATRICK, Member of .the Board of Editors, Fortune Magazine,,USA
Hirotsugu KOIKE, Foreign News Editor,
The Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei), Japan
Bien KRZYSZTOF, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Rzeczpospolita, Poland
Rolf KUNTZ, Economy Editorialist and Special Reporter, 0 Estado de Sao Paulo, Brazil
Fran9oise LABORDE, Editor in Chief, France 2, F("ance
James LAMONT, Editor, BUSINESS REPORT, Independent Newspaper: South Africa
Hannu LEINONEN, Editor in Chief, Kauppaleht:i, Finland
Paul LENDVAI, Commentator ORF, Australian Broadcasting Corporation Radio
and Television, Switzerland
Flora LEWIS, Columnist, New York Times Syndicate, France
Simon Ll, Foreign Editor, The Los Angeles Times, USA
Corinne, LHAIK, Deputy Editor in Chief, L'Express, France
Dr. Ivan LIPOVECZ, Editor in Chief, HVG PUBLISHING HOUSE, Hungary
Christopher LOCKWOOD, Diplomatic Editor, The Daily Telegraph, United Kingdom
Norbert LOSSAU, Science Editor, Die Welt,
Ge~rmany
David J. LYNCH, Chief of European Correspondents, USA Today, United Kingdom
Helmut R. MAIER-MANNHART, Chief Economic Editor, SOddeutsche Zeitung, Germany
Serge MARTI, Deputy Chief Editor, Le Monde,'France
J.F.O. MCALLISTER, Dep. Washington Bureau Chief,- TIME Magazine, USA
Sissel MCCARTHY, Anchor, CNN Financial News, Europe, United Kingdom
Walter MEAD, Contributing Editor, Worth Magazine, USA
Medard MEIER, Editor in Chief, Bilanz, Switzerland
�Gianluigi MELEGA, Commentator, L'Espresso, Italy
Fernando MEZZETTI, Senior Editor, La Stampa, Italy
Christine M. MITAL, Editor in Chief, Le Nouvel Observateur, France
Oliver MORTON, Contributing Editor, Newsweek International, United Kingdom
Laurent MOSSU, Columnist, Le Figaro, Switzerland
Philippe MOTTAZ, Head of News and Current Affairs, s·wiss Television, Switzerland
Alan MURRAY, Washington Bureau Chief,
The~
Wall Street Journal, USA
Petr NEMEC, Editor, World Economy, Hospodarske Noviny, Czech Republic
Peggy NOONAN, Author, USA
Bruce NUSSBAUM, Editorial Page Editor, Business Week, USA
Christine OCKRENT, Director, BFM (Radio), France
John PEET, Business Affairs Editor, The Economist, United Kingdom
NicolePENICAUT, Chief Economics Editor, Liberation, France
Ralf PITTELKOW, Columnist, Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten, Denmark
William PFAFF, Syndicated Columnist, International Herald Tribune·, USA
Thomas G. PLATE, Columnist, The Los Angeles Times, USA
Elizabeth POND, Author, The Washington Quarterly, USA
Edward PORTER HOPE, Deputy f;:ditor, AmericaEconomia Group, USA
Christoph RABE, Foreign Editor, Handelsblatt, Germany
Federico RAMPINI, European Editor, La Repubblica, Italy
Nigel ROBERTS, TV Presentger, CNBC, Unite~d Kingdom
James Terence ROTH, Deputy Managing Editor, The Wall Street Journal Europe, Belgium.
Clovis ROSSI, Columnist, Folha de Sao Paolo, Brazil
Harriet RUBIN, Writer and Editor, Fast Company Magazine, USA
Trudy RUBIN, Foreign Affairs Columnist; The Philadelphia Inquirer, USA
George RUSSELL, Regional Editor, TIME Mauazine, USA
William SAFIRE, Columnist, New York Times, .USA ·
�Thomas A. SANCTON, Bureau Chief Paris, TIME Magazine, France
David E. SANGER, Senior Economic Commentator, The New York Times, USA
Adam SCHWARZ, Author, USA
Gerhard SCHWARZ, Economics, Business and Financial Editor, Neue ZUrcher Zeitung, Switzerland
Manfred SCHUMACHER, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Focus Magazine, Germany
Ursula SCHWARZER, Senior Editor, Manager Magazin, Germany
Peter SEIDLITZ, Bureau Chief, Handelsblatt, China
Richard SERGAY, Technology Producer, ABC News, USA
Raf SHAKIROV, Editor-in-Chief, Kommersant, Russia
William SHAWCROSS, Author, United Kingdom
David H. SMITH, Economics Editor, The Sunday Times, United Kingdom
Carlos SOLCHAGA, Editor-in-Chief, Actualidacl Economica, ·spain
Said SONBOL, Senior Columnist, Akhbar Elyoum Publishing House, Egypt
Soren OSTERGAARD SORENSON, Editor in Chief, Berlingske Tidende, Denmark
Tavleen SINGH, Columnist, Plus Channel India Ltd, India
Gerfried SPERL, Editor in Chief, Der Standard, Austria
Nehemia STRASLER, Economic Editor, Ha'aretz, Israel
Sven-lvan SUNDQVIST; Financial Editor, Dagens Nyheter, Sweden
Anne. SWARDSON, European Economic Correspondent, The Washington Post, France
Jean-Marc SYLVESTRE, Editor in Chief and Political and Economic Editor, TF1, France
Tad SZULC, Author, USA
Amir TAHERI, S"enior Analyst, Asharq Alawsat, United Kingdom
Meral A. TAMER, Columnist, Milliyet Newspaper, Turkey
Tomohiko TANIGUCHI, European Editorial Bureau Chief, Nikkei Business, United·Kingdom
Martha TREJO, BUSINESS ASOCIATED EDITOR, REFORMA, Mexico
Gerard TSCHOPP, Editor-in-Chief, ·Radio Suisse Romande, Switzerland
Louis UCHITELLE, Economics Writer, The New Yorker Times, USA
�Osman ULAGAY, Editor, Milliyet Newspaper, Turkey
Andreas UNTERBERGER, Editor-in-Chief, Die Presse, Austria
Jean-Marc VITTORI; Editor in Chief, Challenges, France
Thomas VOIGT, Editor in Chief, Impulse, Germany
Bernard VOLKER, Editorialist European Affairs, French
TV.
TF1, France
Gero VON RANDOW, Editor, Die Zeit, Germany
Masami WADA, Editor in Chief for Europe, Middle East & Africa, The Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei), Japan
Jeremy WARNER, Business Editor, The Independent Newspaper, . . ',
United Kingdom
.
I
Elizabeth WEYMOUTH, Columnist, The Washington Post, USA
Kees VAN DER WILD, Dep. Editor in Chief and Columnist, De Telegraaf, Netherlands
Daniel VIGNERON, Deputy Chief Editor, La Tribune, France
Johannes WINKELHAGE, Editor, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany
Pamela P. WOODALL, Economics Editor, The Economist, United Kingdom
Andrzej K. WROBLEWSKI, Senior Editor, Polityka Weekly, Poland
999 Annual Meeting
Davos, 28 January -2 February
Confirmed List of Media Leaders
(GmJFIDDHIAL)
As of 13 January 1999
Euripedes ALCANTARA, Editor-in-Chief, VEJ.A., Brazil
David ARMSTRONG, Editor-in-Chief, The Australian, Australia
Mikhail BERGER, Editor-in-Chief, Segodnya Newspapers, Russia
Arjen BONGARD, Senior Editor, Europe, Dow Jones & Company Inc,
United Kingdom
Hugo BUTLER, Editor-in-Chief, Neue Zurcher Zeitung, Switzerland
Jesus CEBERIO, Editor-in-Chief, EL PAIS SA, Spain
Hasan CEMAL, Senior Columnist, Sabah Yayincilik AS, Turk~y
Nayan CHANDA, Editor, Far Eastern Economic Review, Hong Kong
Nuri COLAKOGLU, Chief Executive Officer, NTV Television, Turkey·
Jean DANIEL, Founder and Editor-in-Chief, Le Nouvel Observateur, France
Sergio DE ANDRADE, Editor-in-Chief and Assistant to the Editor, Jornal de
Noticias SA, Portugal
Roger DE WECK, Editor-in-Chief, Die Zeit, Germany
Michael ELLIOTT, Editor, Newsweek International, USA
Richard ENSOR, Managing Director, Euromoney Publications Pic, United Kingdom
Jonathan FENBY, Editor-in-Chief, South China Morning Post, Hong Kong
�Diane. FRANCIS, Editor~at-Large, National Post, Canada
Nathan GARDELS, Editor, Global Viewpoint, USA
George GOODMAN, Anchor, Host and Editor-in-Chief, Adam Smith Television, USA
Robert GOTTLIEBSEN, Chairman and EditoriaL Director, BRW Media, Australia
Bernard GUETTA, Editor-in-Chief, Le Nouvel Observateur, France
Jose GUTIERRE VIVO, Director, Radio Programs de Mexico, Mexico
Jose Roberto GUZZO, Managing Editor, Editora Abril Exame, Brazil
Anthony HALL, Chief Executive, BBC News, British Broadcasting Corporation,
United Kingdom
Katrina HERON, Editor-in-Chief, Wired Magazine, USA
Lauri HELVE, Publisher and Executive. Editor-in-Chief, Kauppalehti, Finland
James HOGE, Editor, Foreign Affairs Magazine, Council on Foreign Relations, USA
Donald HOLT, Editor, The Journal of Commerce, USA
William HUTTON, Writer and Columnist, The Observer, United Kingdom
Juan-Pablo ILLANES, Editor-in-Chief, El Mercurioi S.A.P., Chile
·Erik IZRAELEWICZ, Editor-in-Chief, Le Monde, Fr<:~nce
Folkert JENSMA, Editor-in-Chief, NRC Handelsblad, The Netherlands
James JONES, Editor-in-Chief, Business Day, South Africa
Fred KEMPE, Editor and Associate Publisher, Dow Jones and Company Inc, USA
Yevgeni KISSELEV, Vice-President, NTV Television Company, Russia
Akira KOJIMA, Editor-in-Chief, Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei), Japan
Philippe LEFOURNIER, Director, Club de L'Expansion, L'Expansion (Groupe),
France
Urban LEHNER, Publisher, Executive Editor, The Asian Wall Street Journal,
Hong Kong
Fran9ois LENGLET, Editor-in-Chief, L'Expansion (Groupe), France
Mikael R. LINDHOLM, Managing Editor, Borsen, Denmark
Andrew MARR, Commentator, Consultant, United News/Oberserver, United Kingdom
Peter MARTIN, Editor, International Edition, The Financial Times, United Kingdom
Lawrence MINARD, Editor-in-Chief, Forbes Global, Forbes Inc., USA
Ann MORRISON, Editor, Asiaweek Magazine, Hong Kong
Donald MORRISON, Editor, Time Asia, Time Magazine, Hong Kong
Philippe MOTTAZ, Head, News and Current Affairs, Television Suisse Romande,
Switzerland
·
Henry MULLER, Editorial Director, Time Inc., USA
Moises NAIM, Editor, Foreign Policy, USA
T.N. NINAN, Editor, Business Standard, India
Serguei PARKHOMENKO, Editor-in-Chief, ltogi Magazine, Russia
Michael PARKS, Editor and Senior Vice-President, Los Angeles Times, USA
Anthony PERKINS, Editor~in-Chief, The Red Herring, Germany
Antti-Pekka PIETILA, Senior Editor-in-Chief, Taloussanomat, Finland
Alexei PUSHKOV, Author and Programme Director, TV-Center, Russia
Holger QUIRING, Managing Editor, VWD Vereinigte Wirtschaftsdienste
·GMBH, Germany
Christopher REDMAN, Editor, Time Atlantic, Time Mgazine, United Kingdom
Philip REVZIN, Vice-President, International, Dow Jones & Company Inc., USA
Charlie ROSE, Columnist, Charlie Rose Show, USA
Aveek SARKAR, Editor-in-Chief, AnandaBazar Patrika Ltd, India
Philippe SASSIER, Deputy Editor-in-Chief and Economic Commentator,
France 2, France
Elias SELMAN, Director, Revista America Economia, Chile
Jean-Louis SERVAN-SCHREIBER, Chairman, Group Expansion, France
Stephen SHEPARD, Editor-in-Chief, Business Week, USA
Robert SILVERS, Editor, The New York Review of Books, USA
�Richard M. SMITH, Chairman and Editor in Chief, Newsweek, USA
Theo SOMMER, Publisher, Die Zeit, Germany
Peter SULLIVAN, Editor, The Star Newspaper, South Africa
Hatsuhisa TAKASHIMA, Executive Controller General, NHK Japan Broadcasting
Corp., Japan
William THORSELL, Editor-in-Chief, The Globe and Mail, Canada
Gebran TUENI, Publisher and Chief Executive Officer, An-Nahar SCPA, Lebanon
Garrick UTLEY, Contributor, CNN, USA
Alexander VAINSHTEIN, President, Moskovskiye Novosti, Russia
Mark W. WOOD, Editor-in-Chief, Reuters Holdings Pic., United Kingdom
Club of Media Leaders, 1999 Annual Meeting 28 January-2 February
f PAGE ri2N
.
Draft as off DATE \1 ri1/5/99N, pg
'·
�REMARKS AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY BY VICE PRESIDENT AL GORE
WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM, DA VOS
c::::Friday, January 29, ~999
What a privilege it is to join you this week-- in_ considering the global challenges that
face us at what surely' must be the most interestfng time in all of human history. Indeed, the
changes in the global economy which are commanding our attention here represent only a part of
.
. I
the dramatic transformation now underway in world civilization.
The scientific and technological revolution is now doubling the entire sum of human
knowledge in many fields every few years. The human genome-- which many have called the
operating blueprint of the human race-- will soon. be completed. Within two years, a single
microchip will routinely contain one billion transistors, and the pattern etched on it will be as .
· complicated as a roadmap of the entire planet. And with a few more cycles of Moore's Law -according to which we now reliably expect the power of microprocessors to double every
eighteen months-- billions of ubiquitous intelligent devices, connected to the global Information
Superhighway, promise ultimately to have an impact on ourcivilization larger even than that
brought about by the invention of writing.
The international economic system fashioned near the end of World War II has
dramatically expanded prosperity, deepened democracy and freedom, and reduced hunger,
disease, and illiteracy around the world. Infant mortality in the poorest countries is down by 40
percent. Nations are breaking the chains of communism, oftotalitarianism, of legalized
discrimination such as Apartheid.
The past four decades have seen global trade grow fifteen-fold. And for the first time in
history, living standards for huge populations .have more than quadrupled in a single generation.
These changes, taken together -- the accelerating advancements in science and
·technology, the growing tnide between nations, and the_ growing connectivity ofworld
civilization -- have alre.ady transformed the means of production as dramatically as did the
Industrial Revolution, and are now bringing· about changes in our ways of thinking as profound
as those which accompanied the Renaissance.
.
'
But in the midst of new wealth and opportunity, we have also found new risk and
challenge: the growing dangers of the proliferation ofweapons of mass destruction; the slowing - and in some cases, the reversing -- of reforms in important countries upon whose continued
stability and progress the world depends; the breakdown of social order and consequent human
suffering in too many struggling, developing societies; the devastation of millions -- especially in
Africa, by HIV/AIDS; the adding of anbther Chi~a's worth ofpe<;:>ple to the world's population
every decade-- 95 percent ofthem in theworl9's poorest countries; the chang~s we are causing
in the global environment, which threaten to disrupt the relatively stable climatic balance we
have known since before the agricultural revolution.
1
�- - - - - - ------- - - . - - - - -
We can meet all ofthese challenges successfully, if we clearly understand the new
developments in our world. Most importantly, we should understand that in the past year, the
balance of risks in our global economy has changed. Sustainable growth is now clearly the main
imperat~ve.
For our part, the United States is following a·growth policy based on three elements never
before tried in combination: eliminate the deficit, open markets, and invest in our own people.
We replaced the vicious cycle with a - - - - cycle-- lower interest rates, more investment,
virtuous
more jobs, more growth-- which fuels even greater investment in our future.
For the first time in 30 ye.ars, we have balanced our budget. In fact, we have the largest
surplus in our history. Barring a natio,nal emergency, I believe we should balance our budget-or better -- every year.
Second, I believe America must use good economic tiines to tackle tough, long-term
economic problems-- and that means preparing for an aging society by saving Social Security
and Medicare while we have the means and the will to do it. President Clinton and I have
proposed a bold plan to fix the "entitlement problem" ina way which will also dramatically lift
our national savings rate.
)
Third, we will continue the hard work of cutting regulations and reforming and
reinventing government-- so that it costs less, works better, and keeps pace with today's fast.
.
movmg econ01mes.
Fourth, we will continue to make strategic investments in human capital-- particularly,
education and research and development-- that are the heart of productivity, and give everyone a
chance to share in our prosperity.
Fifth, America must remain engaged with t~e worl~ .. We must resist narrow appeals to
protectionism and is()lationism, which only wall us off from prosperity itself. With 96 percent of
the world's consumers outside our borders, ours is a vision that rests on expanding American
exports, including free-flowing electronic commerce .. That is why we will fight for the
traditional trade authority the President was denied by our Congress last year. We must find
common ground .
. In the past six years, .the. United States has negotiated over 270 new trade agreement~,
helping to open global markets in everything from agriculture to automobiles. And as we open
the doors to global trade wider than ever before, Wy want to build a trading system that includes
strong safegtiards for workers, for health and safety, for children, and for a clean environment.
If we want to build a strong, productive economy for our own families and communities -and provide the leadership today's overseas economic crises demand-- America must be even
more strongly committed to pro-growth policies. Especially in this time of turmoil, America
2
�cannot and will not take growth for granted. That is a course we hope other nations will follow
as well. If economic growth is to be global; economic leadership must also be global.
c
Last week, the President called for a new round of global trade negotiations to expand ·
trade in services, manufacturing, and farm products. I am especially hopeful that these trade
talks will raise living standards for the world's farmers and ranchers. That is why I am
announcing today that the United States will call for broad and deep reductions in agricultural
tariffs-- which now average a steep 40 percent. We will call for the outright elimination of
agricultural export subsidies -- which are found in no other sector. Agricultural subsidies cost
the average European family about $1,500 a year. We are also committed to ensuring that the
world's agricultural producers can use safe, scientifically proven biotechnology-- without fear of
trade discrimination. The world now has at its disposal safe, new technologies that can help us
feed millions of hungry families. We should promote· them, not punish them.
Let me emphasize that American understands fully that our future growth depends on
growth in the rest of the world. That is why the United States has been determined to mount a
. strong response to the world's financial challenges .. This has included: a renewed emphasis on
growth in the major industrialized economies, including interest rate reduct~ons by the U.S. and
other industrial countries; passage of increased funding for the IMF, and agreement by the G 7
leaders on President Clinton's call for stronger IMF efforts to contain contagion; the Asian
Growth and Recovery Initiative to promote necessary financial restructuring that Prime Minister
Obuchi and I jointly announced in Kuala Lumpur in November; expansion ofEx-[m bank
programs to help countries in Asia as well as Brazil; and enhanced efforts, through the World
Bank and the other multilateral development banks, to provide adequate social safety nets foi·
economies facing turmoil.
We also need to develop the right kind of financial architecture to prevent and contain
future crises. Our international institutions must become as modern as our markets -transparent and accountable to their members. The global capital market itself needs to be better
and more cooperatively managed-- not through new global bureaucracies, and not through the
laissez-faire approach that has caused so many oftoday's problems-- but through more
information, more openness, more cross-border reviews and cooperatioi1.
Generally Accepted Accounting Principles were as important to the successful
development of America's capital markets as any other innovation. And ultimately, I believe we
need a·n international version of Generally Accepted· Accounting Principles. Forget the gold
standard-- today's economy operates on the information standard. A nation's econorriic power
comes from votes of confidence cast constantly in markets around the world that evaluate every
government's policies every day, through billions oftransactions. If investors think you're
playing fiscal games, or if a nation's financial standing is hidden in a dense fog of secrecy or
confusion, or distorted by corruption, then interest rates climb .almost instantly.
We need the private sector to bear more of the burden. We need carefully-designed ways
3
�to bail investors in instead of bailing them out -- because international assistance can never
match the scale of global capital flows. Right now, one of the most serious aspects oftoday's
financial crisis is the unwillingness of investors to reenter economies where they once suffered
losses, but-which, like Thailand and Korea, have already taken important steps to address the
issues that caused the withdrawal of credit. Mark Twain once said: "a cat that is burned on a hot
stove won't sit on a hot stove again. But it won't sit on a cold one, either."
As we move along in the G7 Summit process, questions of regulation of the world's large
financial institutions, systems of risk management, transparency, and disclosure-- including the
policies toward hedge funds and other new financial actors -- will be high .on the agenda.
We also need to pay more attention to the q~ality of governance. The management
revolution that has brought new productivity to the best-run corporations has produced insights
arid principles that can also streamline and vastly improve the operation of governments around
the world. Two weeks ago, I hosted 45 nations in the United States for the fii·st international
conference on reinventing government.
Three weeks from now, the United States will host a second international conference. At
this one, leaders from more than 77 countries will gather with many of the world's top.anticorruption experts to organize a new global effort to fight corruption-- in which each nation
works with its neighbors to embrace anti-corruption principles, promote effective practices, and
accelerate, instead of suffocate, the entrepreneurial spirit that is the surest path to prosperity.
But all our plans for improving the operation ofthe world's economy depend upon
growth in the major .engines of that economy. And growth in those major engines is essential if
· we are to. prevent the financial crisis of 1998 from becoming the trade crisis of 1999. America
cannot be the importer of only resort.
In 1993, other nations rightly asked the United States to get our fiscal house in order.
We have done so. And just as the world looked to America then to play a more powerful role in
the global economy, so today the world looks to Japan to make some· appropriate changes in the
way it discharges its responsibilities as the second largest economy in the world.
· One of the reasons we do so is that we know what Japan can do when it is at its best.
After all, Japan's achievements have been extraordinary-- forging a broad prosperity and security
for its people, and leading the way toward international development and peace. Even in the·
midst of recession, Japan generates more than two-thirds of Asia's combined GDP. But Japan's
economy has now been stalled for seven years.
As the Japanese authorities have recognized, Japan faces important challenges in
restoring vitality and confidence to its financial and banking systems. It faces the
macroeconomic challenge of ensuring adequate demand. And it faces key structural challenges,
such as deregulation and market opening.
4
�•.
I know that some Japanese believe we have asked for change too persistently, and I
recognize that there are political, cultural, and social factors that must be taken into account. But
the stakes are very high. So with due regard for the progress Japan has made, we-- all the rest of
us in the world -- respectfully repeat to Japan, our friend and partner: please, we need your help
to deal with this global economic crisis.
Europe also faces a complicated task with the advent of economic and monetary union.
Incidentally, we welcome the smooth introduction of the Euro. The United States has
supported the move toward European integration since the first days of the Marshall Plan. Now
more than ever, America will be well served by a Europe that is a larger trading partner for the
U.S. and a stronger partner in helping to confront global challenges.
We hope the E.U. sees the advent ofEMU as an opportunity to press abead with
long-needed structural reforms and to ensure that their policies support strong growth in
domestic demand, so that Europe, too, can assist in the Asian recovery and stand with the United
States as a bulwark of global stability.
We must never lose sight of the poorest nations. We would like to see, this year, on the
brink of a new millennium, decisive progress toward debt relief for the world's poorest and most
indebted countries. Debt relief means removal of the overhang -- that is, the burden that debts
place on investment -- and it means more resources for environmental protection and child
survival. I am pleased to announce here that our new budget, which President Clinton will
present to Congress on Monday, will propose significant new U.S. funding for debt relief for
poor, highly-indebted nations. And I hope: this can be the year when international. financ'ial
institutions are able to fully do their part--· including carrying through on a long-discussed
proposal, the mobilization of a small portion, of the IMP's gold reserves.
I also want you to .know that America is determined to stand for peace and security -- for
the rule of law and the prevention of deadly conflict, because our vision of the 21st Century is of
a prosperous world at peace. We cannot have one without the other. That is one reason why we
have worked so hard to promote peace in Northern Ireland, in the Middle East, in Bosnia, and in
other places around the world. Here in Europe, the expansion ofNA TO and.the inclusion of
. Russia in the:Partnership for Peace is· an important part of the backdrop for continued European
economic integration.
We are particularly concen1ed about the renewed outbreaks of violence in the Balkans -- ·
this time in Kosovo. Yesterday, NATO called on Belgrade to end its repression and comply
immediately with its commitments to NATO and the international community. The Alliance
reiterated its support for a quick political settlement to the conflict. This morning in London -even as I stand before you-- the U.S. and its Contact Group Partners-- France, Germany, Great
Britain, Italy, and Russia-- are discussing a settlement plan, and a call.to the parties to convene
early next Week to reach agreement. There should be no doubt about our collective resolve in
5
�this matter: NATO is prepared to back tip its words with action.
The fact that we are still dealing with armed conflicts in so many parts of our world
should underscore for all of us the deadly nature of the threat posed by the proliferation of
nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. Having lived through 50 years of a balance of terror
with the former Soviet Union·, we are deeply concerned about the spread of weapons that can
cause the death of millions into the hands of rogue nations or terrorists.
In the 21st Century, our prosperity and security will <:tlso depend upon our willingness
and ability to safeguard the global environment. Thankfully, more and more far-sighted
corporations are stepping forward to help develop sofutions for this impending crisis. And we
· are proposing that they be given credit for the early actions they are now beginning to take, The
key is harnessing market forces to protect our environment in ways that are realistic, flexible, and
sensitive to the cost to business.
I
.
.
\
These goals-- a stroqg economy, a clean environment, peace and security-- do go hand
in hand. As we move beyond the age of bipolar tensions and sha~p ideological conflicts -- as we
deepen and extend our economic and security ties -- nations are finding the wisdom that grows
from our connectedness.
Free markets, after all, are sustained by something deeper: the human freedoms and
shared prosperity that support a consensus for engagenient and reform. That is why a sound
economic agenda must include fairness and opportunity, investment in our children, the
empowerment of women, and care for the sick and aging. History has taught us that freedom -economic, political, and religious freedom -- unlocks a higher fraction of the human potential
than any other way of organizing society. And ultimately, people's faith in their own selfgovernment-- their belief that they can share in an ever-widening circle ofhuinan dignity and
self-sufficiency-- is one of the most powerful economic tools we·know.
People will accept sacrifice in a democracy, not only because they have had a role in
choosing it; but because they rightly believe.they are likely to benefit from it. People are willing
to take responsi~ility for their future -- if they. have the power to determine that future.
Opportunity is just as important. One in three adults in the developing world-- 872
million-- can neither read nor write. There are 125 million primary school age children who are
not in school-- and two out ofthree of them are girls. In fact, study after study have taught us
that educating girls brings a higher return than any single investment we can make in the
·
·
.
developing world.
There is no greater challenge for our global community than to break the vicious cycle of .
pove.rty and ignorance -- and create a virtuous cycle of smaller, healthier, better-educated
families-- with lower child mortality, a~d higher incomes. In this way, we cari seek a new
practical idealism-- grounded in self-interest, but uplifted by what is right. We have it in our
6
�power to build a world that is not just betti~r off, but better.
Let lne dose with the story of Samuel Morse, inventor of the telegraph. Morse was also a
famous portrait artist in the United States .. _ his portrait of President James Monroe hangs today
· in the White House. While Mors~ was working on a portrait of General Lafayette in
. Washington, his wife, who lived about 500 kilometers away, grew ill and died. But it took seven
days for the news to reach him. Had he known she was sick, he would have been able to return
in time to be with her before she died. In his grief, he began to wonder if it were possible to
erase barriers of time and space, so that no one in such a circumstance would ever again be
. unable to reach a loved one in time of need. Pursuing this thought, he came to discover how to
use electricity to convey messages, and invented the telegraph.
Less than sixteen years later, in 1851, Nathaniel Hawthorne was able to prophesy the
world we now see dawning in the 21st Century: "By means of electricity, the world of matter has
become a great nerve, vibrating thousands of miles in a breathless point of time ... the round globe
is a vast ... brain, instinct with intelligence!" ·
·
It all began in a painter's heart.
Let us meet this moment of change in the same way: with innovation, with courage, and
with heart. As a global community of nations, we are more than equal to the challenges we face.
That is why I know the 21st Century will make real the great promise we all seek. Thank you.
7
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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Davos
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 1
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-001-008-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/eb58d2d4a228d14ee4668ff33e10b72e.pdf
7c2c954560a23dda18af989daeb1a36a
PDF Text
Text
~-----------------------
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Debt Relief[!]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
48
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��http://bible.gospelcom.net/cgi-bin/bible
Bible Gateway
The Bible Gateway
Luke 11 (English-NIV/RSV/KJV/Darby/YLT)
See also: Previous chapter, This chapter, Next chapter
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NIV
One day Jesus was praying in a certain place. When he finished, one of his disciples
said to him, "Lord, teach us to pray, just as John taught his disciples."
RSV
He was praying in a certain place, and when he ceased, one of his disciples said to
him, "Lord, teach us to pray, as John taught his disciples."
KJV
And it came to pass, that, as he was praying in a certain place, when he ceased, one
of his disciples said unto him, Lord, teach us to pray, as John also taught his
disciples.
DBY
And it came to pass as he was in a certain place praying, when he ceased, one of his
disciples said to him, Lord, teach us to pray, even as John also taught his disciples.
YLT
And it came to pass, in his being in a certain place praying, as he ceased, a certain
one of his disciples said unto him, 'Sir, teach us to pray, as also John taught his
disciples.'
2
RSV
And he said to them, "When you pray, say: "Father, hallowed be thy name. Thy
kingdom come.
KJV
And he said unto them, When ye pray, say, Our Father which art in heaven,
Hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done, as in heaven, so in
earth.
DBY
And he said to them, When ye pray, say, Father, thy name be hallowed; thy kingdom
come;
YLT
And he said to them, 'When ye may pray, say ye: Our Father who art in the heavens;
hallowed be Thy name: Thy reign come; Thy will come to pass, as in heaven also on
earth;
3
RSV
Give us each day our daily bread;
KJV
Give us day by day our daily bread.
DBY
give us our needed bread for each day;
YLT
I of 15
04/05/2000 9:48 PM
�http://bible.gospelcom.net/cgi-bin/bible
Bible Gateway
our appointed bread be giving us daily;
4
RSV
and forgive us our sins, for we ourselves forgive every one who is indebted to us;
and lead us not into temptation."
KJV
And forgive us our sins; for we also forgive every one that is indebted to us. And
lead us not into temptation; but deliver us from evil.
DBY
and remit us our sins, for we also remit to every one indebted to us; and lead us not
into temptation.
YLT
and forgive us our sins, for also we ourselves forgive every one indebted to us; and
.mayest Thou not bring us into temptation; but do Thou deliver us from the evil.'
5
RSV
And he said to them, "Which of you who has a friend will go to him at midnight and
say to him, 'Friend, lend me three loaves;
KJV
And he said unto them, Which of you shall have a friend, and shall go unto him at
midnight, and say unto him, Friend, lend me three loaves;
DBY
And he said to them, Who among you shall have a friend, and shall go to him at
midnight and say to him, Friend, let me have three loaves,
YLT
And he said unto them, 'Who of you shall have a friend, and shall go on unto him at
midnight, and may say to him, Friend, lend me three loaves,
6
RSV
for a friend of mine has arrived on a journey, and I have nothing to set before him';
KJV
For a friend of mine in his journey is come to me, and I have nothing to set before
him?
DBY
since a friend of mine on a journey is come to me, and I have nothing to set before
him;
YLT
seeing a friend of mine came out of the way unto me, and I have not what I shall set
before him,
7
RSV
and he will answer from within, 'Do not bother me; the door is now shut, and my
children are with me in bed; I cannot get up and give you anything'?
KJV
And he from within shall answer and say, Trouble me not: the door is now shut, and
my children are with me in bed; I cannot rise and give thee.
DBY
and he within answering should say, Do not disturb me; the door is already shut, and
my children are with me in bed; I cannot rise up to give [it] thee?
YLT
2 of 15
04/0512000 9:48 PM
�RSV Pray then like this: Our Father who art in heaven, Hallowed be thy name.
KJV After this manner therefore pray ye: Our Father which art in heaven, Hallowed be thy name.
DBY Thus therefore pray *ye*: Our Father who art in the heavens, let thy name be sanctified,
therefore pray ye: 'Our Father who [art] in the heavens! hallowed be Thy name.
10
RSV Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done, On earth as it is in heaven.
KJV Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven.
DBY let thy kingdom come, let thy will be done as in heaven so upon the earth;
YLT 'Thy reign come: Thy will come to pass, as in heaven also on the earth.
11
RSV Give us this day our daily bread;
KJV Give us this day our daily bread.
DBY give us to-day our needed bread,
YLT 'Our appointed bread give us to-day.
12
RSV And forgive us our debts, As we also have forgiven our debtors;
KJV And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors.
DBY and forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors,
YLT 'And forgive us our debts, as also we forgive our debtors.
13
RSV And lead us not into temptation, But deliver us from evil.
KJV And lead ~s not into temptation, but deliver us from evil: For thine is the kingdom,
and the power,
and the glory, for ever: Amen.
·DBY and lead us not into temptation, but save us from evil.
YLT 'And mayest Thou not lead us to temptation, but deliver us from the evil, because
Thine is the reign,
and the power, and the glory -- to the ages. Amen.
14
RSV For if you forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father also will forgive
you;
KJV For ifye forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father will also forgive you:
DBY For ifye forgive men their offences, your heavenly Father also will forgive you
[yours],
YLT 'For, ifye may forgive men their trespasses He also will forgive you-- your Father
who [is] in the
heavens;
15
RSV but if you do not forgive men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive
your trespasses.
.
KJV But ifye forgive not men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses.
DBY but ifye do not forgive men their offences, neither will your Father forgive your offences.
YLT but ifye may not forgive men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive
your trespasses.
�Search Results
http://bible.gospelcom.net/cgi-bin/bible
Bible Gateway
Search Results
TM
(En;~lish-KJV)
Search string: fiftieth
4 matches
Leviticus 25:10
And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the
inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubile unto you; and ye shall return every man unto his
possession, and ye shall return every man unto his family.
Leviticus 25:11
A jubile shall that fiftieth year be unto you: ye shall not sow, neither reap that which groweth
of itself in it, nor gather the grapes in it of thy vine undressed.
2 Kings 15:23
In the fiftieth year of Azariah king of Judah Pekahiah the son of Menahem began to reign over
Israel in Samaria, and reigned two years.
2 Kings 15:27
lri the two and fiftieth year of Azariah king of Judah Pekah the son ofRemaliah began to reign
over Israel in Samaria, and reigned twenty years.
I of I
04/05/2000 9:56 PM
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DRAFT
April9, 2000
Warm greetings to all those gathered on the Mall to celebrate Jubilee 2000
and this extraordinary grassroots effort.to reduee the debt of the world's most
impoverished countries. Your work has done much to raise awareness and get this
issue on the national agenda.
The many people here and those who have worked tirelessly around the country and
the world on Jubilee 2000 affirm the imperative of helping the world's poorest, most
highly indebted countries. For these countries, excessive debt and poor economic
policies stifle sustainable development and div13rt ml!ch needed resources fror:n health,
education, environment and other social programs.
In my travels as President I have seen firsthand the desperate conditions of so many of
the world's poorest people. I'll never forget the schools I visited on my trip to Africa -- the
bright lights in the eyes of the children, how int1311igent they were, how eager they were.
· It is wrong for them to be deprived of the same opportunities to learn that our young
people have here. It makes no sense for struggling democratic governments to have to
choose between fe¢ding and educating their d1ildren and paying interest on excessive ·
debt. ,
Last year, we worked with Congress to reach agreement on an international effort.
Thanks to your efforts and those of a bipartisan group of Senators and Representatives,
we made significant progress on lifting the burden of debt from half a billion people.
This year we must continue to lift that crippling burden, so that these countries. will have
more to invest in their people and their future. In order for debt relief to move forward,
Congress must take action to cover the remaining cost of the U.S. share of debt relief,
so that these poor countries have more to invest in their people and their future. It is my
hope that we can turn a vicious cycle of poor policies, unsustainable debt and poverty
into a virtuous cycle of economic growth, social. progress and sustainable development .
'
I applaud your commitment to Jubilee 2000. I am confident that together we can
achieve a new century marked by prosperity for all.
/
I
�FROM:
RICK
REF:
Meeting with Bishops,
Talking Points
As many of you know, the President has said he believes that no country committed to reform
should be prevented by an unsustainable debt burden from meeting the basic human needs of its
people.
•
Last winter, he encouraged the Treasury Department to develop the proposals that ended up
forming the basis for the Cologne Initiative.
•
Last September, he announced that we are prepwed to go beyond the Cologne terms and
forgive 100% of non-concessionalloans to countries qualifying for the Cologne program.
The President remains as engaged in this issue as eve:r. He believes debt relief for the poorest
countries is both a 'moral imperative and good Economics.
•
Although the Cologne package is not everything many of you, or the President, wanted, it
moves the world a big step in the right direction: faster, deeper, broader debt reduction for
countries that help themselves by pursuing sound reforms.
In addition, the Cologne Initiative aims to transform the way economic reform is designed and
implemented in very poor, heavily indebted countries.
•
In effect; the IMF and World Bank are being asked to reform the way th~y approach
economic reform. To put people first by stressing poverty reduction and social protections
and by involving citizens and governments in.the design of reform programs. This is
something many of you have long advocated.
To make this happen, the US needs to provide its fair share of financing. As you know, in the·
midst of a very difficult budget environment, the President amended his budget last year to
request a total of $970 million over four years for debt relief.
•
The religious communitv. and particularly the Catholic church, played an enormously
important role in convincing Congress to appropr,iate a sizable share of his request last fall.
�We thank you for your efforts. But, as you know, the job is not over, since Congress
provided only part of our request.
· Congress provided:
•
•
•
Bilateral funding: $110 million for US bilateral debt reduction;
IMF gold sales: overall authority to support the sale of a portion of the IMP's gold reserves,
but specific authority to apply only 9/14 of these proceeds to the HIPC Trust Fund and debt
relief.
SCA-2 account: authority to use the US share of an IMF Special Contingency Account
($300 million) for IMF debt reduction.
Congress did not provide:
•
•
Multilateral funding: None of the estimated $600 million US contribution to HIPC trust
fund.
Advance appropriations: none of the bilateral costs expected beyond FY2000 (about $210
million).
For this reason, the President will propose in his·hudget next week:
•
An FY 2000 Supplemental, including:
• Appropriation of $210 million for the HIPC trust fund, representing the portion of our FY
·
2000 proposal which Congress did not fund;
• authorization to apply the remaining 5114 of IMF gold sale proceeds to the HIPC trust
fund; and
• authorization for the remaining bilateral and multilateral appropriations needed under the
Cologne Initiative.
•
For FY 200{ ·appropriations of $75 million in frmding for bilateral debt reduction and $150
million for HIPC trust fund for use in FY '01.
•
For FY 2002 and 2003: advance appropriations of $240 million for the HIPC trust fund and
$13 5 million for bilateral debt reduction for use in these fiscal years.
The President is serious about trying to accomplish this agenda, which he views as very
important for the success of the Cologne Initiative.
�International Dt~bt Relief
Q&As
Q. Are you optimistic that you be able to meet the goal of extending expanded debt relief to
three quarters of potentially eligible HIPC countries by year end?
A. Yes. I know this will be difficult. And it is not something we control entirely. After
all, eligibility is linked to the willingness of countries to undertake reforms and construct
a poverty reduction strategy that makes good use of the freed up resources. However, I
think that we're making good progress. We expect Bolivia, Mauritania,. and Uganda to
begin benefiting from the new program soon and perhaps as many as ten countries could
qualify by the spring.
Q. Congress refused part of your budget request last year, specifically the funding for the HIPC
trust fund. This money is necessary to help some of the multilateral development banks, such as
the Inter-American and African Development Banks, participate in debt reduction. Are you
optimistic that Congress will change its mind and appropriate these funds? If not, won't the
Cologne Initiative be severely undercut?
A. Last year, Congress provided all of the funds we anticipating needing in 2000 for the
forgiveness of US debt under the Cologne Initiative. It also gave us authority to support
the IMF's sale of gold to finance its debt reduction. Unfortunately, Congress did not
approve my request for a contribution to the HIPC trust. I believe it is importan~ for the
US to fully fund its share o(the Cologne Initiative, and we will be working with
Congress on this again this year.
Q. Groups like Jubilee 2000 have. called for much d<!eper debt relief to more countries. Why did
the Administration not go further, as the Pope has urged?
A. We have chosen to target our resources where debt is the biggest impedim~nt to
poverty reduction. Some developing countries have significant debts, but, in r~lative
terms, they have the means to service them if they manage their affairs well. Othe~
countries have sizable debts, but they are less poor than those eligible for the Colo~ne
~
Initiative. The basic question we asked in developing the Initiative was thi~: For the
-,
world's poorest countries, is their foreign debt unsustainable and inconsistent with
economic growth and poverty reduction even if the country managed its affairs well? We
all would like to do more. That is why the Pr:esident pledged that the US would forgive a
full 100% of its bilateral debt for eligible countries, which goes beyond what the
Initiative called for. But, in t~e final analysis, our resources are limited and we must.~
·target them where they can do the. most good..
.
·
. ·
.
.
�'
BACKGROUND
Status of Cologne Debt Initiative Implementation.
At the G-7/G-8 Summit last year, leaders set a goal of qualifying three-fourths of potenth1lly
eligible HIPC countries for debt relief under the Cologne framework by the end of2000. This
goal will be very difficult but not impossible to meet. Three countries (Bolivia, Mauritania,
Uganda) have reached decision points (the point at which the size of their debt relief package is
fixed and they begin to receive relief from their interest expense obligations on an interim basis).
Six other countries (Mozambique, Benin, Burkina Faso, Mali, Senegal, and Tanzania) are
expected to reach their decision points by the Bank/Fund April meetings. It is possible, though
less likely, that (Juyana, Cote d'Ivoire and a few other countries might qualify by then as well.
Treasury is s~nding small technical teams to each of the initial countries. The teams will meet
with government officials involved in drafting the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers that will
guide the economic reforms and poverty ~eduction efforts accompanying debt forgiveness. They
will also consult with World Bank and IMF officials, NGOs and other relevant agencies that
have the technical expertise to assess country performance. Catholic Relief Services, Bread for
the World and Oxfam, among others, have made suggestions for local NGO contacts ..
US legislation requires that Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) commit to undertake
macroeconomic reforms, implement poverty reduction strategies, ensure transparency in
government operations, and engage in participatory processes in return for expanded debt relief.
However, even if a country makes these commitments and is otherwise eligible, it can be
disqualified for debt relief on specific political grounds: gross human rights violations, repeated
support for terrorism, failure to cooperate with narcotics control, excessive military expenditures,
and expropriation.
Status of US Funding: Unfinished Business from the· Last Congressional Session.
•
Congress appropriated: $110 million for US bilateral debt reduction; authority to support
sale of all of the necessary IMF gold to fund IMF' s participation in Cologne; authority to use
only 9/14 of gold sale proceeds for HIPC debt rel.ief; authority to use the US share of an IMF
Special Contingency Account ($300 million) for IMF debt reduction.
•
Congress did not appropriate: The US contribution to HIPC trust fund (estimated last year at
about $600 million); authority to support using n!maining 5/14 of goid sale proceeds to
finance IMF debt reduction; balance of projected bilateral debt reduction financing needs
(approx. $250 million).
'
FY 2001 Budget Proposals.
•
In the FY 2001 Budget: $75 million in funding DJr bilateral debt reduction and $150 million
for HIPC trust fund for use in FY '0 1; as well as $240 million for the HIPC trust fund and
�------------------
---
------------------.
$135 million for bilateral debt reduction for use in FY '02 and FY '03 (advance
appropriations).
•
FY 2000 Supplemental: $210 million for the HIPC trust fund, representing the portion of our
FY 2000 proposal which Congress did not fund (it did fund $110 million for bilateral debt
reduction in 2000).
Background on Cologne Debt Initiative.
In his speech before the IMF-World Bank Annual Meeting in Washington last September, the
President appealed to the international community to implement the debt relief program agreed
upon by G-7 leaders earlier in the year in Cologne and announced that the US would seek to
write off all ofthe $5.7 billion that is owed to us by many as 36 heavily·indebted poor
countries. Warning that unsustainable debt is helping to keep many poor countries---:- and poor
people--- in poverty, you urged an unrelenting battle against global poverty that leaves 1.3
billion people to survive on less than $1 a day. Under the Cologne Initiative, the savings from
debt relief would be directed to education, health care·, AIDS prevention, and other critical needs.
e urged Congress to approve his nearly $1 billion budget request for America's contribution.
as
100% Forgiveness of US Government Debt: in his IMF/World Bank speech, the President
directed your Administration to offer complete forgiveness of both concessional and nonconcessionalloans when doing so would further economic reform and poverty reduction. Under
the terms ofthe Cologne Debt Initiative announced during the G-7·Summit in June, countries
agreed to forgive 100% of concessional but only up to 90% of non-concessional debt. The
additional debt relief you proposed would forgive tht:! remaining $500 million ofnonconcessional debt that would be owed to the US by these countries after implementation of
Cologne (i.e., 90%) terms.
•
•
•
•
Non-concessional debts are loans and credit guarantees extended at market-level
interest rates with repayment periods ranging up to about 10 years.
Concessional debts, usually aid loans,
extended at below-market rates of interest
for very long periods.
The United States also provides grant assistance to poor countries, which involves
direct transfers of cash and commodities.
Poor nations owe the US $5.7 billion, of which $3.6 billion is in the form ofnonconcessionalloans (e.g., Export-Import Bank, Foreign Military Sales, agricultural
export credits).
are
US 100% Forgiveness Builds upon the Cologne Debt Initiative: In June, the G-7 leaders
endorsed a new Initiative to enable Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) to receive deeper,
broader and faster debt relief in return for firm commitments to channel the benefits into ·
improving the lives of all their people. The HIPC Initiative was created in 1996 to provide
deeper debt reduction, including by international fin:mcial institutions, for poor countries with
unsustainable debt burdens.
�------------------------------------.
New focus on poverty: The Cologne Initiative calls on theintemational·Financial
Institutions to develop a new framework for ilinking debt relief with poverty reduction
that centers around better targeting of budgetary resources for priority social
expenditures, including health, child survival, AIDS prevention and education, as well as
greater transparency in government budgeting and much wider consultation with civil
society in the development and implementation of economic programs.
Substantially deeper relief: Together with ~~arlier debt relief commitments, the Cologne
Initiative provides for reduction of up to 70 percent of the total debts for these countries,
reducing the stock of debt from about $127 billion today to as low as $3 7 billion with the
cancellation of official development assistanee (ODA) debt by G-7 and other bilateral
creditors. In 1998 dollars (net present value or NPV terms), this would more than triple
the amount of relief to be provided from $13 billion under the current HIPC framework
to as much as $50 billion. This would be accomplished by reducing the HIPC program
target ratios for the NPV of outstanding debt to 150 percent of exports or 250 percent of
government revenues for countries that excee:d fiscal thresholds of 30 percent exports to
GDP and 15 percent revenues to GDP, and by providing full cancellation ofODA debts.
Faster relief: Relief will be available significantly faster than under the current
framework by providing early cash flow relief("Interim Relief') and allowing earlier
stock reduction.
Broader participation: The number of cow1tries potentially eligible to qualify for HIPC
relief would rise from 26 to as many as 36, meaning that more than 430 million people
could ultimately be affected. The 36 countries are Honduras, Mauritania, Nicaragua,
Tanzania, Benin, Bolivia, Burkina Paso, Cote d'Ivoire, Guyana, Mali, Mozambique,
Senegal, Uganda, Cameroon, Chad, Republic: of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea,
Guinea-Bissau, Laos, Madagascar, Malawi, Niger, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Togo, Zambia,
Central African Republic, Burundi, Congo DR, Liberia, Myanmar, Sao Tome, and
Somalia.
Freeing up scarce resources: F <;>r the average HIPC country, the share of scarce
government revenue devoted to debt service t::~ould fall by 25 percent to a ratio for debt
service to.revenues of well below 20 percent and close to 10 percent in some cases.
Mozambique's debt will be reduced by some $3.5 billion ($1.7"billion in NPV teims), for
example, which could cut in half the share of government revenues allocated to external
debt service, from over 30 percent to about 15 percent in 1999, and free about $96
million in budgetary resources each year. These savings are equivalent to double the
health budget in 1998 in a country where children are 3 times more likely to die before
the age of five than they are to go to secondary school. In Uganda, enhanced debt
reduction could allow health and education spending to increase by 50% from 1998 to
2001 and rural development expenditures to more than double.
·
FY 2000 Budget.Request To Fund Debt Relief: Last fall, the Presi~ent transmitted to
Congress a budget amendment requesting a total of $970 million to support the ambitious
program of debt reduction for the world's most Heavily Indebted Poorest Countries (HIPCs)
�agreed to at the Cologne Summit. The amendment increased the Administration request for debt
reduction for FY 2000 by $250 million (for a total of$370 million) and requested advanced
appropriations of $200 million in each of Fiscal Years 2001, 2002 and 2003. The requested
funds were aimed at financingthe U.S. bilateral portion ofthis expanded HIPC debt reduction
program and providing up to $650 million for contributions to the multilateral HIPC Trust Fund
to help the International Financial Institutions (IFis) provide significantly expanded levels of
debt reduction, provided that other countries make comparable efforts. It is expected that the
additional debt reduction you announced at the IMF-·World Bank speech can be accommodated
within this request. No additional budget authority was requested for it.
�3/2/00 Revised Final
Orzulak
SXMUEL R. BERGER
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
"FOUR CHALLENGES TO AMERICAN LEADERSHIP"
DARTMOUTH COLLEGE
HANOVER, NEW HAMPSHIRE
MARCH 3~ 2000
Thank you, Michael (Mastanduno). (Mass-ten-DO-Know). On the day he received an honorary
degree in New Haven, John Kennedy said he had the best of all possible worlds: a Harvard
education and a Yale degree. I come here today bearing slightly different Ivy League
credentials: a Cornell education, a Harvard degree, and a Dartmouth tuition payment.
As I tell my son, who is a member of the class of2002: one of the nice things about being part
of an Administration that has helped create nearly 21. million new jobs is t~at it's going to be
awfully hard for him to convince me that he can't find at least one.
lam proud to be part of the Dickey Center's lectur~ series on war and peace. This is the second
time in three years I have had the pleasure of being here. As I said during my last visit, we live
in a world with very few absolutes. I'm reminded of the linguistics professor who told his class,
"remember, a double negative forms a positive. In some languages, such as Russian, a double
negative is still a negative. But there is no language where a double positive forms a negative."
At which point, a voice from the back of the room piped up: "Yeah ... right."
As we think about the issJes of war and peace at the beginning of the 21st Century, I believe
there is one absolute in the world today: America must lead. I want to talk for a few minutes
today about why that is true and some of the greatest challenges our leadership will face in the
years to come. Then, I look forward to having a discussion with you.
With much fanfare and fireworks, we recently said goodbye to a Century in which America sent
its sons and daughters abroad to fight for freedom more often than any nation in history. In the
20th Century, millions of American men and women worked to defeat fascism, contain
communism, and sustain liberty when it was most imperiled- including more than 15,000
Dartmouth students who served, some of whose names are enshrined on plaques in the Hopkins
Center, the Rockefeller Center and at Memorial Field.
Thanks in no small measure to their sacrifice, we enter this new Century with our values of
freedom, democracy and enterprise ascendant in the world and America's power and influence
perhaps greater than it has ever been. Today, for the first time in history, more than half the
world's people elect their own leaders. For the first time in history, the world's leading nations
are not engaged in a deadly struggle for security or territory.
America today is in a unique position. Our.military strength is unchallenged, and nations look to
us to deliver decisive influence wherever it is needed. Our economy has not only produced
unprecedented prosperity here at home; it is the engine of global growth and technological
innovation. People from around the world look to our open, creative society as a model for
everything from high tech to high finance to what it takes to succeed in a globalized world.
�2
It means that we have a remarkable opportunity to advance the cause of peace, prosperity and
· freedom for our nation and for people around the world. But it also .means that our leadership is
needed across the globe, perhaps now more than ever before.
The President has worked hard over the past seven years to make sure we seize that opportunity,
and meet that responsibility. America has a lot to be proud of. We've aided the remarkable
transitions to free-market democracy in central Europe; helped open our core alliance NATO to
new democracies; stopped ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and Kosovo; worked with Russia to
deactivate thousands of nuclear missiles; helped broker historic peace agreements from Northern
Ireland and the Middle East, to Sierre Leone and the: Peru-Ecuador border; and completed a
global trading agreement and several hundred individual agreements that fed the export boom
which has accounted for nearly one third of our growth. We've also worked to refocus our
national security strategy on new dangers in a new age: the organized forces of crime, narcotrafficking, cyber-security, and governments too weak to handle globalization.
The beginning of a new century should cause us to reflect on the larger purpose of our
leadership. For we are experiencing something more than just a changing of the digits on the
calendar. This has been a genuine changing of the times -a period of collapsing empires,
·expanding freedoms, eroding barriers, and emerging threats. The question now is:. what do we
do with 'the opportunity we have? What are the reall.y big challenges Hieing us at the beginning
of the 21st Century? What fundamental, long-term questions will affect the success of our
foreign policy in this new era? Let's go through a few.
One critical question is whether the largest evolving nations of the world will emerge as stable,
prosperous, democratic partners of the United States. These are the nations most able, by virtue
of their size, power, and economic potential, to affect our interests, for better and for worse.
Russia, China, and India certainly will be three of those countries.
Our engagement with a democratic Russia has prodaced concrete benefits for America over the
last seven years. More than 5,000 Soviet nuclear weapons have been dismantled. Russian troops
have withdrawn from the Baltic nations. Russia helped end the conflict in Kosovo, and now
helps to defend the peace there alongside NATO. Russia is a profoundly different country today
than it was a few years ago. When President Yeltsin resigned on New Year's eve, for example,
Russia saw the first constitutional transfer of power in its thousand-year history. But the question
that matters to us has never been who rules Russia, but how Russia is ruled.
J
.. 1
It is partly for that reason that we.have been so troubled by the way force has been used in
Chechnya, with indiscriminate rocket and artillery attacks against civilian neighborhoods, and
now serious allegations of human rights abuses by Russian troops. Russia has experienced
terrible acts of terrorism in the last year. But I am concerned about what kind of country Russia
is going to be if its response to the destruction of apartment buildings full of innocent Russian
c.itizens is the destruction of a city full of innocent Russian citizens.
·
We've made clear to Russia that the most recent reports of abuses in Chechnya offer a moment
of truth it should seize to show that it takes its own laws and international obligations seriously:
by investigating all credible allegations in an open and unbiased way; by holding perpetrators
accountable for their actions; by letting international observers back in, and by giving the Red
2
�3
Cross full access to Chechnya, including detention camps. And we have urged Russia to seek a
peaceful, negotiated solution to this tragic crisis.
Another country that will do muchto shape the futme of our planet is China. For 30 years now,
every single President has worked for the emergence of a China that contributes to the stability
of Asia; that is open to our products and our businesses; that allows people access to ideas and
information; that upholds the rule of law at home and adheres to the rule of law around the
world. The reason is simple: as a nation that has fought three wars in Asia in the 20th Century,
we have a big stake in how China evolves. The more we can promote peace and security in
Asia, the more we promote our own peace and security.
To advance all of those goals, we signed an agreement last fall to bring China into the World
Trade Organization. It is not going to change China or our relationship with that country
overnight. We are going to have to continue to press China hard on everything from human ·
rights, to weapons proliferation, to tensions with Taiwan. But the agreement is a huge step in the
right direction.
It requires China to open its markets on everything from agriculture to manufacturing, while we
simply agree to maintain the market access we already offer China. It will obligate China to·
dismantle its command and control economic system in a way that increasingly will get the
government out of its people's lives:- while committing China to play by international rules of
the road on trade. It will bring the internet to millions more people in China, making it harder
for the government to control what people read, learn and think.
But the only way to lock in the benefits of this agreement is for Congress to provide China what
132 other WTO members have- what is called "Permanent Normal Trade Relations." I believe
this will be the most important vote this. Congress will cast this year, and we are ~oing all we can
to get it passed.
·
·
Right now, China is the world's largest nation. Soon, it will be surpassed by India. India is
already the world's largest democracy. It is forging a vibrant, high-tech economy; more open to
the world than ever before. It is living proof that nations forged from many faiths and traditions
can be held together by the glue of freedom. But India's challenges are immense: it has the
world's largest middle class, but also more desperately poor people that in all of Mrica; a
spreading AIDS epidemic; environmental challenges; and an intense and now nuclearized rivalry
with Pakistan. In many ways, the character of the 21st Century will depend on the success of our
cooperation with India. for peace, economic development, and environmental progress. That is
why, in a little more than two weeks, President Clinton will be the first President in 22 years to
visit India, to cement and strengthen our relationship for a new century.
A second question for our future is whether our security will be threatened by regional conflicts
that pose the risk of a wider war, especially those deeply rooted in ethnic and religious tensions ..
Thanks to the men and women of our armed forces, we turned the tide last year against ethnic
cleansing in Kosovo. We should be proud that, in the final year of the bloodiest century of all
centuries, America rallied its allies against the expul.sion of an entire people from their land, and
we prevailed. There is a great deal more we must still do to realize our vision of a peaceful,
undivided, democratic Europe: helping Kosovo rebuild while continuing to clamp down on
3
�4
.
{
violence; bolstering the democratic opposition to Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia; encouraging
greater cooperation between Greece and Turkey and an end to the long dispute over Cyprus;
helping more new democracies get ready for membership in NATO. If we're persistent, we may
one day reach a time when no American will ever again be called upon to fight and die in
Europe.
We should also be proud of the role America has,pla.yed to bring both Northern Ireland and the
Middle East closer to peace. In both cases, we need a sense of realism and perspective; these
conflicts have been raging hot and cold for decades; people have real grievances and bitter
memories. Peacemaking under these circumstances is like climbing a mountain, and the further
we get, the steeper the climb. Th~ President is going to continue to work- in both Northern
Ireland and the Middle East-- to find a way forward.
A third question is whether the inexorable march of technology is going to give terrorists and
hostile nations the means to undermine our defenses, and force Americans to live their lives in
fear again.
There has never been a time quite like this one in which the power to create knowledge and the
power to create havoc rest in the same exact hands. We live in an age when one person sitting at
one computer can come up with an idea, send itthrough cyberspace, and take humanity to new
heights. But as we were reminded all too vividly just two weeks ago, we also live in an age
when that same person can sit at the same computer, double-click on a mouse, hack into a
computer system or overload a system's circuits, and potentially paralyze an entire company,
city, or government. As our nation learns to master this new technology to do good, hackers,
criminals, and potential adversaries could seek to disrupt our economy and damage our national
security by attacking our computer networks. That's why the President developed the first
national plan for cyber-security, hosted a conference on this issue last week, and why we have
proposed historic funding to strengthen and protect all of our vital networks and systems.
We must be persistent in our fight against all kinds of terrorism. The last weeks of 1999 saw the
largest U.S. counter-terrorism operation in history. Terrorist cells were disrupted in eight
countries and attacks almost certainly were prevented thanks to the good 'work of our law
enforcement and intelligence agencies. Thankfully, the New Year's celebrations worldwide
passed without a terrorist attack. But just because we dodged a bullet doesn't mean there was no
bullet to dodge. That is why we must sustain and intensify the fight against terrorists. And that
is why we are working to make it more difficult for nuclear weapons or material to fall into the
wrong hands. In Russia today, the average salary of a highly-trained weapons scientists is less
than $100 a month .. We can help them turn that expertise toward peaceful projects- or we can
do nothing and pray that each and every one of them resists the temptation to market their
expertise to those who wish us harm. Common sense says to help them. That's why the
President has asked Congress to increase funding for programs that help Russia keep its arsenal·
of weapons and knowledge secure.
A fourth question is whether the stability of the 21st Centutywill be threatened by an everwidening gap between rich and poor.
In a world with so many riches, it is unacceptable that more than 1.2 billion people live on less
than one dollar a day. It is unacceptable that more than two billion people get sick every year'4
�5
many of them children- because they don't have clean drinking water. It is unacceptable that
more than three million African children already have died of AIDS.· And it is not only morally
unacceptable, it is economically unsustainable. It robs the world of the contributions of much of
'its population.
What can we do about this? Part of the answer is to promote freedom and good government, so
that leaders are responsive to the needs of their people. And freedom is expanding: with the
hopeful transitions to democracy in Nigeria and Indonesia, more people won the right to choose
their leaders in 1999 than in 1989, the year the Berlin Wall fell.
But even countries making all the right choices often have to struggle ~o benefit from the global
economy. That's why we have worked to expand trade- because it's hard to see how people
living on a dollar a day will ever be able to live in dignity if we deny them the chance to sell the
fruits of their labor beyond their own borders. That's why the President has led a global effort toJ
alleviate the crushing debt in so many nations. No country should have to choose between
educating its children and paying interest on debt. It is also why we have begun a concerted
effort to fight diseases such as AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, which are holding so many
impoverished nations back. Yesterday, the President hosted a meeting at the White House, in
which one of America's leading pharmaceutical companies announced that for the first time, it
would begin w~rk on a vaccine for strains of the ~IDS virus only found in Africa.
I began by saying that the one absolute in this world is·that America must lead in meeting these
challenges. But there is actually another one: all of you must be involved. Robert Kennedy
once told my generation that "each of us will ultimately be judged- and will ultimately judge
ourselves- on the extent to which we personally contributed to the life of this nation and to the
world." Today, that challenge falls to all of you.
For more than 200 years, America has been shaped by its young. It was a 32 year-old Thomas
Jefferson who wrote the Declaration of Independence, and a 26 year-old Martin Luther King
who led the bus boycott at Montgomery. But there has never been an age when young people
have been more responsible for defining the world we live in. Steve Jobs started Apple
Computers when he was 21. Jeff Bezos was 22 when he began Amazon.com. At the State
Department, Susan Rice took over as the Assistant Secretary for African Affairs when she was
32. Congressman Harold Ford Junior was 25 when he was elected to represent the people of
Tennessee- the first member of Congress born in the 1970's.
Soon, it will be up to you. The education and training you receive at Dartmouth gives all of you
a special responsibility. Take what you have learned here and change some part of the world. At
the same time, I hope you will strive to create world that is not just better off, but better; that
you will judge success not by the number of computer networks you connect, but by the number
of people you connect; that you will endeavor not just to make better companies, but a better
·community of people around the world.
a
Just think: for all the billions of people who came beJfore you, it has been left to this generation to
make real the triumph offreedom and justice, to walk away from war and hatred, and to work
toward peace. When historians look back on this Century, let them say that together, that is
exactly what you did. Thank you.
5
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'
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1-800-601-5860
c·
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Proclaim Jubilee! <:ancel the Debt,
Now'!
Jubilee 2000/USA Natil[)nal Mobilization
Sunday April 9, 2000 *Lobby Day, AprillO
Washington; DC
"If we knew ourselves to be sisters and brothers would we allow members of
our family in developing countries to carry huge burdens of unpayable debt?"
-Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Christmas Day Sermon (1999),
Washington National Cathedral
"Coming to Washington is the most important contribution you can make
to the Jubilee 2000 campaign this year!"
-Dan Driscoll-Shaw, National Coordinator, Jubilee 2000/USA
Come to Washington with students, working families and their
unions, people
of faith, and others to raise your voice for definitive cancellation of
the
crushing international debt.
STAND UP AND BE COUNTED!
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�Promotional Brochure for the April 9 Rally in Washington, DC
http://www.loga.org/JubRallyBrochure.htm
nD<srt::TS"m'im;tis~·nd dignity- people like you! -will gather
in Washingto n Sunday, April 9. he rally, with speakers and music, will
be!in at J2·00pm
, e ween 4th and 7th Sts, NW, and conclude at
4:31.Jpm. We will link arms in a Human Chain at 3:00pm!
U-JLJ.,y..,..u.uol.!2..!:_t the crushing international debt of impoverished countries be
canceled?
Because it's the moral and just thing to do! For impoverished countries in
Africa, Asia and Latin America, the burden of debt has real consequences:
• International debt condemns hundreds of millions of people to live in
poverty.
• Debt undermines dignity and self-determination.
• Debt diverts resources from basic needs such as education, nutrition,
health, clean water, and sanitation, directly affecting children
~
1
()'\'q
1~\
'Jt
• Debt leads to destruction of the environment.
• Debt creates political, social and economic instability throughout the
world.
We call on the U.S. public to pressure Congress and the Administration to
cancel the crushing international debt of impoverished countries! Cancel the
debt, NOW!
• Cancellation cannot proceed unless Congress approves and provides
funding
• At most, 36 countries will benefit , while many more will need this vital
assistance
ensur~r debt cancellation really help and not
• We must
hurt people and the environment
·We will gather on April 9, in Washington, DC to call on Congress and the
White House to expand and fund debt relief initiatives, and to insist on
- definitive cancetiation" --. - - ·
orne to an educational and inspiring two-day
event!
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This peaceful, legal and non-violent event will be inspiring for you and your
group -- and help us change the minds of policy-makers! You will hear
inspiring and enlightening speeches by leaders of the Jubilee 2000 movement in
the United States and around the world. And, you'll see some of the
thousands of faces behind the movement that has changed how the world thinks
about the debt burden!
How can you help make this a success?
• Spread the word at your house of worship, your community group, or your
campus organization, using our rally organizing packet!
• There are people across the country coordinating buses and other
transportation. Contact Jubilee 2000 or visit our web site to find the rally
coordinator and other supporters in your area and to get housing
information.
• Visit the Jubilee 2000/USA web site for the latest action alerts and issue
updates, plus an order form for videos, worship materials, April 9-10
Organizing Packet and more! www.j2000usa.org
Let us stand in solidarity!
We, here in the United States, must stand in solidarity and be counted with the
children, women and men who are victims of the unjust debt.
In Accra and Birmingham (UK), in Tegucigalpa, Manila, Cologne,
Johannesburg and hundreds of other communities, and now in Washington,
DC, ordinary people are standing with the poor of Africa, Latin America and
Asia. People in indebted countries are committed to use resources freed up by
debt cancellation to reduce poverty through their own efforts.
The spirit of the Jubilee movement calls forth new relations with neighbors,
nations and the environment.
We call on our government to act in this Jubilee Year to cancel the crushing
international debt of the world's impoverished countries.
Sponsors of April 9 Mobilization
AFL-CIO *Africa Faith and Justice Network* The Africa Fund* Africa Policy
Information Center* American Friends Service Committee * Bread for the
World * Catholic Relief Services * Center of Concern * Church of the Brethren
I Washington Office * Columban Office for Justice and Peace* Conference of
Major Superiors of Men* Episcopal Church* Episcopal Peace Fellowship*
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America * 50 Years is Enough: U.S. Network
for Global Economic Justice* Friends of the Earth* Leadership Conference of
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�Promotional Brochure for the April 9 Rally in Washington, DC
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Women Religious* Lutheran World Relief* Maryknoll Office for Global
Concerns* Medical Mission Sisters Alliance for Justice* Mennonite Central
Committee* Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate* National Council of
Churches of Christ in the USA I Church World Service * Nicaragua/US
Friendship Office * Oxfam America * Preamble Center * Presbyterian Church
USA * Sisters ofNotre Dame * Sojourners * Union of American Hebrew
Congregations * United Church of Christ * United Church of Christ I Network
for Environmental & Economic Responsibility * United Church of Christ,
Washington Office* United Methodist Church, General Board of Church &
Society* United Methodist Church, Women's Division* US Catholic Mission
Association* Washington Office on Africa* Witness for Peace * World
Vision
Many other groups also back the Jubilee call for debt relief, including:
Constituency for Africa* American Jewish World Service * African Methodist
Episcopal Church * Muslim Public Affairs Council * National Summit on
Africa* Progressive National Baptist Convention* Rainbow-PUSH* US
Catholic Conference* US Conference of Mayors* Unitarian Universalist
Service Committee
Rally Registration Form
To provide us with an estimate of people attending and their needs, please fill
out this form on line at www.loga.orglrallyform.htm or fill out below and mail
it to Jubilee 20001USA
-------- Yes! Our group is planning to attend April 9.
will attend.
--------Yes! Our group is planning to particiipate in the lobby day on Monday,
April 10
Name
Organization
Address
City, State & Zip
Home Phone:
E-mail:
FAX:
How are you traveling to Washington, DC?
When do you expect to ...
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... arrive in DC?
... leave DC?
Mail to:
Jubilee 2000/USA,
222 East Capitol Street, N.E.
Washington, D.C. 20003
Telephone: 202-783-3566 or 1-800-601-5860
Jubilee 2000/USA Home Page
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,April 9 Information Page
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�Debt Relief: Summary of the Problem and the Response
http://www.loga.org/JubRallyDebtReliefSummary.htm
.Jubilee 2000/USA
National Mobilization for
D'ebt Cancellation
Sunda:h April 9, 2000
The National Mall, Washington, D.C.
updated February 26, 2000
The Problem
r
The 40-plus heavily indebted poor
countries, as identified by the
International Monetary Fund (IMP),
owe other governments and
multilateral financial institutions
about $220 billion. The debt of
Africa s Impovenshed nations equals
about three-guarters of their total
natio~me. On a per capita
~every man, woman and child
in sub-Saha
frica carries a debt
of almo $400. hat is more than
the avera· amilx...makes m an
entire-Year. In Nicaragua-:a child
born today "owes"'more than $2,000
in a nation with an average income
of just $390 per person.
hese debts were accumulated over
decades from a combination of
economic bad luck, bad policies and
corruption. Lenders share
responsibility because they
continued to make new loans or to
roll-over bad ones to maintain the
pretense that all was well when it
was not. Creditors continued to press
impoverished countries to pay in full
even when it became clear that their
debts could never be paid or could
be paid only by imposing enormous
human suffering.
I of4
"Every child in Africa is born
a financial burden which a
lifetime's work cannot re y. The
df:bt is a new form of s very as
vidous as the slave ad e."
.. _ All Africa Co erence of
Churches
"Hebt relief is not an end in itself;
it lis a means to an end. It is not a
toltal solution to poverty, hunger
and disease, but it is a necessary
fir:st step ... We in America have
been blessed with a period of
almost unparalleled economic
prosperity. Never in our history
has one country had so much
progress, wealth and luxury. Now
at the start of a new millennium we
can do so much more for the 700
million of the poorest at such a
small cost to each of us. What a
sh:ame if history should look back
at us and say that we passed up so
grt~at an opportunity."
--Rep. Spencer Bachus (R-AL),
June 15, 1999
04/04/2000 8:56PM
�Debt Relief: Summary of the Problem and the Response
http://www.loga.org/JubRallyDebtReliefSummary.htm
e IMF and the World Bank crossed the Rubicon of global finance. They
mitted publicly that the poorest countries would never be able to repay all of their
debts to foreign governments and financial institutions. The IMF established the
Highly Indebted Poor Country Initiative (HIPC) which held out the hope that up to
ziT countries mtght one day become eligible for some relief of debt. But after three
years, only one had actually received any cancellation. Worse, it was clear that fewer
than half would ever qualify for relief under the stringent formula and prolonged
timetable.
The Response
Jubilee 2000
!ubilee
~000 is a wo~~cl~~nd t~e ~rus~ing d~bt of .
I~usa<
ntn8&:-lt--tnhspired by the bibb cal VISIOn of jubilee m which dunng
debts w e to be canceled, family land returned and the oppressed set
free. o economic decision or arrangement was to be allowed to impoverish people
·
permanently or to make their future hopeless.
t~ar
''*'""lol-l..l..l''er 30 U.S. religious
a
atholic, Protestant, and Jewish-- swell as environmental
groups and development orgamzatwns. hey have worked together for almost three
years to press for policies of the U.S. government and international financial
institutions that will lift the debt burden of the most impoverished countries and give
their people a new start in the new millennium.
Today there are Jubilee 2000 campaigns in over 60 countries, including the creditor
countries of the Global North and the debtor countries of the Global South. Because
a debt write-off requires coordinated international action by many governments and
international institutions, Jubilee 2000/USA works cooperatively with other
counterpart campaigns. Meaningful debt relief will not occur without U.S.
administration leadership in the international financial institutions, nor without
adequate appropriations by the U.S. Congress. That is why a key element of the
Jubilee 2000/USA program is to mobilize the American public to make its concerns
known in Washington, D.C.
Progress
The leaders of the G7, the world's highest income indu~s_j~rrz.~;u
the cause of debt relief by the agreement reache · une 1
President Clinton went beyond Cologne by anno:,u~n~c:tin-:f-·g~r;;e2rm~e~n;;.:;~o:;c~~~~~
debt owed directly to the United States government by the poorest countries. In
November, Congress authorized some of the necessary funds and agreed that the
IMF could revalue part of its gold stock solely for the purpose of debt relief.
Congress, the U.S. administration, the World Bank and the IMF have adopted a new
rhetoric that links far more strongly debt relief and poverty reduction. That has
brought new grounds for dialogue between Jubilee 2000/USA and officials in the
U.S. government and the international financial institutions.
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Changes that seemed improbable-some said impossible-three years ago have begun
to happen. But there are still difficult decisions that lie ahead. The intent of Jubilee
2000/USA is to continue working for policies that will ultimately lift the crushing
foreign debt burden from the poorest countries.
But as important as these accomplishments have been, much more needs to be
achieved if significant debt relief is to be a reality. Unless Congress now ,
appropriates the funds necessary to make this happen, countless poor in cbuntrie
burdened by debt will continue to suffer daily as they wait for relief.
The National Mobilization
The human consequences caused by the poorest countries struggling to pay
international debts have become a moral concern for millions of U.S. citizens. Over
the past two years, organizations and individuals across the country have sought to
address this concern through study groups, worship services, local events, petition
campaigns, letters to the editor and contacts with public officials. All this has
brought the debt issue from almost total obscurity to the level of a national crusade.
On April 9, 2000, there will be the first national mobilization of persons in the
nation's capital to give visible expression to t11is broad-based local concern and
activity. On that day, at least 30,000 people will gather on the Mall to celebrate
progress already made and to urge national and international decision makers in
Washington to finish the task of lifting the debt burden from the poorest countries.
There will be speakers and prayers and music. Noted national and international
persons will be present. Leaders of the international debt relief movement will be
there. Representatives of the broad range of organizations that make up Jubilee
2000/USA will also address the group. By design, political figures will not be at the
podium because they are the ultimate audience ofthis "people's event."
As citizens ofthis country and citizens ofthe world, we will come together in a
critical mass to demonstrate the breadth of public support, the extent of moral
determination, the depth of personal commitment, and the strength of political will
for change in international debt policies and practices.
A Day to Lobby Congress
~nday, A~any of those who come to the national gathering on the Mall
~o go individually and in small groups to meet with their members of Congress
and urge their support for full funding of debt relief already committed aud for
further policies to lift all the international debt of the poorest countries in ways that
lead to improved life and economic hope for the poorest and weakest persons in
those societies.
Come to Washington for the Jubilee 2000/USA
National Mobilization, April 9, 2000!
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Jubilee 2000/USA Home Page
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April 9 Rally Home Page
04/04/2000 8:56 PM
�April 9 Rally: Message and Goals
http://www.loga.org/JubMessage.htm
Jubilee 2000/lJSA
National Mobilization for
D(~bt Cancellation
Sunday, April 9, 2000
The Natiional Mall, Washington, D.C.
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�April 9 Rally: Message and Goals
http://www.loga.cirg/.J ubMessage. htm
updated February 21, 2000
What follows are the event goals and message of the April9 National
Mobilization. Please use this information as you seek to promote the
April 9 rally.
Goals:
1. To influence national and international policy and
decision makers.
2. To call on the U.S. public to pressure Congress and
the Administration to cancel the crushing international
debt of impoverished countries.
Message: Proclain1 Jubilee! Cancel the debt
NOW!
roclaim Jubilee! Cancel the debt NOW! Why?
International debt condemns hundreds of millions of
people to live in poverty. Debt undermines dignity and
self-determination. Debt diverts resources from basic
needs such as education, nutrition, health, clean water,
and sanitation. Debt leads to destruction of the
environment. Debt creates political, social and
e nomic instability throughout the world.
We, here in the
s stan in solidarity
and be counted with the children, women and men
who are victims of the unjust debt. In Accra and
Birmingham (UK), in Tegucigalpa, Manila, Cologne,
Johannesburg and hundreds of other communities, and
now in Washington, DC, ordinary people are standing
with the poor of Africa, Latin America and Asia.
People in indebted countries are committed to use
resources freed up through debt cancellation to reduce
poverty through their own efforts. The spirit of the
Jubilee movement calls forth new relations with
neighbors, nations and the environment.
We call on our government to act in this Jubilee Year
to cancel the crushing international debt of the world's
impoverished countries.
Jubilee 2000/USA Home Page
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�What Your Church Can Do to Proclaim Jubilee
http://www.loga.org/JubRallyChurchActivities.htm
.Jubilee 2000/lJSA
Nati~•nal
I~ebt
Mobilization for
Cancellation
Sunday,April9,2000
The Niittional Mall, \Vashington, D.C.
updated February 26, 2000
Every Congregation Can Help Proclaim Jubilee!
Every religious congregation has an important role to play in calling for the
cancellation ofthe crushing debts of the world's poorest countries by the end of
the year 2000. Whether near or far from Washington, D.C., each congregation
can do its part to help Proclaim Jubilee
April 9, 2000, will see tens of thousands of people of faith and conscience
gathered in Washington, D.C. There will be worship services across the city in
the morning, and then the focus will turn to the National Mall in the afternoon
for a time of prayer, music, stirring speeches, and action. The thousands
gathered will be speaking truth to power - Congress, the administration, and the
global financial institutions, all of whom will be making critical decisions about
international debt in the following days and months. This peaceful public
witness will end with everyone taking part in a human chain around the Capitol
to symbolize the chains of debt that must be lifted from poor countries. On
Monday, April 10, there will be a Jubilee lobby day with Congress.
For more details on the events, you may call the April 9 hotline at
800-601-5860, check the Jubilee 2000 website. at www.j2000usa.org, or the
April 9 Rally Information Page <www.loga.org/JubRally.htm>
How do I begin to involve my congregation?
• Secure support from your pastor, priest, rabbi, or religious superior and
from the relevant social justice committee of your congregation. Share
information about Jubilee 2000 and the April 9 rally, and let them know
some of the ways the congregation can be involved. Ask your
congregation's leaders to lift up the call to jubilee in worship. If possible,
work with the social justice committee throughout the process so that
ownership of the congregation's involvement in the April 9 events and the
tasks involved can be shared among several people.
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�What Your Church Can Do to Proclaim Jubilee
http://www.loga.org/.lubRallyChurchActivities.htm
• Educate your congregation about Jubilee 2000 and the call to cancel the
debt of the world's poorest countries. Hold adult forums or use the time at
a Lenten soup supper or other congregational events to have speakers,
show videos, and study the issues and the faith-rooted call of Jubilee 2000.
T
· ble: from Jubilee 2000, including a
24-minute video and an education pa£]~ Many denominations, faith
groups, and organizations also have excellent resources. For more
information, contact Jubilee 2000 (202-783-3566 or www.j2000usa.org)
for a complete list of educational resources from many different
organizations.
How can my congregation be part of the April 9 activities?
• Become a cosponsor of the national Jubilee events by completing the
form enclosed in this packet. Cosponsoring helps to illustrate the breadth
and depth of the Jubilee movement and helps fund the many costs related
to implementing an event of this size
• Publicize the April 9 events. Post the flyer on bulletin boards and other
places where your congregation gathers. Hand out the brochure at adult
classes or congregation-wide events. Ask your congregation's leader if you
can give a two-minute "minute for mission" in your worship services in
March to call attention to the April 9 events. Hold a special information
session on the event. Have a literature table in your church coffee or social
hour. Make sure you are working with others on your committee so that
you are not the only person from whom the congregation is hearing about
this event. Write a short article for the congregational newsletter, and have
the event listed in the church calendar and bulletin. See that information is
posted on your congregation's Web site, and link it to the national Jubilee
2000/USA Web site.
• Make chains and banners for the April9 rally. The Jubilee message
will be conveyed to many others by the visual symbols that are present on
April 9. Banner messages should be consistent with the call for Jubilee
embodied in this event and must be hand-held to be allowed on the Mall.
This packet contains information on making chains, one of the most
prominent symbols for the event.
• Come to the April9 rally. If your congregation is within driving distance
to Washington, DC, consider renting a bus or van and coming to the event.
If the drive is lengthy, so that few people would be able to make the time
to come to the event, consider sharing a bus or van with other churches in
your area. If you are not aware of other groups in your area who would like
to attend, be in touch with the regional contact people. If your
congregation is a long distance from Washington, consider sending a
representative or two to take part. Never before have so many different
faith groups come together in the U.S. to call for Jubilee, and large
numbers will carry an important message to the media and our political
leaders. The event will also leave a lasting impression on all those from
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your congregation who take part in this day.
• Center your worship on Jubilee during the weekend of April 9. Your
denomination may have its own Jubilee worship resources, or you may
want to use the Jubilee worship resources linked here. If your
congregation is in the immediate DC area and you are holding a
Jubilee-focused service on the weekend of April 9, please inform Mark
Brown via E-mail at marsusab@aol.com to make sure your congregation
is listed on the Jubilee website. Visitors from your faith tradition from
around the country may wish to attend your worship service before taking
part in the Rally on the Mall. If your congregation is a long distance from
Washington, please focus your worship on Jubilee that weekend as a way
of being in solidarity with all those who are calling for Jubilee on April 9.
• A special note to DC area churches: In addition to attcndingthe rally
and focusing your worship on Jubilt~c, as mentioned above, there are
sevt•ral other important ways you can help. Especially if you are close
to a Metro station, please consider opening your church parking lot for
buses and vans and accompanying visitors down to the Mall for the rally.
Your church may want to offer a brunch or other hospitality for Jubilee
visitors. There is a major need for housing for church groups coming from
a distance, so ask your congregation to consider providing housing in a
parish hall or even in homes. If there is any way your congregation can
help, please be in touch with Mark Brown via E-mail at
marsusab@aol.com.
• Take part in the AprillO lobby day. Information linked here gives the
details for taking part in the April 10 congressional lobby day. You do not
need any previous lobbying experience to take part, simply a desire to urge
your members of Congress to support ~lebt cancellation for the world's
poorest countries. If your congregation is not able to send any
representatives to the April 10 lobby day, hold a letter writing activity and
let your opinions be known to your representatives and senators. Contact
Jubilee 2000 for more information about writing to Congress.
Jubilee 2000/USA Home Page
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�Jubilee 2000: News: African and EU lead ... as EU fails to respond at Cairo Summit
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/news/cairo030400.html
European Union fails to respond on African debt
crisis at historic Africa-EU Summit
The draft final declaration being discussed at the two day Africa-EU Summit in Cairo between
15 EU and 52 African states does not meet African leaders hopes on debt cancellation, the
Guardian in Nigeria reports today. The declaration for the Summit links debt relief to further
economic reforms in Africa, but goes little further. Instead, at the request of African leaders,
th.e-declarahon contams a formal commitment from the EU to a high level meeting in the near
future solely to discuss the African debt crisis.
During a pre-summit meeting of foreign ministers from both sides, Egyptian Foreign Minister
Amr Mussa urged Europe to "free Africa from the burden of its external debt."
Salim Ahmed Salim, Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity, called for a
constructive dialogue on debt between European creditor countries and African countries
strangled by their debt burdens. He said that Africa can make "meaningful and economic
progress, if the issue of debt is addressed."
Lesotho, representing all African foreign ministers, appealed for "complete cancellation" of the
debt as a bold step toward breaking Africa's chains to its former colonial masters. Other
African delegates hoped at the very least, for commitments to debt reduction or rescheduling.
The response from European leaders was that the Summit was not the place to go further on
debt relief. "Now to go ahead with the complete debt alleviation would go very far beyond our
means," responded Austrian Foreign Minister Benita Ferrero-Waldner. He commented that the
summit should not duplicate the work of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, as
well as the London and Paris clubs of creditors, a view supported by EU External Affairs
Commissioner Chris Patten and other EU delegates
Home I Who we are I News I What you can do I Features I PoliCl( I Resources I Links I Petition I Questions
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�Jubilee 2000 Action: Mozambique Urgent ... ediate debt cancellation for Mozambique
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/action/mozamb I 30300.htm I
Urgent Action! Call for immediate debt cancellation
for Mozambique
Mozambique needs urgent and total debt cancellation to aid long-term reconstruction after the
devastation caused by recent floods. When the Paris Club of rich country creditors met on
Thursday 16 March the announced a tern orary freeze on Mozambi ue's debt payments to
them- but t
failed to agree the outright cancellation of the debt demande
rican
heads of state on ues ay, to a ow more money to e mveste m reconstruction following the
effects of Cyclone Eline.
U~many,
Finland and Italy have all made announcements about cancelling
The
100% ~s they are owed by Mozambique, but so far no actual writing off of the debt
nas taken place. Mozambique's other major creditors,'including France, Spain, Portugal and
Belgium, have yet to join them, while the World Bank and I
uarter of
Mozambique's debt) have said only that they ~onsider delaying debt repaymen
m
Mozambique, not writing them off. The World Bank is in ac mere smg ozam tque s debt
burden, by providing its aid for the emergency in the form of a new loan.
~Q!?:!~e::owethl~.3 billion in 1998, and despite some debt relief last June is still paying
..4 million a week i
bt repayments. Even after further relief planned for next month, it is
· scheduled to pay almost $1 million each week. The long-term implications of the floods
for the economy are catastrophic, and the Mozambican government has called for complete
debt cancellation so that the money can be used instead for vital reconstruction. As
international attention is turned to the question of aid and humanitarian assistance, creditors
must acknowledge that debt is a key factor in the very lack of infrastructure in Mozambique
which has so hampered capacity to cope with the flooding.
What you can do
Send emails or letters to as inany of Mozambique's main creditors as you can, urging them to
cancel all of Mozambique's debts immediately.
• Tell France that they must join with other creditors to cancel bilateral debts owed by
Mozambique immediately so that money spent on paying rich western creditors remains
in Mozambique to be used in reconstruction efforts. The Paris Club meeting failed to
respond to an unprecedented appeal by African leaders for the complete cancellation of
Mozambique's debts. There can be no excuse for any further delay in implementing
immediate 100% cancellation for Mozambique.
• Tell the IMF and the World Bank that multilateral debt must be cancelled as well as
bilateral. A temporary suspension of debt payments for a year or two will simply not do.
Only complete cancellation of Mozambique's debt by the World Bank and IMF along
with other creditors will give the country's children hope for the future. All aid should be
given in the form of grants, not further loans which will just add to the debt crisis.
Tell the other creditors that they should implement 100% cancellation for Mozambique
immediately, and push fellow creditors to do the same. They must also ensure that debts owed
to the World Bank and IMF are cancelled. Remind them that after Hurricane Mitch, the World
Bank and IMF refused to follow creditor countries who announced a moratorium on debt
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�Jubilee 2000 Action: Mozambique Urgent ... ediate debt cancellation for Mozambique
http://www .j ubi lee2000uk.org/action/mozam b 13 03 00. htm I
repayments for Honduras and Nicaragua. As a result, in 1999 Nicaragua spent almost as much
($170m) on debt service as on reconstruction ($190m). Mozambique must not be left in the
same situation - and all the creditors have responsibility for the multilateral debt.
France
Prime Minister Lionel Jospin
Prime Minister's Office
57 Rue de Varennes
75700
Paris
France
email webpage l!tt.p://~.YI:'}V.elys9~TI:!.DlelLmrl.. .:.lnrn
International Monetary Fund
Mr Stanley Fisher
Acting Managing Director
International Monetary Fund
H StreetNW
Washington
DC 20009
USA
Email: puhlicaffairs@imCorg
World Bank
Mr James Wolfensohn
President
The World Bank
1818 H Street, N.W.
Washington
DC 20433
USA
Email: Inf-()({~l.worldbank.org
USA
William Jefferson Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington
DC 20500
USA
president@whitehouse.gov
Larry Summers
Secretary of the Treasury
Department of Treasury
1500 Pennsylvania A venue NW
Washington
DC 20220
USA
Email: OPCMail:'7~),do.treas.gov
2 of3
04/04/2000 9:23 PM
�Jubilee 2000 Action: Mozambique Urgent ... ediate debt cancellation for Mozambique
http://www.j ubilee2000uk.org/action/mozamb 130300.html
Italy
Massimo D'Alema
Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri
Palazzo Chigi
Piazza Colonna 3 70
00187 Roma
ITALY
email J2residente@.nalazz;ochigi,it
Germany
Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder
Bundeskanzleramt
SchloBplatz 1
10 178 Berlin
GERMANY
posteingang(ci.),hpa.bund.de
Portugal
Antonio Guterres.
Prime Minister
Gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro
Lis boa
Portugal
pm ((l)pm .gQ_y_:J21
For more information see:
• Creditors on trial over Mozambique's debt~ Mozambique awaits outcome of Paris Club
meeting on Wednesday 15 March.
• Full briefing on Mozambique
!:lome I Who we are I News I What you can do I Features I Policy 1 Resources I Links 1 Petition 1 Questions
3 of3
04/04/2000 9:23 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Tanzania
Tanzania
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/tanzania.html
In 1996, Tanzania
paid out
$0.59 in debt
service for every
$1 received in
aid grants
• Background
• The Stats
• Country of the week home page
Background
Tanzania's total debt in 1996 was $7.4 billion. It is split evenly between that owed to bilateral
and multilateral creditors, with a small amount owed to private lenders. Tanzania's debt to
exports ratio is 49
d therefore twice as hi&h as th-e_leyel defined by the World
Bank and IMF s sustainable · the medium term.
- --In 1996 the country paid about half of its scheduled debt service, and it paid $0.59 in debY)
service for every $1 received in grants. The latest figures show that the government spen~
per cent of GNP on debt service, about half as much again as the amount available for health
spending.
Tanzania is ranked 149 out of 175 countries in the( uman Development Index c mpiled by
the United Nations Development Programme. Life expectancy at birth in 1994 was 50.3 years.
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative
Tanzania is a HIPC and has been assessed as in need of HIPC relief. However, disputes over
the conditions demanded by the international financial institutions has led to slower progress
towards debt relief. It is expected to reach decision point in 1999.
The stats
I of4
04/04/2000 9:24 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Tanzania
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/tanzania.html
Key indicators
Total debt 1996 (EDT)($ million)
Total debt service 1996 (TDS) ($ million)
7,412
258
Debt per person 1996 ($)
Debt service per person 1996 ($)
GNP per person 1996 ($)
243
8
187
Debt to exports ratio 1996 (EDT/XGS)
536
Present value debt to exports rario 94-96(PV/XGS) 499
Debt to GNP ratio 1996 (EDT/GNP)
130
Debt service to exports ratio 1996 (TDS/XGS)
19
1
-T~p-·fi;;~--··-----
----
·ri\1-;i~-~~-r;~;t·-----
bilateral creditors commodi1ties
.
···---·-. ---·-··(····--------···-----iJapan
!Coffee
~':""""
iuK
[it~iy
"'""'""""
···································rc;11;;·····
.
[Belgium
yrance___
l
[Mi;~~~~~
···················
/Japan
[Tea
iltaly
!Petroleum pr~ductsl _ _ __
'"""'""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""'""""'"""""'l"""""""""""""""""""""""'""'"""""""""""""""""""""""f""""""""""""""'"
2 of4
04/0412000 9:24 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Tanzania
3 of 4
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/tanzania.html
04/04/2000 9:24 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Tanzania
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/tanzania.html
Mr.:eaurcs of indcb.tcdne&"S
1,600.0
46.0
1,400.0
40.0
1.200.0
3M
30.0
1.000.0
25.0
81)).0
200
600.0
1~J]
400.0
10.0
~00.0
5J)
o.o
00
1960
1967
-D•bHo.
1966
•;,~po.rtt(ISDT!.X.GS)
1969
1990
1991
1002
1993
1994
1995
1900
c=::JOebtto Gt4P (E;tlTIONPJ-D•bt'tNi<'• to oxport: (105/.XG-S)
• Table of all statistics
This profile is part of our countrv of the week section. Each week in 1999 we will be featuring the
background statistics and campaign information ofthe one of the most indebted poor countries.
Home I Who we are I News I What you can do I Features I Policy I Resources I Links I Petition 1Questions
4 of4
04/04/2000 9:24 PM
�~-----------------------
---
Jubilee 2000: Profile: Mozambique
Mozambique
•
•
•
·•
http://www:jubilee2000uk.org/profile/mozamb.html
In 1996, Mozambique
paid out
$0.18 in debt.
service for every
$1 received in .
aid grants
Background
The Stats
Jubilee 2000 in Mozambique
Countrv of the week home page
Background Mozambique is one of the world's poorest countries, and was unable to make
two-thirds of scheduled debt service payments. Aft·~r three attempts to cut debt, Mozambique
will continue to pay nearly $1 million per week and spend almost as much on debt service as
on the health service.
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC)
Mozambique was one of the first countries to qualify for HIPC. Actual debt service payments
averaged $114 million per year in 1995-98, according to the World Bank. This has now been
cut three times:
1) When Mozambique reached its 11 decision point 11 in 1998, the World Bank and IM~ planned
only to cut that part of the debt which was not being repaid, and said debt service would fall to
an average of $1 01 million per year.
2) There was an outcry, and when Mozambique reached 11 COmpletion point 11 in 1999 the World
Bank said an error had been made and that there should be a further cut. Debt service
payments were expected to fall to $86 million in 1999 and to an average of $69 million per
year in 2000-2005.
3) Under new terms agreed by the G7 in Cologne, Mozambique will receive a further cut in
early 2000, probably to an average of $45 million per year.
Mozambique's debt service will finally be a little less than it spends on health.
The reduction in debt service will not be enough to compensate for the fall in aid; grants in
1997 were only 59% of those in the peak year of 1991.
The stats
I of4
04/04/2000 9:24PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Mozambique
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/mozamb.html
Key indicators
Total debt 1998 (EDT), excluding private ($ million) 6,400
Total debt service 1998 (TDS) ($million)
104
Debt per person 1998 ($)
Debt service per person 1998 ($)
GNP per person 1998 ($)
3 79
6
213
Debt to exports ratio 1998 (EDT/XGS)
Present value debt to exports ratio 1997 (PV /XGS)
Debt to GNP ratio 1998 (EDT/GNP)
Debt service to exports ratio 1998 (TDS/XGS)
1,199
708
178
19
!.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.................................................................................................
Top five
.Main export
bilateral creditorslcommodities
1
.,,,,_,,,_,,,. . . . . . . . . . ,_,,,. . . . . -.. . . . . . . . . . .
[Prawns
l
rPortugal
"
.
1France
[Cashew nuts
[Main export
!markets
[Spain
r ...
!USA
rJapan
!Portugal
1"""""""'""'"-"'"""""""""""'"'"'-""""""""""""""""""l""'"""'""""----------.....................
fE~i.L__
_ .:=:::]f~!E.~~~~~1~~-~~~!~. /!~i?.~~ · · : :· · · · · ·
___
1
Sugar
IQ~~:~-~::==::~=::::1¢~!!~~~~=== :::::::=:~:[~:~=~
2 of4
04/04/2000 9:24 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Mozambique
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/mozamb.html
Me.llsurcs of indeb1!cdnces
1.800,0
1.600.0
1.400.0
400
lO.O
30.0
1.200.0
1,000.0
800.0
25.0
20.0
000.0
400.0
~.Q
0.0
3 of 4
10 0
200.0
0.0
04/04/2000 9:24PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Mozambique
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/mozamb.html
• Table of all statistics
This profile is part of our country of the week section. Each week in 1999 we will be featuring the
background statistics and campaign information of the one ofthe most indebted poor countries.
Home I Who we are I News I What you can do I Features I Policy I Resources I Links I Petition I Questions
4 of4
04/04/2000 9:24 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Bolivia
Bolivia
•
•
•
•
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/bolivia.html
In 1996,
paid out
$1.05 in debt
service for every
$1 received in
aid grants
Background
The Stats
Jubilee 2000 in Bolivia
Country of the week home page
Background
Bolivia's debt stock rose rapidly during the 1980s and remained high but constant during the
1990s. In 1996 it stood at $5.2 billion. The vast majority of the debt is owed to multilateral and
bilateral creditors, and the single largest creditor is the Inter-American Development Bank.
Bolivia's debt to exports ratio (388 per cent) and its debt service to exports ratio (41 per cent)
placed it in the region considered unsustainable by the IMF and World Bank. Debt service in
1996 was only slightly less than education spending, but was over two and half times the
amount spent on health.
The pressure of debt service not only damages human development prospects in Bolivia, it
also indirectly contributes to the problems of drugs and crime in the west. Bolivia needs
foreign exchange to pay the debt, and the export of cocaine is estimated to make up between
28 and 53 percent of value of Bolivia's total exports.
HIPC Initiative
Bolivia was the first South American country to receive debt relief under the HIPC Initiative.
In September 1998 the country passed its completion point and received debt relief worth $450
million in net present value terms, a reduction of about 13 per cent of its NPV debt. This is not
enough to provide a "lasting exit" to Bolivia's debt problems, as the HIPC initiative claims to
do.
The stats
I of4
04/04/2000 9:25 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Bolivia
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/bolivia.html
Key indicators
Total debt 1996 (EDT)($ million)
Total debt service 1996 (TDS) ($ million)
5,174
413
Debt per person 1996 ($)
Debt service per person 1996 ($)
GNP per person 1996 ($)
647
52
799
Debt to exports ratio 1996 (EDT/XGS)
Present value debt to exports ratio 94-96(PV/XGS)
Debt to GNP ratio 1996 (EDT/GNP)
Debt service to exports ratio 1996 (TDS/XGS)
388
270
81
41
i!i~=::::::i:~~:~:::i~~P~rt···
. . . .-.. . . . . . . . . .-. . .
-"f"""""""""'"""""""""""""'"""""""'""'l''''''''"''''''''''''''''''''-:
!Japan . . . . - . . . . . . . . .___. . . . -(!Natural.. . . .gas .·-r.Argentma . . . . . . . . . . _._____
. --·---.
. . . . . . . . .- --. ·---.. . . ____
Germany
:Coffee
USA
r
·. . fui< · ·----· · ·
fsp~i~
li1;i;;·--·
~~~~~~{~:·.
2 of4
r:ri~
---·--~~:[zi~~!Siver
··········rs~ifii~~~r::~·~~~~:;~~;g
:
~~§~i~~:~:~::·:::
.. .
04104/2000 9:25 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Bolivia
http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/profile/bolivia.html
Mc.as.urcs of fndcbtednca.a
1,000.0
70[}
000.0
soo.o
00.0
700.0
50.0
000.0
500.0
400.0
300.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
200.0
100.0
o.o
10[}
0.0
• Table of all statistics
3 of4
04/04/2000 9:25 PM
�Jubilee 2000: Profile: Bolivia
http://www:jubilee2000uk.org/profile/bolivia.htrnl
This profile is part of our countrv of the week section. Each week in 1999 we will be featuring the
background statistics and campaign information of the one of the most indebted poor countries.
Home I Who we are I News I What you can do I Features I Policy 1 Resources 1 Links 1 Petition 1 Questions
4 of4
04/04/2000 9:25 PM
��Questions for Rick Samans:
What is a funding gap?
Can we note
bankruptcy,
bankruptcy,
start? Why
- can we equate WB judgment of unsustainable debt to
effectively.
can we note corporations can declare
get protection from their creditors and get a fresh
not nations?
How did these countries fatl into debt?
.
'
Do we insist on a strict link between debt relief, government
reform, and channel revenues into social spending?
What is the explicit exhortation?
What are we doing now?
How much does it cost per year?
What is the gap between that and the demands of Jubilee 2000.
What is POTUS proposal?
What would.it cost in addition to what we're doing now?
Are there figures on what percentaqe of their budgets go to debt
service/ how about ours?
Give me a vivid, on the ground example, of what has happened
because of debt· relief already given.
Is the current POTUS proposal beyond what the G-7 has agreed to?
How would you describe the leverage the US would have in pushing
this forward.
Can you give me success stories of countries who received debt
relief, reformed 'their governments to some extent to get it, and
pushed the new money i~to needed spending, and can show
statistical advances in areas of educaiton and health as a
result?
What needs absolutely to be in the radio address?
�2
Any other examples like Uganda?
Best example:
Uganda:
How they fell into debt?
What we have done in debt relief?
What we have gained through debt reli~f:
reformed gov't, as well as increased spending on health and
education.
Question:
what can we do that would have the most impact?
(use the word heartbreaking)
If you have a heart, this will break it).
' • J
'
I believe that Americans are always willing to help if:
it is a finite amount (won't cut into n~eds ab home)
if it will improve people's lives?
advances our values and interests?
if it will help move people $ystematically improve their
circumstances.· to become more independent.
it does not
foster dependence.
It promote independence.
We are generous- as a country (cite stats) but we're also
tough-minded. We demand to know that .it will make a difference.
We demand results.
I
�~.
. .
c
()(\I rcr
r;o r '"' { 'cbJ (1, I
~ a b(V\f) ~;;( 'of ~r?h -b
1
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Debt Relief [1]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 1
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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5/13/2014
Source
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-001-009-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/6633e00932012309314045d2d78e495f.pdf
4fe056d224bdedc48ce2d27bf5dba0c2
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the (]inton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Debt Relief [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
Row:
48
Section:
p
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
9
1
v
�Page 1 of3
THE WHITE HOOSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 17, 2000
FACT SHEET
SOLIDIFYING OUR PARTNERSHIP WITH AFRICA
Throughout his seven years in office, President Clinton has made ending
conflict and cultivating democracy in Africa a central focus of his
foreign policy, particularly during his historic trip to the continent.
He has strongly supported the growing trend towards democracy in Africa,
working directly with African institutions to resolve Africa's conflicts
and consolidate its peaceful transitions.
Promoting democracy and
stability in Africa means building the capacity of the institutions
needed to promote justice, foster internal trade, enhance regional
cooperation, and consolidate peace efforts.
· ·
RECORD OF ACCOMPLISHMENT - Promoting Peace and Democracy
Making and Keeping Peace
On his trip to Africa in March of 1998 - President Clinton visited
Ghana, Uganda, Rwanda, South Africa, Botswana and Senegal.· In Uganda,
he co-convened a Heads of State Summit with Ugandan President Museveni,
where he announced the formation of an International Coalition Against
Genocide, and the Great Lakes Justice Initiative, which supports efforts
in the Democratic Republic of the Corigo, Rwanda, and Burundi to build
the institutions needed to end to the culture of impunity.
Provided over $100 million to assist the Economic Community of West
African States peacekeeping operation, also known as ECOMOG, in leading
peacekeeping and humanitarian relief efforts in Liberia and Sierra
Leone.
Launched the Africa Crisis Response Initiative, which has trained
over 4200 peacekeepers from six African countries, to respond quickly
and effectively to humanitarian and peacekeeping challenges.·
Supported mediation efforts led by former Tanzanian President Julius
Nyerere and then by former South African President Nelson Mandela.
President Clinton will join President Mandela through a live
video-conference for President Mandala's February 22, 2000 mediation
session with the Burundi parties.
Worked directly with African regional institutions to promote a peace
agreement for Sierra Leone, signed in Lome, Togo in July 1999, and to
secure a cease~fire agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in
July and August 1999.
Building Democracy
Provided more than $120 million per year to democracy programs to
build grassroots, civil institutions and government capacity for
democracy, human rights, good governance and conflict resolution across
the continent. Also contribute development assistance aimed at
increasing production and improving health care and education.
Created the Education for Development and Democracy Initiative, which
furthers Africa's integration into the global community and improves the
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/2000/2/17/8.text.l
04/04/2000
�Page 2 of3
quality of education by: updating available technology; supporting
girls'
and women's education; and linking African private and public
schools as well as African and American educational institutions.
Supported democratic ~lections across Africa, and provided assistance
to development of the judi~iary, legal systems, media and civil society
organizations in over 20 countries.
The President's sustained commitment to economic engagement with Africa
has opened economies on both sides of the Atlantic to pr~vate sector
trade and investment, offering opportunities to Americans arid increasing
Africa's potential to alleviate poverty and to increase prosperity.
The
United States is systematically developing closer trade and investment
relations with Africa by negotiating bilateral trade agreements,
offering trade incentives for reform, tackling Africa's debt burden, and
also forging agreements with our allies to forgive or reduce additional
debts.
RECORD OF ACCOMPLISHMENT - Helping to Strengthen Africa
Care Initiatives and Increased Economic Engagement
Forgave bilateral debt of $500 million from African nations, freeing
governments to invest those resources in health, education and other
development priorities.
The U.S. also forged an agreement among G-8
industrialized countries to provide additional debt relief by expandin
HIPC, the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries I:nitia~ive.
Implemented a new, comprehensive trade policy aimed at developing a
partnership with Africa that will foster economic growth and development
and facilitate Africa's integratiori into the global economy.
The
·
legislative corn~rstone of this policy is the Africa Growth.and
Opportunity Act (AGOA), which was passed by the ·u.s. House of
Representatives in July of 1999 and by the U.S. Senate in November of
1999.
The Administration is seeking final r:iassage in early 2000.
Launched the LIFE initiative (Leadership and Investment in Fighting
and Epidemic), an enhanc~d global AIDS effort, in 1999. Of the $225
million in our FY2000 budget for global AIDS prevention and care, two
thirds will go to Africa.
Committed the USG to a concerted effort to accelerate the development.
and delivery of vaccines for malaria, TB, AIDS and other diseases
disproportionately affecting the developing world (through the
multi-faceted Millennium Initiative announced in the State of the Union,
January 27, 2000).
Announced a new cooperative effort to help poor countries gain access
to affordable medicines (WTO meeting, Seattle, December 1, 1999).
This
approach will ensure that the application of US trade law related to
intellectual property remain sufficiently flexible t6 respond to
legitimate public health crises.
Under the President's leadership, cabinet-level engagement with
Africa has been unprecedented, with most meniliers of the cabinet visiting
Africa at least once, and new initiatives for Africa developed by the
Departments of State,. Commerce, Tran·sportation, Agriculture, Defense,
Justice, and Treasury, and also by the Agency ·for International
Development (USAID), the Export-Import Bank, the Trade Development
Agency, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and the U.S.
Trade Representative.
- Demonstrating the importance of a strong U.S.-Africa partnership, in
March of 1999 the United States hosted the U.S.-Africa Ministerial, the
largest meeting ever held between African Ministers and American Cabinet
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri'-res/I2R?um:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/2000/2/17/8.text.l
04/04/2000
�Page 3 of3
'~embers, which resulted in a bl.ueprint for expanded economic engagement
in the next century.
- Appointed Rosa Whitaker as the first-ever Assistant U.S. Trade
Representative (USTR) for Africa, with broad responsibilities for
coordinating our trade policy.
USTR has signed bilateral investment
treaties, and trade and investment framework agreements, with several
African countries.,
- The Ex-Im Bank, OPIC and TDA have all expanding programming in Africa.
Open in only 13 countries at the time of the President's trip to Africa
in 1998, the Ex-Im Bank now has programs in 32 African countries, and is
supporting $600 million in exports to sub-Saharan Africa.
###
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/2000/2/17/8.text.l
04/04/2000
�-~~----~~--------------------------,------------------------------,
Page 1 of 1
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March.l6, 1999
PRESIDENT CLINTON ANNOUNCES NEW U.S. INITIATIVE ON DEBT
.c::::~.:dr !~-'- 1:~
President Clinton today called on the international community to
pursue a comprehensive approach to debt relief for the beayily indebted~
poorest countrles
the HIPCs
which, if fully implemented by
creditors and the HIPCs, could result in forgiving an additional $70
billion in debt.
--
Today's proposal extends the U.S. commitment to providing more
relief, more quickly to a broader range of heavily indebted poor country
that have strong reform programs.
The.following are key elements of Presideht Clinton's initiative;
and the US will work with its colleagues in the G7 to implement these
proposals:
Front Loaded Relief:
Focus on early cash flow relief by the
international financial institutions, in conjunction with ongoing
forgiveness of cash flows by the Paris Club, to accelerate relief
from debt payment burdens without undermining the incentive for
sustained economic performance.
Deeper Debt Reduction:
Complete forgiveness of bilateral
concessional loans, rathet than reschemtrting as is done at present;
forgiveness of bilateral non concessHmal debt up to 90%; and in
exceptional cases on a broader base of debt.
Avoid Future Debt Problems:
Seek international commitment to
provide at least 90% of new aid to HJPC conntries on a grant basis.
~,
~
·Exceptional Relief in Exceptional Cases:
Deeper debt redncti.Qn in
exceptional circumstances to those countries where it can make a\real difference.
Innovative Approaches:
To channel resources from HIPC receiving
reduction from debt service into educatlon or environmental
protectlon, uslng innovative financial instruments llke
debt-for-nature swaps; and take new approaches to promote
reconstruction in countries emerging from protracted conflicts;
~ebt
New Financing:
Gold sales by the IMF, additional contributions to
the World Bank's HIPC Trust Fund and other creative approaches to
help meet the costs of this initiative.
If all HIPC-eligible countries qualify, these proposals would reduce an
additional $3 billion in U.S. bilateral debt than under the current HIPC
initiative and would leverage almost $70 billion in additional debt
relief from other creditors.
###
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE 1999 ANNUAL MEETING OF THE
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND AND WORLD BANK
Marriot Wardman Park Hotel
Washington, D.C.
2:07 P.M.
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much, Secretary Summers, President
Wolfensohn, Chairman Acharya, Director Camdessus, Vice President Fall,
Secretary Anjaria.
Let me begin by saying how very grateful I am to be here with all
of you.
I appreciate the generous introduction.
Some of you may have
heard me say this before, but the introduction of Secretary Summers just
gave me -- is an illustration of one of my unbending laws of political
life:
whenever possible, be introduced by someone you have appointed to
high office.
(Laughter.)
It is much easier because he's done such a
superb job, and I thank him.
Let me say, all of you know that a year ago w~ 0ere here in a time
of crisis, perhaps the most severe financial crisis in the global
economy since the end of the Second World War -- a grave challenge to
the IMF and the World Bank. Thanks to the hard work that you and your
countries have done, economies that were sliding down are rising again.
We have also worked hard, as Secretary Summers said, in the wake of
these crises to prevent future ones, to respond more quickly and
effectively, to lessen the toll they take on ordinary citizens. We have
intensified our efforts to construct a global financial architecture
that is stable and strong in the new conditions of the new economy.
Still, those who were hit by this crisis were hit very hard. And
many are still reeling.
People lost jobs and businesses and dreams.
So
this can only be considered a continuing challenge for us, certainly not
a time for complacency. We have more to do to restore people's faith in
the f~ture and to restore their faith, frankly, in the global economy
and in global markets.
Therefore, we have more to do to reform the
global financial foundation upon which the future will be built.
As we approach the 21st century we must also ask ourselves,
however:
is it enough just to fix the market that is? Should we accept
the fact that, at a time when the people in the United States are
enjoying perhaps the strongest economy in their history, 1.3 billion of
our fellow human beings survive on less than a dollar a day? Should we
accept,the fact that nearly 40 million people-- after the Green
revolution, when most of us discuss agriculture and food as a cause for
international trade conflicts because we want to fight over who sells
the most food, since there are so many places that can produce more than
their own people need -- are we supposed to accept the fact that nearly
40 million people a year die of hunger? That's nearly equal to the
number of all the people killed in World ~far II.
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Are we supposeq to accept the fact that even though technology has
changed the equation of the role of energy in the production of wealth;
even though technology has changed the distances in time and space
·
necessary for learning, and for business, as well as educational,
interchanges -- are we supposed to fac~ the fact that some people and
nations are doomed to be left behind forever?
I hope we will not accept that.
I hope we will start the new
millennium with a new resolve:
to give every person in the world -through trade and technology, through in~estments in ~ducation and
health care -- the chance to be part of a widely shared prosperity, in
which all the peoples' potential can be developed more fully.
This
is the challenge of the second half-century of the life of the IMF.and
the World Bank. And for me it is a· personal priority of the highest
order.
Open trade aiready has improved the prospects of hundreds of
millions by marketing the fruits of their labors and creativity beyond
their borders.
In this way, both the IMF and the World Bank have played
a vital role ih helping more nations to thrive. We need you to work
with the WTO to build a rules-based framework for global trade. We need
you to help developing countries provide education and training to lift
wages, and to establish social safety nets for tough transitions.
I applaud the strong commitment. you've made at these meetings for
concrete manifestations of support. We all must work to keep the
economies we have influence over open, and trade growing, for developing
and industrial power~ alike ..
In two months, I want to launch a new type of trade ·round in
Seattle, at the WTO ministerial.
I want this round to be about jobs and
development.
I want it to raise working conditions for all.
I want it
to advance our shared goal of sustainable development.
By breaking down
barriers to trade, leveling the pla~ing field, we will give more workers
and farmers in those countries that are struggling for tomorrow -- and
in leading industrial nations, as well -- more opportunities to produce
for the global marketplace.
In Seattle, I hope we will pledge to keep cyberspace tariff-free,
to help developing countries make better and wider use of technology -whether biotechnology or the Internet.
I hope we will pledge to open
markets in agriculture, and industrial products and services, creating
new activities for growth and development.
I hope we will also work to advance tne admission of the 38
developing countries who've applied for WTO membership. And I hope
we'll keep working to give the least developed countries greater access
to global markets.
Here in the United States, I am working hard to
persuade our Congress to pass my trade proposals for Africa and the
Caribbean Basin this year.
But the wealth of nations depends on more than trade .. It also
depends on the health of nations. Last week at the United Nations I
committed the·United States to accelerating the development and delivery
of vaccines for AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other diseases which
disproportionately afflict poor citizens in the developing world.
At the same time, we must help these nations avert the health cost
and pollution of the Industrial Age -- using clean technologies that not
only improve the environment, but grow the economy.
Institutions like
the World Bank play a special role here.
Your energy strategy is a very
good start and I thank you for it.
I urge the Bank to continue setting
aggressive targets for lending that promotes clean energy.
It is no
longer necessary to have Industrial Age energy use patterns to grow a
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modern, powerful economy.
In fact, those economies will emerge more
quickly with more sustainable development strategies.
Some of you in this room -- a minority still -- are nodding your
heads "yes" as I say this.
If you believe it, we must work together to
achieve it.
These efforts must be part of a broader approach that
ensures the integrity and openness of emerging economies.
Last
Saturday, the G-7 finance ministers outlined specific safeguards for
Russia and called for comprehensive review by the World Bank and the
IMF, to make sure that funds are used appropriately in high-risk
environments.
The United States will continue to insist on such
accountability.
For many developing countries, however, there is a greater obstacle
in the path to progress.
For many of them, excessive and completely
unsustainable debt can halt progress, drag down growth, drain resources
that are needed to meet the most basic human conditions, like clean
wate~ shelter, health~e and educat~on.
Debt and debt reli~ are
U6nttally "subject~ economis"'ts.
But there is nothing academic
them.
Simply put, unsustainable debt is helping to keep too rna
countries and poor people in poverty.
That is clearly why the
so many other world leaders from all walks of life have asked
~o more to reduce the debt of the poorest nations as a gift to the new
millennium -- not just to them, but to all the rest of us, as well.
Personally, I don't believe we can possibly agree to the idea that
these nations that are so terribly poor should always be that way.
I
don't think we can, in good conscience, ~ay we support the idea that
they should choose between m~ing interest payments on their debt and
investing in their children's education.
It is an economic and moral
.imperat1 vet hat we use this moment of global consensus to do better.
I
will do everything I can to aid this trend.
Any country, committed to
reforming its economy, to vaccinating and educating its children, should
be able to make those kinds of commitment~:: and keep them.
In June, at the G-7 summit in ColognE0he world's wealthiest
The debt
relief program we agreed upon is a big step in the right direction,
dedicating faster and deeper debt relief to countries that dedicate ·
the. mselves to fundamental reform.
This initiative seeks to tie debt )
relief to poverty reduction and to make stire th~t s~vings are spent
WFlere they should be
.on education, on fighting AIDS and preventing
it, on other critical needs.
It will help heavily indebted poor
-~ountries to help themselves and help to build a 1ramework to support
similar and important efforts by the IMF, the World Bank and
international financial institutions.
na-"i~de aH histoilc pledge to help developing nations.
More than 430 million people could benefit from this effort.
In
Bolivia, for example, debt relief could help the government nearly
double the people's access to clean water by 2004.
In Uganda, it ~auld
allow health and education spending to incre~se by 50 percent between.
1998 and 2001.
Rural development expenditures there would more than
double.
That's why we all must provide our fair share of financing to
global debt relief.
·
Last week, to make good on America's commitment, I amended my
budget request to Con ress and asked for nearly $1 bifL1on over four
years or th1s purpose.
We must keep adequate assistance flowing to the
develop1ng countr1es, especially through the International Development
Association.
I'm encouraged by the financial commitments made by some
of the other donor countries this past week.
And I call on our Congress to respond to the moral and economic
urgency of· this issue, and see to it that America does its part.
I have
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asked for the money and ·shown how it would be paid for, and I ask the
Congress to keep our country shouldering its fair share of the
responsibility.
(Applause.)
·
~:-------
Now, let me m e Qne final comffiitment-) Today, I am directing my 1
administration to make it possible to forgive roo J;>ercent of the debt
these countr1es owe to the United States -- (applause) -- when -- and ·
th"is lS qu1te important -- when needed to help them finance basic i1'i::iiiian
needs, and when the money will be used to dQ..JiQ..... In this context, we
will work closely with other countries to maximize the benefits of the
debt reduction initiative.
We believe the agreements reached this weekend will make it
possible for three-quarters of the highly indebted poorest countries,
committed to implementing poverty and growth strategies, to start
receiving benefits sometime next year -- actually receiving the benefits
sometime next year.
If we do these things as nations, as international institutions, as
a global community, then we can build a trading system that strengthens
our economy and supports our values.
We can build a global economy and
a global society that leaves no one behind,. that carries all countries
into a new century that we hope will be marked by greater peace and
greater prosperity for all people.
We have before us perhaps as great an opportunity as the people of
the world have ever seen. We will be judged -- by our children and
grandchildren
by whether we seize that opportunity.
I hope, and
believe, that we all will do so.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
END
2:23 P.M. EDT
I
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Cologne, Germany)
For Immediate Release
CT SHEET
The G-7 leaders have endorse
ew Initiativ~ to enable Heavily
Indebted Po~·es (HIPCs) to receive deeper, broader and faster
debt relie . in re
for firm commitments to channel the benefjts into
i~oving t:
lves of all theirpeople.
The HIPC Initiative was
c eated in 1996 to provide deeper ~ultilateral debt reduction for poor
countries with unsustainable debt burdens.
New focus on poverty: The Cologne
w
economic programs.
Substantially deeper relief:
Together with earlier debt relief
commitments, the Cologne Initiative provides for reduction of up to
70 percent of the
a debts for
~~e countries,
(reducing the
S:> stock) from abou $}27 billion today_yo as low as $37 billion with
~r the cancellation ~ official development assistance (OOA) debt by
·
G-7 and other bilateral creditors.
In. today's dollars (net present
. ~
value- NPV terms), this would more than triple the amount of
relief to be provided from $13 billion under the current HIPC
framework to as much as $50 billion. This would be accomplished by
reducing the HIPC program target ratios for the NPV of outstanding
debt to 150 percent of exports, and 250 percent of government
revenues, with fiscal thresholds of 30 percent exports to GOP and
15 percent revenues to GOP, and by providirig full cancellation of
OOA debts.
Faster relief: Relief will be available significantly faster than under
the current framework by providing early cash flow relief ("Interim
Relief") and allowing earlier stock reduction.
Broader participation: The number of countries expected to qualify for
HIPC relief would rise from 26 to 33, meaning that more than 430
million people could ultimately be affected.
Releasing resources for priority needs:
For the average HIPC country,
the share of scarce government revenue devoted to debt service
could fall by 10 percentage points to a ratio for debt service to
revenues of well below 20 percent and close to 10 percent in some
cases.
This is equivalent to a reduction in actual payments of
about 25 percent. Mozambique's debt will be reduced by some $3.5
billion ($1.7 billion in NPV terms)., for example, which could cut
in half the share of government revenues allocated to external debt
service from over 30 percent to about 15 percent in 1999 and free
about $30 million in budgetary resources each year. These savings
are equivalent to over half the health budget in 1999 in a country
where children are 3 times more likely to die before the age of
five than they are to go to secondary ~chool.
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In proposing this Initiative on March 16, President Clinton stated that
..•iour goal is to ensure that no country conunitted to fundamental reform
is left with a debt burden that keeps it from meeting its people's basic
human needs and spurring growth. We should provide extraordinary relief
for countries making extraordinary efforts to build working economies."
On June 16, the President pledged "to work to find the resources so we
can do our part and contribute our share toward an expanded trust fund
for debt relief."
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Geneva, Switzerland)
For Immediate Release
June 16, 1999
'
PRESS BRIEFING BY
GENE SPERLING, NATIONAL ECONOMIC ADVISOR
AND
ANDREW SAMET, DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY FOR
INTERNATIONAL LABOR .A.FFAIRS
The United Nations Building
Geneva, Switzerland
12:25 P.M.
(L)
MR. SPERLING: Today's speech by the President not only is another step
in his continuing role of trying to forge a new consensus on open
markets and to talk about the needs to both strengthen and support open
markets, resist protectionism and, yet, put a human face on the global
economy and make sure ~hat open markets in global economy is raising
living standards and not leading to a race to the bottom.
His focus on child labor has been very strong, particularly over the
last couple of years. Tomorrow, the convention will vote on the -- the
ILO will vote on this convention. We expect it to p~ss overwhelmingly.
Arid then it is the goal of the President to have us see~ to get this
ratified this'year, as soon as possible. .~nd we will take ali steps
necessary to do so.
The President also stressed that this is not enough, that child labor is
a very difficult issue, it's a complex issue, that it needs real
resolution~ that ensure that people are not just being moved from one
form of exploitive child labor to another.
The program that he wa~ talking about, that's run out of the ILO, which
is called IPEC, is the International Program for the Elimination of
Child Labor. This program was created in 1992 and they formed
partnerships so that when they are closing a factory they are making
surs that the children are trying to get into a positive situation -school, particularly -- and that there is support at a local level for
implementing it. And he had mentioned one of the successful stories,
cases, which was Pakistan soccer balls. There are several others .
.The United States now supplies 62.5 percent of the funding for IPEC. We
are the major donor. This is as a result of the President's last budget.
Previously, IPEC had about $19 million in funding. The United States
spent $3 million. Then we increased ours by tenfold, to $30 million, and
more than doubled IPEC's budget.
So the United States comes here having
put their money where our values are, in terms of supporting IPEC and
encouraging other countries to do so.
In 1973, the ILO passed a convention, 138, that dealt with the overall
larger issues of child labor. Since then, only 72 countries have
ratified that. In the last few years a consensus was building that while
there were disagreements on the fringes concerning convention 138, that
should not prevent the world from coming together and stating a clear
position against the most abusive forms of child labor, such as child
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prostitution, the use of children for payin9 debts, bonded labor, the
use of children for. traffickin9 and the use of children in extremely
hazardous situations that not only keep them from 9oing to school, but
lead to permanent injuries.
\
What you've seen here is the world coming together, through the ILO, to
show that they can get consensus on this. And we feel very strong that
this now will have the kind of support that we can push this through the
United States Senate. The United States has not been as strong over the
last few decades in supporting ILO conventions. We hope that this
convention will be different, and we're ~uite confident it will be.
I will stop. If you have any questions, I'd be happy to take some. We
also have with us Andrew Samet, who is the lead negotiator and did an
outstanding job, working through many difficult issues in leading to
this convention.
Q Do you expect any opposition in the Senate?
MR. SPERLING: We have no reason to think so right now. Again, I think
that this was designed to focus on the most abusive forms of child
labor. And remember how this works now, this tripartite body, so there
is a labor and a business representative and the U.S. government
representative. So this comes through with the support of each faction
of the U.S. that was represented here.
Q Gene, how big of a problem is child labor abuse in the United States?
Could you give us a greater sense of that?
MR. SPERLING: Well, I think that most of the abuses that we've seen have
been in the agriculture area. And the Secretary of Labor has, through a
salad bowl initiative, sought to try to uncover that. I think there have
certainly been incidences in the garment industry, as well.
The ILO report that is often cited_is from 1996 worldwide, which has 250
million children between the ages of five and 14; about 135 million of
those children come from Asia, with about 80 million from Africa. That
is where the largest numbers or the most serious problems are.
But,
again, we think it's important that one be cleaning up their own
backyard and we will -- we have at the same time tried to take efforts
increasing enforcement; we have more money, two consecutive years, for
enforcement in the Labor Department budget, particularly dealing with
agriculture. I believe AP had a strong series of stories of some -of the
abuses that were taking place.
We just had the executive order ensuring that the United States
Government is not engaged in procurement activities that involve child
labor. And we've also tried to step our customs enforcement. But, again,
that mostly deals with purchasing from overseas and ensuring that we're
not allowing things in under the Customs Act of 1930, that would be made
with illegal child labor.
Q What are our child labor laws? Can you help me out.
cut~off? What is the age limit?
What's our
MR. SPERLING: Well, this is regulated by state. But, Andrew, do you want
to -DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY SAMET: For full-time employment the age is 16.
are circumstances under which children 15 to 14 a~e allowed to
work part~time.
But it's very tightly regulated as to total hours and
conditions.
Th~re
Q It doesn't go industry by industry? In other words, that would be
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agriculture, manufacturing, everything?
DEPUTY UNDER SECRETARY SAMET: There are sliqhtly different standards in
the agriculture sector than in the non-agriculture sector.
Q Lower or higher?
DEPUTY UNDER SECRETARY SAMET: Lower ages, some work can be done.
Q What's. the enforcement mechanism in the ILO convention?
DEPUTY UNDER SECRETARY SAMET: Well, there'll be -- there's a system of
reporting mechanisms within the ILO. So when a country ratifies, it's
subject to a series of supervisory reports. In addition to that, under a
Declaration on Fundamental Rights that was adopted last year, all
countries, member countries of the ILO, are going to be held accountable
on basic standards, a list of basic standards, which include freedom of
association, the right to organize and collectively bargain,
nondiscrimination, forced labor and also abusive child labor. So there's
a stepped-up reporting,mechanism system within the ILO that will explain
countries' practices to the world.
Q But there are no sanctions?
DEPUTY UNDER SECRETARY SAMET: There's no sanctions in the sense of
economic sanctions, if that's what you're referring to.
Q For either of you, the executive order the
weekend refers to forced or indentured child
you just gave seemed to be broader, covering
there a reason for -- is there a distinction
would be covered by the ILO convention? And,
for that distinction?
President issued over the
labor. And the definition
work in hazardous areas. Is
between that order and what
if so, what's the reason
MR. SPERLING: I think the executive order would be broader, in fact. J
mean, the executive order instructs the Labor Department, over the next
120 days, to work with Treasury, Customs and the State Department in
identifying the prod~cts, by country, that have a history or precedent
of being made with child labor.
That then puts every agency on notice
and they even have an affirmative duty to ensure that their contractors
have taken affirmative steps to ensure that the products are not being
made with child labor. And there, there is significant enforcement,
going all the way from suspension to debarment from procurement.
Q But do you know why that phrase, "f6rced or indentured," is used in
the Executive Order?
DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY SAMET: I think that's the standard that tracks the
1930 Tariff Act, as well, so it's consistent with that standard.
Q So you think hazardous would be included in the category "forced or
indentured"? ..
DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY SAMET: I think in some circumstances it would be
and in some circumstances it wouldn't be, based upon the circumstances
if forced and indentured child labor. related to it.
MR. SPERLING: I think the point of the executive order, though, is to
put notice to the agencies of the federal government that we want to
take every step to ensure we're not even in the gray areas.
Q Can you tell me if any country in the developing world is going to
sign this convention tomorrow?
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DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY SAMET: I'm sorry, I didn't hear the question ..
MR. SPERLING: I think we expect that most developing countries will.
DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY SAMET: I think it's important to understand that
the process here is one that reflects consensus of all the regional
groups. The negotiation included very strong participation by the
Americas group, by the African group, by the Asia group, as well. And
their investment and their participation, I think, yields a result in
which they are committed as governments as well to try to ratify this
convention.
Q Gene, I've got a G-8 question. The President had mentioned that the
U.S. would provide resources for this larger trust fund. Is he going to
ask Congress this year for more money for debt relief? And how will the
burden be shared among the G-8 countries for this debt relief trust
fund?
MR. SPERLING: Well, first of all, we obviously -- the President has
referred to both in the Chicago speech, and the speech has been what the
Uriited States' proposal is that we have tabled-- which is, as you know,
a plan that would more than triple the degree of debt reduction,
allowing for faster cash flow relief and targeting those funds more
tightly to the-- of the savings to the alleviation of poverty,and child
survival issues.
In doing that, there's both a bilateral and a multilateral component.
And what the President is referring to is, to the degree that there is a
multilateral component, it will require an expansion of the HIPC trust
fund.
And what the President is making clear is that we will actively
seek funding so that the United States is doing its part in an expanded
HIPC, or trust fund-- heavily indebted, poorest-countries trust fund.
As to the exact apportionment or to the exact timing of what the funds
are, I think that I couldn't give more details 6n that one because
there's not been an agreement yet; and, secondly, that would also go -costs will also go to the degree that countries comply and how quickly
they come forward and meet the standards.
As you know, we've always, in our proposals, ensured that there was
conditionality so that there was -- that the debt relief was being clone
in a context of reforms that would actually lead to the money being
saved for .uses -- for the proper types of savings the world wants to
see, such as using thcise funds for education and alleviating poverty,
and not for improper uses that could happen in some countries if there
was no conditionality on economic reforms tied to the debt reduction.
MR. TOIV: Thanks, Gene.
Q Thank you.
Q Can you elaborate a bit if, in the Seattle ministerial meeting, you
will be pushing for the trade and labor linkage, given that over 120
rich and poor countries oppose it in the World Trade Organization?
MR. SPERLING: We will be, obviously, talking more about what we hope to
do at the WTO ministerial, but there is no question that our goal is to
seek a greater linkage ~f both labor and environmental standards in the
overall discussions.
As to what the exact deliverables will be, what we hope to accomplish
there, that we'll be talking about in·more detail in the run up to the
Seattle ministerial in November.
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MR. TOIV: All right, thanks, Gene. Gene's got to go,
END 12:40 P.M.
I'm sorry.
(L)
)
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 1, 2000
RADIO ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT
AND THE FIRST LADY
TO THE NATION
The Oval Office
10:06 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
G6od moining and Happy New Year -- or we should
say, happy new millennium.
Last night, Hillary and I joined thousands
of Americans on the National Mall to bid farewell to the remarkablecentury just past -- and to welcome the nev1. millennium.
The feelings·
of goodwill and hope that overcame us all vlill be among our most
treasured moments, and we're· deeply grateful that the celebrations were
both jubilant and peaceful here, and all around the world.
MRS. CLINTON:
But our celebration didn't just begin at the stroke
of midnight, nor will it end today.
Two years ago, the President and I
launched t~e White House Millennium Project to inspire all Americans to
reflect on where we have been as a nation, who we are, and what we want
to be-- a project "to honor the past and imagine the future."
I've traveled all across our country, encouraging .citizens and
communities to think of the gifts that America can give to the future
-- whether it's saving our historic treasures such as the Declaration
of Independence or Thomas Edison's invention factory or the pueblos of
the American Southwest, opening trails and planting millions of trees
for future generations to enjoy, or teaching our schoolchildren to
value their families' and America's immigrant past.
The President and
I invite you to join these and so many other efforts to extend our
celebration far into the new year and the new century.
THE PRESIDENT: What is perhaps most remarkable about last night's
celebratiorr is the way it was shared around the world.
Millions of
Americans, and billions of others across the globe, watched on
television as midnight broke first in Asia, then in Europe, then
Africa, South America, finally, here in North America.
That people all over the planet could experience the same events
at the same time would have been impossible for anyone to imagine a
thousand years ago, even a hundred.
Yet, the growing
inter-connectedness of the world today -- thanks to a global economy
and technologies like the Internet -- is more than just a mark of how
far we've come.
It's the .key to understanding where we're going, and
what we must do in the new millennium.
It's clear that our fate in America increasingly will be tied to
the fate of other nations and other people around the world.
We must
have prosperous partners to trade with, secure democracies to share the
burdens of peacekeeping, and mutual effort to ccimbat challenges that no
kriow borders, from terrorism to environmental destruction.
To advance
our interests and protect our values in this new, interconnected world,
America clearly must.remain engaged. We must help to shape events and
not be shaped by them.
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MRS. CLINTON:
Yet, it is noi just by oui exertions abroad, but by
the example we set here. at· home, that we can influence the world for
the better.
For in the new millennium, the world will be looking to
America for leadership in meeting our great common challenges.
If we in America can extend prosperity to people and places in
this country that have not felt it, then perhaps the global economy can
bring a better life to the 1.4 billion people who live on less than one
dollar a day.
If we in America can provide all of our children with a
world-class education, then perhaps it will be possible, in the
not-too-distant future, for every child in the world to have a good
education. And if we can build one America, and make our diversity our
greatest strength, then perhaps other nations will see the advantage o£
working to overcome their own ethnic and religious tensions.
THE PRESIDENT: We begin the 21st century well poised to be that
guiding light.
Seldom in our history, and never in my lifetime, has
our nation enjoyed such a combination of widespread economic success,
social solidarity, and.national self-confidence, without an internal
crisis or an overarching external threat.
Never has the openness and
dynamism of our society been more emulated by other.countries.
Never
have our values -- of freedom, democracy and 6~portunity -- been more
ascendant in the world.
·
Nearly 55 years ago, President Franklin Roosevelt said that "we
cannot live alone at peace ... our own well being is dependent on the
well being of oth'er nations far away," and, therefore, that we must be
"citizens of the world, members of the human community." I believe his
words will prove even truer in the 21st century. With Arrierica
fulfilling our ideals and responsibilities, we can make this new
~entury a time of unprecedented peace, freedom and prosperity for our
people and for all the citizens of the world.
Thank you, Happy New Year and God bless America.
END
10:11 A.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 17, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO OPENING OF NATIONAL SUMMIT ON·AFRICA
Washington Convention Center
Washington, D.C.
10:50 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very, very much.
It's a wonderful thing
to be introduced by an old friend.
Old friends and people you have
appointed to office will tell false, good stories about you every time.
(Laughter.)
Africa never had a better friend in ~nerica than Andrew Young, and
I thank him.
(Applause.)
I want to say I'm honored to be in the
presence today of so many distinguished Africans.
Secretary Salim,
thank you for your visionary remarks and your leadership.
President
Moi, thank you for coming to the United States and for giving me another
chance to visit with you and for the work we have done together.
Vice
President Abubakar, thank you for what you are doing in Nigeria to give
that great country its true promise at long last.
We thank you, sir.
(Applause. )
Mrs. Taylor,
I welcome all our distinguished guests from Africa:
foreign minis"ters, ambassadors.
I thank all the Americans who are here,
beginning with Andy's wife, who puts up with this relentless travel of
his around Africa. Mayor Williams, thank you for welcoming us to
Washington.
There are three members of our Congress here today
representing what I hope will be a stronger and stronger bipartisan
commitment to the future of Africa:
Congressman Royce and Congresswoman
Barbara Le~ and Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, I thank you for being
here.
(Applause.)
I want to thank Leonard Robinson and Herschelle Challenor and all
the people responsible for this remarkable conference.
Thank you, Noah
Samara and thank you, Bishop Ricard, for being here. And I want to say
a special word of appreciation to all the people in our administration
who have worked so hard to give us an Africa policy that we can be proud
of, that I hope will light up the path for America's future.
I know that Secretary Slater has already spoken here.
Our AID
Director, Brady Anderson, will speak. Our Vice President will be here.
You said, Secretary Salim, you hope future administrations will follow
our lead in Africa.
I know one that would.
(Laughter and applause.)
I want to thank Susan Rice at the State Department, Sandy Berger,
Smith, all the people in our White House, all the ones who have
helped us here.
(Applause.)
Gayl~
Secretary Salim said Africa lacks a strong constituency in the
United States. Well, I open this National Summit on Africa with a
simple message: Africa does matter to the United States.
(Applause.)
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Of whatever background Americans claim -- Leonard Robinson told me
when I came here, we even.have 17 delegates from Utah here.
There they
are, you see?
(Laughter and applause.)
Africa matters not simply
because 30 million Americans trace their heritage to Africa, though that
is profoundly important.
(Applause.)
Not simply because we have a
strong interest in a stable and prosperous Africa -- though 13 percent
of our oil comes from Africa, and there are 700 million producers and
consumers in sub-Saharan Africa, though that is important. Africa's
future matters because the 21st century world has been transformed, and
our views and actions must be transformed accordingly.
For most of history, the central reality in international relations
was that size and location matter most.
If you were a big country or on
a trade or invasion route, you mattered.
If not, you are marginalized.
The average American child growing up in the past saw African nations as
colorful flags and exotic names on· a map, perhaps read books about the
wonderful animals and great adventures . . When colonialism ended, the
colors on the flags were changed and there were more names on the .map.
But the countries did not seem nearer to most Americans.
That has all changed now.
For the central reality of our time is
globalization.
It is tearing down barriers between nations and people;
knowledge, contact and trade across borders within and between every
continent are exploding. And all this globalization is also, as the
barriers come down, making us more vulnerable to one another's problems:
to the shock of economic turmoil, to the spread of conflict, to
pollution and, as we have painfully seen, to disease; the terrorists,
the drug traffickers, the criminals who can also take advantage of new
technologies and globalization, the openness of societies and borders.
Globalization means we know more about one another than ever
before.
You may see the Discovery Channel in Africa.
I was thinking of
that when that little film was on.
The Discovery Channel followed me
to Africa and talked about how they were building communications
networks in African schools to share knowledge and information. We can
find out within seconds now what the weather is in Nairobi, how a
referendum turned out in Zimbabwe, how Cameroon's indomitable Lions
performed in the latest soccer match.
(Laughter and applause.)
We can
go online and read the Addis Tribune, the Mirror of Ghana, the East
African, or dozens of other African newspapers. We sit in front of a
television and watch people.in a South African township line up to vote.
We also, now, bear witness to the slaughter of innocents in Rwanda,
or the·ravages of AIDS in scores of lands,. or the painful coincidence of
remarkable growth and abject poverty in nation after nation.
In other
words, it is no longer an option for ~s to choose not to know about the
triumphs and the trials of the people wit~ whom we share this small
planet.
Not just America and Africa; I would imagine millions of
Africans identified with the Muslims of Kosovo when they were run out of
their country, all of them at one time.
We know about each other; we
can no longer choose not to know. We can only choose not to act, or to
act.
(Applause.)
In this world, we can be indifferent or we can make a difference.
America must choose, when i t comes to Africa, to make a difference.
(Applause.)
Because we want to live in a. world which is not dominated
by a division of people who live on the cutting edge of a new economy
and others who live on the bare edge of survival, we must be involved in
Africa.
Because we want to broaden global growth and expand markets for
our own people, we must be involved in Africa.
Because we want to build
a world in which our security is not threatened by the spread of armed
conflict, in which bitter ethnic and religious differences are resolved
by the force of argument, not the force of arms, we must be involved in
Africa.
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Because we want to build a world where terrorists and criminals
have no place to hide, and where those who •Nish harm to ordinary people
cannot acquire the means to do them harm~ we must be involved in Africa.
Because we want to build a world in which we can harness our natural
resources for economic growth without destroying the environment, so
that future generations will also have the chance to do the same, we
must be involved in Africa.
(Applause.)
That is why I set out in 1993, at the beginning of my presidency,
to build new ties between the United States and Africa; why we had the
first White House conference, the ministerial and that wonderful trip in
the spring of 1998, that I will remember for the rest of my life.
(Applause. )
I went to Africa as a friend, to create a partnership. And we have
made significant progress.
There are challenges that are profound, but
in the last two years we have seen thousands of triumphs large and
small. Often, they don't make the headlines because the slow, steady
progress of democracy and prosperity is not the stuff of headlines.
But, for example, I wish every American knew that last year the
world's fastest-growing economy was Mozambique.
Botswana was second,
Angola fourth.
(Applause.)
I wish every American knew that and
understood that that potential is in every African nation.
It would
make a difference. We must know these things about one another.
People know all about Africa's conflicts, but how many know that
thousands of African soldiers are trying to end those conflicts as
peacekeepers -- and that Nigeria alone, amidst all its difficulties, has
spent $10 billion in these peacekeeping efforts?
(Applause .. )
For years, Africa's wealthiest country, South Africa, and its most
populous, Nigeria, cast long, forbidding shadows across the continent.
Last year, South Africa's remarkable turnaround continued as its people
transferred power from one elected president to another.
Nigeria
inaugurated a democratically elected president for the first time in
decades.
It is working to ensure that its wealth ~trengthens its
people, not their oppressors.
These are good news stories.
They may
not be in the headiines, but they should be in our hearts and o~r minds
as we think of the future.
(Applause.)
No one here, no one in our government, is under any illusions.
There is still a lot of work to be done.
Hardly anyone disagrees about
what is needed:
genuine democracy, good government, open markets,
sustained investment in education and health and the environment -- and
more than anything, widespread peace. All depend, fundamentally and
first, on African leadership.
(Applause.)
These things cannot be
imported, and they certainly cannot be imposed from outside.
But we must also face a clear re~lity:
even countries making the
right policy choices still have to struggle to deliver for their people.
'Each African government has to walk down its own road to reform and
renewal.
But it is a hard road. And those of us who are in a position
to do ~o must do our part to smooth that rciad, to remove some of the
larger barriers, so that Africa can fully share in the benefits and the
responsibilities of globalization.
I tell the American people all the time, and they're probably tired
of hearing it now, that I have a very simple political philosophy:
everybody counts, everybody has a role to play, everybody deserves a
chance. And we all do better when we help each other.
That is a rule
we ought to follow with Africa.
(Applause.)
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There are five steps in particular. I believe we must take.
First,
we must build an open world trading system 1~hich will benefit Africa
alongside every other region in the world.
(Applause.)
Open markets
are indispensable to raising living standards . . From the 1970s to the
1990s, developing countries that·chose trade grew at lea~t twice as fast
as those that chose not to open to the world.
Now, there are some who doubt that the poorest coun~~ies will
benefii if we continue to open markets, but th~y should ask themselves:
what will happen to workers in South Africa and Kenya without the jobs
that come from selling the fruit of their labors abroad? What will
happen to farmers in Zimbabwe and Ghana if protectionist farm subsidies
make it impossible for them to sell beyond their borders?
Trade must not be a race to the bottom, whether we're talking about
child labor, harsh working conditions or environmental degradation.
But
neither can we use fear to keep the poorest part of the global community
stuck at the bottom forever. Africa has already taken important steps,
forming regional trade blocks like ECOWAS, the East Africa Community,
and SADC.
But we can do more~
That is why our Overseas Private
Investment Corporation in Africa is working to support three times as
many business projects in 1999 than it did in 1998, to create jobs for
Africans and, yes, for Americans as well.
That is why we are working
with African nations to de~elop the institutions to scistain future
growth -- from efficient telecommunications to the financial sector.
And that is why, as soon as p9ssible, we must enact in our Congress
the bipartisan Africa Growth and Opportunity Act.
(Applause.)
This
bill has passed in one-version in our House and another version in our
Senate.
I urge the Congress to resolve the differences and send me a
bill for signature by next month.
(Applause.) And I ask every one of
you here who just clapped -- and those who didn't, but sympathize with
the clapped -- (laughter) -- to contact anyone you know in the United
States Congress and ask them to do this. This is a job that needs to be
done.
(Applause.)
We must also realize that
build a partnership we need.
For that reason,
take•is to continue the work now underway to~~~~~~nr-r~~
African nations committed to sound policies~
(ApplaiiSe.)
Struggling
democratic governments should not have to choose between feedlnq and
r children and paylng ~:st on a aebt.
(Applause. )
Marc
suggested a way we cou'1d expand debt relief for the
~~~~~~r~d~';s~p~o~o~r;;est and most indebted countries, most of which are African,
and ensure the resources would be used to improve economic opportunity
for ordinary African citizens. Our ~
ced that pla~.
Still, I felt we should do more~in
I announced that
we·would completely write off all the• de~'
o us by the countries
that qual-If led for the G- I program -- as many as 27 Afrlcan nations ln
-all.
Ihe first coantries, incladilig Ogailcla and Mauritania, have begun
·to receive the benefits. Mozambique, Benin, Senegal and Tanzania are
expected to receive benefits soon. Mozambique's debt is expected to go
down by more than $3 ·billion. The money saved. will be twice the health
budget -- twice the health budget -- in a country where children are
more likely to die before the age of five than they are to go on to
/} secondary school.
Last year, I asked Congress foi $970 million for debt relief.)Many
of you helped to persuade our Con ess o appropriate a big share of
that.
Keep in mind, this is a program religious leaders say is a moral
imperative, and leading economists say is a practical imperative.
It's
not so often that you get the religious leaders and the economists
telling us that good business is good morals.
(Applause.')
It's
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probably always true, but they don't say it all that often.
(Laughter.)
We must finish the job this year; we must continue this work to provide
aggressive debt relief to the countries that are doing the right thing,
that will take the money and reinvest it in their people and their
future.
I ask you, especially the Americans in this audience, if you
believe in what brought you here, help us to continue this important
effort.
(Applause.)
A third step we must take is to give better and deeper support t
African education.
Literacy is crucial -- to economic growt~, to
health, to democracy, to securing the benefits of globalization.
Sub-Saharan Africa has the developing world's lowest school enrollment
rate.
In Zambia, over half the schoolchildren lack a simple notebook.
In rural parts of Tanzania, there is one textbook for every 20 children.
That's why I proposed in our budget to increase by more than 50 percent
the assistance we provide to developing countries to improve basic
education, targeting areas where child labor is prevalent.
I ask other
nations to join us in this.
(Applause.)
I'll never forget the schools I visited on my trip to Africa -- the
bright lights in the eyes of the children, how intelligent they were,
how eager they were.
It is wrong for them to have to look at maps of
nations that no longer exist, without maps of nations in their own
continent that do exist.
It is wrong for them to be deprived the same
opportunities to learn that our young people have here.
If intelligence
is equally distributed throughout the human race -- and I believe it is
--then every child in the.human race ought to have a chance to develop
his or her intelligence in every country in the world.
(Applause.)
A fourth step we must take is to fight the terrible diseases that
have afflicted so many millions of Africans, especially AIDS and also TB
and malaria.
Last year, ten times as many people died of AIDS in Africa
as were killed in all the coyttinent's wars combined.
It will soon
double child mortality and reduce life expectancy by 20 years.
You all laughed when Andy Young said that I was going to get out of
the presidency as a young man.
Depending on the day, I sometimes feel
young or I feel that I'm the oldest man my age in America.
(Laughter.)
The life expectancy in this country has gone from 47 to 77 in the 20th
century. An American who lives to be 65 has a life expectancy in excess
of 82 years. AIDS is going to reduce the life expectancy in Africa by
20 years. And even that understates the problem, because the people
that escape it will live longer lives as African economies grow and
strengthen.
The worst burden in life any adult can bear is to see a child die
before you.
The worst problem in Africa now is that so many of these
children with AIDS have also already lost their parents. We must do
something about this.
In Africa there are companies that are hiring two
employees for every job on the assumption that one of them will <;fie.
This is a humanitarian issue, a political issue and an economic issue.
Last month, Vice President Gore opened the first-ever United
Nations Security Council session on health issues, on a health issue, by
addressing the AIDS crisis in Africa.
I've asked Congress for another
$100 million to fight the epidemic, bringing our total to $325 million.
I've asked my administration to develop a plan for new initiatives to
address prevention, the financial dimensions of fighting AIDS, the needs
of those affected, so that we can make it clear to our African pa~tners
that we consider AIDS not just their burden but ours, as well.
But even that will not be enough.
Recently, Uganda's Health
Minister pointed out that to provide access to currently available
treatments to every Ugandan afflicted with AIDS would cost $24 billion.
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The annual budget of Uganda is $2 billion.
The solution to this crisis, and to other killer diseases like
malaria and TB, has 'to include effective and expensive vaccines.
Now,
there are four major companies in the world that develop vaccines, two
in the United States and two in Europe.
They have little incentive to
make costly investments in developing vaccines for people who cannot
afford to pay for them.
So in my State of the Union address, I proposed
a generous tax credit that would enable us to say to private industry,
if you develop vaccines for AIDS, malaria and TB, we will help to pay
for them.
So go on and develop them, and we'll save millions of lives.
(Applause. )
But I have to tell you, my speech -- and I don't want anybody else
but me to be responsible; my speechwriters were so sensitive: they
didn't put this in the speech.
But I want to say this: AIDS was a
bigger problem in the United States a few years ago than it is today.
AIDS rates are not going up in African countries, all African countries.
They're actually going down in a couple of African countries.
Now, I know that this is a difficult and sensitive issue.
I know
there are cultural and religious factors that make it very difficult to
tackle this issue from a preventive point of view. We don't have an
AIDS vacci.ne yet. We have drugs that will help to prevent the
transmission from pregnant mothers to their children, which I want to be
able to give out. We have other drugs that have given people with AIDS
in our country normal lives, in terms of their health and the length of
their lives.
I want those to be available~
But the real answer is to stop people from getting the HIV virus in
the first place.
(Applause.)
I got to see firsthand some of the things that were being done in
Uganda that were instrumental in driving clown the AIDS rate.
Now, I
don't care how hard or delicate or difficult this is; this is your
children's lives we're /talking about.
(Applause.)
You know, we who are
adults, when our children's lives are at stake, have to get over
whatever our hang-ups or problems are and go out there and do what is
necessary to save the lives of our children.
(Applause. )
And I'll help you do that, too.
That's not free; that costs money.
Systems have to be set up.
But we shouldn't pretend that we can give
injections and work our way out .of this. We have to change behavior,
attitudes. And it has to be clone in an organized, disciplined,
systematic way. And you can do more in less time for less money in a
preventive way, to give the children of Africa their lives back, and the
nations of Africa their futures back, with an aggressive prevention
campaign than anything else. And there is no excuse for not doing it;
it has to be done.
(Applause. )
Finally, let me say there is one more huge obstacle to progress in
Africa, that we are committed to doing our part to overcome. We must
build on the leadership of Africans to end the bloody conflicts killing
people and killing progress.
(Applause.)
You know the toll:
tens of thousands of young lives lost in the
war between Ethiopia and Eritrea; thousands killed and disfigured at
unbelievably young ages in the civil war that nearly destroyed Sierra
Leone; 2 million killed by famine and war in Sudan; where government
sees diversity as a threat rather than a strength, and denies basic
relief.to citizens it claims to represent.
Most of the world',s conflicts pale in complexity before the
situation in the Congo. At least sev~n nations and countless armed
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groups are pitted there against each other in a desperate struggle that
seems to bring no one victory, and everyone misery -- especially the
innocent people of the Congo.
They .deserve a better chance.
Secretary
Albright has called the Congo struggle Africa's first world war. As we
search for an end to the conflict, let us.remember the central lesson of
the First World War:
the need for a good peace.
If you mess up the
peace, you get another world war.
A year ago, I said if the nations of the region reached an
agreement that the international community could support, I would
support a peacekeeping operation in the Congo.
The region has now done
so.
The.Lusaka cease-fire agreement takes into account the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Congo; the withdrawal of foreign forces;
the security of Congo's neighbors; the need for dialogue within the
nation; and most important, the need for the countries within Central
Africa to cooperate in managing the region's security.
It is more than
a cease-fire; it is a blueprint for building peace.
Best of all, it is
a genuinely African solution to an African problem.
There is still fighting in Congo.
Peace will.not happen overnight.
It will require steady commitment from the parties and the unwavering
support of .the international community.
I have told our Congress that
America intends to do its part by supporting the next phase of the
U.N.'s peacekeeping operation in the Congo, which will send observers to
oversee the implementation of the agreement.
We need to think hard about what is at stake here. African
countries have taken the lead -- not just the countries directly
affected, either.
They are not asking us to solve their problems or to
deploy our military. All they have asked is that we support their own
efforts to build peace, and to make it last. We in the United States
should be willing to do this.
It is principled and practical.
I know -- I see the members of Congress here.
I say again -- I see
Congressman Payne, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, Congresswoman
Barbara Lee, Congressman Royce -- we need to stand by the people of
Africa who have decided how to solve this most complex and troubling
problem.
(Applause.)
We have learned the hard way in the United·
States, over decades and decades, that the costliest peace is far
cheaper than the cheapest war. And we need to remember that as we
approach our common responsibilities in central Africa.
Finally, let me say· that I intend to continue to work hard on these
things for every day that I am President.
For me, the remarkable decade
of the 1990s began with the liberation symbolized by Nelson Mandela's
first steps from Robben Island.
(Applause.)
In a few days, I will have
the opportunity to join by satellite the conferenc.e i.n Tanzania that
President Mandela is organizing to build peace in Burundi.
A lot of people look at Afrtca and think, oh, these pr~blems are
just too complicated.
I look at Africa and I see the promise of Africa,
and think, if the problems are complicated now, think how much worse
they'll be if we continue to ignore them.
(Applause.)
Other people grow frustrated by bad news, and wish only to hear
good news.
But empty optimism does Africa no more service than
groundless cynicism. What we need is not empty optimism or groundless
cynicism, but realistic hope. We need to see the promise, the beauty,
the dreams of Africa. We need to see the problems clear and plain, and
stop ignoring the evident responses. We in the United States need to
understand that our obligations to be good partners with Africa are not
because we are certain that everything will turn out all right, but
because it is important.
Because we're human beings, we can never
expect everything to turn out all right.
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Africa is so incredibly diverse.
Its people speak nearly 3,000
languages.
It is not a single, monolithic place with single, monolithic
truths. A place of many places, each d~fined by its own history and
aspirations, its own successes and failures.
I was struck on my trip to
Africa by the differences between Ghana and Uganda, Botswana and Senegal
-- between Capetown and Soweto.
I was also struck by what bound people
together in these places.
In George Washington's first draft of his Farewell Address, he
wrote, "we may all be considered as the children of one common country."
The more I think about globalization and the interdependence it promises
and demands, the more I share that sentiment.
Now, we must think of
ourselves as children of one common world.
If we wish to deepen peace
and prosperity and democracy for ourselves, we must wish it also for the
people of Africa. Africa is the cradle of humanity, but also a big part
of humanity's future.
I leave you with this thought: when I think of the troubles of
Africa, rooted in tribal differences; when I think of the continuing
troubles in America, across racial lines, rooted in the shameful way we
brought slave~ here from West Africa so long ago, and our continuing
challenges as we integrate wave after wave after wave of new immigrants
from new places around the world; I am struck by the fact that life's
greatest joy is our common humanity, and life's greatest curse is our
inability to see our common humanity.
In Africa, life is full of joy and difficulty.
But for too long,
the African people have lacked for friends and allies to help the joys
overcome the difficulties.
The United States will be a friend for life·.
Thank you.
(Applause. ) ·
END
11:28 A.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 29, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM
Davos, Switzerland
6:36A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
President Schaeuble, I think
that it is an indication of the importance of the topic and the
importance of the World Economic Forum that you have so many leaders
from around the world here today.
I see, just scanning the audience,
the President of Colombia, the President of South Africa, Chairman
Arafat, the Prime Ministers of Spain and Turkey and a number of other
leaders.
We have here with me today the Secretary of State, the Secretary of
the Treasury, the Secretary of Commerce, the Secretary of Energy and our
Trade Ambassador.
There's no one home in Washington to take care of
things.
(Laughter.)
We have a large delegation from the United States
Congress here; leaders from all over the world and business; public
life; the leader of the American Union Movement, John Sweeney, whom I
know has spoken to you.
So I think that maybe the presence of all these distinguished
people in the crowd_ is evidence of the importance of our being here and
shows, in my mind, one of the things we need to dete~mine to do as a
people.
The World.Economic Forum has been at it, as you pointed out, for 30
years now.
The thing that I have appreciated most about your
deliberations is your consistent focus on the future.
For example, you
spotted the networking of society before the Internet was out of its
infancy.
Both Vice President Gore and my wife, Hillary, have spoken
here; and I am glad, even though I am late, to finally get in on the
act.
(Laughter.)
Your theme, "New Beginnirigs, Making a Difference," it seems to me,
is the right theme, What I want to ask all of you to think about today
is, what does making a difference and new beginnings mean in an era of
globalization? What are the opportunities? What are the obligations?
What are the hazards? What new beginnings will make a positive
difference? And, perhaps the most difficult qu~stion of all:
do we
have the institutional and organized mechanisms to make them?
As we know, in many ways the global economy was almost as
integrated as it is today 100 years ago.
But after World War I~ leaders
in the United States and Europe made what all now recognize were false
and shortsighted choices.
Instead of partnership, they chose
protectionism and isolationism. And for decades, globalization went in
reverse -- with utterly disastrous consequences.
After the second war, .the leaders were given a second chance.
This
time it was clear that what was at stake was not simply the return of
prosperity, but the defense of freedom.
They chose the path of economic
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and political partnership, and set the stage for 50 years of giowth
across the globe.
No one can seriously argue that the world would be a
better place. today if they had reverted to the old isolationism.
So today, at the start of a new century, the entire world, not
simply Europe and the United States, and the wealthiest nations of Asia,
the entire world finds itself at a crossroads. Globalization is
revolutionizing the way we work, the wa~ we live ~nd, perhaps most
important, the way we relate to each other across national boundaries.
It is tearing down doors and building up networks between nations and
individuals, between economies and cultures.
·
The obvious consequence is that we are growing ever more
interdependent, driven to be part of every vital network, understanding
we cannot build our own future without helping others to build theirs.
Today, we know that because of scientific and technological advance, we
can change the equation between energy use and economic growth. We can
shatter the limits that time and space pose to doing business and
getting an education.
But, the openness and mobility, the flexible networking and
sophisticated communications technologies that have made globalization
what it is -- so totally consuming,. all these factors have also made us
more vulnerable to some of our oldest problems.
Terrorism, narco-traffickers and organized criminals, they can use
all this new technology, too, and take advanta~e of the openness of
societies and borders.
They present all 6f us with new security
challenges in the new century.
The spread of disease; ethnic, racial,
tribal, religious conflicts, rooted in the fear of others who are
different -- they seem to find ways to spr:ead in this globalized era.
And the grinding poverty of more than a billion people who live on less
than a dollar a day and live for a year on less than what it costs to
stay in a nice hotel at night -- they, too, are part of the globalized
world. A few of us live on the cutting edge of the new economy; too
many of us live on the bare edge of survival, without the means to move
up.
Those who wish to roll back the forces of globalization because
they fear its disruptive consequences I believe are plainly wrong.
Fifty years of experience shows that gr~at~r economic integration and
political cooperation are positive forces.
Those who believe
globalization is only about market economics, however, are wrong, too.
All these new networks must lead to new arrangements that work for
all; that work to spur growth, lift lives, raise standards, both around
the world and within nation.
Now, leaders from business, government and civil society,
theref~re, must come together to build a future that can unite,
not
divide, us.
We must recognize first that globalization has made us all
more free and more interdependent.
Those of us who are more fortunate
must be more responsible and work harder to be good neighbors and good
partners.
The United States has a special responsibility in that
regard, because we have been so fortunate in our history and so very
fortunate over the last decade.
'
I came here today in t~e hope that by working together we can
actually find a way to create the conditions and provide the tools to
give people on every continent the ability to solve their own problems,
and in so doing, to stiengthen their own lives and our global economy in
the new century.
I would like t6
m~ke
just a few points.
First, I think we have got
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to reaffirm unambiguously that open markets and rules-based trade are
the best engine we know of to lift living standards, reduce
environmental destruction and build shared prosperity.
This is true
whether you're in Detroit, Davos, Dacca or Dakar. Worldwide, open '
markets do create jobs. They do raise incomes .. They do spark
innovation and spread new technology -- they do, coupled with the
explosion of international communications through the Internet, which is
the fastest-growing network in history.
For example, when I became President seven years ago, there were
only 50 pages on the Worldwide Web.
Today, there are over 50 million
in seven years.
Trade broadens the frontiers of possibility for all of
those who have access to its benefits and the tools to claim them.
As, I said a couple of days ago in my State of the Union Address,
for me there is only one direction forward on trade, and that is to go
on with what we're doing, recognizing that this is a new and very
different world, that the idea that we would be better off with less
trade, with less rule-based trade by turning away from our attempts to
find international ways within which we can work together, I think is
dead wrong.
1
Now, having said that, what does that mean? Well, for me,. it meant
that when, first, our neighbors in Mexico and then our friends in Asia
were in turmoil and crisis, the United States had to keep our markets
open, even though it led to record trade deficits.
For me, it means
it's very important to get China into the World Trade Organization, to
ensure that China's markets are open to us, even as we have our markets
open to China -- and to advance peace and stability in Asia, and
increase the possibility of positive change in China.
The changes in our markets are only beginning.
You know, people
have been trading goods across borders as long as there have been
borders.
But communications technology and the Internet are expanding
trade in unprecedented ways many of you understand better than I.
Today, everything from data processing to security monitoring to
stockbrokering and advanced degrees can be bought and sold all over the
world.
E-commerce creates enormous potential for growth anywhere, and
it will ~ontinue to do so, if we can resist the temptation to put up
barriers to this important part of our nevo~ .economy.
Trade is especially important, of course, for developing nations.
Listen to this -- this is something that I think people from the
developing nations who oppose the WTO should think about:
from the
1970s to the early '90s, developing countries that chose growth through
trade grew at least twice as fast as those who chose not to open to the
world.
The most open countries had growth that was six times as fast.
Think about what Japan, or the nations of Southeastern Europe, were
like 50 years ago.
They were poor, largely rural societies.
Today,
they are prosperous global leaders, in no small measure because of
trade.
Look at South Korea, Mexico or Thailand, which built their
growth on openness -- even after the recent traumas of financial crises,
their national incomes are still more than double the 1970 levels, when
they were more closed. And their gains in literacy, education and life
expectancy are truly extraordinary, far outpacing countries that chose
not to open to the world.
Certainly, many of the people who have que~tioned the wisdom of
open trade are genuinely concerned about the fate of the poor and the
disadvantaged, and well they should be.
But they should ask themselves,
what will happen to a Bangladeshi textile worker or a migrant from the
Mexican countryside without the prospect of jobs and industry that can
sell to foreign, as well as domestic, consumers? What happens to
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farmers in Uruguay or Zimbabwe, in Australia,· Europe, the United States,
if protectionism makes it impossible to market products beyond their
borders?
How can working conditions be improved and poverty be reduced in
developing countries if they are denied these and other opportunities to
grow, the things that come with participation in the world economy.
No,
trade must not be a race to the bottom -- whether we're talking about
child labor, basic working conditions or environmental protection.
But
turning away from trade would keep part of our global community forever
on the bottom.
That is not the right response.
Now, that means, it seems to me, that we must face another
challenge.
The second point I want to make is that developing countries
will only reap the benefits of integration in the world economy if the
industrialized countries are able to garner enough domestic support for
policies that are often controversial at home.
It is easier for us to
gather here, in vigorous agreement -- and I'm glad you brought Mr.
Sweeney over so we could have an occasional voice of occasional
disagreement.
But most of us here agree with everything I just said. Why? Well,
we have seen and personally felt the benefits of globalization.
But
convincing our publics to go along, to go for greater integration in a
rule-based system which might require them to change further, and might
require some of them, unlike most of us, to change what they do for a
living, remain a challenge.
How shall we meet it? In the United States, we must overcome
resistance to our ground-breaking trade agreements with Africa and the
Caribbean Basin; even though, if they both pass, their impact on our
economy will be very small, while their impact on the African nations
that participate and those in the Caribbean will be very large, indeed.
I am determined to pass both measures this year, and I think we'll
succeed, but it'~ an indication of what kinds of problems every country
faces.
Indeed, you probably have noted this, but one of the most ironic,
and to me, disappointing consequences of our unprecedented prosperity',
which has given us over 20 million new jobs in my country in the last
seven years, is that it seems to me that protectionist sentiment or
antitrade sentiment, at least, is greater now than it was seven years
ago when I took office, in the United States Congress.
I want to talk a
little about that today and how it relates to what's going on in other
countries.
But we all have an obligation to work through that nation by
nation.
Part of what countries have to do is to be able to point to what
othei countries are doing and to say, well, look what they're doing, we
ought to do this. We ought to do our part:.
That means we are
significantly affected in the United States by the policies of Europe,
Japan and other wealthier countries.
I think for its part, Europe
should put its agricultural subsidies on the table.
If even one-third
of the world's subsidies and tariffs in aqriculture were eliminated, the
poorest. developing countries that could export would gain mar~ than $4
billion in economic benefits every single year.
We can also, I must say, do better·in the developed countries if we
are able to make a more forceful case for the value of imports.
None of
us do this enough, and I must say, i haven't done this enough. We all
go around talking about -- every time we talk about trade agreements in
our countries, we always talk abbut how many jobs will be created.at
home because we're opening markets abroad. And we make ourselves
vulnerable to people who say, but it may not reduce the trade deficit,
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and look how big it is.
So I just want to say, I wish everyone here ~auld look at
yourselves and ask yourselves if you are wearing anything made in a
country other than the country where you live.
There are benefits to imports. We don't just do a favor to
developing countries, or to our trading partners in developed countries,
when we import products and services from them.
We benefit from those
products.
Imports stretch family budgets; they promote the well-being
of working families, by making their dollars go further; they bring new
technology and ideas; they, by opening mark~ts, dampen inflation and
spur innovation.
In a few days, we will have the longest economic expansion in the
history of the United States.
I am convinced one of the reasons that it
will happen is that we have kept our markets open, even in tough times,
so that there has always been pressure to keep inflation down as we
continue to generate jobs and growth.
I am convinced of it. And those
of us in wealthier countries need to make the case that even when we
have trade deficits, if we're growing jobs and we're gaining ground, and
the jobs are growing in areas that pay better wages, we are getting the
benefits of imports.
I think all people in public life have been
insufficiently willing to say that. And \.-le must do more.
The third point I would like to make is that we simply cannot
expect trade alone to carry the burden of lifting nations out of
poverty.
It will not happen.
Trade is essential to growth in
developing countries, but it is not sufficient for growth in developing
countries.
Sustained growth requires investment in human capital,
education, health care, technology, infrastructure.
Particularly in an
economy that runs more and more on brainpower, no investment pays off
faster than education.
The international community has set 2015 as a
target for giving every child access to basic education.
I'm asking our
Congress for more funding to help nations get more children out of work
and into school.
I hope oth~rs in the public and private sectors will
join us.
Each year in the developing world, we see millions of lives lost
and billions of dollars lost -- dollars that could be spent in many more
productive ways to killer diseases like p,IDS, malaria and tuberculosis.
Last year in Africa, AIDS killed more people, ten times more, than all
the wars did.
We have the technology to find vaccines for those
diseases.
We have medications that can lengthen and improve the quality
of life.
But let's face a fact.
The pharmaceutical industry has no
incentive to develop products for customers who are too poor to buy
them.
I have proposed a tax credit to say to our private industry:
if
you will devel6p these vaccines, we'll help to pay for them.
I hope the
World Bank, other nations and the corporate world will help us in
meeting this challenge.
If we could get the vaccines out to the people
who need them in time, we could save millions and millions of lives, and
free up billions of dollars to be invested in building those lives,
those societies, into strong, productive partners -- not just for trade,
but for peace.
(Applause. )
We can
untries help themselves by lifting their
crippling
so they'll have more to invest in their people
and thei
ut~;;;.QoT---'f'm~ Cologne debt initiative commits us to reducing
the foreign
the world's poorest and most indebted nations by as
much as 70
Last fall, I pledged that the United States would
00
·the debts those~
1es owe to us.
year,
of the.Aiuitilateral debt" relief.
am
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pleased that so many 'others have made similar pledges, and look forward
to the first countries benefiting from thi~ initiative very soon.
If we
keep working on this, expanding it, and we all pay our fair share, we
can turn a vicious cycle of debt and poverty into a vi-rtuous cycle of
development and trade.
The last point I'd like to make on this is; I. think the developed
countries who want an open trading system that has the trust and
confidence of developing countries should also contribute to indigenous
trade, which may not be directly related -- excuse me, indigenous
economic development, which may not be directly related to trade.
Just
for example, the United States Agency for: International Development each
year funds about 2 million micro-enterprise loans in poor communities in
Africa, Asia and Latin America.
I will never forget. going to small villages in Senegal and Uganda,
and seeing people who had gotten their first business loan -- sometimes
as small as $50 -- show me their businesses; show me the people they
were doing business with in their villages, who has also gotten such
loans.
I'll never forget the man in Senegal who was this designated
village accountant, making me wait outside his front-door while he went
into his house to bring me back all .of the accounts he had carefully
kept for the last month, to prove that the money we were investing was
being spent wisely.
·
Does this have any direct impact on international trade? Of course
not.
Did it make that society stronger? Did it make the economy
.
stronger? Did it increase the stability an·d long-term prospects of the
nation? Of course it did.
So I believe we should all be thinking about
more we can do on the indigenous economic development issu~s.
The President of Colombia is here.
I've asked the Congress to pass
a very ambitious program to try to help Colombia deal with the
narco-traffickers and the guerrillas and all the problems that he faces
-- perhaps the oldest democracy in .Latin looerica.
But one part of it is
for economic development.
It is one thing to tell people they should
stop growing crops that can be turned into drugs that can kill our
children, and quite another to tell people, if you do this, by the way,
here's a way to support your children.
And so I think that we can never lose sight of the fact that if we
want to build an integrated economy with more and more trade, we have to
build an economy from the grass-roots up in places that want to have a
balanced, stable society.
The fourth point I would make is that developed and developing
countries alike must ensure that the benefits of trade flow widely to
workers and families within our nations.
Industrialized nations ~ust
see that the poor and .those hard hit by changes are not left behind. ·.
And all nations need to ensure that workers have access to lifelong
learning benefits, they can move between jobs without being unemployed
for too long and without having their standard of living dropped.
We have to work with corporate leaders to spur investment also in
the people and places that have been left behind. We have to find a new
markets within our own nation.
For example, I will tell you something
that might surprise many of you.
The national unemployment rate in the
United States is 4.1 percent. On many of our Native American Indian
reservations the unemployment rate is about 70 p'ercent.
In isolated
rural areas in America, the unemployment rate is sometimes two, three,
four times as high as the national average.
So we have not figured out how ~o solve this. When you have these
eyesores in a country, when the development is not even, they can easily
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become the symbol with which .those who do not want us to open our
markets more and build a more integrated world, can use to defeat our
larger designs, even if they're right.
And as I said to the American people in Congress a couple of nights
ago, we in the Uni~ed States, I think, have a terrifically heavy
responsibility to reach out to our poor corrununities, because we've never
had an expansion this long; and if we can't help our people now, we will
never get around to it.
I am convinced.that even though this has
nothing directly to do with trade, if ~e succeed, we will build more
support for a more integrated, global economy.
Leaders of developing nations have their responsibilities as well
to narrow the gap between rich and poor, by ensuring that government
institutions are open and accountable, honest and. effective, so they can
get foreign investment, hav~ widely-shared growth, uproot corruption and
solve social problems.
There is a limit to what wealthy nations can do
for people who will not take the necessary steps to make their own
societies work.
Even in this heyday of global free enterprise, many
people suffer not because their governments are too strong, but because
their governments are too weak.
Fifth, since globalization is about more than economics, our
interdependence requires us to find ways to meet the challenges of
advancing our values without promoting protectionism or undermining open
trade.
I know that the words "libor and enviionment" are heard with
suspicion in the developing world when they are uttered by people from
the developed world.
I understand that these words are code for
rich-country protectionism.
So let me be as clear as possible on this. We shouldn't do
anything to·stunt the economic growth and development of any developing
nation.
I have never asked·any developing nation, and tiever will, to
give up a more prosperous future.
But in today's world, developing
countries can achieve growth without makitig some of the mistakes most
developed countries made on worker protection and the environment as we
were on our path 'to industrialization. Why is that? Why can they get
richer without doing the same things we did? And since, when countries
get richer, they lift labor standards and clean up the environment, why
do we care? I think there are two answers to that.
First, the reason they can do it is that the new economy has
produced scientific and technological advances that absolutely disprove
the old ideas about growth.
It is actually now possible to grow an.
economy faster, for example, with a sensible environmental policy, and
by keeping your kids in school instead of at work, so that you build
more brainpower, to have more rapid, more long-term, more balanced
growth.
Secondly, we all have an interest, particularly in the
environmental issue, because of global warming, because of greenhouse
gas emissions, and because it takes somewhere between 50 and 100 years
for those emissions to go away out of our larger atmosphere.
So if
there is a way for us to find a path of development that improves,
rather than aggravates, the difficulties we have with climate change
today by reducing rather than increasing greenhouse gases, we are all
obligated to do it.
That is why, after the Kyoto Protocols, I recommended to all the
advanced nations that we engage in emissions trading and vigorous
investment of new technologies in developing countries, with an·absolute
commitment to them that we would not ask them to slow their economic
growth.·
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We will see, within the next few years~ automobiles on the streets
all over the world that routinely get somewhere between 70 and 90 miles
a gallon.
In South America, many countries run on ethanol instead of
gasoline.
The big problem is that the conversion is not very good; it
takes about seven gallons of gasoline to make eight gallons of ethanol.
Within a matter of a cduple of years, scientists almost certainly will
unlock the chemical block that will enable us to produce eight gallons
of fuel from farm products or grasses, or even farm waste, like rice
hulls, for one gallon of gasoline. When th~t happens, you will see
people driving cars that effectively are getting 400 or 500 miles. to the
gallon of gasoline.
These things are before us.
All these technologies should be
disseminated as widely as possible, as quickly as possible, so that no
nation gives up any growth to be a responsible environmental partner in
the world.
And on the human development side I will say again, the globalized
economy prizes human development above all else.
It is in the long-term
and the short-term interests of developing countries not to abuse their
workers, and to keep their children in school.
Now, do we have all the answers to this? No, partly because the
circumstances and the possibility, even for trade engagement, from
nation to nation vary so much; but partly because we don't have more
forums like this within which we can seek common understandings on
worker rights, the environment and other contentious iss~es.
We have suggested that the Committee on Trade and the Environment
be invited to examine the environmental applications of WTO negotiations
in sessions where developing countries form the majority. We cannot
improve cooperation and mutual understanding unless we talk about it.
That is our motivation -- that is our only motivation -- in seeking to
open a discussion about the connections between labor and trade and
development, in the form of a new WTO working group.
And I will say this again:
the consequence of running away from an
open dialogue on a profoundly important issue will be --'it won't be
more trade, i t ' l l be more protection.
The consequence of opening up a
dialogue and dealing honestly with these issues will show that in the
new economy, we can have more growth and more trade, with better
'treatment for people in the workplace and more sensible environmental
policies.
I believe that; you have to decide if you believe that.
My experience in life -- and I'm not as young as I used to be
let me just say, at Thanksgiving a six-year-old daughter of a friend of
mine asked me how old I was.
She looked up at me and she said, how old
are you, anyway? And I said, I'm 53.
She said, that's a lot.
(Laughter.)
Well, it looks younger every day to me.
But I have lived long
enough to know this:
in the words of that slogan that people my
daughter's age always use, denial is not just a river in Egypt;
(Laughter.)
And the more we hunker down and refuse to devote time
systematically to discussing these issues and letting people express
their honest opinion, the more we are going to fuel the fires of
protectionism, not put them out. We have to make some institutional
accommodation to the fact that this is a part of the deba'te surrounding
globalization.
Now, I feel the same way about labor standards. And there is a
win-win situation here.
Let me just give you one example. We had a
pilot program through our Agency for International Development, working
with the gar!Uent industry in Bangladesh to.take children out of
I
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factories and put them back in schools.
The program got kids to learn,
and actually boosted garment exports, and gave jobs to adults who would
1
otherwise not have had them.
·
We can do more of this if we lower the rhetoric and focus more on
results.
Common ground means asking workers in developed countries to
think about the future of workers in Asia, Africa, or Latin America.
It
means governments finding the courage to rise above short-term political
interest.
It means corporations taking responsibility for the effects
of their actions, whether they're in an African delta or a New York
high-rise.
It means a new, more active idea of corporate
responsibility, stepping up to the plate to pay for vaccines or ~ducate
a new generation of workers in another country as a part of the
globalization economic strategy.
Finally, let me say that the lessons from our history are clear:
we still -- we must support the rules-based system we have, the WTO,
even as we seek to reform and strengthen it.
I think those who heard a wake-up call on the streets of Seattle
got the right message.
But those who say that we should freeze or
disband the WTO are dead wrong.
Since World War II, there have been
eight separate rounds of multilateral trade negotiations -- hundreds of
trade agreements signed. What's happened? Global trade has increased
fifteen-fold, contributing to the most rapid, sustained and, yes, wid~ly
shared growth ever recorded.
Theie is no substitute for the confidence and credibility the WTO
lends to the process of expanding trade based on rules.
There's no
substitute for the temporary relief WTO offers national economy,
especially against unfair trade and abrupt surges in imports. And there
is no substitute .for WTO's authority in resolving disputes which
commands the respect of all member nations.
If we expect public support
for the WTO, though -- I'll get back to my main point -- we've got to
get out of denial of what's happening now.
If we expect the public to. support the WTO the way I do -- and I
think almost all of you do -- we have to let the public see what we're
doing. We have to make more documents available, faster, we have to
open dispute panel hearings to the public, we have to allow
organizations and individuals to panel their views in a formal way.
And
we all have to play by the rules and abide by the WTO decisions, wheth~r
we win or whether we lose.
Let me be clear:
I do not agree with those who say
the work of the WTO, or postpone a new trade round.
But
with those who view with contempt the new forces seeking
the global dialogue.
Globalization is empowering people
information, everywhere.
we should halt
I do not agree
to be heard in
with
One of the most interesting things I did on my trip to China was
visit an Internet cafe.
The more people know, the more opinions they're
going to have; the more democracy spreads ~- and"keep in mind, more than
half the world now lives under g6vernments of their own choosing -- the
more people are going to believe that they should be the masters of
their own fate.
They will not be denied access.
Trade can no longer be
the private province of politicians, CEOs, and trade experts.
It is too
much a part of the fabric of global interdependence.
I think we have to keep working to strengthen the WTO -- to make
sure that the international trade rules are as modern as the market
itself; to enable commerce to flourish :in all sectors of the economy,
from agriculture
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to the Internet.
I will keep working for a consensus ~or a new round -to promote development, to expand opportunity, and to boost living
standards all around the world. We will show flexibility, and I ask our
trading partners to 'do the same.
But' I would like to just close by trying to put this dilemma that
you've all been discussing, and that was writ large .in the streets of
Seattle, in some context. Nowi keep in mind, arguably a lot of the
demonstrators in Seattle have conflicting objectives themselves, because
of the interests that they represented.
The thing they had in.common
was, they felt that they had no voice in a world that is 6hanging very
rapidly.
So I want to make two observations in closing.
Number one, we should stop denying that there is in many places an
increase in inequality, and we should instead start explaining why it
has happened and what we can do about it.
Every time a national economy
has seen a major change in paradigm, in the beginning of the new economy
those that are well-positioned reap great gains; those that.are uprooted
but not well-positioned tend to suffer an increase in inequality.
In the United States, when our economy, the center. of· our economy
moved from farm to factory 100 years ago -- and many people left the
farm and came to live in our cities; and many people from your countries
came to our shores and were living in unbelievably cramped conditions in
tenement houses in New York City and elsewhere, working long hours,
breathing dirty air.
There was a big increase in inequality, even
though there was an increase in wealth, in the beginning.
Why? Because
some people were well-positioned to take advantage of the new economy,
and some people weren't.
•
But then political and social organizations began.to develop the
institutions which would intermediate these inequalities. And the
economy itself began to mature and disperse the benefits more broadly,
and inequality went down. When we saw, beginning about 20 years ago in
most advanced economies, a shift from the industrial economy to the
digital economy, in many places there was an increase in inequality.
In
our country, we had a 25-year increase in inequality, which seems to
have halted and been re~ersed only in the last two to three years.
So a part of this is the change in the paradigm of the global
economy which puts a huge, huge, huge premium on education, skills and
access to information technology, which is even more burdensome to
developing economies seeking to come to grips with these challenges.
Now, having said that, it should be obvibus to all that the last
thing in the world we want to do is to make the global economy less
integrated, because that will only slow the transition to the digital
economy in the poorest countries or in the poorest neighborhoods of the
wealthy countries.
The answer is to look what happened in the transition fro~ the
agricultural economy to the industrial economy, develop a 21st century
version of that, and get it done much, much fast"er -- not to run to the
past, but not to deny the present.
The second point I'd like to make is this. We have a
well-developed WTO for dealing'with the trade issues. We don't have
very .well-developed institutions for dealing with the social issues, the
environmental issues, the labor issues, and no forum within which they
can all be integrated. That's why people are in the streets; they don't
have anyplace to come in and say, okay, here's what I think and here's
the contribution I have, here's the beef I have, how are we going to
work all this out.
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That's why you're all here talking ab6ut it.
That's why you've got
a record crowd here. And we all know this'intuitively.
So I think if I
could off~r any advice, there are -- there's thousands of times mar~
experience and knowledge about all th~se things in this room than I have
in'my head.
But i do understand a little bit about human nature, and a
little bit about the emerging process of freedom and democracy.
We have
got to find ways for these matters to be dealt with that the people who
care about them believe are legitimate. j\nd we cannot pretend that
globalization is- just about economics and it's over here, and all these
other things are very nice, and we will be· very happy to see somebody
over here somewher~ talk about them.
You don't live your life that way.
You don't wake up in the
morning and sort of put all these barriers in your head and -- you know,
it's all integrated.
It's like I say, we've got the Chairman of the
Palestinian Authority here, we're working very hard to find a
comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
We can't find that .peace if we
say, well, here's what we're going to do on these difficult issues and,
oh, by the way, there's economici, but it's over here and it doesn't
have anything to do with it. We have to put all these things to~ether.
So I ask you, help us to find a way, first, to explain to the
and the opponents of what we believe ih why there is some
increase in inequality as a result of an economic change that is
basically wonderful, and has the potentia.! -- if we make the changes we
should -- to open possibilities for ptior people all over the world that
would have been undreamed of even .10 years ago. And; second, find a way
to let the dissenters have their say, and turn them into constructive
partners. ·If you do that, we will continue to integrate the world
economically, and in terms of political cooperation.
skeptic~
We have got a chan6e to build a 21st century world that walks away
not only from the modern horrors of terrorists and bio and chemical
terrorism and· technology, but away from ancient racial, religious and
tribal hatred.
Growth is at the center of that chance.
It gives people
hope every day.
But the economics must be blended with the other
legitimate human concerns. We can do it -- not by going back to the
past, but by going toqether into the .future.
·
·
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
Q Mr. President, I can tell you, and the applause has shown you
what support you have for your plea for an open, rules-based trading
system and for globalization.
But at th~ sam~ tim~, what we take home
and what suddenly will influence our discussions very much over the next
days, I think we have -- and we are all aware here in this hall -- that
we have to change our attitudes, and that we have to create this human
and social dimension to globalization.
It's in our own interest, and
your speech, I think, will be reminded and_will be translated into the
necessary action.
Now, Mr. President, just two questions.
The first one:
In your
reference to free trade and the WTO, you didn't mention China. And my
question is -THE PRESIDENT:
Yes, I did.
Q You mentioned it -THE PR~SIDENT:
so -- (laughter)
Q No, no.
I did, but I don't have -- I speak with an accent,
'
(Laughter and applause.)
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THE PRESIDENT:
I did, but I
Q The question which I would like to raise is, will you actually
rally the support in you·r country and internationally, to get China
integrated into the WTO?
THE PRESIDENT:
I think so.
In the United States, in the Congress,
there are basically two blocks of people who oppose China's accession to
the WTO.
There are those who believe we should not do it because even
though -- everyone has to recognize, if you look at our trade deficit
with China, everyone.recognizes it's huge-- by far, the biggest part of
our trade deficit.
Everyone recognizes tnat we have kept our markets
'open to China, and that if we had greater access to Chinese markets, it
would be a good thing for us.
So no one could seriously ar-gue that the
openings from agriculture and for other opportunities are massive, and
that it would mean more to the United States than any othei country
since we buy -- we're about 22 percerit of the world's economy and every
year we buy between 33 and 40 percent of all China's exports, ~nd we
have a major, major trade deficit.
On the economic argument, the people who are against it say, yes,
that may be true, but if you put China in the WTO, it's basically a
protectionist country and, then America will never get any real action on
labor and environmental standards and all that because China will thwart
every reform we want.
That's what people say.
Then, there is another group of people that don't w~nt to vote for
it because of the actions the Chinese have taken to try to preserve
stability at the expense of freedom.
They believe that even if China's
economy has grown more open, political crackdowns, crackdowns against
the Falun Gong and other~'have g6tten more intense, more open, and that
it puts the lie to the argument that inteqrating China into the
international system will lead to a more open, more democratic, more
cooperative China.
Those are basically the two arguments that will be
made.
Those both rate serious issues, but I think it ~ould be a mistake
of monumental proportion for the United States not to support China's
entry into the WTO.
(Appiause.)
I believe that because, again, my
experience is that you're almost 100 percent of the time better off
having an old adversary that might be a friend working with you, even
when you have more disagreements and you have to stay up a little later
at night to reach agieemeni, than being out there wondering on the
o~tside wondering what you're doing and being absolutely sure whatever
~t is it's not good ·for them.
·
So I believe that having them in. the WTO will not only pad the
economic-benefits for the United States and other countries I mentioned,
but will increase the likelihood of positive change in China and,
therefore, stability throughout Asia.
Let me say, you know, China and Russia both are still going through
big transitions.
The Russian economy is c6ming bac~ a little better
.than most people think it is. No one knows. what China and Russia will ·.
be like 10 years from now for sure, and you ·can't control it, unless
you're Chinese or Russian; but you can control what you do. And I don't
know about you, but 10 years from now, whatever happens, I want to know
that I did everything I could to increase the chance that they would
make good choices, to become good, constructive neighbors and good,
constructive partners in the global community.
You know, we don't agree with the Russian policy in Chechnya, but
we've gotten rid of 5,000 nuclear weapons, and we got our soldiers
working together in the Balkans:
So I think the argument -- we've got
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to try to have these big countries integrated, for the same reason we
have to keep trying to work with India and with Pakistan to resolve
those difficulties and get them fully integrated.
At every turn, we h~ve ~o ask ourselves -- we cannot control what
other people do, we can only control what we do.
But when all i~ said
and done, if it works out well or it works out poorly, we want to know
that we have done everything we possibly could to give people a chance
to make good decisions. And that's what drives me, and that'.s why we're
going to do everything we possibly can -- under the leadership of
Secretary Daley, who's going to coordinate our efforts to implement the
agreement that our trade ambassador, Charlene Barshefsky, negotiated -we're going to try everything we pan to-get China permanent trading
status so we can support their entering the WTO. And my guess is that
we'll do it.
But it's gding to be a big fight, and you can watch it
with interest, and I hope with support.
Thank you.
(Applause.)
Q Mr. President, you mentioned debt relief in your speech, and you
also mentioned it in your State of the Union message.
Do you think the
G-7 are really doing enough in this respect?
THE PRESIDENT:
No, I don't.
But if ~e do -- I'm trying to focus
on doing what we promised to do. And again; let me tell you what the
debate is. We had an intense effort, in the last session of Congress,
to pass what the Congress was finally, at· the end of the session, good
enough to do, and do on a bipartisan basis -- I want to give credit to
the Republicans, as well as the Democrat~, who voted for this -- to
support our forgiving 100 percent of our bilateral debt for .the poorest
countries. And we're going to hav,e another intense debate to support
our contributions to the multilateral debt reduction effort, which is
even more important.
The debate at home
basically, the people who are against this
are old-fashioned conservatives who think when people borrow money they
ought to pay it back, and if you forgive their debt, 'well, then, no one
else will ever loan them money, because they'll think they'll have to
forgive their debt, too.
There's something to that, by th~ way.
There's som~thing to that.
In other words, when we get into
negotiations of whether debt should be rescheduled or totally forgiven,
there are many times -~ when I have confidence in the leader of a
country, and I know they're going in the right direction, I would almost
always rather forgive ~t -- assuming I could get the support in Congress
to do so.
·
But we do have to be sensitive to the way the world investor
community views all these things, so that when all is said in done,
countries that genuinely will have to continue to borrow money can get
the money they need.
But with that.caveat, I favor doing more, and more
than the Cologne debt initiative.
But my experience is,· we do these
things on a step-by-step basis. We already have broadened the Cologne
debt initiative, and we're going to broaden it again. And I think if we
get the Cologne debt initiative done and it works, and people see that
it works, then we can do more.
But it is xeally, it is quite pointless, it seems to me, to keep
these poor countries trapped in debt. 'They're having to make debt
service payments, which means that they can't educate their children,
they can't deal with their health care problems, they can't grow their
economy, and therefore they can't make any money to pay their debts off
anyway.
I mean, it's a totally self-defeating policy we've got now.
So I would like to see us do as much as possible, but at the same
time, I want to remind you of another point I made. A lot of countries
suffer not because they have governments that are too strong, they
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suffer because they have governments that are too weak.
So we have to
keep ttying to build the governance capacity for countries so when they
get their debt relief, then they can go forward and succeed.
So I don't
think you should f6rget about that, either.
·
All of us have a real obligation to try to help build capacity
our friends, when they get the relief, can make the most of it.
s~
Q Mr. President, to conclude our session, you have in front of you
the 1,000 most influential business leaders. What would be your single,
most important wish towards them, at this moment?
THE PRESIDENT:
My most important wi:3h is that the global business
community could adopt a shared vision for the next 10 to 20 years about
what you want the world to look like, and then go about trying to create
it in ways that actually enhance your business, but do so in a way that
helps other people as well.
I think the factor about globalization that tends.to be
under-appreciated is, it will only work/if we understand it genuinely
means interdependence.
It means interdependence, which means we can, 1
none of u~ who are fortunate can any longer help ourselves unless we are
prepared to help our neighbors.
And we need a more unifying, more
in~lusive vision.
Once you know where you're going, it's a lot easier
to decide what steps to take to get there.
If you don't know where
you're going, you can work like crazy and ·you would be walking in the
wrong direction.
That's why I think this forum is so important.
You need to deci.de.
The business community needs to decide.
You may not agree with anything
I said up here today.. But you have to decide whether you really agree
that the WTO is not just the province for you and me and. the trade
experts.
You have to decide whether you really agree that ~lobalization
.is about more than markets alone.
You have to decide whether you really
agree that free markets, even in an age of free markets, you need
confident, strong, efficient government.
You have to decid~ whether you
really agree that it would be a good. thing to get the debt off these
countries' shoulders if you knew and could require that the money sa*ed
would go into educating children and not buildin~ weapons of
destruction.
Because if you decide those things, you can influence not only the
decisions of your own government, but how all these international
bodies, including the WTO, work.
So the reason I came all the way over
here on precious little sleep, which probably undermined my ability to
communicate today, is that collectively, you can change the world.
And
what you are doing here is a mirror image of what peopl~ are doing all
over the world.
This is
new network.
a
But don't leave the little guys out.
You know, I come from a
little town in Arkarisas.
I was born in a town of 6,000 people, in a
state that's had.an income just about half the national average.
I've
got .a cousin who lives in Arkansas -- he's a small businessman, he works
for a small business -- who, two or three times a week, plays chess on
the Internet with a guy in Australia.
·
..
·
Now, they've got to work out the times.
How they do that, I don't
know.
(Laughter.)
But the point I want to make to you is, he thinks he
knows as much about his life and his interests and how he relates to the
Internet and the world, as I do.
He thinks he 'knows just as much about
his interests as his President does, who happens to be his cousin.
So we need these networks. And you are in an unbelievably unique·
position.
So my one wish for you
you might think I'd say China or
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this or that and the other;· it's nothing specific -- develop a shared
v1s1on. When good people, with great energy, have shared vision, ali
the rest works out.
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause.)
7:40A.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Los Angeles, California)
For Immediate Release
January 21, 2000
TEXT OF A LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO THE CHAIRMEN AND RANKING MEMBERS OF THE
SENATE COMMITTEES ON FINANCE ll.ND FOREIGN RELATIONS
AND THE HOUSE COMMITTEES ON WAYS AND MEANS
AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
January 21, 2000
I am pleased to submit the fifth annual report on the Administration's
Comprehensive Trade and Development Policy for Africa, as required by
section 134 of the Uruguay Round Agreements Act.
The past year has seen
the broadening and deepening of our economic relations with Sub-Saharan
Africa as we pursue common objectives under the Partnership for Economic
Growth and Opportunity in Africa and set a course for the 21st century.
For the first time in history, a U.S.-Africa Ministerial meeting was
held in Washington in March 1999.
The event was attended by 83
ministers from 46 Sub-Saharan countries, as well as representatives from
4 north African nations, the heads of 8 African regional brganizations,
and 8 members of my Cabinet and 4 agency heads.
The Ministerial
resulted in the Blueprint for a U.S.-Africa Partnership for the 21st
Century, a'document· setting forth common perspectives and plans for
U.S. -Africa cooperation on a series of imJ~ortant issues, including the
integration of African states into the global economy, regional
integration, development assistance, sector issues including investment,
debt, and agriculture, and the broader issues of human resource
development, HIV/AIDS, transnational threats, and conflict resolution.
We will continue to build on this blueprint in the coming year.
The legislative cornerstone of our Africa trade policy is ~he African
Growth and Opportunity Act.
I am pleased that this legislation has been.
approved by both chambers of Congress, and I look forward to the final
~pproval by the Congress of this historic legislation early this year.
The African Growth and Opportunity Act.will add further impetus to our
Nation's bipartisan efforts to .enhance economi9 growth and strengthen
U.S. trade with and investment in Sub-Saharan Africa.
My Administration continues to be guided by the conviction that economic
development in Sub-Saharan Africa will benefit both Africans and
Americans.
As highlighted in the attached report, the United States ·has
made significant progress in supporting sustainable growth and expanded
trade in Africa through a series of successf~l initiatives, focused tin
increased economic engagement, enhanced market access, technical
assistance in implementing economic reforms, ·trade missions, development
assistance, debt relief, and support for the region'~ integration into
the multilateral trading system.
·
My Administration will continue working with the Congress, the private
sector, the countries of Africa, and our other trading partners to
implement the policies and programs contained in this report.
We have
charted the course and look forward to an.even stronger, mutually
beneficial U.S. partnership with the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa in
the 21st centpry.
·
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Sincerely,
J
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
# # #
)
.
'
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Geneva, Switzerland)
For Immediate Release
June 16, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION CONFERENCE
United ~ations Building
Geneva, Switzerland
11:25 A.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Tharik you very much, Director General Somavia, for
your fine statement and your excellent work.
Conference President
Mumuni, Director General Petrovsky, ladies and gentlemen of the ILO:
It
is a great honor for me to be here today with, as you have noticed,
quite a large American delegation.
I hope you will take it as a
commitment of the United States to our shared vision, and not simply as
a burning desire for us to visit this beautiful city on every possible
opportunity.
I am delighted to be here with Secretary Albright and Secretary of
) L'abor Herman; with my National Economic Ptdvisor Gene Sperling, and my
National Security Advisor Sandy £erger. We're delighted to be joined by
the President of the American Federation of Labor, the· AFL-CIO, John
Sweeney, and several other leaders of the U.S. labor movement; and with
Senator Tom Harkin from Iowa who is the .foremost advocate in the United
States of the abolition of child labor.
I am gratetul to all of them
for coming with me, and to the First Lady and our daughter for joining
us on this trip. And I th~nk you for your warm reception of her
presence here.
It is' indeed an honor for me to be the first American President to
speak before the ILO in Geneva.
It is long overdue.
There is no
organization that has worked harder to bring people together around
fundamental human aspirations, and no organization whose mission is more
vital for today and tomorrow.
The ILO, as the Director General said, was created in the wake of
the devastation of World War I as part of a vision to provide stability
to a world recovering from war, a vision put forward by our President,
Woodrow Wilson.
He said then, "While we are fighting for freedom we
must see that labor is free." At a time when dangerous doctrines of
dictatorship were increasingly appealing the ILO was founded on the
realization that injustice produces, and I quote, "unrest so great that
the peace and.harmony of the world are imperiled."
Over time the organization was strengthened, and the United States
played its role, starting with President Franklin Roosevelt a~d
following through his succ~s~ors and many others in the United States
Congress, down to the strong supporters today, including Senator Harkin
and the distinguished senior Senator fran\ New York, Patrick Moynihan.
For half a century, the ILO has waged a struggle of rising
prosperity and widening fr~edom, from the shipyards of Poland to the
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diamond mines of South Afric~.
Today, as the Director General said, you
remain the only organization to bring together governments, labor unions
and business, to try to unite people in common cause -- the dignity of
work, the belief that honest labor, fairly compensated, gives meaning
and structure to our lives; the ability of every family and all children
to rise as far as their talents will take th~m.
In a world too often divided, this organization has been a
powerful force for unity, justice, equality and shared ~rosperity.
For
all that, I thank you.
Now, at the edge of a new century, at the dawn
of the Information Age, the ILO and its vision are more vital than ever
--for the world i~ becoming_a much smaller and much, much more
interdependent place~ ·Most hations are linked to the new dynamic,
idea-driven, technology-powered, highly competitive international
economy.
The digital. revolution is a profound, powerful and potentially
democratizing force.
It can empower p-eople and nations, enabling the
wise and far-sighted to develop'more quickly and with less damage to the
environment.
It can enable us to work together across the world as
easily as if we were working just across the hall.
Competition,
communications and more open markets spur s.tunning ir_movation and make
their fruits available to busihess and work~~i worldwide.
Consider this:
Every single day, half a million air passengers,
1.5 billion e-mail messages and $1.5 trillion cross international
borders. We also have new tools to· eradicate diseases that have long
plagued humanity, to remove the threat of global. warming and
environmental destruction, to lift billions of people into the first
truly global middle class.
Yet, as the financial crisis of the last two years has shown, the
global economy with its churning, hyperactivity, poses' new risks, as
well, of disruption, dislocation and division. A financial crisis in
one country can be felt on factory floors half a world away.
The world
has changed, much of it for the better, but too often our response to
its new challenges has not changed.
Globalization is not a proposal or a policy choice, it is a fact.
But how we respond to it will make all the difference. We cannot dam up
the tides of economic change anymore than King Knute* could still the
waters.
Nor can -we tell our people to sink or swim on their own.
We
must find a new way -- a_ new and democratic way -- to _maximize market
potential and social justice, competition and community. We must put a
human face on the global economy, giving working people everywhere a
stake in its success, equipping them all to reap its rewards, providing
for their families the basic conditions of a just society. All nations
must embrace this vision,· and all the great economic institutions of the
world must devote their creativity and energy to this end .
. Last May I had the opportunity to come and speak to the World
Trade Organization and stress that as we fight for open markets, it must
open its doors to the concerns of working people and the environment.
Last November, I spoke to the International Monetary Fund and World Bank
and stressed that we must build a new financial architecture as modern
as today's markets, to tame the cycles of boom and bust in the global
economy as we can n6w do in national economies; to ensure the integrity
of international financial transac~ions; and to Bxpand social safety
nets for the most vulnerable.
Today I say to you that the ILO, too, must be ready for the 21st
century, along the lines that Director General Somavia has outlined.
Let me begin by stating my firm belief that open trade is not
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contrary to the interest of working people. Competition and integration
lead to stronger growth, more and better jobs, more widely shared gains.
Renewed protectionism in ani bf our nations would lead to a spiral of
retaliation that would diminish the standard of living for working
people everywhere.
Moreover, a failure to expand trade further could
choke off irinovation and diminish the very possibilities of the
information economy.
No, we need more trade, not less.
Unfortunately, working people the 1~orld over do not believe this.
Even in the United States, with the lowest unemployment rate in a
generation, where exports accounted for 30 percent of our growth. until
the financial crisis hit Asia, working people strongly resist new
market-opening measures.
There are many reasons.
In advanced countries
the benefits of open trade outweigh the burdens.
But they are widely
spread, while the dislocations of open trade are painfully concentrated.
In all countries, the premium the modern economy places on skills
leaves too many hard-working people behind.
In pdor c6untries, the ·
gains seem too often to go to the already wealthy and powerful, with
·.little or no rise in the general standard of living. And the
international organizations charged with monitoring and providing for
rules of fair trade, and enforcement of them, seem to take a very long
time to work their way to the right decision, often too late to affect
the people who have been disadvantaged.
So as we press for more open trade, we must do more to ensure that
all our people are lifted by the global economy, As ~e prepare to
launch a new global round of trade talks in Seattle in November, it is
vital that the WTO and the ILO work together to advance that common
goal.
We clearly see that a thriving global economy will grow out of the
·skills, the idea, the education of millions of individuals.
In each of
our nations and as a community of nations, we must invest in our people
and lift them to their full potential.
If we allow the ups and downs of
financial crises to divert us from invest:ing in our people, it is not
only those citizens or nations that will suffer -- the entire world will
suffer from their lost potential.
. It is clear that when nations face financial crisis, they need the
commitment and the expertise ~ot only of the international financial
institutions, they need the ILO as well.
Th_e IMF, the World Bank and'
WTO, themselves, should work more closely with the ILO, and this
organization must be willing and able to assume more resporisibility.
The lesson of the past two years is plain: Those nations with
strong social safety nets are better able to weather the storms.
Those
strong safety nets do not just include financial assistance and
emergency aid for poorest people, they also call for the empowerment of
the poorest people.
This weekend in Cologne, I will join my partners in the G-8 in
calling for a new focus on stronger safety nets within nations and
within the international community. We will also urge improved
cooperation between the ILO and the international financial institutions
in promoting social protections and core labor standards. And we should
press forward to lift the debt burden thab is crushing many of th~
poorest nations.
We are working to forge a bold agreement to more ~~=n trjp;e debt
relief for the world's oorest nations and to f!trget th
savin s to
e ucat1on, hea t
care, ch1
::!u-rv1va an'd fighting poverty.
I pledge
to work to find the resources so we can do our part and contribute our
share toward an expanded trust fund for debt relief.
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Yet, as important as our efforts to strengthen safety nets and
relieve debt burdens are, for citizens throughout the world to feel that
they truly have a hand in shapitig,their future they must know the
dignity and r~spect of basic rights in the workplace .
. You have taken a vital step toward lifting the lives of working
people by adopting the Declaration on .F.undamental Principles and Rights
at Work last year.
The document is a blueprint for the global economy
that honors our values -- the dignity o~ 0ork, an end to discrimination,
an end to forced labor, freedom of association, the.right. of people to
organize and bargain in a civil and peaceful way.
These are not just
labor rights, they're human rights.
They are a charter for a truly
modern economy. We must make them an everyday reality all across the
world.
We advance these rights first by standing up to those who abuse
them.
Today, one member.nation, Bunna, stands in defiance of the ILO's
most fundamental values and most serious findings.
The Director General
has just reported to us that the flagrant violation of human rights
persists, and I urge the ILO governing body to take definite steps. ·For
Burma is out of step with the standards of the world community and the
aspirations of its people.
Until people have the right to shape their
destiny we must stand by them and keep up the pressure for change.
'
We also advance core labor rights by standing with those who seek
to make them a reality in the 0orkplace. Many countries need exira
assistance to meet these standards . Whether it's rewriting inadequate
labor laws, or helping fight discrimination against women and minorities
in.the workplace, the ILO must be able to help.
That is why in the balanced budget I submitted to our Congress
this year I've asked for $25 million to help create a new arm of the
ILO, to work with developing countries to·put in place basic labor
standards -- protections, safe work places, the right to organize.
I
ask other governments to join us.
I've also asked for $10 million from
our Congress to strengthen U.S. bilateral support for governments
seeking to raise such core labor standards.
We have asked for millions of dollars also to build on our
voluntary anti-sweat shop initiative to:encourage the many inn6vative
programs that are being developed to eli1ninate sweat shops and raise ·
consumer awareness of the conditions in 1~hich the clothes they-wear and
the toys they buy for their children are made.
But we. must go furt.her, to give life to our dream of an economy
that lifts all our people.
To do that, 1~e must wi~e from the Earth the
most vicious forms of abusive child labor.
Every single day tens of
millions· of children work in conditions that shock the conscience.
There are children chained to often risky machines; children handling
dangerous chemicals; children forced to 1~ork when they should be in
school, preparing themselves and their countries for a better tomqrrow.
Each of our 'nations must take r~sponsibility.
Last week, at the inspiration of. Senator Tom Harkin, who is here
with me today, I directed all agencies of the United States government
to make absolutely sure they are not buying ariy products made with
abusive child labor.
But we must also act together.
Today, the time has come to buil¢
on the growing world consensus to ban the most abusive forms of child
labor -- to join together and to say there are some things we cannot and
will not tolerate.
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We will not tolerate children being used in pornography and
prostitution. We will not tolerate children in slavery or bondage.
We
will not tolerate children being forcibly recruited to serve in armed
conflicts.
We will not tolerate young childreh risking their health ~nd
breaking their bodies in hazardous and dangerous working conditions for
hours unconscionably long -- regardless of country, regardless of
circumstance.
These are not some archaic practices out of a Charles
Dickens novel. ·These are things that happen in too many places today.
I am proud of what is being done at your meeting.
In January, I
said to our Congress and the American people·in the State of the Union
address, that we would work with the ILO on a new initiative to raise
labor standards and to conclude a treaty to ban abusive child labor
everywhere in "the world.
I am proud to say that the United States will
support your convention. Aft~r I return home I will send it to the U.·S.
Senate for ratification, and I ask all other countries to ratify it, as
well.
(Applause. f
We thank you for achieving a true breakthrbugh for the children of
the world. We thank the nations h'ere represented who have made genuine
progress in dealinq with this issue in their own nations.
You have
written an important new chapter in our effort to honor our. values and
protect our children.
Passing this convention alone, however, will not solve the
problem.
We must also work ~ggiessively to enforce it. And we must
address root causes, the tangled pathology of poverty and hopelessness
that leads to abusive child labor. Where that still exists it is simply
not enough to close the factories where the worst child labor practices
occur. We must also ensure that children then have access to schools
and their parents have jobs. Otherwise, we may find children in even
more abusive circumstances.
That is why the work of the International Program for the
Elimination of Child Labor is so important. With the support of the
United St~tes, it is/working in places around the world to get children
out of the business of making fireworks, to help children move from
their jobs as domestic servants, to take children from factories to
schools.
Let me cite just one example of the success being achieved, the
work being done to eliminate child labor from the soccer ball industry
in Pakistan.
Two years ago, thousands of child~en under the age of 14
worked for 50 companies stitching soccer balls full-time.
The industry,
the ILO and UNICEF joined.together to remove children from the
production of soccer balls and give them a chance to go to school, and
to monitor the results.
Today, the work has been taken up by women in 80 poor villages in
Pakistan, giving them new employment and their families new stabilities.
Meanwhile, the children have started to go to school, so that when they
come of age, they will be able to do better jobs raising the standard of
living of their families, their villages and their nation.
I thank all
who were involved in this endeavor and ask others to follow their lead.
I am pleased that our administration has increased our support
for IPEC by tenfold.
I ask you to think what could be achieved by a
full and focused international effort to eliminate the worst forms of
child labor.
Think of the children who would go to school, whose lives
would open up, whose very health would flower, freed of the crushing
burden of dangerous and demeaning work, given back those irreplaceable
hotirs of childhood for learning and playing and living.
By giving life to core labor standards, by acting effectively to
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lift the burden of debt; by putting a mo:ce human face on the world
trading system and the ~lobal economy, ~y ending the worst forms of
child labor, wa will be giving our child:cen the 21st century they
deserve.
I
These are hopeful times.
Previous generations sought to redeem
the rights of labor in a time of world war and organized t~ranny. We
ha~e a chance to build a world more prosperous, more united, more humane
than ever.before.
In so doing, we can fulfill the dreams of the ILO's
founders, and redeem the struggles of those who fought and organized,
who sacrificed and, yes, died -- for freedom, equality, and justice in
the workplace.
It is our great good fortune that ~n our time we have been given
the golden opportunity t6 make the 21st century a period of abundance
and achievement for all.
Because we can do that,· we must.
I t is. a gift
to our children worthy of the millennium.
·
\
Thank you
ve~y
END
much.
(Applause. )
11:50 A.M., (L)
·;
,..
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 1, 2000
RADIO ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT
AND THE FIRST LADY
TO THE NATION
The Oval Office
10:06 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning and Happy New Year -- or we should
say, happy new millennium.
Last night, Hillary and I joined thousands
of Americans on the National Mall to bid farewell to the remarkable
century just past -- and to welcome the new millennium.
The £eelings
of goodwill and hope that overcame us all will be among our'most
treasured moments, and we're deeply grateful that the celebrations were
both jubilant and peaceful here, and all around the world.
MRS. CLINTON:
But our celebration didn't just begin at the stroke
of midnight, nor will it end today.
Two years ago, the President and I
launched the White House Millennium Project to inspire all Americans to
reflect on where we have been 'as a nation, who we are, and what we want
to be-- a project "to honor the past and imagine the future."
\
I've traveled all across our country, encouraging citizen~ and
communities· to think of the gifts that America can give to the future
-- whether it's saving our historic treasure~ such as the Declaration
of Independence or Thomas Edison's invention factory or the pueblos of
the American Southwest, opening trails and planting millions of trees
for future generations to enjoy, or teaching our schoolchildren to
value their families' and America's immigrant past.
The President and
I invite you to join these and so many other efforts to extend our.
celebration fa~ into the new year and the new century.
THE PRESIDENT: What is perhaps most remarkable about last night's
celebration is the way it was shared·around the world. Millions of
Americans, and billions of others acros::: the globe, watched on
television as midnight broke first in Asia, then in Europe, then
Africa, South America, finally, here in North America.
That people all over the planet could experience the same events
at the same time would have .been impossible for anyone to imagine a
thousand years. ago, even a hundred.
Yet, the growing
intet-connectedness of the world today -- thanks to a global economy.
and technologies like the Internet -- is more than ju~t a mark of how
far we've come.
It's the key to understanding where we're going, and
what we must do in the new millennium.
It's clear that our fate in America increasingly will be tied to
the fate of other nations and other people around the world. We must
have prosperous partners to trade with, secure democracies to share the
burdens of peacekeeping, and mutual effort to combat challenges that no
know borders, from terrorism to environmental destruction.
To advance
our interests and protect our values in this new, interconnected world,
America clearly must remain engaged. We must help to shape events and
not be shaped by them.
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MRS. CLINTON:
Yet, it is not just by our exertions abroad, but by
the example we set here at home, ~hat we can influence the world for
the better.
For in the new millennium, the world will·be looking to
America for leadership in meet{ng our great common challenges.
If we in America can extend prosperity to people and places in
this country that have not felt it, then perhaps the global economy can
bring a better life to the 1.4 billion people who live on less than one
dollar a day.
If we in America can provide all of our children with a
world-class education, then perhaps it will be possible, in the
not-too-distant future, for ~very child in the world to have a good
education. And if we can build one America, and make our diversity our
greatest strength, then perhaps other nations will see the advantage·of
working to overcome their own ethnic and religious tensions.
THE PRESIDENT: We begin the 21st century well poised to be that
guiding light.
Seldom in our histoiy, and never in my lifetime, has
our nation enjoyed such a combination of widespread economic success,
social solidarity, and national self-confidence, without an internal
crisis or an overarching external threat.
Never has the openness and
dynamism of our society been more emulated by other countries.
Never
have our values -- of freedom, democracy and opportunity -- been more
ascendant in the world.
Nearly 55 years ago, President Franklin Roosevelt said that "we
cannot live alone at peace ... our own well being is dependent on the
well being of other nations far away," and, there~ore, .that we must be
"citizens of the world, members of the human community." I believe his
words will prove even truer in the 21st.century. With.America
fulfilling our ideals and responsibilities, we can make this new
century a time of unprecedented peace, freedom and prosperity for our
people an~ for all the citizens of the world.
Thank you, Happy New Year and God bless America.
END
10:11 A.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Cape Town, South Africa)
For Immediate Release
March 28, 1998
RADIO ADDRESS.OF THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATION
Cape Town, South Africa
THE PRESIDENT:
Good morning.
In the storefronts and shop windows o~
Jonesboro, Arkansas, there are signs that read, "Our hearts are with
West Side Middle Scihool." .Even though Hillary and I are far away from
our home state, our hearts, too, are with West Side, and with the
grieving families whose loved ones were killed or injured in that tragic
incident just four days ago.
This is the third time in recent months that a quiet tdwn, and our
nation, have been shaken by the awful specter of students being killed
by other young people at schools. We join the families of Jonesboro and
all America in mourning this terrible loss of young life -- life so full
of promise and hope so cruelly cut short.
We mourn the loss of Natalie Brooks, of Paige Ann Herring, of Stephanie
Johnson, of Brittany Varner, and of a heroic teacher, Shannon Wright,
who sacrificed her own life to save a child. These five names will be
etched in our memories forever, and linked forever with the names of
Nicole Hadley, Jessica James, and Casey Steger, of Paducah, ·Kentucky;
and Lyndia kaye Dew and Christina Menefee of Pearl, Mississippi.
Our
thoughts and our piayers are ~ith all their families today.
We do not understand whatJdrives children, whether in small towns or
big cities, to pick up gtins and take the lives 6f others. We may never
make sense of the senseless, but we have to try. We ha~e seen a
community come together in grief and compassion for one another, and in
the determination that terrible acts like these must no longer threaten
our nation's children.
Parents across America should welcome the news reported just this month
by Attorney General Reno and Education Secretary Riley that the vast
majority of our sch6ols are safe and free of violent .criilie: we've
worked hard to make our schools places of learning, not fear; places
where children can worry about math and science, not guns, drugs, arid
gangs.
But when a terrible tragedy like this occurs, it reminds us
there is work yet to be done.
I have directed Attorney General Reno to bring together experts on
school violence to analyze these incidents to determine what they have
in common and whether there are further steps we can take to reduce the
likelihood of something so terrible recurring.
Already we've seen the remarkable difference community policing has
made in our nation's streets. Now we have to apply that same energy and
resolve to our schools to make them safer places for children to learn,
play, and grow. At school there must be full compliance with our policy
of zero tolerance toward guns, and at home there should be no easy
access to weapons that kill.
Protecting our childr~n from school violence is more than a matter of
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law or policy; at heart, it is a matter of basic values, of conscience
and community. We must teach our children to respect others. We must
instill in them a deep, abiding sense of right and wrong. And to
dhildren who are troubled, angry, or alone, we must extend a hand before
they destroy the lives of others and destroy their own in the process.
We have to understand that young children may not fully appreciate the
consequences of actions that are destructive, but may be able to be
romanticized at a twisted moment. And v1e ·have to make sure that they.
don't fall into that trap.
Three towns:
Jonesboro, Pearl, Paducah
too many precious lives
lost.
The white ribbons that flutter today in my home state of Arkansas
are a poignant and powerful challenge to all of us -- a challenge to
come together for the sake of our children· and for the future of our
nation.
··
Thanks for listening.
END
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THE WHITE HOUSE
.Office of the Press Se~retary
(Manila, Philipp·ines)
For Immediate Release
November 12, 1994
RADIO ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATION
Elmendorf Air Base
Anchorage, Alaska
THE PRESIDENT:
Good morning.
I'm speaking to you
from Anchorage, Alaska, at the end of the first leg of my trip to
Asia.
The next stop is the Philippines, where I'll take part in.
a ceremony especially appropriate just a couple of days after
Veterans' Day.
There I'll have the privilege of helping to honor
the sacrifices made by those
who fo~ght in the Pacific dutin~ '
World War II to preserve our freedom and democracy.
In the 50 years since, America has helped to build a
world ,of peace and prosperity. We know that these blessings are
the fruit of our veterans' brave fights..
That's why yesterday,
on Veterans' Day we honored and remembe1~ed all who, ·in war and
peace, have given so much so that America could remain free.
We
have a special obligation to make sure that ~ur nation never
forgets their work, and that we do everything we can to keep our
country strong in .the face of our challenges at home and abroad.
We also have an obligation to honor those who are
standing watch for freedom and security now, from our bases
across America to our outposts around the world.
Over the last few months, at home and abroad, I've
had the privilege of saying thank you in person to our men and
women in uniform -- those who are ~eeping our nation's
commitments.
Our troops in Haiti are helping the Haitian people
tutn from fear and repression to hope and democracy.
In the
Persian Gulf they're ensuring that Iraq does not again threaten
'its neighbors or the stability of the vital Gulf region. All
over the world, our military is proving that when America makes a
promise, we'll keep it.
The results are clear.
The threat of nuclear war is
receding.
For the first time since the dawn ·of the nuclear age,
no Russian missiles are pointed at Americans.
North Korea has
recently agreed to become a nonnuclear state and to remove that
threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destructiori.
Peace
and freedom are on the march, with American support and
involvement in the Middle East, in the Gulf, in Haiti, and also
in Northern Ireland and South Africa where we've been asked to be
involved.
Our national security plainly depends on our strong
military and on a strong foreign policy.
But our strength is
more than military around the world.
It also depends upon
strength in a global economy.
The future of every nation is
really a global future.
It means jobs and incomes in the United
'
<:
'
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States. And expanded trade has always been a goal of mine and
this administration, because, whether we like it or not, we are
in a global ecpnorny that we can't run from, and trade related
jobs pay so much more on the average thari jobs not r~lated to
trade.
·
That's where the rest of this trip to Asia fit~ in.
Next week, in Jakarta, Indonesia, I'll meet with the 14 leaders
of the Asian Pacific Economic Coope~ation Forum, called APEC.
We'll continue the work we began last year when I called the
group together for the first time in Seattle. We've already
forged a common vision of a more operi community. When we meet in
Ja,karta I hope we' 11 embrace a common direction, setting a goal
for free and open trade a~ong all our economies.
Then when I return from the trip we'll face another
crucial test about our future in this global economy. Congress
will reconvene soon to vote on ratifying GATT, the largest, most
comprehensive trade agreement ever.
GATT will require all
nations to finally do what we've already done -- to cut tariffs
and other barriers and open up trade to our products and our
services.
I t will level the export playing field for American
companies and American workers all around the world, and.in so
doing, will create hundreds of thousands of new high-paying jobs
right here at horne.
It will make our exports more competitive exactly
when we have recovered our ability to sell more American products
and services.
This year, America's economy, for the first time
in nine years, has been voted the most productive in the world by
the annual review of international economists. And for the first
time since 1979, American automobile makers are selling more cars
all around the world than their Japanese competitors.
The congressional vote on the GATT will be a
defining decision for America as we head into the next century.
And I believe that members of both parties will put aside
pattisanship to do what's right for our country and our future.
I also hope that both parties will take other
opportunities to join together when the national interest is at
stake, and we're moving into a future which has no'easy partisan
label tide to the past. Our common goal.rnust be to produce a
strong America -- strong in terms of national commitments abroad.
On this Veterans' Day weekend, we know. that a strong America
means to be strong abroad.
But surely, we also know that it
means being strong at horne; that our strength comes at bottom
from strong families, strong communities, better education,
higher paying jobs, safer streets.
Strong at horne; strong
abroad.
Two sides of the same coin.
·
We have to keep going because a majority of hardworking Americans still feel uncertain about their economic
future and their personal and family security, even though we're
in the midst of a significant economic recovery. We've got to
keep going to bring our deficit down and keep shrinking the size
of the government, to increase trade and increase education and
training, to keep these jobs going up and to get more high-wage
jobs.
~We've got over five million new jobs in the last 22
months. And for the first time this year, we have some high-wage
jobs corning back into this economy -- more than in the previous
five years combined.
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So let's make our goal to be number one militarily,
number one economically, number one in the strength of our
families and our communities.
Strong at home; strong abroad.
That's an America that builds On the.opportunities others.have
sacrificed so much to give us. And it takes responsibility to
keep those opportunities alive for our children,
Thank you, and God bless America.
END
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 30, 1994
RADIO ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATION
The Oval Office
10:06 A.M. EDT
J
THE PRESIDENT:
Good morning.
This week all of us
watched with wonder as South Africa was reborn.
Young men carried
their elderly fathers on their backs to the polling booths; black
voters came on crutches and in wheelchairs, traveling for miles and
waiting for hours in this great march to freedom.
The miracle of South Africa's rebirth as a nonracial
democracy is aninspiring testament to the courage and vision of its
citizens. And I'm proud of America's role in helping them make the
miracle happen.
Private citizens, religious leaders and members of
Congress worked for· years to rally public opinion and impose economic
sanctions against Johannesburg. When Nelson Mandela and F. W. de
Klerk reached their agreements to dismantle apartheid, we were one of
the first countries to lift sanctions so we could help fuel the
recovery of a new South Africa.
Just in the last year we have supported unprecedented
voter education and election manito~ training programs. And this
week I'll be announcing a substantial' increase in our aid to South
Africa, to help it navigate a new course for all o~ its people.
This morning I want to talk about why this kind of
vigorous American engagement and leadership remains vital, not only
in South Africa but around the glob~.
Consider the former
Yugoslavia, where American engagement today is essential.
The
breakup of that country, inflamed by Serbian aggression, has iesulted
in three years of bloodshed and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and
elsewhere.
We have clear interests at stake in helping to bring a
peaceful end to the Bosnian conflict, an interest in preventin~ a
wider war in Europe, an intetest in preventing a flood of refugees,
an interest in maintaining the credibility and effectiveness of NATO
as.a force for peace in the new post-Cpld War era-- and clearly an
interest in.·helping to stop the slaughter of innocent civilians.
That's why we've been working to spur negotiations among the warring
parties. And it's why we've harnessed NATO's power in the service of
diplomacy.
In February, at the initiative of the United S~ates,·
NATO issued an ultimatum to Bosnian Serbs agairist the further
shelling of the Bosnian capital of Sarajevo. Today, Sarajevo is
relatively quiet.
It's citizens are emerging from the rubble to
begin rebuilding their lives.
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Just last week, we and our NATO allies extended a
similar ultimatum to the besieged town of Gorazde and to five other
Muslim majority towns the U.N. has designated as safe areas. After
weeks of relentless shelling, the Serbs have backed off and withdrawn
their guns from around Gorazde. While new challen~es lie ahead in
Bosnia, our determination to take action along with our NATO allies
in support of the U.N. mission there clearly generated new progress
toward peace.
In March, Bosnian and Croat leaders came to the White
House to sign a peace agreement.
Since then we've stepped up our
diplomatic efforts to engage the Serbs as well. As I've said, if the
parties in Bosnia can negotiate a viable settlement, I will work with
the Congress to deploy U.S. troops through NATO_ to help enforce that
peace.
There are other threats today that also demand our
active engagement, from North Korea's nuclear program to the efforts
of Iran and other backlash states to sponsor ~errorism. We're
meeting those threats with steadiness and resolve.
•'
At the same time, we recognize we've entered an age of
historic opportunity.
South Africa's elections offer vivid proof.
In the Middle East age-old enemies have extended handshakes of.
reconciliation.
In the form~r Soviet Union we're helping to
dismantle nuclear weapons once aimed at us. And just today, Russia
and Latvia signed an historic agreement to withdraw remaining Russian
military forces from Latvian territory by the end of August.
These
and other promising developments were made pos~ible in part by
American support and resolve.
But such engagement requires resourc,es commensurate with
our challenges. With the Cold War behind us, we~ve been able to
reduce spending on defens~ and foreign affairs. We've put those
programs under tight budgetary constraints. But now we're at the
razor's edge of·a resource crisis . . We cannot afford to shortchange
our national security. That's why I'm working hard against further
cuts in our defense budget; and why I'nl working with Congress to make
sur~ we adequately fund peacekeeping and other international efforts
that promote the security and prosperity of our own people.
As we approach the 50th anniversary of the D-Day
invasion this June, .we should recall the spirit of ·sacrifice and
common cause that mark that great crusade for freedom in World War
II.
In five weeks I'll travel to Europe to commemorate D-Day and to
honor those in t~e second world war who fought to defend our ·
democratic way of life.
The world is different now -- better because
of their courage. And we owe it to them to build.a better future for
the next generation.
As we salute the veterans who will be landing by the
thousands in Normandy this June, and as we celebrate South Africa's
elections today, let us remember that j\ffierican leadership in a
changing world requires sustained commitment.
Together, let us shape
this new world to our lasting benefit.
Thanks for listening.
END
10:12 A.M. EDT
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 11, 2000
RADIO ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATION
The Oval Office
10:06 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Good morning.
In just a few days, Congress will
begin to write the next year's budget.
This is an important challenge
we in Washington take up every year, with important consequences for the
American people.
Today, I want to talk to you about the outcome.I seek
for our families and our future.
I've always thought-you could tell a lot-about people's priorities
by what they do fir~t.
For me, above all, that means maintainin~ the
fiscal discipline that has brought us to this point of unprecedented
prosperity -- with 21 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment in 30
years, the longest economic expansion in history.
It means staying on
the path to make America debt-free by 2013.
It means saving Social
Security, strengthening Medicare, 'modernizing it with a voluntary
prescription drug benefit that so many of our seniors need and too few
can afford. And it means continuing to put the education of our
child~en first, with'higher sta~dards, more and better trained teachers,
after-school and summer school programs, modernizing our schools.
These are my first priorities.
I think they're most Americans'
first priorities.
But it seems the congressional majority has hardly
gives them a second thought.
Before Republican leaders have put a
single penny toward strengthening Social Security or Medicare~ before
'they put a single penny toward a prescription drug benefit; before they
put a single penny toward educating our children, they've allocated
nearly half a trillion dollars to risky tax cuts. More than half our
money already spent-- and not a penny on.our most pressing priorities.
Unfortunately, the majority tried to take us down this road before.
Last year, they went for one big tax cut with one big ~rab.
This year,
they're doing it piece by piece, one tax ~ut after another.
Just this
week, we saw Republican leaders attach special-interest tax breaks to
what should have been a simple raise .in the minimum wage.
Now, all
these cuts together add up to a serious threat to Social Security and
Medicare.
They would make it impossible to pay down the debt by 2013,
or make vital investments in education, fighting crime, protecting
public health and the environment, and other urgent national priorities.
As the budget process begins, I_urge Republican leaders to change
their course, and steer clear of a fiscal dead-end.
It's wrong £or
America-- ·it was wrong last year, and it's wrong. this year.
Let's do
first things first.
I urge Congress to write a budget that puts aside enough f~nds from·
our hard-won surplus to eliminate the debt by 2013; to write a budget
that strengthens and modernizes Medicare with a prescription drug
benefit; to write a budget that extends the solvency of Social Security;
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one that invests in education, extends health coverage to more American
families and meets other pressing priorities.
Of course, Congress still has plenty of time to get its work done
right, and get it done on time. I hope it will do so.: ~f Congress
takes care of first things first, we can also give targeted tax .relief
to America's families: a.tax credit to help pay for college or save for
retirement; a tax credit to help care for aging or ailing loved ones; a
tax relief to reduce the marriage penalty; tax relief to reward work and
family with an expanded earned income tax credit, an· increased tax
credit for child care expenses.
I will work with any member of either party to get these things
done. We can get them done -- but only in the context of a realistic,
responsible, balartced budget: one that maintains our fiscal discipline
and makes the most of this gieat moment of prosp~rity. Now, that's a
budget that makes- sense. One that works for working Americans.
Thanks for listening.
END
10:11 A.M. EST
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�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Debt Relief [2]
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Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 1
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-001-010-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e5226ccfe78074ce43b68a49f728f313.pdf
b5c10985f6e093cd3147279c1eedf562
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Debt Relief [3].
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4021
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48
~
9
1
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�Page 3 of6
:/
.·
:.; ,\
.
.
.I
,....,
contrary to the interest of working people.
Competition and integration
lead to stronger gr6wth, more and better jobs, more widely shared ga~ns.
Renewed protectionism in any of our nations would lead to a spiral of
retaliation that would diminish the standard of living foi working
pe6ple everywhere.
Mdr~over, a failure to expand trade fur~her could
choke off innovation·and dim~nish the very possibilities of the
information economy.
No, we need mor~ trade~ not less. ·
Unfortunately, working people the world over do not believe this.
Even in the United States, with the lov1est unemplo0nent rate in a
generation, where exports accounted for 30 percent of our growth until
the financial crisis hit Asia, working peopl~ strongly resi~t new
market-opening measures.
There are many reasons.
In advanced countries
the benefits of open trade outweigh the burdens: But they are wid~ly
spread, while the dislocations of open trade are painfully concentrated.
In all countries, the p~emium the.modern economy places on skills
leaves too many hard-working people behind.
In poe~ countries, the
gains seem too ofien to go to the already .wealthy and powerful, with
little or no rise ~n the general standard of living. ·And the
international organiz~tions charged with monitoring and providing for
rules of fair trade, and enforcement of them, seem to take a very long·
time to work their way to the right decision; often too late to ~ffect
the people who have been disadvantaged..
·
So as we press for more open.ttade, we must do more to ~nsure thai
all our people are-lifted by the global economy.
As we prepare to
launch a new global round of trade talks in Seattle in November, it is
vital that the WTO and the ILO work toqether to advance ·that common
goal.
···.•.
We clearly see t'hat a thriving global economy will grow o.ut of the
skills, the idea; the education of millions of individuals.
In each of
our nations and as a community of nations, we must invest in our people
and lift them to their full potential.
If we allow the ups and downs of
financial crises to divert us from investing in our people, it is not
only those citizens or nations that will suffer -~ the entire world will
suffer from their lost potential.
It is clear that when nations face financial crisis,. they need the
commitment and the expertise not only of the international financial
institutions, they need the ILO' .as welL
The IMF, the World Bank and
WTO, themselves, should work more closely with th~ ILO, and this
organization must be ~illing and_able'to assume more responsibility.
The lesson of the past two years is plain:
Those nations with
strong social safety nets ~re better able to weather the storms.
Those
strong safety ryets -do not just 'in.clude· financial assistance and
emergency aid for poorest people, they also call for the empowerment of
the poorest people.
This weekend in Cologne, I will join.my partners in the G-8 in
calling for a new focus on stronger safety nets within nations and
within the international community. W•= will also urge improved
cooperation between the ILO and the international financial institutions
in promoting social protections and core labor standards.
And we should
press forward to lift· the debt burden khat is crushing many of the
poorest nations.
,
We are working to forge a bold agreement to more ~~an triple debt
relief for the world's oorest nations and.to ffiget thnse savings'to
e ucatlon, hea t
care, chl
survlva and fighting poverty.
I pledge
to work to find the resources so we can do our part and contribute our
share toward an expanded trust fund for debt relief.
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and look how big it is.
\
\
So I just want to say, I wish everyone here ~ould look at
yourselves and ask yourselves if you are wearing anything made in a
country other than the country where you live.
There are benefits to imports. We don't just do a favor to
developing countries, or to our trading partners in developed countries,
when .we import products and services from them. We benefit from those
products.
Imports stretch family budgets; theypromote the well-being
of working families, by making their dollars go further; they bring new
technology and ideas; they, by opening mark~ts, dampen inflation a~d
spur innovation.
In a few days, we will have the longest economic, expansion in the
history of the United States.
I am convinced one of the reasons that it
will happen is that we have kept our markets open, "even in tough times,
so that there has always been pressure to keep inflation down as we
continue to generate jobs and growth.
I am convinced of it. And those
of us in wealthier countries need to make ~he case that even when we
have trade deficits, if we're growing jobs and we're gaining ground, and
the jobs are growing in areas that pay better wages, we are getting the ·
benefits of imports:
I think all people in public life have been
insufficiently willing to say that. And we must do more.
The third point I would like to make is that we simply cannot
expect trade alone to carry the burden of lifting nations out of
poverty.
It will not happen.
Trade is essential to growth in
developing countries, but it is not sufficient for growth in developing
countries. Sustained growth requires inv~stment in human capital,
education, health care, technology, infrastructure.
Particularly in an
economy that runs more and more on brainpower, no investment pays off
faster than education .. The international community has set 2015 as a
target for giving every child access to basic education.
I'm asking our
Congress for more funding to help nations get more children out of work
and into school.
I hope others in the public and p~ivate sectors will
join us.
Each year in the developing world, we see millions of lives lost
and billions of dollars lost -- doll'ars that could be spent in many more
productive ways to killer diseases like AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.
Last year in Africa, AID~ killed more people, ten times more, than· all
the wars did. We have the technology to ~ind vaccines for those
diseases. We have medications that can lengthen and improve the quality
of life.
But let's face a fact.
The pharmaceutical indus~ry has no
incentive to develop products for customers who are too poor to buy
them.
I haVe pioposed a tax credit to say to our private industri: ·if
you will develop these vaccines, we'll hel~ to pay for them.
I hope the
World Bank, other nations and th~ corporate world will help us in
meeting this challenge.
If we could get the vaccines out to the people
who need them in time, we could save millions and millions of lives, and
free up billions of dollars to be invested in building those lives,
those societies, into strong, productive partners -- not just for trade,
but for peace.
(Applause. l,
We can
e
untries help themselves by lifting. their
crippling urden of d;'b!J.; so they' 11 have more to invest in their pe.ople
and thei f"tJJa:;Q,
'!'!~Cologne debt· initiative commits us to reducing
the foreign debt of the world's poorest and most indebted nations by ~s
much as 7Q. __ p.erc~Last fall, I pledged that the United States would
forgi ve(l'OO percent .3£ the debts those
les owe to us.
is year,
I will ~our share of the~ ultilateral debt relief. Jam
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.,
\
pleased that so many others have made similar pledges, and look forward
to the first countries benefiting from this initiative very soon.
If we
"keep working on this, expanding it, and, we all pay. our fair share, we
c~n turn a vicious cycle of debt ~nd poverty into a virtuous cycle of
development and trade.
I
The last point I'd like to make on this is, I think the developed
countries who want an open trading system that has the trust ~nd
confidence of developing countries should also-contribute to indigenous
trade, which may not be directly related -- excuse me, indigenous
economic development, which may not be directly related to trade.
Just.
for example,, the United States Agency :Eo:r: International Development each
year funds about 2 million micro-enterprise loans in poor communities in
Africa, Asia and Latin. America.
·
I will never for~et going to small ~illages in Senegal and Uganda,
and seeing people who had gotten their first business loan -- sometimes
as small as $50 ~- show me their businesses, show me the people they
were doing business with in their villages, who has also gotten such
loans.
I'll never forget the man in Senegal who was this designated
village accountant, making me wait outside his front door while he went
into his hous~ to bring me back al~ of the accounts he had carefully
kept for the last month, to prove that the money we were investing: was
being spent wisely.
Does this have any direct impact on international trade? Of course
not.
Did it make that society stronger? Did it make the economy
stronger? Did it increase the stability and long-term prospects of the
nation? Of course it did.
So I believe we sho.uld all be thinking about
more we can do on the indigenous economic development issues.
The President of Colombia is here.
I've asked the Congress to pass
a very ambitious program to try to help Colombia deal with the
narco-traffickers and the guerrillas and all the problems that he faces
-- perhaps the oldest democracy in Latin America.
But one part of it is
for economic development.
It is one thing to. tell people they should
stop growing crops that can be turned into drugs that can kill our
children, and quite another to tell people, ~f ~au do this, by the ~ay,
here's a way to support your children. '
And so I think that we can never lose sight of the fact that if we
want to build an integrated economy with more and more tr~de, we have to
build an economy from the grass-roots up in places that want to have a
balanced, stable society.
The fourth point I would mak~ is that deve1oped and developing
countries alike must ensure that the benefits of trade flow widely to
workers and families within our nations.
Industrialized nations must
see that the poor and those hard hit by changes are not left behind.
And all nations need to ensure that workers have access to lifelong
learning benefits, they can move between jobs without being unemployed
for too lbng and. without having their standard of living dropped.
We have to work with corporate leaders to spur investment also in
the people and places that have been left behind. We have to find a new
markets within our own nation.
For example, I will tell you something
that might surprise many of you.
The national unemployment' rate in the
United States is 4.1 percent.
On mc:.ny of our Native American Indian
reservations the unemployment rate is about 70 percent.· In isolated
rural areas in America, the unemployment rate is sometimes two, three,
four times as high as the national average.
·
So we have not figured out how to solve this.
When you have these
eyesores in a country, when the development is not even, they can easily
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\
,There are five steps in particular I believe we must take.
First,
we must build an open world trading system which will benefit Africa
alongside every other region in the world.
(Applause.)
Open markets
are indispensable to raising living standards.
From the· 1970s to the
1990s, developing countries that ·chose trade grew at least twice as fast
as those that chose not to open to the world.
Now, there are some who doubt that the poorest countries will
benefit if we continue to open markets, but they should ask themselves:
what will happen to workers in South Africa and Kenya without the jobs
that come from selling the fruit of their labors abroad? What will
happen to farmers in Zimbabwe and Ghana if protectionist farm subsidies
make it impossible for them to sell beyond their borders? .
Trade must not be a race to the bo~tom, whether we're talking about
child labor, harsh working conditions or environmental degradation.
But
neither can we use fear to keep the poorest part of the global community
stuck.at the bottom forever.
Africa has already taken important steps;
forming regional trade blocks like ECOWAS, the. East Africa Community,
and .SADC.
But we can do more.
That is why our Overseas Private
Investment Corporation in Africa is working to support three times as
many busiriess projects in 1999 than it did in 1998, to create jobs for
Africans and, yes, for Americans as well.
That is why we a're working
with African nations to develop the institutions to sustain future
growth -- from efficient telecommunications to the financial sector.
And that is why,. as. soon as possible, we must enact in Our Congress
the bipartisan Africa Growth and .Opportunity Act.
(Applause.)
This
bill has passed in one version in our House and another version in our
Senate.
I urge the Congress to resolve the .differences and send me a
bill for signature by next month.
(Applause.)
And ·I ask every one of
you here who just clapped -- and those who didn't, but sympathize with
the clapped-- (laughter) --to conta~t anyone.you know in the United
States Congress and ask them to do this.
This is a job thit needs to be
done.
(Applause.)
We must also realize that trade alone canno
erty or
·build a partnership we need. · For that reason,
· must
take is to continue the work now underway to
re ief to
African nations committed to sound policies.. (Applause.) . StrJggling
democratic governments should not have to choose between feedlnq and
:;:::;~~~~ffi~~~r c ildrerr and paylng -inte-rt";st on a del:rt.
(Applause.)
Marc
suggested a way we could expand debt relief. ~or the
2;~~3~fzr~df'~s~p~o~o~r~;est and most indebted countries, most of which are African,
and ensure the resources would be used to improve economic opportunity
for ordinary African citizens. Our ~d that plan.
Still, I· felt we should do more~_in Septemb~I announced that
we would completely write off all the deUL~by the countries
that qual'tfled for the G- i program -- as many as 27 Afrlcan nations ln .
all.
!he first cotmtries, including Ogaru:ia and Mauritania, have .begun
to receive the benefits. Mozambique, Benin, Senegal and Tanzania are
expected to receive ·benefits soon. Mozambique's debt is expected to go
·;)down by more than $3 billion. .The mo~ey saved will be twice the .health
budget -- twice the health budget -- in a country where children are
more likely t~ die before the age of five than they are .to go on to
·
secondary school. ·
·:
.
.
.
Last year, I asked Congress for $970 million for debt relief. J ,Many
of you helped to persuade our Con ess o appropriate a big shar~ of
that.
Keep in mind, this is a program rel~gious leaders say .is a moral
imperative, and leading economists say is a practical imperative . . It~s
not so often that you get the religious leaders and the economists
telling us that good business is good morals.
(Applause.)
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probably always true, but they don't say it all that ~ften.
(Laughter.)
We must finish the job this year; we inust continue this work to provide.
aggressive debt relief to the countries that are doing the right thing,
that will take the money .and reinvest it in their people and their
future.
I ask you, especially the Americans in this.audience, if you
believe in what brought you here, help us to continue this important
effort.
(Applause. )
A third step we must take is to give better and deeper support t
African education.
Literacy is crucial -- to economic growth, to
health, to democracyj to securing the benefits of globalization.
Sub-Saharan Africa has the developing world's lowest school enrollment
rate. · In Zambia, over half the schoolchildren lack a si~ple notebook.
In rural parts of Tanzania, there is one textbook for every 20 children.
That's why I proposed in'our budget to increase by more than 50 percent
the assistance we provide to developing countries· to improve basic
education, targeting areas where child labor is prevalent.
I ask other
nations to join us in this.
(Applause.)
I'll never forget the schools I visited on my trip to Africa -- the
bright lights in the eyes of the children,. how intelligent they were,
how eager they were.
It is wrorig for them to have to look at maps.of
nation~ that no longer exist; without maps of nations in their own
continent that do exist.
It is wrong for them to be deprived the same
opportunities· to learn that our young people have here. ··If intelligence
is equally distributed throughout the human race -- and I believe it is
-- then every child in the human race ought to have a chance to develop
his or her intelligence in every country in the-world. '(Applause.)
A fourth step we must take is to fight the terrible diseases that
have afflicted so many millions of Africans, especially AIDS and also 'TB
and malaria.
Last year, ten ti~es as many people died of AIDS in Africa
as were killed in all the continent's wars combined.
It· will ·soon
double child mortality and reduce life exp~ctancy by 20 ~ears.
You all laughed when Andy Young said that I was going to get out 'of
the presidency as a young man.
Depending on the day, t sometimes feel
young or I feel that I'm the oldest man my age in America.
(Laughter.)
The life ·expectancy in this country has gone from 47 to 77 in the 20th
century.
An American who lives· to be 65 has a life expectancy in excess
of 82 years. AIDS is going to ~educe the life expectancy in Africa by
20 years.
And even that understates the problem, because the people
that escape it will live longer lives as African economies grow and
strengthen.
The worst burden in life any adult can bear is to see a child die
before you.
The worst· problem in Africa now is that so many of these
children with AIDS have also alrea~y lost their parent~.
We must do
something about this.
In Africa there are companies that are hiring two
employees for every job on the assumption that one of them will die.
This is a humanitarian issue, ~ pofitical issue and an economic issue.
Last month, Vice President Gore opened the first-ever United
Nations Security Council session on health issues, on a health issue, by
addressing the AIDS crisis in hfrica.
I've ask~d Congress for another
$100 million to fight the epidemic, bri~ging our total to $3~5 million.
I've ·asked my administration to develop a plan for new initiatives to
address prevention, the financial dimensions of fighting AIDS, the needs
of those affected, so that we can make it clear to o~r African partners
that we consider AIDS not just their burden but ours, as· well.
Bu~ even that will n6t be enough.
Recently, Uganda's Health
Minister pointed out that to provide access to currently available
treatments tq every Ugandan afflicted with AIDS would cost $24 billion.
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modern, powerful economy .. In fact; those economies· will emerge more
quickly with more sustainable development strategies.
Some of you in this room -- a minority still -- are nodding your
heads "yes" as I say ·this. If you believe it, . we must work together to
achieve it. These efforts must be pa~t of a broader approach that
ensures the integrity and openness of emerging economies. Last
Saturday, the G-7 finance ministers outlined specific safeguards for
Russia and called for comprehensive review by the World Bank and the
IMF, to make sure that funds are used appropriately in high-risk
environments. The United States will continue to insist on such
accountability.
For many developing countries, however, there is a greater obstacle
in the path to·progress. For rriany of them,. excessive and completely
unsustainable debt can halt progress, drag down growth, drain resources
that are needed to meet the most basic human conditions, like clean
wa:te:J;J. shelter, health~e and education. Debt and debt relier are .
ilbxmally 'subjects" for economis~s .. But there is nothing academ~·t.
c
them. Simply put, unsustainable debt is helping to keep too rna
poo~
countries and poor people in pove~ty. That is clearly why the o
nd
so many other·world leaders from all walks of life have asked
1 to
do more to reduce the debt of the.poorest nations as a gift to the new
millennium.-- not ju,st.to them, but to all the rest of us, as well.
Personally, I don't believe we can possibly agr~e to the idea :that
these nations that are so terribly poor should always ~e that way. I
don't think we can, in good conscience, say we support the idea that
they should choose between m~king interest payments on their debt and
investing in their childre ' education. It is an economic and moral
impe
J.Ve that we use this moment of global consensus to'do better. I
will do everything I can to aid this trend. Any country, committed to
reforming its economy, to -vaccinating and educating its children, should
be able to make those kinds of commitments and keep them.
~ne,
at the G-7 summit in CologneJhe world's we~lth.iest
historic pledge to help developing nations. The debt
relief program we agreed upon is a big step in the right direction,
. dedicating faster and deeper debt relief to countries that dedicate
.
themselves to fundamental reform. This initiative seeks tci tie debt )
relief to poverty reduction and to make sure that savJ.ngs are spent
.Where they should be -- on education, on fighting AIDS and preventing.
it, on other critical needs. It will hel~ heavily indebted'poor
bountries to help themselves and help to build a f~amework to suppo~t
similar and important efforts by the IMF, the World Bank and
international financial institutions.
n~i~de afi
·
More than 430 million people could benefit from this effort. In ·
Bolivia, for example, debt relief could help the government nearly
double ~he people's access to clean water by 2004. In Uganda, it 6ould.
allow health and education spending to increase.by 50 percent between~
1998 and 2001. Rural development expenditures there would more th~n ·
double. That's why we all must provide our fair share of financing to
global debt relief.
Last week, to make good on America's- commitment, I amended my
budget request to Congress and asked for nearly $1 bjfl1on over four
years for this purpose. We must keep adequate assistance flowing to the
developJ.ng countrJ.es, especially through the International Development
Association. I'm encouraged by the financial commitments made by some
of the other donor countries this past w~ek: .
And I call , on our Congress to respond to the mor_al and economic
urgency of this issue, and see to it that America-does its part. I have
[,
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04/04/2000.: .,.
.
,:~;!!
�Page 4 of4
asked for .the money and shown how it wou~d be paid for, and I ask the
Congress to keep our co~ntry shouldering its fair share of the
responsibility.
(Applause.)
_:...-----~
'
~
Now, let me m e Qne final commitrnenL~ Today, I am directing my
administration to make it possible to forg"Lve IOO ~ercent of i:ne debt
these countr~es owe to the United States -·~ (applause) -- when -- and
this ~s qu~te important -- when needed to help them finanCe basic i1Uii\ai1
·needs, and when the money will be.used to do so.
In this context, we
will work closely with other countries to raaximize the benefits of the
debt reduction initiative.
We believe the agreements reached this weekend will make it
possible for three-quarters of the highly indebted poorest countries,
committed to implementing poverty and growth strategies, to start
receiving benefits sometime next year -- actually receiving the benefits
sometime next year.
·
·
If 0e do these things as nations, as international institutions, as
a global community, then we can build a trading system tha:t strengthens
6ur economy and supports our values. We can build a global economy and
a global society that leaves no one beh~nd, that carries all countries
into a new century that we hope will be marked by greater peace and
greater prosperity for all people.
·
We have before us perhaps as great an opportunity' as the people of
the world have ever seen. We will be judged -- by our childreri arid
grandchildren
by.whether we seize that opportunity.
I hope, and ,
believe, that we all will do so.
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause.)
2:23 P.M. EDT
;
.. ·,·
04/04/2000 •
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7
We have continually encouraged greater Russian economic and ·
security integration, and ,worked hard on achieving the landmark
NATO-Russia Founding Act in 1997, which codified a
cooperative partnership -with NATO, despite Russian objections
to NATO enlargement., a policy that we recently reaffirmed
with visit of NATO's Secretary G-eneral to Moscow last month.
We have worked together to strengthen the OSCE and to
negotiate and then adapt the-CFE Treaty. And our forces are
serving side by side in Bosnia and Kosovo.
On the economic front, we pursued three parallel tracks to help
Russia create the infrastructure of a market economy:
dismantling state controls, creating private property, and
building the laws and institutions that support an open and
competitive market.
Specifically, we launched a rule of law.project immediately after
the 1993 Vancouver Summit that helped Russia draft a new
·Civil Code, a Criminal Code, bankruptcy laws, and much of the
legal and regulatory framework that allows Russia's fledgling.
Securities and Exchange Commission to function. Our
assistance programs have been in1portant in separating the
judicial system from the executive branch, training judges in
commercial law, and supporting a number ofRussian law
schools.
�8
We joined with the World Bank to promote sound practices by
Russian banks and create a program to raise them to
international standards. We helped t~e Central Bank develop
commercial bank supervision procedures that took 900 risky
banks off the market. At the same time, we have given
financial assistance that has benetited more than 15,000 small
and medium businesses in Russia . We are working with Russia.
to support its eventual accession to the WTO.
We have targeted resources to help create the infrastructure in
Russia for holding free and fair elections. We have supported
the growth ofNGOs. The U.S. has also provided training,
grants, and technical assistance to help establish independent
TV, nidio and print media across Russia.
\
The conflict in Chechnya is an in1portant test of our strategy of
integration. Russia, as member of the OSCE is obliged to
respect the norms and institutions of which it is a part. That's
why we have called on Russia to cooperate with the OSCE and
the ICRC to permit impartial and transparent investigations of
alleged human rights abuses.
�9
With the election of President Put:in, Russia has a fresh
opportunity to address the key ·questions about its future. There
is much that is unkown about the new President and what
direction he will lead Russia, much that may still be unknown to
Putin himself. Our challenge wil'l remain to work with the new
leadership and the Russian people to demonstrate that choosing
the path of integration will profoundly serve Russia'-s own
interests.
Let me turn now to the subjectofthe other important democratic
transition of the last few weeks.
The Taiwanese elections proclain1 the rise of a vibrant,
competitive, multi-party democracy, and it convincingly dis.pels
the notion that democracy is foreign to the Chinese people. This
is a purely home-grown democracy, created by the desire of the
people to shape their own destiny. The popular vote for . Chen
Shui-bian was ,a mandate for effective, responsive government,
and his election shows that both the political leaders and their
parties in Taiwan are becoming increasingly accountable to the
public. This is something the people and leaders of the PRC
cannot fail to notice.
,...-
The elections in Taiwan pose clearly a central question: Is
Taiwan's history- of embracing greater economic freedom in
the 1960s and 1970s, then greater political freedom in the 1990s
- an isolated development?· Or does it foreshadow a similar
evolution for China as a whole? ~And what can we in the United
States do to help foster that outcome?
,-
�10
Mainland China too has experienced remarkable changes over
the past 50 years, and especially in the last two decades. China
_has made great progress in building a new economy, lifting
·
more- than 200 million people out of poverty; linking millions of
people through its new communications network. But China
alsq faces daunting economic problems. Its working age
population is increasing by more than 12 million people every
year. Tens of milljons of peasants are migrating from the
countryside to the city, where only some find work. And nearly
60 percent of the investment and 80 percent of all business
lending still goes to the state-owned dinosaurs that are least
likely to survive in the global economy.
Many young Chinese are now finding work with private or
foreign invested companies, where their responsibilities grow,
their working conditions improve, and their expectations -rise.
Many others are not finding work at all, raising fears of popular
unrest among Chinese officials. In some cases officials in China
have lifted travel restrictions on unemployed citizens to give
them better opportunities to seek work.
�11
In other cases, economic pressures have led to China's first
experiments in local democracy. The President has made this.
point by citing the story of the city of Shenyat).g. Since 1949,
most of the people of Shenyang have worked in massive, staterun industries. But as these old factories and mills shut down,
people are losing their jobs and their benefits. Last year, Beijing
announced it was going to. be awarding bonus checks to Chinese
citizens to celebrate China's 501h anniversary under
Communism. But Shenyang didn't have the money to pay, and
there was a massive ·local protest.
To ease tensions, the local government has given the people a
greater say in how their city is run. On a limited basis, citizens
now have the right to vote in local elections -not exactly a
democracy; the party still puts up the candidate and decides who
can vote, but it is a first-step. And it goes beyond Shenyang.
Local elections are now held in the vast majority of the
. cpuntry' s 900,000 villages.
Compounding the change is the explosion of information
technology in Chinq. In the past year, the number of Internet
addresses in China has more than quadrupled, from 2 million to
9 million. This year the number is expected to grow to over 20
million.
�12
Our strategy of integration seeks to build on: these developments
1
and harness the force.s of change. We do not underestimate the ·
difficulties this approach faces. China's history has made it leary
of engagement with th~ outside w·orld, suspicious of the motives
and intentions of other countries and inclined to inward
lookingness and self-sufficiency. It has built both its internal and
external policies on a strong allegiance to the principle of noninterference in internal affairs and respect for sovreignty at all
costs.
This history has led some to belie:ve that China cannot and will
not 'move beyond authoritarianisna at home and an ever more
assertive actions abroad. They advocate policies of containment
or confrontation to deal with what they perceive as the growing
menace to our values and our interests.
We believe that such an <:tpproach ~s a self-fulfilling, and ·selfdefeating policy. While China's future course temains uncertain,
there are signs that China's leaders increasingly recognize that
to suceed they must not only accept but embrace a greater
integration into the wider international and political community.
And that recognition offers us an opportunity to help shape
China's own decisions about the future.
�.-------------------------~---------~------.
13
In the security sphere, for decades China resisted any
involvement with regional organizations or international arms
control regimes. Yet in the last decade, China has signed the
NPT and CTBT, the BWC and the CWC, and joined key nonproliferation groups such as the Zanger Committee. China
participates in the ARF, has joined with us in the Four Party
Talks on the Korean peninsula, and worked with the P-5 to
fashion a common response to the nuclear test in South Asia ..
Nonetheless, we remain concerned about aspects of China's nonproliferation policy and are pressing China to join fully in the
MTCR. We are monitoring carefully China's military_
· modernization and pressing China to take steps to improve
confidence and military transparency in the region.
.
.
'
In the econom_ic arena, China is a full participant in APEC, and
worked Qonstructively with its regional partners to support
· stability during the Asian financial crisis. And perhaps the mostsignificant indication that China accepts the logic and necessity.
9f integration is its decision to proceed with accession to the
WTO.
�14
Chinese leaders know that if they open China's market to global
competition, they risk unleashing forces qeyond their control -temporary unemployment, social unrest, and great demand for
freedom. But they also know that without competition and
investment from the outside, China cannot build a world-class
economy. And that could be even more destabilizing.
By signing the WTO agreement vvith the United States, despite·
the risks, China has chosen reforn1, on terms that will open its
market to American products and investment, and commit itself
for the first time to abide by the rules of international trade. The
question for the United States, is, do we want to support that.
choice?
The President will .continue to make the economic case for
supporting China's entry into the WTO and extending
Permanent Normal Trade Relations to the Chinese. The
agreement requires China to open its markets to our products,
services, an~ investment; all we do is agree to make permanent .
the present access China enjoys to our markets. If Congress ·
refuses, China will still join the VVTO, but we'll be unable to·
reap the dramatic benefits of the bilateral agreement that took 13
years to negotiate ..
�15
But this agreement is about much more than economic interests.
The WTO-mandated changes in China generally move China in
the directions we have long endorsed: toward a smaller role for
government, greater information .availability, better work
environments, more individual choice, a stronger role for the
rule of law, greater transparency, and overall gre.ater openness.
By lowering tariffs, China is tearilng down the wall of prqtection
that has sustained its state-owned industries. These enterprises
were the backbone of the communist system in China_:__ the
instrument through which the Party exercised day to day control
over most people's lives, and through which it rewarded the
loyalty of its subjects. China's state sector is already shrinking, .
and membership in the WTO will speed its demise. This will go
a long way toward taking the conrrmand and control out of
communism in.China.
I
Still, getting Chipa' s leaders to e1nbrace international norms on
human rights and democracy ren1ains one of the most difficult
challenges. On a formal level, there has been some progress.
China has signed the two human rights convenants, and has
made strid~s in moving toward a more predictable applications
of the rule of law.
�16
N onethelesss, Chinese authorities still tolerate no organized
political dissent or opposition, and no direct challenge to the
Communist Party. Religious freedom is sharply curtailed. Over·
the past year, we have seen an increase in its crackdown on
political activities. Entrenched interests resist economic reform
and corruption is an ever-growing problem. Social "and
.·economic upheaval threaten the paramount concern of China's
·
leaders to preserve stability.
We understand that integrating China into the global economy is
not by itself a human rights policy. Change will come to China·
by a combination of internal pressures for greater freedom and
external validation of the human rights struggle by the
international community. The WTO agreement will bolster the
former, but we must maintain our leadership role in the latter. .
. We are doing exactly that. We are now· sponsoring a resolution
at the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva c9ndemning
China's human rights record. And we have continually focused
on key human rights cases, including Dickinson ·college
librarian Song Yongyi, Tibetan_re:ligious figures, Catholic
priests, and others.
The process of change in China is unpredictable, and will be
shaped by many factors.· But ont! of the potentially greatest
factors is how both Beijing and Taipei manage the tension
created in cross-Strait relations by the democratic transfer of
power in Taiwan.
�17
We welcome .Chen Shui Bian's constructive statements·
following the election,.and we hope they help open the way
toward a resumption of cross-Strait dialogue. But the larger
message of this election, and the change of the party in power, is
·that it shows the need for a broader conception 'of cross-Strait
dialogue.· The PRe- needs to speak not just to the ruling party in
Taiwan, but also to minority parti~es, and ultimately to the public
. at large.· Taiwan .is a democracy=, and any resolution of
differences between the two sides must be. acceptable to the
people of Taiwan.
The U.S. will keep working to foster an environment conducive
to peace, stability, and prosperity in the region. Specifically, we
will continue to affirm our "one China" policy, and to urge ·
· dialogue between the two sides as the only legitimate way and
the only enduring way to resolve differences.
We also encourage the expansion of people-to-people exchanges
and economic ties across tqe Strait. We believe such ties can
play a ·vital role in building trust and bridging gaps between
political systems. The prospective WTO accessions by Taiwan
and PRC represent key thresholds in developing closer
economic and trade ties between Taipei and Beijing.
�18
Again, whether the challenge is to calm tensions between Taipei
and Beijing, or advance relations between China and
Washington or Moscow and Washington - we ·believe
engagement and integration is the key -- even as we must always
be vigilant, always ready to protect our interests in the face of
less good outcomes. That is why we must maintain our critical
alliances in Europe and Asia, preserve our unique military
capabilities, ·and remain strong at home with a powerful, open
economy, an educated public, engaged in vigorous public· debate
- and yet never lose sight of the end that serves our highest .
interests: a stable, prosperous den1ocratic world.
Our strategy of integration is a profoundly American strategy, ·
one built on confidence in our values and conviction that we
have an opportunity to secure our long-term interests by
working in support of change, particularly in those countries
whose future will have such a large impact on our own.
'
I
�19
We believe that by supporting the:se trends, we advance our
interests as well... That internal progress in other nations. is ·
closely.tied to external progress in( their relations with the United
States and with all nations .. That as nations grow· more
democratic, they grow together.
The arc of history is long, and the~re is strategic value in the
patient pursuit of important goals. In the' evolution of Russia
and China, the U.S. stake is enonnous; the U.S. role limited, but
crucial. We must be prepared for long and difficult transitions.
We must accept that we cannot tnake their choices.· Yet we
must openly advocate the right choices, and keep working to
create the conditions that encourage both countries to choose
stable, prosperous and democratic futures. Thank you.
-'
�Questions for Rick Samans:
What is a funding gap?
Can we note
bankruptcy,
bankruptcy,
start? Why
- can we equate WB judgment of unsustainable debt to
effectively.
can we note corporations ~an declare
get protection from their creditors and get a fresh
not nations?
How did these countries fall into debt?
Do we insist on a strict link between debt relief, governmeht
reform, and channel revenues into social spending?
What is the explicit exhortation?
What are we doing·now?
How much
do~s
it·cost per year?
.What is the gap .between that and the
d~mands
of Jubilee 2000.
What is POTUS proposal?
What would it 'cost in addition ·to what we're doing' now?
Are there figures on what percentage of their budgets go to debt
service/ how about ours?
Give me a vivid, on the ground example, of what has happened
because of debt relief already given.
Is the current POTUS proposal beyond what the G-7 has agreed to?
How would you describe the leverage the US would have in pushing
this forward.
Can you give me success stories of countries who received debt
relief,· reformed their governments to some extent to get it, and
pus~ed the new money into n~eded spending, and can show
statistical advances in areas of educaiton and health as a
result?
What needs absolutely to be in the radio address?
�2
Any other examples like Uganda?
Best example:
Uganda:
How they fell into debt?
What we have done in debt relief?
What we have ga{ned through debt relief:
reformed gov't, as well as increase6 spending on health and
education.
Question':
what can we do that would have the most impact?
(use the word heartbreaking) .
If you have a heart,. this will break .it).
I believe that Americans are always willing to help if:
it is a finite amount (won't cut into needs at home)
if it will improve people's lives?
adv~nces our values and inter~sts?
if it will help move people systematically improve their
circumstances. to become more independent.
it does not
foster dependence~
It promote independence.
We are generous - as a country (cite stats) but we're also
tough-minded. We demand to know that it will make a difference.
We demand results.
funding gap: WB has encoug money to apy for its own debt
reduction.
iMF has enou~h becaue of gold sales.
but we need a
HIPC trust fund, pot of meony where every country kicks in omey,
the other iFI
IABD and ADB they don't have internal resources
for the write-offs.
So idea was that donor countries would pay for own relief but
pay for trust fund to pa~ for MDBs to do the same.
�3
1996 WB IMF.
HIPC.
prior to that, we took action.
debt relief has been going on
for a while, ramped up over the next 15 years.
how did ocuntries fall so deeply into debt? couple reasons:
one,~ ·terms fo trade go against them. o.il prices rise; they
consume oil, but prices of their exports don't ris_e, they fall.
they export commodities, which have ahd periods of low prices.·
other reasons: war and conflict, corrpution, bad government.
they're poor, and theyv'e borrowed for developoment,
.Bad loans, they can't be collected:
yes.
WB:
analystical un~erpsinning,
ratio of debt to exports measure a sustainable debt burden.
in· KOLN, we adjusted
downward so more countries qualify, and countries won't have to
wait as long, and we ensure resources f~eed up will be used for,
improvement in lives of people,. e~3p. health care and eduacaiton.
links
we require that the economic tefo:r'ms be linked to poverty
reduction (from new Koln initiative) .- that is ·the guiding
principl-es for the economic reform program. different from
unpopular set.of reforms.
economic reofrms and effective 'poverty reduction, educ and
helath care to reduce poverty and help imprpove the lives of
people.
Congress pass the President's plan- his request.
my request fo.r funding for Ameirca's particiaptino in this
international effort to ...
include point about leveraging.
money we put in.
is leveraged.
W~'re
a leader in the sense that the KOLN agreement flows from
President's pr~osal to african leaders in washington last March.
the president has taken the lead, cologne took up· his
inititaive.
operationally, we're lagging, we're okayon bilertal side, we're
behind the curve on conribting to international trust fund.
�4
if we remain laggards, it will hinder imprlemnetation of the
progtam.
we are going to meet our stnading commitment we made as part of
Colongne.
Sept 99 - in koln there were two elements of bilat debt - one
was ~oncessional lending - below market terms, cut rate
interests or exgttremly long terms.
9grant element>
everyone
agreed they would be totally written off. but for loans extened
on commercial tmers,· write off level was 90%,
POTUS said we
would go to 100% That means we'would cancel all US government
debt for countries that qualif.ied .
US annual expenditure for debt relief.
our request this year.
did full commitment· for that 'year on bilat debt relief to HIPC.
Last year in fy 2000
relief for HIPC, and
program for tropical
debt becomes pay~ble
on preservation.
totalled 123 million;
110 m for debt
anoth~r 1j m for a special debt relief
forest conservation.
create a sw~p for us
in local currericy and how 'it would be spent
not appropriate was .additional piece for HIPC trust fund.
We
had requested 370 m la~t year. NO.
That would have been first
{nstallment on a four year plan of approps.
POTUS pioposed 970 m over four years for HIPC.
and HIPC trust fund·.
920 m for bilat
we got 123 out of 970, and 110 for HIPC orily.
we got 123 out of total request of 370 ·
written breakdown' of all the differnet numbers.
now want supp. and approps for 01 02 03.
operative request is 210 in suppl. and
for some nations -percentage of gov't revenues spent on froeign
debt service. ratio NGOs care about.
in some material from
treasury, we have estimates on what number would fall to.
way we talked about this after koln.
many· couhnries could see
the proportion of budget spent on foreign debt fall by as much
�5
as half.
some pay 24% could see it fall to twelve.
a quearter of their budgets.
as much as
we had reached 15% at one point.
Uganda is the poster child.
one statistical comparison:
debt service ..
it's ahead of most countries.
specific couhntries spend more on
I believe argument here is these coun~ries this is the right
thing to do moreally and economically. we have when a company
gets into tr,ouble and its debts are unsustaina'ble, it can
reorganize.
there is some validity ot the analody. where the
debt is so great it impedes them from helping themselves.
they
need help to resutcuct.re
this program offers an opporotun. they have to get their
affairs in order, show they can spend the money wisely and on
their people.
It removes an impediment.
debts of dictators.
in some cases,
main point, debt has grown so large relative of capacity to pay.
even if it did everything right, it still couldn't be albe to
make progress because of this poverhang of past debts . . right
incentive for them.
unsustainable:
even then they are accepting debt service
payments on that debt.
if you define in country terms,
banktuiped as inability to paythe debts while raising living.
standrdsa dn alleviating poveryt then that is.right.
·.
�Draft 3/3/00 1:30pm
Lowell Weiss
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
RADIO ADDRESS ON GUN VIOLENCE
SAN JOSE, CALIFORNIA
March 3, 2000
Good morning. Today, I want to speak with you about the senseless and heartbreaking gun
violence that has shaken our nation once again.
Yesterday, the community ofMt. Morris Township, Michigan, held memorial services for a
beautiful little girl who was shot to death in her first-:-grade classroom on Tuesday. Kayla Rolland
was only six years old; when she walked to school with her older brother and sister, her backpack
looked almost as big as she. Kayla loved to read. She loved to attend church. In the words of her
grandmother, "she was a bright light who lit up everything wherever she went."
The community of Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania, was also devastated this week. On
Wednesday, a gunman unloaded his fury and a .22 caliber revolver in a busy commercial center.
Five men were killed or grievously wounded, including a young college student and a man who
served his community as a priest for 23 years.
Of course, these tragedies were not isolated incidents. From Littleton to Fort Worth,
Paducah to Pearl, gun violence has stolen the lives of young and old alike. It has desecrated
churches and classrooms and day-care centers. It has kept parents up at night, and made
schoolchildren afraid to get on thebus in the morning.
In fact, every day, gunfire takes the lives of a dozen children in America. One University of
New Hampshire survey showed that 60% of 15-year olds said they could get a hold of an unlocked
gun. If you look just at accidental gun deaths among children under 15, the rate in the United States
is nine times higher than in the other 25 industrialized countries combined. This is intolerable - and
we must act.
Last year, with a tie-breaking vote by Vice President Gore, the Senate passed a juvenile
crime bill that would go a long way toward strengthening our gun laws. But for the past eight
months, the leaders in Congress have failed to complete a final bill for me to sign. To break the
logjam, I have called on Congressional leaders to join me at the White House on Tuesday.
In that meeting, I will insist that they get the job done. I want the Congress to send me a
final bill'that closes the loophole that allows criminals to buy firearms at gun shows ... bans the
importation of high-capacity ammunition clips ... holds adults accountable when they allow young
people to get their hands on deadly guns ... and requires child-safety locks for all new handgunsthe kind oflocks that could have prevented a first grader from taking Kayla Rolland's life. I will
also ask for support on three other vital measures-· to develop smart guns that can only be fired by
the adults who own them, to require that new handgun buyers first get a photo license showing they
passed a Brady background check and a gun safety course, and to hire a thousand new gun
prosecutors. Gun crime prosecutions are already up 16% since I took office. But we can do even
more.
1
�"·
•'
_..i,o
In a country of 270 million people, no law can stop every act of gun violence. But we can't
just throw up our hands as if gun-safety laws don't make a difference. We all have a responsibility
to do our part- parents, community leaders, members of the gun industry, and yes, Members of
Congress too. When we passed the Brady Bill, people argued that it wouldn't make any difference
because criminals don't buy guns at gun stores. But it turnedout that many of them did. Brady ·
background checks have now blocked gun purchases by 500,000 felons, fugitives, and stalkers and gun crime is down more than 35 percent since 1993.
The only reason the Congress has not already sent me a bill with comprehensive gun-safety
provisions is because of outrageous pressure tactics and threats by the NRA: In fact, the NRA is
now launching a $20 million campaign to target and defeat Members of Congress who support
responsible gun safety laws.
But when first graders are shooting first graders, it is time for Congress to be guided by their
hearts, not by the NRA. It is time for all of us to make our voices heard in the halls of Congress.
The very least we can do to honor the memory ofKayla Rolland and all the other tragic victims of
gun violence is to pass gun-safety legislation now. Thanks for listening.
·
###
2
�~,.
·-
.........
~r-:-..
Draft 11/24/99 4:00pm
Lowell Weiss
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
RADIO ADDRESS ON ELECTRONIC COMMERCE
. CAMP DAVID, MD ·
November :i7, 1999
Good morning. On this ho_liday weekend when we count our many blessings, Americans
are also busy buying gifts for the next holidays right around the comer.· Today, I would like to
speak with you about the remarkabl~ rise of the Internet as a destination for holiday shopping and about how we can ensure that online commerce will live up to its enormous promise.
On Thanksgiving, my family and I had a chance to offer thanks for the confidence and
pride that Ame~ica is carrying forward into the 21st century. One of the key reasons why our
thriving economy continues to defy expectations is that we are making the most of new
technologies. The Internet and other information technologies are truly revolutionizing our
economy.· They are the high-performance engine powering one third of our nation's economic
growth.
As the Vice President will make clear in a report he will soon release, few applications of
information technology have more potential than electronic commerce. During the holiday
season alone, online shopping could exceed $9 billion - doubling or even tripling the online
totals for the same period last year.
About 4 million American families will buy some of their gifts online for the first time
this holiday season- and I intend to join them. Because online shopping has significant benefits
not only for consumers and large, established retailers. Online commerce also opens a world of
opportunity for local artisans and entrepreneurs.
·
As with shopping in stores, when consumers shop on the Internet they must take basic
precautions to ensure that what they see is·what they get. To help familiarize online consumers
with these precautions, the Federal Trade Commission has prepared a useful checklist. You can
find the complete checklist at www.consumer.gm:, but today I would like to emphasize at least
some of the essentials.
, First, in the online world, you must ~:lose attention to details. Check carefully for
shipping and delivery dates, extra fees, warranties, return policies, and phone numbers to call if
you run into a problem. Second, always buy with a credit card. With credit cards, you are
protected by federal law against unauthorized charges. Third, guard your privacy at all times.
Look for the unbroken key or padlock symbols on the order page to ensure that your credit card
information will be transmitted securely; don't share passwords with anyone; and be sure to read
the merchant's privacy policy to see what information is being collected about you and how it
will be used.
·
·
I am pleased to announce that, thanks to the leadership of Vice Presiden:t Gore, many
leading companies and organizations- including the Better Business Bureaus Online, American
Express, Mastercard, Dell, GetNetWise, eBay, America Online, and Amazon.com- are joining
with us to protect and educate consumers this holiday season. Many are' distributing guides to
�.,
.'
-~
help people shop safely and wisely online. Some are offering financial guarantees that go above
and beyond federal law. If we want Internet commerce to continue to grow, we all must work
together to make sure that shopping online is just as safe as shopping in a mall.
I want to close today by asking all of you to think not only about using the Internet to buy
gifts for friends and family but also to give more last,ing gifts to the future. As I discovered
during the philanthropy conference we held at the White House last month; charitable web sites
like Helping.otg have made signing up to contribute time or money in your community as easy
as checking on the weather. This holiday season, let's use every avenue pos.sible, including the
Internet, to give something back to our communities. Enjoy the rest of your long weekend. And ·
thanks for listening.
###
. 2
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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Thomas Rosshirt
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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8
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�Copyright 1999 The New York Times Company .
The New York Times
November 12, 1999, Friday, Late Edition- Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 3; Column 1; Fpreign Desk
LENGTH: 1325 words
HEADLINE: Popular New King Has a Goal: A Modem Morocco
BYLINE: By CRAIG R. WHITNEY
DATELINE: RABAT, Morocco
BODY:
King Mohammed VI succeeded to the throne in July when his father, Hassan II, died after reigning for 38 years. As
crown prince, Mohammed had been dismissed by some as a bachelpr playboy.
But in only three months, the 36-year-old king has emerged as a powerful advocate of social change in a region that is
·witnessing a generational shift in monarchies from Morocco to Jordan.
Already popular among this country's 30 million people, Mohammed VI, close-cropped and unshaven, looks more
like a movie star than a monarch. On a recent I 0-day tour through the country's north, hundreds of thousands lined the
streets to cheer him. Schools closed, ancient markets shut down and entire families trooped to the roadsides to see the
young king, who arrived, wearing a white suit and a black tie, standing up in a white Cadillac ~tretch limousine with a
sunroof.
Diplomats here in the capital and ordinary people encountered in cities and desert outposts from Marrakesh to Fez say
the king has quickly begun shaking up entrenched bureaucratic habits and ways of doing things in his strategically
situated country.
"He kept two lists while he was watching his father," orie diplomat said of the new king. "There are some things he
wants to do the same way as his father, but. there are clearly other things he intends to do very differently."
On Nov. 9, the king dismissed his father's longtime minister of the interior, Driss Basri, ·in a move diplomats and
officials saw as signaling further change in politic~! direction. Many people in Morocco and abroad considered Mr.
Basri the power behind the throne when Hassan II was king. .
The king himself keeps saying that he wants to promote "a new concept of authority." He has done this with early,
popular calls to improve the lot of the majority of Moroccans, who live in poverty, scratching an existence out of the
rocky desert, and with a series of conciliatory gestures that appear to signal new openness toward political opponents
and estranged parts of the country.
"He is a good man, he helps crippled people, and he will help us, too," said Abdourrazak Abdelfadel as he boiled a
pot of water for tea over a propane gas cylinder in a mud hut in the oasis of Tinerhir, at the edge of the vast Sahara.
But popular expectations of the new king seem almost unrealistically high, in a country where unemployment is
above 20 percent. Bringing it down, officials say, will require nearly tripling economic growth, to. 7 percent a year, not
an easy task in an agricultural economy where the rainy season often produces only shimmering mirages in the ~and.
�Years of drought have driven so many people to cities like Rabat, Fez and .Marrakesh that about half the population
lives in urban areas, where those without much education have little chance of finding work. Even 117,000 of
Morocco's university graduates,.by official count, could not findjobs.
From abroad, much is expected of the king as well. When King Mohammed's fath~r died; President Clinton and
scores of other Western leaders came to the funeral. And like his father before him, the new king is regarded by some
Western leaders as a bridge to the Muslim world.
President Jacques Chirac and Prime Minister Lionel Jospin of France are already courting the king with personal
visits to Morocco, a French protectorate from 1912 to 1956.
One of the new king's first official acts was to send an emissary to France to negotiate terms for the return of one of
the kingdom's most famous political exiles: Abraham Serfaty, a Moroccan Jew sentenced to life imprisonment for
opposition activities and expelled by. Hassan II in 1991.
Mr. Serfaty, 73, flew back home. on Sept. 30. Then, in mid-October, the king gave permission to return from France
to the exiled family ofMehdi Ben Barka, another opposition figure kidnapped under mysterious circumstances in Paris
in 1965 and believed tortured to death at Hassan II's orders.
Asked whether he had been muzzled as a condition of his return, Mr. Serfaty told the French daily Le Monde, "My
positions are well known, and I have not been asked to change them.". He continued to support autonomy for the
Western Sahara territory, formerly under Spanish rule, that was claimed by Hassan II for Morocco in 1975, Mr. Serfaty
said, but he had agreed "not to hinder Moroccan diplomacy."
The dispute over Western Sahara is one reason for continuing tension between Morocco and Algeria, which supports
the Polisario Front independence movement in the territory.
Though Morocco is officially committed to letting the people of Western Sahara decide the territory's future in a
referendum next year, the prospect is now fading, some diplomats believe, because of fears by Moroccan officials that
the vote could go againstthem and produce a majority for independence.
Closer to home, the king has also made changes at a level where ordinary Moroccans can see them. One of the most
dramatic was his attempt to heal a rift with the country's north, where the mountainous Rif region long resented his
father for having led a mili~ary expedition to put down a revolt there in 1956.
"The King Rehabilitates the Rif," read the headline in the French-language weekly Le Journal, which like other
newspapers noted that the region_'s main economic activity -- lacking modem roads and other infrastructure the king
now promises to provide -- has consisted of smuggling locally grown marijuana and hashish, nearly 2;000 tons of it last
year, into Western Europe.
Outside of China, few places these days can mobilize millions of people. to spend hours waiting in the hot sun for
their leader to pass by, as this kingdom did. But hundreds of thousands of people in Fez, where Mohammed VI came
after visiting the Rifregion, seemed happy to be waiting for him on his visit on Oct. 19.
"I wanted to be in the front row," said Lhoul Nezhro, a woman who stood fourhours before the king fmally arrived,
in the dark, at one of the main squares outside the amber ramparts of the City. The square, like the others he passed
through, had been covered end-to-end with red, purple and saffron hand-woven carpets -- at state expense, according to
officials.
"He will help students find jobs after they graduate,;, said a 14-year-old student, Mohammed Yassin ei-Jazadi, ·who
was lucky enough to actually touch the king's hand after he got out of the limousine inside the Fez city walls and
briskly strode up and down at the edges of the crowd, bodyguards pushing away anybody who tried to take his arm. At
every stop, people in wheelchairs got a personal greeting and a handshake. ·
�..
For a moment, hope seemed as abundant as Morocco's problems. Despite the presence of eleme~tary schools even in ·
desert villages far from any road, 43 percent of the male population is illiterate. Female illiteracy is even higher, since
many rural families do not send their daughters to school.
.
.
In a break with tradition, Mohammed VI did not marry before succeeding to the throne, according to government
Yet such are the power of old ways here that many of his subjects believe he must have taken a wife secretly.
officia~s.
The status of women here is not as restricted as in some other Islamic countries, and Morocco has also kept a tight lid
on Islamic militancy, given the example of Algeria next door where .1 00,000 people have died over the last decade in
civil conflict between the Socialist government and fundamentalist opponents.
"Social action, mobilizing all available resources to bring the underprivileged classes back into the fold of society,"
Mohammed VI told authorities here, "have priority importance:"
His spokesman, a young academic and former diplomat named Hassan Aourid, said the king would work closely with
the Socialist government led by Abderrahman Youssoufi, a former political prisoner twice Mohammed VI's age, in
deClaring a war on poverty.
"The aim," Mr. Aourid said, "is modernity."
http://www .nytimes.com
GRAPHIC: Photo: Morocco's new king; Mohammed VI, being welcomed to Oujda, on the border with Algeria, on his
visit to the economically hard-hit region last month. The king h.as emerged as a powerful advocate of social change.
(Agence France-Presse)
·
Map showing the location of Morocco: A long drought has driven many Moroccans to cities like Rabat.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: November 12, 1999
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Copyright 1999 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
July 27, 1999, Tuesday, Late Edition- Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 3; Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 985 words
HEADLINE: In Morocco, Too, a Young King for a New Generation
BYLINE: By DOUGLAS JEHL
DATELINE: CASABLANCA, Morocco, July 26
BODY:
King Mohammed VI of Morocco, the latest Arab prince to, be thrust into kingship, has long been regarded here as
something of an enigma, little known even to his future subjects, and qnly recently allowed to share the public spotlight.
Yet the 36-year-old appears to have ascended smoothly to the throne, the third young ~rab leader to take power in six
months.
·
The new leaders are being welcomed across the Arab world, even by those who mourn the ones who have been lost,
as vital signs of generational change.
"I hate to have to say this so soon after a royal funeral," said a shopkeeper here, "but it was time for some new
blood -- not just here but all around. I can't know for sure what kind of a King Mohammed will be, but it was time for a
younger man to take over.'~
Most of the world did not get its first look at the new King until Sunday, as he led the cortege carrying the body of his
father, King Hassan II, who ruled for 38 years until his death on Friday at age 70.
The new King walked dry-eyed and upright in his white robe and scarlet fez, a model of decorum and of centuries of
Moroccan tradition.
·
·
Among his few known official functions as Crown Prince Seti Mohammed, the most important was to coordinate the
200,000-member Royal Armed Forces. His father promoted him in 1994 from major colonel to four-star general.
But if the Crown Prince was "coordinator," his father remained the dominant force'as supreme commander.
Within Morocco, the Crown Prince gained a reputation as a playboy during the years he spent waiting in the wings,
showing a fondness for fast cars and nightclubs. And he had never married -- a source of puzzlement and not· a little
gossip in a country where a man of his age and means is widely expected to have begun a family.
But a new wrinkle was added today by conflicting reports about whether the new monarch had been married on
Friday night, within hours of his father's death. An official quoted by The Associated Press said the new King had taken
the step to heed a Moroccan tradition that a King be married before he ascends the throne.
The Reuters news agency, which first reported the same account, later quoted what it said was a more senior palace
official denying that any marriage had taken place.
Neither news agency said who the bride might have been, and none of the officials were reported to have said
�whether any female guest of the King was present at a state dinner he held for President Jacques Chirac of France after
the funeral.
·
Across Morocco today, mournful Islamic verses sounded from the mosques iri a continuing sign of respect for the late
King, who died after four years of deteriorating health. Morocco has 4eclared an official 40-day mourning period.
But life otherwise seems to have returned to normal-- in contrast to stunning scenes on Sunday, when stores and
businesses across Morocco were closed and hundreds of thousands of people surged into the streets Rabat, the
·Capital, to pour out their grief.
of
Like his son, King Hassan was known when he was Crown Prince for sowing wild oats, but he later adopted a quieter
life. King Mohammed may well follow the example set by his father, who, after becoming King, declared, "The man
you knew as Prince Moulay Hassan no longer exists."
Diplomats and Moroccan officials said the new King's interests range well beyond military matters. One Moroccan
official said he had been educated in French and Arabic and also spoke some English and Spanish, had earned a law ·
degree from a French university (which he did not name) and had written a thesis on relations between the European
Union and North African countries.
'
In recent years he had been allowed greater duties, and was known to have attended events that focused on the needs
of the poor . .The new King had also begun quietly to forge a bond with King Abdullah of Jordan, one year his senior
and his predecessor by just six months on the throne. Abdullah was also plucked from relative obscurity to succeed his
·
father, King Hussein, in February..
That is an example of the kind of network that will become increasingly important for tpe new generation of Middle
Eastern monarchs. Others are Sheik Hamad bin lssa, 49, who succeeded his late father as Emir of Bahrain in March,
and Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa, also 49, who toppled his father as Emir of Qatar in a bloodless coup in 1995.
For now, young Arab rulers are still an exception. The'most influential figures are stilllel;lders like President Hafez aiAssad ofSyria, the Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat and President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, all of whom are at or
nearing 70. Among the monarchs of the Persian Gulf, the average age also hovers around 70, and rules of succession
make it likely that those countries will be ruled by aging men for some time.
The latest whirl of leadership changes is the fastest since the chaotic days of 1969 and 1970, when Muammar alQaddafi took power in Liby~, Mr. Assad in Syria and Saddam Hussein in Iraq after a series of violent coups. ·
Given the turmoil that surrounded other political handovers, including the assassinations of King Faisal of Saudi
Arabia in 1975 and of President Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt in 1981 '·the smoothness of the current transitions provides
quite a contrast.
·
Indeed, even in some nonmonarchies, Arab rulers have begun to hint that their sons should take over. Apparently
their view is that whatever opposition such a plan might meet is preferable to the risk of a new struggle for power.
Those who have signaled an interest in such arrangements include Mr. Assad, Mr, Hussein and Mr. Qaddafi -- all of
whom. took power by force,
President Assad's son Bashar, who is just 34, has no official position. But in recent months he has begun play a
higher-profile role that has included diplomatic trips to Saudi Arabia and Jordan, including extensive meetings with
King Abdullah.
·
http://www .nytimes.com
GRAPHIC: Photo: King Mohammed VI after the funeral of his father on Sunday. (Reuters)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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�Copyright 1999 The New York Times Company
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The New York Times
July 24, 1999, Saturday, Late Edition- Final
NAME: King Hassan II
SECTION: Section A; Page I; Column 5; Foreign· Desk
LENGTH: 2881 words
HEADLINE: Hassan II of Morocco Dies at 70; A Monarch Oriented to the West
. BYLINE: By JOSEPH R. GREGORY
BODY:
. King Hassan II, who ruled Morocco for 38 years, acted as a go-between in Egyptian-Israeli efforts to make peace and
prolonged the life of his 300-year-old dynasty in an era when monarchies in Libya, Egypt, Iraq and Iran fell to socialist
revolutions or the force of militant Islam, died yesterday in Rabat. He was 70.
The cause of death was a heart attack, 'Crown Prince Sidi Mohammed, the King's eldest son and successor, announced
on state television. .
The King, who had been in fragile health since he was hospitalized in the United States four years ago for lung
problems, had been admitted earlier in the day to the A vicenne hospital in Rabat, the capital, with an acute lung
infection, according to a stateme.nt by the palace. Moroccan television said the funeral would be Sunday. The White.
House said that President Clinton planned to attend.
As King, Sidi Mohammed is expected to continue his father's policies, including close ties with Washington and
active pursuit of peace in the Middle East.
The United States and its allies considered King Hassan· one of the most Westel!l-oriented of Arab leaders; a ruler
who outmaneuvered Islamic militants in his country and stood out among his peers for his openness to rapprochement
with Israel.
. Through the years he acted as an intermediary in Middle East diplomacy, helping to arrange a visit to Jerusalem,in
1977 by Egypt's President, Anwar ei-Sadat, and during the 1980's, meeting with the Israeli leaders Yitzhak Rabin and
.Shimon Peres when other Arabs shunned them.
A master at managing Morocco's complex quilt of ethnic and ideological forces, he maintained a hold on power that
was by turns iron-fisted and deftly offhand. He survived half a dozen assassination attempts and uprisings.
On one occasion, he intimidated the leader of rebel troops by looking him in the eye and reciting the first verse of the
Koran. Another time, when pilots of his air force attacked his Boeing 727 jetliner, the King, himself a pilot, seized the
radio and shouted, "Stop firing! The tyrant is dead!"-- fooling the rebels into breaking off their attack.
The heir to the Alawite dynasty, which claimed direct descent from the Prophet Mohammed and ruled the Sharifian
empire of the Western Sahara, Hassan II was the author of Morocco's first Constitution. But he was at heart an autocrat;
and democracy waxed and waned at his pleasure.
He tolerated opposition parties and a relatively free press that could offer opinions on policy matters .. But criticism of
�the monarchy was forbidden, and his.ruthlessness in crushing opponents was criticized by human rights groups.
Economic and political reform proceeded steadily through his years in power. Though the pace was slower than his
critics would have liked, said William Zartman·, director of African Studies at'Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore,
many would agree that the ·country was better off during the final years of his reign than it was when he came to power.
His success lay in an ability to be different things to different people. He kept Morocco's elite content with royal
patronage and instituted market-oriented reforms that improved the lives of the urban middle class. He used his position
as "Commander of the Faithful" t~ woo the rural peasantry, quadruple the number of mosques and build the world's
largest, the Great Mosqt,te of Hassan the II. Completed in 1993, the 54-acre complex was built on the edge of the sea
near Casablanca, with a tower more than 650 feet tall and equipped with a laser that beamed at night toward Mecca.
"He had deep understanding from the early days of the tribal mentality of Morocco and the importance of the throne
as a unifying force," said Robert H. Pelletreau, a former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, who
knew the King well. "He was a superb student; and. he could be exceedingly charmili.g."
·
Moroccans said of King Hassan that he had "baraka," or "blessedriess,".an Arabic expression for a charismatic person
blessed with divine protection. Yet when he ascended the throne on feb. 26, 1961, most observers expected him to fail.
Worked With Father To Buttress Monarchy
Moulay Hassan ben Mohammed Alaoui was born on July 9, 1929, the oldest of six children of Sultan Sidi
Mohammed ben Youssef. Most of Morocco was then a protectorate of France, except for sections governed by Spain in
the northwest and southern coast and the city of Tangier, an international zone. ·
As World War II unfolded, resistance to colonial rule grew. After the fall of France, the Free French forces promised
independence if Morocco would cooperate in the war against the Axis, a promise that Paris proved unwilling to keep .
. After the 'war, tension rose between the Sultan and the French, but the young Prince Moulay Hassan was educated as
befitted the heir of two traditions: He attended the imperial college at Rabat, where instruction was in Arabic and
French. Later he earned a law degree from the University of Bordeaux and served in the French Navy aboard the
battleship Jeanne d'Arc.
··
·
But his father's agitation for Moroccan self-government continued, and in.1953 the French forced the Sultan into
exile. In 1954 and 1955, as rioting and guerrilla warfare increased, Prince Moulay's father regained his title, and the
following year, Morocco won independence.
Prince Moulay worked with his father, now Mohammed V, to maintain the monarchy's authority during a time of
social discontent and the conflicting expectations of those who fought for Moroccan independence .
. In 1957, he became the commander in chiefofthe Royal Moroccan Army, which was splintered between officers
who had been loyal to the French and the former rebels. Prince Moulay kept the military occupied with civilian
'projects,. and _led it to victory against rebel Berber tribesmen in the Rifmountains in 1958.
But in the shantytowns of Rabat, Casablanca and other cities, opposition simmered against the royal house. Though
.the monarchy looked to Paris and Washington for financial support, it needed to plac'ate the leftist opposition. Declaring
neutrality in the cold war, the Prince made overtures to Moscow and accepted Soviet military aid. "As an Islamic
people," he told The Associated Press in 1961; "we have the right to practice bigamy. We can wed East and West and
be faithful to both." ·
.
.
Such comments caused consternation in Western capitals. So did the reputation of the young Prince, whom the
Western press often portrayed as a playboy who liked gambling and actresses and was overly concerned with his
wardrobe.
After Mohammed V died of heart failure following what was expected to be a minor operation, Prince Moulay, who
�had been named Prime Minister in 1960, moved quickly to establish his rule. His Constitution, which was ratified. in
1962,'guaranteed freedom of the press and of religion, and created an elected legislature.
But the new Parliament, fractUred by bitter rivalries, proved ineffectual. The new King retained the power to name the
Prime Minister, disband the legislature and control the army.
In the mid-1960's, student agitation led to a wave of rioting and imests. Opposition figures fled abroad or were
. imprisoned; some were executed. In 1965 Mehdi Ben Barka, a prominent nationalist and opposition leader, was
kidnapped in Paris and never seen again.
The King's right-hand man, the Minister of Interior, Mohammed Oufkir, was linked to the disappearance, but the case
was never pressed.
·
In June of that year, Hassan dissolved Parliament and instituted a state of emergency, wielding absolute power until a
· new Constitution was adopted in 1970. The Constitution restored limited parliamentary government, but discontent
simmered amid continuing poverty and official corruption.
·
·
How He Overcame Two Deadly Coups
.
On July 10, 1971, King Hassan invited some 400 prominent Moroccans, diplomats and other guests to his seaside
palace of Skhirat near Rabat to celebrate his 42d birthday. The festivities ended in a burst of gunfire as more than I ,000
mutinous troops attacked the palace,_ hurling grenades arid spraying th~ grounds .with small-arms fire.
Nearly I 00 guests were killed and more than 125 wounded. The King hid in a bathroom.
When the firing died down, he re-emerged to find himself face to face with one of the rebel commanders. Keeping
eye contact, he recited the opening verse of the Koran, and the rebel knelt and kissed his hand. Loyal troops crushed the
revolt, killing more than 150 rebels andcapturing 900 others, many of them young,military cadets.
.
.
A dozen high-ranking, conservative officers were executed. Mohammed Oufkir was named Minister of Defense.
'
A little more than 12 months later, on Aug.l6, 1972, the King was returning from Paris aboard his private Boeing
727 when it encountered an unscheduled escort of four Royal Moroccan Air Force F~5 fighters. As the Boeing
approached Rabat's airport, the fighters fired on the plane, knocking out an engine and scoring other hits.
The Boeing landed safely, but the renegade pilots continued to strafe the runway until Hassan radioed them, saying
the King had been killed. The rebels broke off the attack. Within hours, key participants in the coup were arrested and
shot.
·
, One of their leaders proved to be General Oufkir, who apparently had been secretly involved in the earlier attack on
the palace. According to official reports, the general committed suicide, but. his body was supposedly found with
several wounds. His widow and six children were placed under i}ouse arrest and were not released until February 1991,
in an amnesty marking the King's 30 years in power.
·
·
Uniting Moroccans· Over Western Sahara
As the 1970's unfolded, the King took several steps to damp domestic turmoil. In 1973 he put through measures to
increase Moroccan ownership and employment in companies doing business in Morocco and also redistributed
farmland owned by foreigners to rural peasants.
'
.
"He alternated very cleverly between the kinds of reforms that would be popular with the people and the kinds of
reforms popular with the ruling elite and in doing so was popular with both," said Mr. Pelletreau, the former American
diplomat.
·
In November 1975, in a move that would unite Moroccans against a common foe, Hassan reasserted his country's
authority over the Western Sahara, a region claimed by both Morocco and Mauritania but still officially under Spanish
.
.
�administration, by trucking some 350,000 civilians under army escort to the region, where they staged a march.
The move help secure Morocco's claim but ignited a war with guerrillas of the Polisario Front, who had been fighting
for independence from Spain. Libya and Algeria supported the guerrillas in their war against the Moroccan Army. In
1984, the King signed an accord with Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi that ended Libyan backing for the insurgents. Algeria,
'plagued by its own domestic problems, could give them only minimal support. Militarily, Morocco eventually
triumphed, ag_reeing to a cease-fire with Polisario in 1991 that left the country in control of most the region.
The Polisario Front continues to hang on, but the United Nations is scheduling a referendum in March to determine
the future of the region's 300,000 people.
Seen as Bridge To the Isnielis
King Hassan was adept at managing Arab-Israeli relations, and he liked to'say he viewed Morocco!s Jewish
population, which numbers around 8,000, as a bridge between Israelis and Arabs. During World War II his father,
Mohammed V, had defied the Axis and protected his country's Jews. In 1956, the year of Moroccan independence,
there were about 275,000 Jews in Morocco. Most were allowed to emigrate to Israel, Europe and elsewhere.
During the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973, King Hassan contributed a nominal number of troops to support
Egypt and Syria. Nevertheless, he kept his channels open with Israel.
In 1982 he was the host of a meeting of Arab leaders in Fez where he pushed through agreement on a peace plan that
called for the creation of a Palestinian state with Jerus'alem as its capital but implicitly recognized Israel's right to exist.
The plan, though rejected by Israel, laid the groundwork for the King to meet with Prime Minister Peres in 1986, a
meeting that ~aused the King to be criticized by Arab leaders. He responded by saying they had neither the ability to
make war on Israel nor the willin~ness to make peace.
In. September 1993, Morocco gave de facto recognition to Israel by welcoming Prime Minister Rabin, marking the
first official visit by an Israeli leader to an Arab nation other than Egypt.
I
.
Despite such bold gestures, he was careful to play both sides of a conflict when necessary. After the Iraqi invasion of
Kuwait in 1990, he sent 1,300 troops to Saudi ·Arabia, a gesture that pleased the West. At the time he expressed
sympathy for the plight oflraqi suffering under United Nations sanctions and ordered members of the Moroccan royal
family to supervise the collection of supplies to ease their plight.
Gradual Freedom And Continuing Poverty
Despite aid from the West, sporadic reform efforts, and an estimated $2 billion a year sent home by Moroccans
working abroad, the economic situation during the 1990's remained difficult for most of Morocco's 25 million people,
two-thirds of whom are under the age of25.
In the census of 1994, the urban population exceeded the rural population for the first time. Unrest generally declined
in the cities, where most of the economic reforms were concentrated. Although unemployment remained a problem and
the strains of a relatively slow pace of development continued, political freedom gradually increased. In the early
1990's, pressure from human rights groups reduced the number of political prisoners and reports of incidents of torture
declined.
In recent years, the King pushed,his version of "Hassanian democracy," which has widened political freedom while
retaining the decisive power of the King. After elections last year, in whicn leftist parties gained the largest bloc of
seats, the King appointed an old leftist adversary, Abdurrahman Youssufi, as Prime Minister, but the new Government
has been widely criticized for failing to fulfill election promises to deal with poverty and other social problems.
Like his father, the Crown Prince comes to the throne with the reputation of a playboy. At 35, he is still single in a
society that emphasizes family ties. He was educated in France, where he received a degree in law and studied
international relations. In addition to Arabic and French, he speaks Spanish and English. In recent years, as illness
caused the King to withdraw progressively from active public life, the Crown Prince began to take a ~ore active role in
�..
public as second in cominand of the Moroccan military and in heiP,ing to direct Government aid to the poor.
In February the King sent the Crown Prince as his representative to the funeral of King Hussein of Jordan. With Sidi
Mohammed's accession to the throne, his younger brother Moulay Rashid will become Crown Princ.e.
In addition to his two sons, the King is survived by his wife, Lalla Latifa, a commoner who is officially described as
the Mother of the Royal Children, and three daughters.
Palace officials say the transition will bring no change in key Moroccan policies, including the longstanding alliance
with the United States and strong support for peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. The aides also said Sidi
Mohammed would continue his father's policy of insisting on Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed territory of the
Western Sahara.
Nonetheless, the Crown Prince is expected to take his distance from some of his father's closest advisers, principally
the Interior Minister, Driss Basri, who in his 20years in that post has been associated with hard-line policies toward
domestic opposition from both the left and the Islamic. fundamentalists, who have been excluded from forming parties
to compete in elections.
Aides to King Hassan said recently that Sidi Mohammed was likely to inove hard-liners in his father's entourage aside
in effort to accelerate democratic reforms that his father had initiated in recent years.
Despite his moves toward democracy, throughout his reign King Hassan remained jealous of preserving the symbols
of his monarchy. He refused, for instance, to abandon the practice of having his subjects show their fealty by kissing his
hand, even though advisers urged him to end it.
· Whether he donned a business suit to meet with Western leaders or appeared in traditional white robes to preside over
religious ceremon~es, the King was a leader of commanding presence, an eloquent orator in Arabic who spoke excellent
·
French and capable English.
"His golf outings were the picture of an Oriental potentate,'' recalled Mr. Pelletreau, the diplomat. "He would be
accompanied by a vast entourage. If he wanted to sit, chairs would appear, and his guests would be offered sherbet."
Through intelligence, charm and cunning, he steered an absolute monarchy into the modem world. "He sheltered
Morocco.from the various political winds that blew across the Arab world and caused such turmoil in other countries,"
Mr. Pelletreau said.
http://www .nytimes.com
GRAPHIC: Photos: King Hassan II of Morocco speaking on his birthday in July. (Agence France-Presse)(pg. AI); In
1966 Morocco's Crown Prince, Sidi Mohammed, in his first military uniform, sat next to his father, King Hassan II, at a
military parade marking the ~nniversary of Morocco's independence from France. (United Press Intemational)(pg. Al3)
Map of Morocco showing location of Rabat: King Hassan II died in a hospital in Rabat, Morocco's capital. (pg. A13)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: July 24, 1999
�Copyright 1991 The Times Mirror Company
Los Angeles Times
Aprill6, 1991, Tuesday, Home Edition
NAME: HASSAN II (KING OF MOROCCO)
SECTION: World Report; Part H; Page 2; Column I; World Report
LENGTH: 1878 words
HEADLINE: PROFILE ;
MOROCCO'S HASSAN SURVIVES AFRICA'S POLITICAL MINEFIELD;
* HIS FINELY TUNED INSTINCTS HAVE KEPT HIM IN POWER FOR MORE THAN 30 YEARS. FRIEND AND
FOE ALIKE MARVEL AT HIS DIPLOMA TIC PIROUETTE DURING THE GULF CRISIS.
.
BYLINE: By RONE TEMPEST, TIMES STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: RABAT, Morocco
BODY:
It was a simple gesture rif humility on the part of a monarch who claims direct descent from the Prophet Mohammed
and who is heralded in Moroccan newspapers as "His Majesty Hassan II, Commander of the Faithful, The Savior and·
The Unifier."
·
At a recent conference ~fMuslim religious scholars he hosted here, Morocco's King Hassan II, who celebrated his
30th year in power in February, sat reverently on the floor clutching his prayer beads as the invited guests, wise men of
Islam from the world around, pronounced on the moral issues of the times.
But the televised "religious court" was also· a typically savvy political act by Hassan, 61, scion of the four-century-old
Alawite dynasty and one of the great survivors of the African political scene.
Honoring and feting religious leaders is one of the ways the Moroccan leader has managed to avoid a strong
challenge from the Islamic fundamentalist movements that plague neighboring governments in the North African
Maghreb region and other predominantly Muslim states.
"Did you see the way that he sat on the floor~- below the level of the speakers?" asked a senior government official.
"It may seem like a tiny. detail, but it is one of the reasons fundamentalism is not a big factor here."
Through guile, intelligence and a seemingly unerring ability to know when to bend and when to bear down -- human
rights critics say "brutalize" -- debonair Hassan has escaped assassination attempts, leftist uprisings, attempted coups
and economic riots to become the longest-reigning monarch in Africa.. ·
·
His most recent tightrope act, applauded for its virtuosity by friend and foe alike, came during the Persian Gulf cri~is. ·
.
,·
.
\
.
Despite Moroccans' largely sympathetic view oflraq, which they saw as an underdog against the powerful West and
its rich Gulf Arab allies, Hassan was the only North African leader, besides Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, to send
military forces to Saudi Arab.ia.
The small, largely symbolic detachment of 1,300 troops-- assigned to guard a major Saudi refinery-- won Hassan the
overflowing affection of the United States and its allies, including the oil-rich Gulf states. Officials interviewed here
hope it will bring Morocco long-term economic bonuses, as well.
�But in several speeches, delivered during the crisis, Hassan also described Iraqi President Saddam Hussein as his
"dear Arab brother." He ordered members of the Moroccan royal family to supervise collection of emergency supplies
to the suffering Iraqi people. In one particularly ambidextrous speech, the king announced that his "mind" was with the
allied coalition and Kuwait but that his "heart" was with Hussein and the people oflraq.
In a rare show of confidence in his rule, the king also permitted five opposition parties and Muslim fundamentalists to
stage a pro-Iraq demonstration in the streets of Rabat, the Moroccan capital and the seat of his throne. An estimated
200,000 demonstrators burned American, Israeli, British and French flags and carried enlarged photos of Hussein. The
police kept to the sidelines. The largest rally in recent Moroccan history ended without incident.
After letting anti-war demonstrators blow off steam in Rabat, the king then banned another rally planned by the same
groups for Casablanca.
When opposition leaders challenged him about the Moroccan troops in the Gulf, the king said they were not actually
part of the allied coalition but were sent to Saudi Arabia as part of a separate agreement he had with King Fahd, one of
several members of the Saudi Royal Family who has a vacation palace in Morocco. They would not, he insisted, take
part in any attack on Iraqi territory.
As usual, the bridge-playing ruler had finessed all the players, including his partners. "It required some amazing
political agility," said an admiring diplomat, "but somehow the king call).e out of the war stronger than he went in."
It was not the first time King Hassan, has successfully played a delicate, dangerous political game. In 1982, he hosted
an Arab summit meeting in Fez where he managed, for the first time, to persuade all the leaders of the Arab world to
. agree on a peace plan th~t implicitly recognized Israel's right to exist. The "Fez Plan'.' also called for the creation of a
·Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital.
Following up on the Fez meeting, the king shocked the Arab world in 1986 by hosting then-Israeli Prime Minister
Shimon Peres. When Syria and other Arab countries protested, the king chided them for not having the."courage" to
make either war or peace with Israel.
Hassan became king on Feb. 26, 1961, when his father, Mohammed V, died after what was expected to be a minor
operation. The old sultan was beloved by his people for defying the French, who kept Morocco as a colonial
protectorate until1956. Few people gave Prince Hassan, who had a reputation as a playboy smitten by the allures of
horse racing and nightclubs, much chance ofsticking.
·
"When I ascended to the thrown," Hassan reportedly told King Juan Carlos I of Spain in 1986, "people said I would
not last more than six months,"
But the youthful new king moved quickly to establish Morocco as a democratic state with a constitutional monarchy.
A law graduate of Bordeaux University; Hassan wrote the new country's first constitution, which was ratified by
popular referendum in 1962.
·
The constitution guaranteed freedom of speech, press and religion and created an elected, two-chamber legislature.
But Hassan kept for himself the power to name the prime minister and army chief of staff, to dismiss the legislature at
any time and to veto any legislative act that displeased him. Likewise, freedom of speech and press still had limits in
. Morocco, where government censors sometimes ban publications that are critical of the king .
. In a recent celebrated example, a book by French leftist writer Gilies Perimlt was barred from the co~ntry after it
allegedly maligned the monarch. The book, "Our Friend the King," collected stories of human rights abuses under the
30-year Hassan reign. Theyinclude reports of the systematic torture and jailing, sometimes under extremely harsh
conditions, of political prisoners.
Last month, the human rights organization Amnesty International reported more than 1,000 cases in Morocco of
torture, disappearance and imprisonment without fair trial.
�•
According to the reports, the king seems to reserve the main force of his wrath for those who plot against him and his
rule. ·
·
In July, I97I, Hassan was the target of a military coup. The king was giving a gala party to celebrate his 42nd
birthday when his seaside palace near Rabat was stormed by I,400 rebel troops. More than IOO of his guests were killed
but the king escaped, reportedly by hiding in a bathroom until troops crushed the rebellion.
A year later, in August, I972, the king survived another attack when three air force fighter pilots attempted to shoot
down the royal airplane as it was landing at Rabat. Although hit, the king's plane managed to land. According to one
report, Hassan succeeded in calling off the attacking jets by disguising his voice and announcing over the radio: "Stop
firing. The tyrant is dead."
After the two failed coups, Hassan had.most of the plotters executed. However, the alleged mastermind, Gen.
Mohammed Outkir, was officially listed as having "committed suicide."
Those conspirators who were not executed were jailed under often terribie conditions, according to human rights
reports. In a widely criticized act, the king's government ordered Outkir's widow, Fatima, the couple's 'six children-none of whom was old enough to have played a role 'in the plot-- and a cousin placed under a house arrest that lasted
I8 years.
The Outkir family was finally released in February, when the king included them in a group of prisoners, including
leaders of a I973 leftist uprising, who were granted royal amnesty on Throne Day marking his 30th year in power.
More recent examples of the harsh side of Hassan's rule came after anti-government riots in Fez in December, in
which at least 33 people were killed and hundreds more injured. After the riots, in which a large five-star hotel and
. several businesses were burned down, Amnesty In~ernational, the London-based human rights organization, reported
that 850 people were sentenced to I5 years in jail..
The organization reported that defendants were tried and sentenced in mass hearings and said several of the accused
complained of beating and torture at the hands of Moroccan authorities.
·
Whether news of such things reaches the level of Hassan and his family.is hard to tell.
When not donning traditional garb and sitting at the feet of preaching mullahs, Hassan can often be foun.d in golf
outfits at one of his II fabulous castles, several of which are equipped with their' own 18-hole courses that the king had
designed by noted American golf architect Robert Trent Jones.
The huge family wealth contrasts starkly with the general poverty of overpopulated, high-unemployment Morocco.
But it has never stopped the seemingly imperturbable king from spending lavishly. To transport his royal entourage to
a meeting of African leaders in La Baule, France, last year, Hassan requisitioned the Moroccan ferry boat that regularly
plies between Tangier and Algeciras, Spain.
Criticizing the socialist governments of Egypt and Algeria in a I964 interview with C.L. Sulzberger of the New York
Times, Hassan said: "They want to impoverish the rich. We want to enrich the poor."
·
·
' With a per capita annual income of only $700 and one of the world's largest foreign debts -- based on its population
of 25 million -- Morocco is unlikely to enrich .its poor any time soon. In fact, one of the main hopes of the government
is that Morocco's positive role in the Gulf crisis will encourage America and other lender countries to renegotiate the
country's $20-billion debt.
·
The.struggling economy has not stopped Hassan· from asking his people to share their weal!h to build a huge mosque
bearing his name in Casablanca, Morocco's largest city and main business center.
�•
The king launched the campaign to build the $500-million Hassan II Mosque in 1986. When finished sometime next
year, the massive stone structure on the Atlantic Ocean coast will feature a powerful laser beam spotlight aimed at
Mecca from atop its 700-foot minaret.
·
·
Every day, pro-royalist newspapers carry banner headlines seeking more contributions for the project: "Citizens, Men
and Women, Respond to the Call of His Majesty,. If You Have Not: Already Done It, Contribute to the Construction of
the Hassan II Mosque up to the Very Day of Its Inauguration."
Biography
Name: King Hassan II
.
Position: 17th Sovereign of the Alaoutie dynasty.
·
Age:61
.Personal: A law graduate of Bordeaux University, Hassan is the father of five children, two sons, including crown
prince Sidi Mohammed, and three daughters. His wife, Lalla Latlfa, is a commoner who does not carry the title of
queen. In keeping with Moroccan tradition, she is officially described as "Mother of the Royal Children."
Quote: 'When I ascended to the thrown people said I would not last m.ore than six months,' Hassan commenting on his
rise to power in 1961.
.GRAPHIC: Photo, King Hassan II
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�Copyright 1999 Times Mirror Company
Los Angeles Times
July 24, 1999, Saturday, Home Edition
SECTION: Part A; Page 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 1531 words
HEADLINE: KING HASSAN II OF MOROCCO DIES AT 70
BYLINE: DAVID LAMB and JOHN DANISZEWSKI, TIMES STAFF WRITERS
DATELINE: CAIRO
BODY:
King Hassan II of Morocco, who ascended the throne as a playboy prince yet matured into one of the Arab world's
most respected statesmen and a strong voice for moderation in the Middle East during a 38-year reign, died Friday after
several months of poor health.
The monarch had turned 70 two weeks ago.
After the death of King Hussein of Jordan in February, Hassan was the longest-ruling Arab sovereign, and his death
marked another stage in the han doff of power to a new generation in the region.
Crown Prince Sidi Mohammed, 36, assumed the throne of the North African country of29 million people hours after
his father's death.
"My father, His Majesty King Hassan, may God bless his soul, died of a heart attack at 4:30 p.m. due to
complications that could not be treated," the crown prin,ce said in a short televised address announcing the death.
The king had been hospitalized earlier in the day in Rabat, the Moroccan capital, for what the palace had called in a
statement "the 'appearance of an acute pneumonia."
·
Former Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres, who met with Hassan at one of his palaces in a 1986 visit that shocked
the Arab world, said: "He was a real friend of the Jewish people. He hoped for peace, he dreamed of peace, and he
fought for peace."
·
President Clinton offered his condolences by telephone, saying in a statement: "The Middle East has lost one of its
greatest peacemakers. He worked to break down barriers among the peoples of the Middle East, bravely opening a
dialogue with Israel ... seeking greater tolerance and stability in the region."
The president and First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton will attend the king's funeral Sunday, WhiteHouse Press
Secretary Joe Lockhart said.
Despite his high standing in Washington, the king riled the Reagan administration and Congress in 1984 by his
surprise signing of a "unity" treaty with Libya, at a time when Libyan leader Moammar Kadafi was pear the top of the
U.S. pariahs list.
The treaty had more to do with local than global politics. Hassan wanted Libya to
s~op
backing the Polisario Front
�guerrillas fighting for the independence of Western Sahara. A vague "unity" pact was the easiest way to cozy up to the
· ·
Libyan leader, and nothing further ever came of it.
When then-Prince Hassan became king in 1961, his reputation as a jet-setting playboy had preceded him. He flew his
own airplane, raced cars and horses, frequented nightclubs with beautiful women and reportedly spent more time
worrying about his wardrobe than about his royal duties.
His father, Mohammed V, had died suddenly after minor surgery, and skeptics and supporters alike predicted that the
32-year-old bachelor would last no more than a few months as king. Even his first name, Moulay, which signifies direct
descent from the prophet Muhammad, seemed a sacrilege to Mqrocco's devout Muslims. But the new king moved
quickly to reassure his subjects.
"The man you knew as Prince Moulay Hassan rio longer exists," he announced, and, through nearly four decades of
unquestioned leadership, those words never returned to haunt him.
Hassan, a man known for his wit and charm, transformed himself into one of the Arab world's most polished rulers.
.
.
He was an adroit political manipulator who could capitalize on adversity. As a Western diplomat put it, "Even when he
was wrong, he ended up being right."
In 1971, mutinous army officers sent 1,400 cadets storming through the royal palace where 400 guests were
celebrating the king's birthday. Hassan escaped unharmed, although 100 people were killed in the wild shooting. He
took refuge in his nearby apartment and reemerged three hours later, accompanied by a sergeant and several other
soldiers.
"Long live Hassan II!" shouted the troops who remained on the palace grounds, and the revolt collapsed.
But Hassan's most persistent liability was Morocco's sputtering economy, not its 170,000-strong army. According to
recent statistics, the per capita income in the country is $3,000 a year. Unemployment is widespread, and the literacy
rate is only 50%.
Against this backdrop, Hassan's lifestyle was regaL He let the weather and his sinus problems dictate which of his
palaces he and his staff of 5,000 would occupy at any given time. He owned large tracts of farmland, formerly the
property of French colonialists, and had extensive real estate holdings in Casablanca and Rabat. The marriage of his.
daughter, Lalla Mariam, in Fez in 1984 had all the trappings of a Hollywood spectacle.
But no one ever questioned Hassan's right to rule. He_was the 17th in a line.of Alawite Muslims who had governed
Morocco since 1649. As the prophet Muhammad's descendant, he was his country's spiritual head. He prayed daily,
and as king did nothing to indicate that he was anything less than a pious Muslim.
Moulay Hassan was born July 9, 1929, in Rabat, the oldestofsix children of Sultan Sidi Mohammed ben Youssef,
whom the French colonial powers allowed to rule in local and religious matters while they retained overall control. He
was educated in Morocco, studying law at France's University of Bordeaux colonial extension school, and served
briefly as a training officer on the French battleship Jeanne d'Arc.
In 1953, Sultan Mohammed and his family, including Prince Hassan, were exiled by the French to Corsica, and then
Madagascar, to defuse an independence movement. But terrorism and rioting against the French increased, and in 1955
the royal family was allowed to return home. The prince, then 26, took part in the negotiations in Paris that led to
Morocco's independence March 2, 1956. ·
When Hassan succeeded his father, he continued to pursue Morocco's moderate; pro-Western course. He grew
increasingly close to the United States and shared President Reagan's view that the Soviet Union was a destabilizing
influence on world.aff<:iirs. Many political analysts considered Hassan the West's most reliable friend in the Arab world.
"His heart is in the East, but his mind is i~ the West," a European diplomat in Rabat once said. "You can talk to this
�..
.
..
man in the same way you would talk to a European head of state or an American president. His sophistication goes fa~
beyond what you normally find in the Middle East."
During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Hassan won plaudits from the West for his willingness to dispatch a symbolic
contingent of Moroccan soldiersto fight on the side of the allies against Iraq. He also joined a summit conference in the
Egyptian city of Sharm el Sheik in 1996 at the behest of the United States to condemn terrorist attacks against israel.
But like those of other Arab leaders, his relations with the Jewish state chilled considerably during the just-ended
of Benjamin Netanyahu. As chairman of the AI Quds (Jerusalem) Committee of the Organization of the
Islamic Conference, Hassan was outspoken in his insistence that the Palestinians be allowed to form the capital of their
future state in Jerusalem.
pr~miership
Although Hassan had succeeded in uniting his country, an ancient kingdom the size of Oregon and Washington
combined, he continued to be bedeviled by Morocco's territorial claims to the Western Sahara, a former Spanish
territory, where his soldiers could never quite defeat the Algerian-backed Polisario Front independence movement.
In 1975, to press his claims, Hassan sent 350,000 unarmed Moroccans on a march ~o Western Sahara. The Spanish
soldiers watched in disbelief. Having made his point, the king ordered the civilians to return home, and the next year
Spain pulled out of the phosphate-rich colony, ceding the northern two"thirds to Morocco and the southern third to
Mauritania. But with Spain's departure, the Polisario Front grew bolder.
Virtually every Moroccan supported the king's contention that Western Sahara was Moroccan. To keep the Polisario
guerrillas out of the population centers and phosphate-producing areas, Hassan built a 10-foot-high sand wall that
extended more than 300 miles and was laced with mines and electronic sensing devices.
Derided at first as "Hassan's Folly," the wall proved to be a success and reduced the effectiveness of the guerrillas. A
cease-fire has been in effect since 1991, with pl~s afoot for a U.N.-supervised referendum next year to determine the
status of the territory.
Domestically, Hassan ran a relatively democratic government with a free-market economy. He once contrasted his
economic policies with those of Algeria and Egypt, saying: "They want to impoverish the rich. We prefer to enrich the
poor."
In his later years, there was concern that the Islamist' extr~mist violence that was tearing apart neighboring Algeria
might find its way into Moroccan society. But Hassan artfully kept a bal~nce--sometimes wooing and sometimes
1
cracking down--to keep the threat of lslamist extremism at bay.
Hass.,an married Lalla Latifa shortly after ascending the throne. P~incess Lalla was b~rn in August 1962, and the next
year, in May, Prince Sidi Mohammed, the heir apparent and the first of the king's two sons, was born.
*
Lamb was formerly The, Times' bureau chief in Cairo. Daniszewski reported from Cairo.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO: (Orange County edition, A1) King Hassan II of Morocco Dies PHOTOGRAPHER: Associated
Press
·
LANGUAGE: English
LOAD-DATE: July 24, 1999 .
�•
_ .. tl
Copyright 1995 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
March 16, 1995, Thursday, Final Edition
SECTION: STYLE; Pg. DOl
LENGTH: 1375 words
HEADLINE: Whodunit At the White House; Morocco's King Hassan Meets the Mystery Writers
BYLINE: Roxanne Roberts; Bebe Gribble, Special to The Washington Post
BODY:
A balmy spring night. A full moon. A king, a beautiful actress and a diamond necklace worth millions.
It could have been the opening of a great mystery novel. But no, it was the .scene last night at the White House, where
King Hassan II of Morocco was honored at a state dinner.
Of course, first His Royal Highness had to show up. The king and two of his children -- Prince. Moulay Rachid and
Princess Lalla Hasna -- arrived nearly 30 minutes late, leaving President Clinton and the first lady on hold and guests
·
wondering if the evening would ever begin.
"The biggest mystery tonight is what happened to the king," said ABC News PresidentRoone Arledge.
If mystery was in the air.perhaps it was only natural. The guest list included a number of the president's favorite bestselling authors specializing in the art of suspense-- Mary Higgins Clark, Ross Thomas, Walter Mosley and Susan
Isaacs.
·
Who could be surprised iftheir.next books included a scene or two from the dinner? "It would be very glamorous, a .
setting like this," said Clark. "The heroine-- I prefer to say protagonist-- would notice someone and say, 'I've seen you
before.'"
.
.
.
"It's a good idea," laughed ~saacs. "Nobody Democratic would die.",
Thomas was more practical.
. "I'd waltz in and sit down," he said. "And I'd hope that nothing would happen. But then, my characters wouldn't be
invited."
Even the vice president got into the spirit.
"I would definitely have the Strolling Strings in the opening scene, II said Gore. "But I'm not going to kill off
anybody."
Not for the record, anyway.
But back to the facts. Take that suspenseful moment when the president and Sen. Jesse Helms met in the receiving
line.
Helms, who proposed yesterday to "abolish the State Department as it is now," was nonetheless still on the guest Jist.
�The president "would be smart to accept it," the senator said of his plan. Clinton clearly was of another mind on the
·matter. But alas_at least for the writers in the room_there was no dramatic encounter:. Clinton greeted Helms with a
diplomacy befitting,_well, the State Department.
But.then diplomacy is what'the night was all about.
a
"In region where passion and hatred have so often overwhelmed cooler heads and clearer minds, .yours has always
been a voice of reason and tolerance," the president said in his toast t~ the ki~g.
Hassan responded with a declaration of friendship arid a special acknowledgment of the first lady.
"I wish to thank Mrs. Clinton for putting in that special touch that would make this evening so memorable."
Perhaps he was referring to the menu, which featured an A~ericanized ~ersion, lighter and more stylized; of a
traditional Mideastern feast: an appetizer of grilled chicken and couscous and a nuiin course .of lemon thyme lamb
chops. The meal ended with apricot sherbet and frozen date mousse.
After dinner, the guests moved to the East Rooin for another of the president's favorites: jazz. The king is reported to
enjoy jazz; the president loves it, especially wh~n it is performed by the Modem Jazz Quartet.
"After 30 years," he said, "I still consider them the greatest music group in history -- without a saxophone."
The musjc put him in .such a good mood that-- instead of retiring upstairs to the private quarters after the Moroccan
delegation left -- Clinton stayed with his guests, posing for pictures and signing autographs on place cards. Then he
grabbed the first lady, who was wearing a black silk.floor-length cocktail suit trimmed in rhinestones, and playfully
swirled her around the dance floor.
~un, but not quite the makings of a great mystery. Not nearly as intriguing as the elaborate diamond necklace draped
around the throat of the king's daughter. Now that'~ the kind of bauble that gets an author's mind racing. Just the thing,
say, for an elegant cat burglar to snatch if an elegant cat burglar somehow made it past the White House gate.
Stranger things have happened and, after ail, such is the stuff of the best-selling thrillers the Clintons like to read in
bed at night.
Alas, not everyone: "I never read mystery novels," said actress Ali MacGraw.
The guest list for last night's White House state dinner for the King of Morocco:
(
Hassan II, King of Morocco
Prince Moulay Rachid
Prince~s Lalla Hasna
Ahmed Guedira, adviser to His Majesty
Abdelhadi Boutaleb, adviser to His Majesty
Andre Azoulay, adviser to His Majesty
Mohamed Kabbaj, minister of finance and foreign investment
Hassan Abouayoub, minister of agriculture
�Driss Jettou, minister of commerce, industry and handicraft
Taed Fassi, undersecretary for foreign affairs
Mohamed Benaiss\1, ambassador of Morocco, ilndLeila Benaissa
Abdelfettah Frej, director of His Majesty's private secretariat
Gen. Abdelhak Kadiri
Madeleine K. Albright, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, and Katharine M. Albright ·
Roone Arledge, president, ABC News, and Gisele Arledge
Dennis A. Britton, editor, Chicago Sun-Times, and Teresa Britton
Kenneth Brody, president, Export-Import Bank of the United States, and Carolyn Brody
Carol M. Browner,'admiriistrator, Environmental Protection Agency, and Michael Browner
Merle C. Chambers, chairman, Axem Resources, and Hugh A. Grant
Mary Higgins Clark, auth~r, and Warre.n Clark
· Esther Coopersmith and Connie Coopersmith
Jon Corzine, managing partner, Goldman, Sachs & Co., and Joanne Corzine
Jolin M. Deutch, deputy secretary of defense, and Patricia Deutch
Huda Farouki, chairman, American International ServiCes, and Samia Farouki
Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) and Richard Blum
Jerome Fisher, Nine West Group Inc., and Anne Fisher
Tom Friedqmn, the New York Tiines, and Ann Friedman
Rep. Samuel Gejdensori (D-Conn.) and Betsey Henley Cohn
Leslie Gelb, president, Council on Foreign Relations, and Judy Gelb
. Rep. Benjamin A. Gilman (R-N.Y.) and Georgia Tingus
. Marc C. Ginsberg, U.S. ambassador to Morocco, and Janet Ginsberg
Robert Greenberger, the Wall Street Journal, and Phyllis Greenberger
Rep. Lee H. Hamilton (D.-Ind.) and Nancy Hamilton
Percy Heath, Modem Jazz Quartet, and June Helen Heath
Albert Heath, Modem Jazz Quartet, and Beverly Heath
�Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) and Dorothy Helms
Sen. Ernest F. Hollings (D-S.C) and Peatsy Hollings
Hubert H. "Skip" Humphrey, attorney general of Minnesota
Susan Isaacs, author, and Elkan Abramowitz
Milt Jackson, Modem Jazz Quartet, and Sandra Jackson
Richard Jenrette, CEO, the Equitable Cos. Inc., and Claude Bebear
Gerry Kovach, vice president of government relations, MCI Communications, and JoAnne Kovach
Anthony Lake, assistant to the president for national security affairs, and Mark Parris
David Lawrence, publishet, the Miami Herald, and Roberta Lawrence
John Le:wis, Modem Jazz Quartet, and Mirjana Lewis
. Hani Masri, president, Capitol Corp., and Cheryl Masri
David Mazzarella? editor, USA Today
Ali MacGraw, actress, and Joshua Evans
Heath J. Meriwether, editor, Detroit Free Press, and Patricia Meriwether
Walter Mosley, author, and Edwidge Danticat
Beth Nolan, associate counsel to the president .
Leon E. Panetta, chief of staff to the president, and Sylvia Panetta
Jane Pauley, NBC News, and Garry Trudeau
Robert H. Pelletreau, assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs, and Pamela Day
C. Michael Pride, editor, the Concord Monitor, and Monique Pride
Victoria Radd, associate counsel to the president
Molly Raiser, chief of protocol
Bruce Ratner, president/CEO, Forest City Ratner Cos., and Julie Ratner
Rep. Harold D. Rogers (R-Ky.) and John Rogers
Dennis B. Ross, special Middle East coordinator, and Debra Ross
, C. Jeanne Shaheen, New Hampshire state senator, and Bill Shaheen
John M.D. Shalikashvili, chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Joan Shalikashvili
�John Smale, chairman of the board, General Motors, and Phyllis Smale
Rep. Gerald B.H. Solomon (R-N.Y.) and Freda Solomon
David Steiner, the Sudler Cos., and Sylvia Steiner
· Peter Tamoff, undersecretary of state for political affairs, and Mathea Falco
Ross Thomas, author, and Rosalie Thomas .
Jodie Torkelson, special assistant to the director, Office of Management and Budget
GRAPHIC: Photo, lucian perkins, Actress Ali MacGraw, at last night's dinner with son Joshua Evans. Writer Walter
Mosley ("Black Betty"), a Clinton fav~rite. Mystery writer Ross Thomas, at the White House with his wife, Rosalie.
President Clinton, King Hassan, Jane Pauley and Mrs. Clinton before last night's state dinner.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 16, 1995
�~·,
Copyright 1992 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
September 4, 1992, Friday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE A28
LENGTH: 978 words
HEADLINE: Morocco's King Seeks Change -- How Much Is Unclear
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: William Drozdiak, Washington Post Foreign Service
DATELINE: RABAT, Morocco, Sept. 3, 19?2
BODY:
Morocco is to vote in a referendum Friday on a new constitution promoted by King Hassan II in a bid to defuse
volatile social tensions and preserve his kingdom's reputation as an oasis of relative stability in North Africa.
Hassan, whose blend of cunning, charm and friends in all places has helped him rule this country since 1961, is
trying to alter the political system that he designed and has dominated. The proposed constitution is supposed to invest
greater authority in a new parliament to be elected this year.
Hassan's advisers say he envisions the assembly as one of the Arab world's boldest democratic experiments and
hopes to rejuvenate politics in a nation where two-thirds of the people are under 25 years of age.
But opposition party leaders, once so docile they were derided as "the king's concubines," have called for a boycott
of the vote, saying the proposed changes do not offer enough real democracy. They argue that the 63-year-old monarch
should cede more power and take a ceremonial role, such as those of Britain's Queen Elizabeth II and Spain's King Juan
Carlos.
Opposition groups have rallied behind the leftist Socialist Union of Popular Forces and the nationalist Istiqlal Party in
a broad coalition that they vow will demonstrate the depth of public dismay with the modest scope of the changes. But
'
few observers expect the opposition to make much of an impact.
"Hassan II still calls all the shots in this country," said a Western diplomat. "This is his brainchild and you can be·
sure that the official results will show it has been accepted by the whole nation."
The king shows no signs of relinquishing his power and perquisites. He still intends to exercise his dominance by
presiding over parliament and choosing the prime minister from the electoral majority, although he would give up the
right to disband the assembly and would be required to implement its laws within 30 days.
Most leading opposition figures say broad political change is not likely until Hassan turns over the reins to his 29ye'ar-old soh, Crown Prince Mohammed. The heir-apparent is described by friends as temperamentally different from
his father and is said to favor Juan Carlos as a role model.
Officials close to the king characterize the debate as generational, with Hassan determined to use the new parliament
to cultivate a brighter, younger political class committed to the progress of the state and.the perpetuation of his
monarchy. They dismiss opposition grumbling about.the changes as desperation by old political warhorses who are
�I~
reluctant to make way for a new generation.
But the power structure in Morocco faces an alienated underclass in the huge demographic bubb~e of young people.
Social pressures are driving some people to militant interpretations of Islam -- and the king is aware of its political
risks. Islamic leader Abdel Salam Yassim, who developed a following among young p,eople, was placed under house
arrest three years ago after openly criticizing the king for his Western sympathies.
Still, ·Islamic fundamentalism seems less influential here than in other North African countries. While King Hassan's
much-touted claims oflineage to Muhammad may play a role, a more fundamental reason may be the nature of
Morocco as a crossroads between Islam and the West.
Morocco has maintained one of the Arab world's more diverse and tolerant societies -- so long as the monarchy was
never called into question. The frequent and uninhibited contact with European tourists and mores, and the presence of
more than a million Moroccans abroad, has engendered a cosmopolitan affinity for both cultures.
Government officials are worried that rapid economic development in recent years has caused serious social trouble.
A nouveau riche elite in Rabat and Casablanca flaunts glittering wealth, while villages and urban slums remain
impoverished and the illiteracy rate hangs at nearly 60 percent.
'
·
The wealth of the few spawns rumors of corruption that trouble officials. "It's true that the disparity between rich and
poor is unacceptably high, but you have that in every country," said Hassan Abou Youb, the minister of tourism and an
architect of Morocco's free-market economics. "But that's because 25 years ago no differences existed because we were
all poor. So what is better?"
.
'
·
Despite the social frustrations and' a succession of coup attempts in his early years on the throne, Hassan now seems
more entrenched than ever. Abroad, the monarch has enjoyed respect as an interlocutor between Islam and the West. He
was one of the first Arab leaders to condemn Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, sent troops to Saudi Arabia to back the
international coalition and long ago endorsed open dialogue with Israel by meeting with Labor Party chiefs Yitzhak
Rabin and Shimon Peres.
Hassan was castigated by some of his Arab peers for his pro-Western attitudes and advocacy of the private sector, but
such critics have been silenced by the collapse of communism in the Soviet Bloc and the disarray afflicting the state-run
· economies of Maghreb neighbors Algeria and Libya.
At home, the kirig appears to have won one ofhis costliest gambits by finally securingMorocco's 1975 takeover of
the former Spanish colony of the WestemSahara. Saharan guerrillas of the Polisario Front, who have lost support from
former patrons in Algeria and Libya, seem to have lost their 17-year battle for independence. .
Rabat's military victory in a war that once cost an estimated $1 million a day must still be followed by a United
Nations-sponsored plebiscite allowing 200,000 Western Saharans to decide whether they want to be part of Morocco.
But while the parties wrangle over terms, Morocco appears to be preordaining the outcome by dispatching settlers and
encouraging Western Saharans to vote in the forthcoming parliamentary elections.
-
GRAPHIC: MAP, KING HASSAN II. TWP; PHOTO
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�Copyright 1991 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
September 27, 1991, Friday, Final Edition
SECTION: STYLE; PAGE B1
LENGTH: 1694 words
HEADLINE: Honoring A Beautiful Friendship;
Bush Toasts Moroccans At White House Dinner
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: Donnie Radcliffe, Dana Thomas, Washington Post Staff Writers
BODY:
A president of the United States was bound to·sayit someday:
"As we descended the stairs tonight, I have to confess that Barbara and I felt. like movie stars," George Bush told the
king of Morocco last night. "To steal a line from Humphr~y Bogart, welcome to Casablanca."
"D'ya get it?" Bush asked someone later. "You know, Casablanca? White House?"
"Terrific. Did you hear everybody laugh?" Barbara Bush asked him. She said she wasn't the one who thought it up
"but when he was rehearsing it before dinner, he read it about eight times and I'm the only one upstairs who got it."
Downstairs at the Bushes' state dinner for King Hassan II, .everybody got it even if this was George Bush, not
Humphrey Bogart, and Ingrid Bergman was nowhere to be found.
·
Bogart's famous line "Here's lookin' at you, kid," didn't make it into Bush's toast. "I wouldn't have tried that on King
Hassan though I might have ori his daughter," he said.
So instead of Bogart and Bergman, there was Tennessee Ernie Ford and MGM Chairman Alan Ladd Jr. and that's
about as Hollywood as it got.
·
·
Most of the Bushes' guests for last night's dinner were big business and big politics. But there were some big past and
present Washington names, like CIA nominee Robert M. Gates and former secretary of state Henry Kissinger, who was
spotted bussing his old sidekick Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence Eagle burger.
.
.
And, of course, Georgette Mosbacher, ill a slinky black gown with her trademark plunging neckline. Her husband,
Robert, the secretary of commerce, was "out of town on business," she told reporters and, later, the president.
'
Sally Atwater, widow of former Republican Party chairman and Bush political strategist Lee Atwater, was making her
first appearance at a state dinner since the dea~h of her. husband last March. "It's going to be a lot different tonight, I'll
say," she told reporters.
·
Operatic soprano Roberta Peters, the evening's entertainment, couldn't remember how many times she has performed
at state dinners. "Twelve," her husband, Bertram Fields, offered. "Since Kennedy," she said, then whispered, "Actually
since Lincoln, but don't tell anyone."
�Some guests had genuine Moroccan connections, such as Joan Lunden, "Good Morning America" co-host. She told of
the time she and her husband, Michael Krauss, went to Fez so she could interview Michael Douglas and Kathleen
Turner, who were on location filming the "Jewel of the Nile." "And when we were over there," said Krauss, ''we got a
phone call from our daughter. Something somehow got stUck in the toilet and.tloodedeverything;" "Quite a call to get
in Casablanca," she said, rolling her eyes:
Malcolm Forbes Jr., president of Forbes magazine, was also there. His father, who died in February 1990, bought a
palace in Tangiers in the early 1970s, the setting for a 70th birthday extravaganza two years ago that rivaled a bash the
shah of Iran once threw. Forbes Jr. said Palais Mendoub is a Jot quieter these days, used primarily for entertaining
European businessmen.
'
Tourist note: Forbes's father's collection of 100,000 toy soldiers housed in the estate is open to the public.
The sports world was represented at the dinner by San Antonio Spurs center David Robinson, 7-foot-1 of him in a
neat, cutaway tuxedo, accompanied by.his mother, Freda Robinson, and tennis star Jim Courier, winner of the French
Open this )'ear, whose date, Morgane Fruhwirth;. caused a stir with a mini-mini-mini dress.
The king wore his ankle-length djellaba with matching hood. He was fashionably late, about 20 minutes, and left
fashionably early -- before Peters sang in the East Room. Explained one American official, "sheer exhaustion. He had a
·
·
terribly strenuous day."
Instead of to Blair House, however, his motorcade took him to the Willard Hotel, where he and his sizable entourage,
including members of his family and the royal court, are staying.
When Hassan arrived at the North Portico, with him were two striking young women, neither of whom was his wife.
He reportedly has only one and her official title is "Mother of the Children." She stays back home and leaves
ceremonial appearances to the rest of the family. Last night's stand-ins were a daughter and a niece, both princesses, and
they too were traditionally costumed in flowing silk caftans.
For Bush, the dinner was another opportunity to thank an ally for support during the Persian Gulf War. Morocco
"demonstrated its commitment to shared ideals by sending its troops to the defense of Saudi Arabia,'' Bush said in his
toast to Hassan.
The alliance, Bush noted, showed that the two countries can "work together to promote peace and stability in the
Middle East and the gulf and in Western.Sahara, building a new world order."
Hassan delivered his toast in English, asking his audience to "pardon my bad accent." Bush's successes, he said, were
due to his ."personal ability" but also in part to Barbara Bush for "constant support and sincerity so indispensable to a
head of state."
·
After a dinner of medallions of salmon in champagne jelly and caviar sauce, cushion of Iamb in tarragon and cold
pumpkin souffle, everybody but the king regrouped iri the East Room where Peters sang a selection 'of operatic arias
and pop standards ..
For the finale, which she dedicated to the Bushes and the missing king, Peters led the audience in a.community sing. along of "God Bless America" as a tribute to more than 200 years of diplomatic relations between the United States and
Morocco.
Here's lookin' at you, king.
The guest list for last night's dinner:
President George Bush and Barbara Bush
�Vice President Danforth Quayle and Marilyn Quayle
I
His Majesty Hassan II and Her Royal Highness Princess Lalla Meryem of Morocco
Her Royal Highness Princess Lalla Zenid
Ahmed Osman, president ofthe Morocco House of Representatives
.Abdellatif Filali, Morocco's minister of state in charge of foreign affairs and cooperation
Ahmed Reda Guedira, counselor to King Hassan
Abdelhadi Boutaleb, chairman of the I.S.E.S.C.O.
Mohamed Berrada, minister of.finance
Hassan Abouyoub, minister of foreign trade
Fouad Filali, ambassador of Morocco, and Naima Belkhayat
Gen. Abdelhak Kadiri
Gen. Abdelkader Loubaris
Abdelfattah Frej, director of His Majesty's private secretariat
Ambassador Abdeslam Jaidi
Sally Atwater
Sen. Christopher.S. Bond (R-Mo.), and Carolyn Bond
Nicholas Brady, secretary of the treasury, and Katherine Brady
Phillip D. Brady, assistant to the president and staff secretary, and Kathleen Brady
Edgar Bronfman, president, World Jewish Congress, and Jan Aronson .
Jonathan Bush and Jody Bush
D. Wayne Calloway, chairman, PepsiCo Inc., and Janice Calloway
Carroll A. Campbell Jr., governor of South Carolina, and Iris Campbell
James H. Click Jr. and Vicki Click
Sen. Thad Cochran (R-Miss.), and Rose Cochran
Jim Courier, tennis pro, and Morgane Fruhwirth
Paul D. Coverdell, outgoing director, Peace Corps, and Nancy Coverdell
James P. Covey, acting assistant secretary of state, and Christine Covey
�Lawrence S. Eagleburger, deputy secretary of state, and Marlene Eagleburger
Rep~ Dante B. Fascell (D-Fla.), and Jeanne-Marie Fascell
Malcom Forbes Jr., president, Forbes magazine, and Sabina Forbes
Tennessee Ernie Ford, entertainer, and Beverly Ford
Robert M: Gates, assistant to the president and deputy for national security affairs
Earl G. Graves, CEO, Earl G. Graves-L~d., and Barbara Graves
Richard N. Haass, special assistant to the president for national security affairs, and Susan Haass
· Frank N. Ikard and Jayne Ikard
John C. Jansing, chairman, Independent Election Board of America, and Shelley Jansing
Robert Wood Johnson IV, the Johnson Co., and Nancy Johnson
Henry A. Kissinger, Center for Strategic and International Studies, and Nancy Kissinger
Donald M. Koll, CEO, the Koll Co., and Dorothy Koll
Alan Ladd Jr., chairman of the board and CEO, MGM-PATHE Communications, and Cindra Ladd
Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.) and Marcelle Leahy
Dorothy Bush LeBlond and Robert P. Koch
Paul E. Lego, chairman and CEO, Westinghouse Electric Corp., and Ann Lego
Joan Lunden, co-host, "Good Morning America," and Michael Krauss
Edward R. Madigan, secretary of agriculture, and Evelyn Madigan
I
Charles McCormick Jr., chairman of the board and CEO, McCormick and Co. Inc., and Jimi McCormick
Laurence McQuillan, White House correspondent, Reuter wire service, and Geraldine McQuillan
Georgette Mosbacher
Gen. Carl E. Mund~ Jr., commandant, U.S. Marine Corps, and Linda Mundy
Frank J. Murray, White House correspondent, the Washington Times, and Karen Riley
Thomas Nassif, chairman and CEO, Gulflnterstate International and former ambassador to Morocco, and Zinetta
Nassif
Rep. Michael G. Oxley (R-Ohio) and Patrica Oxley
Roberta Peters, singer, and Bertram Fields
. Jay A. Pritzker, chairman and CEO, Hyatt International Corp., and Marian Pritzker
�Ambassador Joseph V. Reed, chief of protocol
Prof. Robert V. Remini and Ruth Remini ··
David Robinson, basketball player, San Antonio Spurs, and Freda Robinson
Stephen M. Ross, Related Companies Inc., and Nancy Ross
David Sadd, president, the David Sadd Co., andCarole Sadd
W. Donald Schaefer, govef9or of Maryland
Stephen Shalom and Liliane Shalom
Mary Ann Stewart
Gov. John H. Sununu, chief of staff to the president, and Nancy Sununu
Robert Teeter and Elizabeth Teeter
William C. Tucker and Diane Tucker
Charles Graves Untermeyer, associate director of broadcasting and director of Voice of America, and Diana
Untermeyer
E. Michael Ussery, U.S~ ambassador to Morocco, and Elizabeth Ussery
Frederick Vreeland, deputy assistant secretary of state, and Vanessa McConnell
Ambassador Vernon A. Walters and Laureen Masini.
David Warren, president, Jordache Enterprises, and Janet Warren
Supreme Court Justice Byron R. White and Marion White
Rep. Frank R. Wolf(R-Va.) and Carolyn Wolf
Robert C. Wright, president and chief executive officer, NBC Inc., al]d Suzanne White
William Zartman, School of Advanced International Studies, and Daniele Zartman
Fred M. Zeder II, president, Overseas Private Investment Corp., and Martha Zeder
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, BARBARA BUSH, KING HASSAN II OF MOROCCO, AND PRESIDENT BUSH LAST
NIGHT. GERALD MARTINEAU
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�Copyright 1986 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
August 3, 1986, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section 4; Page 2, Column 2; Week in Review Desk
LENGTH: 802 words
HEADLINE: HASSAN TRIES TO PLAY THE MIDDLEMAN
BY.LINE: By JUDITH MILLER
DATELINE: RABAT, MOROCCO
BODY:
KING HASSAN II of Morocco is said to have "baraka" - Arabic for a special kind of good fortune that comes from
God. Those so endowed are believed to be both inspired and protected. It is still unclear whether the King's meeting
with Prime Minister Shimon Peres of Israel I 0 days ago at the Moroccan resort of Ifrane was all act of inspiration, or a .
folly for which he will need protection. But it was the sort of dramatic surprise that King Hassan has savored
throughout his 25-year reign.
Morocco floats on the western fringe ofthe·Arab world, geographically and politically. It is by no means a key player
in the Arab-Israeli dispute, except as a possible intermediary. But the country's solidity, rooted in history and.tradition,
and the King's widely accepted status as a direct descendent oflslam's Prophet, Mohammed, give Morocco special
weight in Arab circles.
King Hassan, who is 57 years old, has long relished the role of intermediary and host. As chairman of the Arab
summit meeting in Fez in 1982, he was instrumental in persuading the leaders to agree on a plan for peace with Israel.
The Fez plan, which was the basis for the King's talks with Mr. Peres, implicitly recognizeq Israel and called for a
Palestinian nation in the Israeli-occupied territories, with Jerusalem as capital. Although rejected by Israel, the plan was,
nevertheless, one of the few documents on which the Arabs have been 'able to agree. Presiding the following year ara
meetingofthe Islamic Conference Organization, a broader group that includes non-Arab Moslems, the King helped win
support for the readmission of Egypt, which had been excluded ~fter its 1979 peace treaty with Israel.
His approach to the Arab-Israeli conflict has been relatively consistent. Speaking after Mr. Peres's departure, he
scolded the Arabs for having neither the ability to make war on Israel nor the willingness to make peace. He has long
viewed Moroccan Jews- 500,000 now in Israel and 12,000 in Morocco- as a logical bridge between Arabs and Israelis.
He has also moved boldly at home, iqstituting an ambitious and painful economic program that seems to be showing
positive results. However, as in most developing nations without oil, the economy is a mess. Morocco is the world's
most heavily indebted nation per capita, its woes compoundeq by 10 years of fighting in the Western Sahara at a cost of
$1 million a day.
· The political outlook is relatively tranquil. The main threats to the King - Islamic fundamentalism, the left and the
armed forces - seem, for the moment, to be under control.
Islamic fundamentalists helped spark food riots two years ago but are weaker than·in nearby Tunisia. King Hassan
feels sufficiently secure to tolerate opposition newspapers, even one published by the Communist Party. The armed
forces, which have twice attempted to assassinate him, are kept busy fighting Polisario insurgents along a 1,000-mile
wall of sand in the Sahara. The strength of the Polisario, who are fighting for the establishment of an independent
country, has dwindled from a peak of 10,000, Moroccans say, to under 4,000. Th~ desire to neutralizeLibyan support
for the Polisario led to the King's 1984 accord with Col. Muammar ei-Qaddafi. The unexpected treaty, which rattled
�...
Washington and jeopardized $140 million a year in economic and military aid, is now seen as yet another shrewd move.
Libya has dropped the insurgents, leaving cash-strapped Algeria as their only major ally.
King Hassan, has been less successful at A~ab-Israeli rtiediation. Relations with King Hussein of]ordan, who also
traces his ancestry to the Islamic Prophet, hav~ frequently been strained. Palestine Liberation Organization officials say
that King Hassan advised Yasir Arafat, the P.L.O. chairman, against joining the Jordanian leader in an Americansponsored peace bid in 1983. Last winter, when a joint bid again seemed possible, King Hassan reiterated this advice,
the Jordanians complain.
·
By meeting Mr. Peres, King Hassan said, he wanted to "stir up" the deadlocked peace process and direct Arab
attention to the conflict with Israel, in his view the Arabs' fundamental problem. With the ensuing criticism from Syria
and other radicals, however, he relinquished the chairmanship of the Arab summit group, thus depriving his critics of
one excuse for not convening a summit, which has not met officially since 1982.
The Jordanian King, meanwhile, declined to follow King Hassan's example, insisting to Vice President George Bush
and others last week that he would not meet with Mr. Peres, except in an international conference on a comprehensive
peace settlement. King Hassan has wea~ened the Arab "taboo" on meeting publicly with Israeli officials. But he
.apparently has not given the peace process the jolt he intended.
GRAPHIC: PhotoofKing Hassan II during celebration of25th anniversary ofhis reign (Sygma/Alain Nogues)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�Copyright 2000 News World Communications, Inc.
Insight on the News
January 24, 2000, Monday
SECTION: WORLD: ,MOROCCO; Pg. 2~
LENGTH: 2391 words
HEADLINE: Ancient Nation, Young Outlook
BYLINE: Catherine Edwards; INSIGHT
DATELINE: Rabat and Casablanca
BODY:
SUMMARY: The shifting sands and balmy nights ofMoroccoare famous in American lore, but the ancient North
African kingdom is struggling hard to reconcile old with new ..
TEXT: Bright sunlight penetrates the labyrinth of the market in Marrakesh. Narrow. passageways teem with traders. ·
delivering their wares from donkey carts; Shopkeepers vie for the attention of potential customers. A hooded man
wearing pointed shoes shuffles by, carrying a bundle of rugs on his bac~.
The souk in Marrakesh·can't·have changed much in 1;000 years. Certainly now some vendors accept credit cards and
you may hear rock music as you shop, but the silks, spices, pottery and rugs that have attracted traders for centuries still
are haggled over daily. One shop boasts photos of customers RonaJd Reagan and, more recently, actor Brad Pitt. "Brad
needed 45 rugs for his .new home," the shopkeeper explains, "so we helped him out."
The ties between Morocco and the United States go way back. Moroccans are proud of the fact that as early as 1787
the new U.S. Congress ratified a treaty of friendship with their country. Through centuries of vicissitude, two world
. wars imd the French occupation, this North African kingdom has remained an American ally. ·
In June, Morocco's King Hassan II passed away and was succeeded by his 36-year-old son Mohammed VI. The new
king has opted to live in his own more modest residence rather than the royal palace in the capital city of Rabat and
already has been dubbed "the king of the poor" for his promises to help the.i.memployed find jobs. Almost no one
doubts his sincerity.
Seventy percent of Morocco's population is under age 30. The,youth are hopeful that the new king will bring changes
in their favor. "Here we are full of hope; we have a chance to have a king our age," explains 33-year-old Casablanca
resident Mouna Tahri. "There is the idea that anything is possible. The young people hope to advance things in our
country."
They have their work cut out for them. Although it is one cifthe most stable and open countries in the Arab world,
half of the 30.3 million population of Morocco is illiterate. Unemployment for university graduates is nearly 30
percent. According to official government reports, children in rural areas often are forced into manual labor rather than
allowed to go to school.· And, until 1993, a man could divorce his wife without telling her.
Meanwhile, the king must deal with the problem of the Western Sahara. The former Spanish colony that comprises
the southern part ofMorocco is due to ·have a U.N.-sponsored referendum on self-determination in which eligible
voters will be asked whether they want to remain part of Morocco or become their own country. If they choose the
latter, Morocco will lose some of the world's best fishing grounds and phosphate mines. However, the latest U.N.
report noted that the U.N. referendum originally scheduled for 1992 may be postponed two years. •
�Determined to bring change, the new king wasted no time in replacing top officials in the government with talented
people his own age. Educated at the Mohammed V University in Rabat as well as in France, he comes to the throne
after working at the headquarters of the Euro.pean Union. One of his most dramatic acts has been to sack Driss Basri,
Morocco's interior minister for more than 20 years. Basri was the iron fist of the country's security appa,ratus and
secret police.
The late king survived two coup attempts and Basrl was there to make sure there never was a third. But his portfolio
expanded over the years to include all state and public committees dealing with business and investment.
Morocco and Mauritania claimed Western Sahara as their own one year after Basri entered the government in 1974.
He supervised the region after Mauritania withdrew its claim in 1979 and throughout the guerrilla war with the proindependence Saharawi Polisario Front that ended in a U.N.-supervised cease-fire in 1991 (see "Saharawi Republic
Waits to be Born," Oct. 4-11, 1999).
Before Basri left, the interior ministry cracked down on Saharawi demonstrations in the Western Saharan capital of
Laayoune in late September, killing m1e demonstrator and severely beating others. Sources suspect this was one reason
for Basri's removal.
"We'd like North Africa to be full of Jeffersonian democracies," notes John Bolton, an assistant secretary of state
under George Bush and assistant attorney general and assistant adininistrator of the U.S. Agency for International
Development, or USAID, for Reagan, "but that's far from the truth right now."
Morocco is a country in transition. Although the French went home in 1956, they left an indelible mark, as only the
French can do. And the pride and tradition that are uniquely Moroccan blend well with French chic. In this rising Third
World country, women in short skirts walk side by side down the crowded streets with their veiled sisters. "Morocco is
witnessing a great evolution in women's rights," explains Aicha Belquaid, a member of the king's Human Rights
Advisory Council, "and women can be counted among the highest positions in the government." Belquaid
acknowledges that the government faces challenges to reconcile differing views about women among traditional and
progressive Moroccans. But she insists that hopes are high and cites a speech by the young king about the importance
of women's rights.
The USAID hopes to develop more programs to educate girls who live in rural areas that remain largely illiterate.
The members of the Human Rights Advisory Council say the government's goal for 2002 is to be able to provide a seat
in school for every child. Currently a majority of both girls and boys in urban areas-attend school.
Casablanca is Morocco's largest urban area, but you w_on't find Rick's Cafe there. A modem, crowded city of 3.1
million, it is the economic heartbeat of the country, Morocco's New York, where young executives sit in smoky cafes
and conduct business via cell phones. Peugeot taxis careen through traffic, honking at pedestrians.
Unlike its Algerian neighbor, Morocco enjoys a great deal of freedom from the strictures and threats of Islamic
fundamentalism. The lslamicist-leader Abdessalam Yassine remains under house arrest. Eighteen months ago, before
the death of King Hassan, the political party dubbed the "opposition" won the most seats in parliamentary elections and
former political prisoner Abderrahnmane El-Youssoufi wa~ appointed prime minister by the late king.
.
.
Because of its close proximity to Spain, Morocco was the recipient of thousands ofSephardic Jews in the late 1400s
when the Spanish expelled non-Christians. Today 6,000 Jews live peacefully in the country. Serge Berdugo's family
was one of those expelled and has remained in Morocco. A former minister of tourism, his home in Casablanca is
adorned with photos of him with the late king. Berdugo is proud that Moroccan Jews live in harmony with their
Muslim neighbors imd longs to export this reconciliation to the rest of the Arab world.
Moroccans are optimistic that more Americans not only will start to appreciate their country but invest in it. One
successful U.S.-Moroccan effort has been the energy plant built by two American companies, Michigan-headquartered
ABBEnergy Ventures and CMS Energy. Situated on the Atlantic coast, south of Casablanca, the coal-powered energy
pla!lt currently works at half capacity and supplies 35 percent of Morocco's energy needs. Once at full capacity, this
�plant will supply more than half of Morocco's power.
Despite the government's efforts to provide m()dern·services, some Moroccans still protest. According to officials,
Saharawi demonstrators in Laayoune were protesting inadequate transportation to and from work and university.
Mohamed Loulichki, the new king's ambassador to MINURSO, the U.N. Mission for the Referendum in Western
Sahara, tells Insight that the Moroccan government will build a university in Laayoune so that the students can study
closer to home.
In early December the Moroccan employment minister announced the immediate hiring of I, 179 young unemployed
Saharawis in Laayoune as well as a housing project there expected to create 10,000 new jobs. But, despite these
benefits, human-rights groups remain critical of Morocco's toughness ·toward the Saharawis.
·
'
I
Is such criticism justified? "There is not one political prisoner in Morocco," assures Driss Dahak, the head of the
Human Rights Advisory Council, during Insight's recent visit to Rabat. AmnestY, International's latest report says
Morocco detains 30 prisoners of conscience imprisoned after unfair trials and that four prisoners of conscience remain
in prison for insulting members of the royal family. Amnesty highlights the case of Mohamed Daddach, a Saharawi
arrested in 1979 for attempting to desert the Moroccan Security: Forces into which he reportedly had been enlisted by
force. Abraham Sefaty, a critic of the government's policy toward the Western Sahara who had been exiled to France,
was allowed to return to Morocco this fall.
The king's Human Rights Council expresses concern that Amnesty International was denied full access to the
Polisario-controlled refugee camps in Algeria. Amnesty International's Donatella Rovera has worked in Morocco and
the Western Sahara for the last 10 years and tells Insight that Amnesty never has been denied such access. In fact, she
says, "The Polisario went out of their way to assist us."
Moroccan officials in Laayoune say Polisario officials running Sahaniwi refugee camps in Algeria have tortured
Saharawis who resisted their cause. "I was in jail for 14 years in the camps for demonstrating against the Polisario,"
says a former Polisario member who has defected to Morocco. The Moroccans maintain that 6,000 Saharawis have
defected from the camps to Moroccan territory in Western Sahara.
The Polisario does not deny torture in its camps. "But it stopped with the end of the war against Morocco in 198_9,"
claims Mouloud Said, the Polisario representative in Washington. "In the Polisario camps there was repression until
1992, says Rovera. "It improved a Jot after 1988 when they recognized this and asked forgiveness of their people."
Amnesty maintains that Omar Hadrami, chief of internal securit)! in the Polasario camps, actually was given a job at the
interior ministry in Morocco after 1988. "If the Moroccans are serious about cracking down on torture, they should
bring Hadrami to trial," Rovera says ..
So why should AmeriCa concern itself with this North African country? "The Magreb area is not yet in a mess,"
Bolton tells Insight. "Morocco is our friend and we have an interest in stability in the region. But the issue of the
referendum in the Western Sahara has the potential to destabilize the region if it is put off any longer."
Bolton helped create MINURSO while in .the State Department during the Bush administration. He also helped
former secretary of state James Baker negotiate the Houston Accords in 1997 that kick started the referendum process.
"The new king should want to get things in this area off to a good start," he observes, "and get the refugees out of the
camps."
The United Nations has been spending more than $50 million a year on MINURSO and the referendum process in
Western Sahara.
·
Congressional testimony from U.S. military observers asserts that the Moroccans have violated the cease-fire. In the
Houston Accords they pledged not to encourage or assist directly or indirectly in the registration of contested tribes in
the territory and they have, according to the testimony. They also have obstructed the work ofMINURSO, say the
military observers.
�When Insight questioned the governor ofLaayoune about this he responded that, despite agreement to a U.N.supervised cease-fire, Morocco has its own laws which first must be considered. "The U.S. general sent in to
implement the agreed cease-fire was cocky," said the governor, "and Morocco waylaid his U.N. supplies because of
security_ concerns." In late November, the Polisario released 191 Moroccan prisoners of war; Insight had reported in
. September that Morocco refused to take back 85 previously released prisoners, a story reported from this magazine in
the Moroccan paper Le Journal under the headline "Saharagate."
The latest U.N. report acknowledged that Morocco allowed the International Red. Cross to assist in the repatriation of
only five of the prisoners. The Polisario still holds almost 2,000 Moroccan POWs in very harsh conditions in the camps
outside Tindouf in Algeria.
Moroccan officials remind Insight that the Polisario was organized by communists. Ibrahim Hakim; a founding
member of the Polisario who now works for the government of Morocco, tells Insight that in the early days Algeria and
Libya supported the Polisario in the hopes of destabilizing the region by creating another pro-Soviet state.
"Early on they probably were Marxists," says Bolton. "Having worked for Reagan and Bush I would be sensitive to
that but didn't notice any ideologues in the camps when I visited to monitor the referendum process."
The Moroccan press reported in mid-December that a U.S. Embassy official was stalked by Moroccan police as he
tried to prepare a human-rights report about the violence in Laayoune. The embassy declined comment. But Moroccan
officials questioned by Insight say they are all for a referendum: as soon as all Saharawis can be identified and counted
to avoid fraud. They claim that'they have aided the process every step of the way.
So all eyes are on the new king. When he first ascended the throne he spoke of creating a constitutional monarchy
like that of King Juan Carlos in Spain. Meanwhile, the press enjoys a great deal more freedom than in the past and 55
members of Parliament are Saharawi. "I have personally noticed that His Majesty is working at a very fast pace to
change things," says Abdel wahid Radi, speaker of the Moroccan House of Representatives.
·
Yahdih Bouchaab, assistant to the governor of Laayoune, tells. Insight that while his country does not have a fullfledged democracy with pristine elections, it is on its way under the new king. Time will tell if Mohammed VI can
make good on his promises.
GRAPHIC: Photos (color), A) His majesty: King Mohammed VI has charted rapid change in Morocco.; B&C) Pieces
of the kingdom: Some of the world's richest fishing exists off the controlled Western Sahara, left; Saharawi boys,
below, wonder if family in refugee camps will return., A) By Reuters; B&C) By Catherine Edwards/Insight
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: January 24, 2000
�Copyright 1999 P.G. Publishing Co.
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
July 25, 1999, Sunday, TWO STAR EDITION
SECTION: WORLD,
Pg. A-6
LENGTH: 1004 words
HEADLINE: HASSAN'S SON FILLING SHOES OF CRAFTY POLI,TICIAN
BYLINE: BETSY HIEL, BLOCK NEWS ALLIANCE
BODY:
The death of the longest-reigning sovereign in the Arab world, King Hassan II of Morocco, signals another change of
guard and the han doff of power to a new generation of leaders in the Arab world. The change in Morocco, located on
the northwestern cusp of Africa, follows recent power shifts in the Arabian Gulf states of Qatar and Bahrain and in
Jordan.
As king, King Hassan's son, Sidi Mohamed VI, 36, is not expected to change Morocco's stance as a moderate force
in the Arab'world, or its strong relations with the West, and in its support vis-a-vis the Middle Eastpeace process. The
young monarch will most likely carry the mantle of his father by continuing many of the policies of King Hassan, who
ruled for 3 8 years.
· King Hassan was a master at the intricate and complex game of domestic politics, allowing no one to ch~llenge his
authority. The parliament is a 333-member body where two-thirds are elected by universal suffrage and the rest by an
electoral college composed of trade unions, employee associations, local councils, and professional groups.
The main political parties are divided into the loyalists and the opposition and often are racked with bitter rivalries.
King Hassan often exploited these divisions and played different political parties off against each other. He also took
measures to ensure that the army was never completely united to challenge his power.
·In recent years, King Hassap opened up the political process and brought about greater political freedoms while still
maintaining ultimate power for himself. In many ways the political parties were sub servient, although reluctantly so, to
the monarchy.
"They may be less willing to allow the new king to have his way. They may test him and demand a more assertive
role politically and try and gain more power for the parliament,". said Mary-Jane Deeb, an author and specialist on
North Africa and former editor of Middle East Journal.
A possible internal challenge from tliose in the security agencies could pose serious problems for the untested leader.
"Even if the new ruler may feel too insecure to be too oppressive and wants to see a popular form of government
formed, the intelligence - fearing they may lose their muscle - may feel the need to assert their power," said Asad Abu ·
Khalil, an expert on Arab politics and associate professor at California State University, Stanislaus.
The issue of Western Sahara will confront the new king as well. In 1975, King Hassan reasserted Morocco's
influence over Western Sahara, an area claimed by Mauritania and Morocco but still offi~ially under Spanish control.
He moved 350,000 civilian Moroccans to the regi?n for a march, which ignited a guerrilla war with the Polisario Front
�&..!
•
who had been fighting for independence from Spain.
Triumphing militarily, Morocco agreed to a cease-fire in 1991. But the .situation still festers, and the United Nations
has scheduled a referendum, one that has been continually postponed, for next March to settle the issue.
I
·•
Mohammed VI will not have the great flexibility that his father; King Hassan, did. He will not want to be seen
betraying the nationalist tendencies of his father who had a strong commitment to settling this issue that is popular with
the Moroccan people, says John Damis, a Moroccan expert at Portland State University.
"The Western Sahara is going to be a thorn in his side," Deeb said. "How it will be resolved will depend on how well
he understands the issues and can rally the people behind him. And it is going to require a lot of skill."
In the short term, rising unemployment that reaches as high as 20 percent to 25 percent in a country of29 million
people with a per capita income of$3,000 and growing suppo'rt for Islamic fundamentalism that stems in part from the
econom ic ailments will be the most difficult issue for the new monarch to handle, Dam is said.
To shore up support, the young monarch may follow his father's example and promote his Islamic credentials, which
has appeal in the rural areas. Sidi Mohamed is an heir of a dynasty founded in 1666 who are descendants of Ali, the
son-in-law of the Prophet Mohammed. The lineage traced to the prophet's family was a crucial element of legitimacy
for King Hassan, who was called the Emir al-Mutminin, the Commander of the Faithful, and could be for his son as
well.
.
As a younger Western-educated leader, however, Sidi Mohamed may facilitate ne~ policies bringing greater political
· participation and freedoms, experts say.
"When you have a very young population [two-thirds oqhe population is under 25 years old] and a young ruler, as
you do for example in Morocco, it makes communication easier between them," Deeb said.
That could also mean the leader may be more responsive to their needs, such as a change in the education system that
will better prepare the population to join the globalization bandwagon.
Although Sidi Mohamed is relatively unknown on the' international scene outside of the Arab world and parts of
Europe - he studied law and international relations in France and is fluent in Arabic, French, English, and Spanish continuity in the strong relations with the United States is expected to continue.
'
'
The fact that President Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton will attend the funeral today signals both the appreciation
and importance placed on King Hassan's role in. promoting Arab-Israeli peace and for the strong American-Moroccan
relations.
"King Sidi Mohamed and the Moroccan people can continue to count on the support of the United States," President
Clinton said in a White House statement.
Morocco was the first country to recognize the United States in 1777 and the 1786 treaty of friendship between the
United States and Morocco is said to be the longest miming U.S. treaty, Damis said. '
NEWS ANALYSIS The Block News Alliance is a joint venture of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette and The Blade of
Toledo, Ohio, both Block newspapers. Betsy Hie.l is a reporter for The Blade.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, PHOTO: MICHEL EULER/ASSOCIATED PRESS: MOURNING MOROCCANS HOLD A;
PICTURE OF THE LATE KING HASSAN II IN THE STREETS OF CASABLANCA YESTERDAY.
LOAD-DATE: August 5, 1999
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�Copyright 1998 Information Access Company,
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SECTION: No.4, Vol. 29; Pg. 90; ISSN: 0037-7333
IAC~ACC-NO:
20979713
LENGTH: 3950 words
· HEADLINE: Tangier; tales of pirates, diplomacy and espionage frame America's liaison with the exotic city.
BYLINE: Broder, Jonathan .
BODY:
. On a balmy may evening in 1904, ion perdicaris, a wealthy American expatriate, was enjoying a late dinner with his
family at his villa in the pine-studded hills overlooking Tangier. From the servants quarters came the sounds of shouts
and barking dogs, but the family at first assumed, that the commotion was just'another squabble between their
housekeeper and cook. Upon entering the servants hall, however, they discovered a band of wild-looking Arab
tribesmen brandishing knives and rifles. In short order, the marauders cut the telephone line, knocked two sei'Vants
senseless and seized Perdicaris and his grown stepson. As they hustled the pair outside, the leader of the group, a large
bearded man in flowing robes with a golden dagger at his waist, paused in the doorway and faced the dumbstruck
family. I am the Raisuli, he announced, raising his arm in a flamboyant flourish. With that, he swept outside, swung
onto the back ofPerdicaris prized black stallion and-galloped off with his hostages into the darkness.
She~if Ahmed er Raisuli, lord of Moroccos rugged Rif Mountains, was the last of the Barbary pirates. His audacious
kidnapping oflonPerdicaris would set in motion an extraordinary international dr~ma that would pit the might of the U.S.
Navy against the wily Riffian bandit, secure Theodore Roosevelts nomination for-the Presidency and ultimately help
him retain the White House. Only years later would embarrassing truths about the incident emerge to tarnish Roosevelts
image.
'
.
But above all, the Perdicaris affair would serve as a reminder of Tan-giers power to taunt and tantalize the American
imagination. It was Tangier that had given Americans one of their first tastes of th'e Near East, with its export of the
small, sweet oranges that became known in the West as tangerines. Tangier also gave Americans their first taste of
terrorism, helping to harbor the notori'ous Barbary cutthroats who raided U.S. ships and ensiaved its citizens. Even after
the Perdicaris kidnapping, the outlaw city, with its mercurial blend of beauty and barbarism, would continue to entice.
During World War II, American arid German spies turned Tan-gier into a dangerous den of intrigue. ln. the years that
followed, the city becam~ a haven for smugglers and exiles. American writers such as Paul Bowles and William S.
Burroughs also settled there, helping transform Tangier into the most celebrated expatriate colony of its time.
The symbol of Americas historic fascination with Tangier is the old American Legation, a rambling, three-story 18thcentury mansion just inside- the walls of the maze like medina, or old quarter. Now a private museum and cultural center,
the building is located on the rue dAmerique, a· narrow stone passage infused with the aromas of cumin, tamarind and
leather. Designated as a.Nation1ll Historic Landmark in 1981, the structure is the longest-held American property on
foreign soil. Last November, the museum celebrated the 200th anniversary of Americ~s diplomatic presence in
Morocco with a weeklong series of glittering cultural events.
�On a recent visit to. Tangier, I dropped by the museum to chat with its director, former diplomat Thor Kuniholm. For
the past seven years, the lanky New Englander and his wif<;l, Elizabeth, have lived at the old legation, managing its
displays, its academic programs, and the various leaks and cracks that constantly threaten the structure. Kuniholm led
me upstairs to the rooftop. terrace, guiding me past Moorish arches, antique Moroccan carpets and a library that had
once served as a bordello. From the roof we could see the old quarters whitewashed houses sloping down td' the brilliant
blue of the Strait of Gibraltar. In the distance, only 20 miles a'Yay, the sun-bleached coast of Spain loomed out of the
haze.
In 1777, Kuniholm told me, Morocco, with its diplomatic capital in Tangier, became one of the first countries in the
world to recognize American independence. In December of that year, Sultan Sidi Muhammad XVI wrote a letter
promising his friendship to the new country. America finally responded in 1786 by negotiating a Treaty ofPeace and
Friendship with Morocco, the oldest treaty of its kind still in force. The infamous Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 had its
roots in Ta~gier as well. :In an effort to raise the $20,000 that U.S. diplomats had pledged to the sultan, Congress placed
a tax on liquor, thus
provoking an armed uprising by Pennsylvania farmers.
Kuniholm pointed out the bustling port at the bottom of the hill, a harbor which, two centuries earlier, had come to
symbolize North Africas lawlessness in the American mind. Despite the sultans respect for the new republic, the
Moroccan monarch seemed unable to control the Barbary pirates who used Tangier, as well as other North African
ports, as a base for their attacks on American commercial shipping. Kuniholm showed me a copy of a letter from
President George Washington to the sultan, dated December 1, 1789. The letter, in Washingtons own graceful hand,
thanked the monarch for trying to intervene on Americas behalf with the pirate pashas of Tunis and Tripoli, whose
demands for gold and silver were exhausting the first Presidents pocketbook and patience. Eventually, the pirate raids
provoked Americas first official foreign W\}r. In 1804, the 44-gun frigate Constitution led into the Mediterranean the
squadron of vessels that would ultimately decimate the pirate fleets while the U.S. Marines famously attacked the
shores of Tripoli.
Back home, harrowing tales of the Barbary bandits helped paint a portrait of Tangier both as a pirate port and as an
oasis of European civilization on the untamed North African coast. That contradictory picture was fairly accurate.
Moroccos sultans deliberately kept.their distance from Tangier, forcing foreign consuls seeking an audience to journey
for days to such inland imperial cities as Fez and Marrakech. Otherwise, the diplomats were restricted to Tangier, which
they essentially ran by themselves.
·
Such responsibilities required a. special sort of American representative. The first to establish residence in Tangier, in
1797, was the aristocratic James Simpson. Next came John Mullowny, a masterful diplomat, on whose watch in 1821
the reigning sultan gave the legation building to the United States. And then there were Samuel Carr, James Leib and
the matter of a few lions.
Samuel Carr, who knew little about Morocco or diplomacy, took up his consuls post in Tangier in 1832, and it wasnt
long before his inexperience began to show. He accumulated massive debts and on one occasion had to fight his way
out of a brawl by drawing his pistol. Soon, his cables pleaded for President Jackson to take him out of this barbarous
country.
Jackson responded by replacing Carr with the equally inexperienced James Leib. But by the time Leib arrived, the
strain of the job had driven Carr over the edge. As Leib rode up to the legation on horseback, Carr opened fire. Three
bullets passed through Leibs hat, one grazing his head.
·
Leib survived the attack only to find his days and nights consumed by a problem he never could have imagined: In
November 1833, after visiting the sultan in Fez, Leib received an unexpected token of the rulers esteem: two horses and
a huge lion. The horses were welcome, but the lion presented Leib with a delicate diplomatic dilemma. He couldnt
possibly refuse it for fear of insulting the Moroccans, who considered the big cats sultans among animals. At the same
time, the lion was eating Leib out of house and home. The care and feeding of the ravenous beast was costing him a
dollar a day out of his annual salary of $2,000. Leib therefore requested that the State Department secure funds to
�reimburse him and find a U.S. zoo willing to take the lion.
It was eight long months before Leib received a reply. President Jackson told the consul that he could ship the two
mounts to Washington, provided they were purebred Arabians. As for the lion, Leib should sell it in Tangier. At his
wits end, Leib disobeyed Jacksons instructions and convinced an American ships captain to take all three animals to the
United States; the cost,
·$600, came straight out of Leibs pocket.
Like Samuel Carr before him, Leib eventually snapped. The British consul general in Tangier, Edward Drummond
Hay, informed Washington that Leib had publicly threatened that the flagship of the American Mediterranean fleet
would flatten the citya bizarre pronouncement considering the United States and Morocco were at peace. Any
suspicions about Leibs mental state ~ere confirmed when Hay reported that Leib had spent several nights on the
legation roof wrapped in an American flag, hoisting lanterns up and down the flagpole to signal the fleet offshore.
Leibs replacement, Thomas Carr (no relation to former consul Samuel Carr), found the legations affairs
in shambl(!s. No sooner had Carr cleaned up the mess than he received a message from the pasha of Tangier. As a
welcoming gesture,J the sultan was sending_over a special presenttwo stately, full-grown lions.
Carr responded quickly, declining the gift. But the pasha soon appeared at the legation, accompanied by a troop of
soldiers and two large cages. Pleading with Carr, the pasha ex-plained that he would lose his head if he failed to deliver
the gifts. Carr argued that a new law forbade U.S. officials from accepting presents that could be construed as bribes.
The pasha suggested that if Carr could not accept the lions for hhnself, then perhaps he would accept them for the U.S.
President or Congress? Impossible, Carr said. Frantic, the pasha demanded to know just who made the laws in America.
The people, Carr replied grandly. Then the lions are a gift to the American people! ex-claimed the pasha, signaling his
soldiers to open the cages.
·
·
·
From the rooftop ofthe legation, looking northwest toward the Spanish coast, one can make out the headlands of
Cape Trafalgar, site of British admiral Horatio Nelsons 1805 victory over Napoleon. Yet few Americans today realize
that those same waters hold historical significance for them as well. In January 1862, the Confederate raider Sumter
attacked two Union ships just a few miles from Tangier. When two envoys ventured into the city for supplies, they
came upon the American Legation and began shouting insults at the flag. Infuriated by the traitorous epithets, U.S.
Consul James De Long had the two Confederates arrested. Soon afterward, sympathetic European nationals in Tan-gier
staged a violent protest outside the American Legation, demanding the prisoners release. Eventually, De Long shipped
his captives back to a federal prison in Boston, where President Abraham Lincoln, weary of European protests, had
them released. To avoid further trouble, Lincoln relieved De Long of his duties.
Though angry at the indignity, De Long was likely very happy to return home. For Americans raised on Western
ways, it was not an easy posting. In his book The Innocents Abroad, Mark Twain' depicted Tangier as a city of savages,
where the severed limbs of thieves were nailed to the city walls. Twain suggested that if an American commits a crime
so heinous that the law provides no adequate punishment for it, they make him Consul-General to Tangier.
At the same time, Tangier proved irresistibly exotic .to its American guests. A short walk from the legation was the
Soco Grande, the citys main square, where crowds gathered around jugglers, dancers and snake charmers. In the
alleyways surrounding the legation, shops sold brightly colored carpets, aromatic spices and strange-smelling potions.
The sun shone 300 days a year, and to top it off, the Americans soon found that beautiful villas could be built cheaply
on the slopes west ofTangier .. Word of this exotic city spread back home, and by the tum of the century, a special brand
of rich, adventuresome American was making Tangier a second home.
·
·
The most famous American expatriate at the·time was Ion Perdicaris, the son of a wealthy Greek-born gas magnate
from New Jersey and a South Carolina plantation owners daughter. In 1877, he built an imposing stone villa on a cliff
overlooking the sea outside Tangier. There, Perdicaris settled down to a life of leisurepainting, rid!ng and hosting lavish
parties for the citys growing community of wealthy expatriates. His kidnapping by Raisuli in 1904 shattered Tangiers'
�fashionable image and once again reminded Americans of its potential for perfidy. Overnight, Raisuli dominated the
front pages, and Americans learnep how this legendary figure plundered and raped, slaughtering anyone who stood in
his way.
four days after the Perdicaris abduction, a me~senger delivered Raisulis terms. On top of the usual demands for
money and the release of his imprisoned tribesmen, Raisuli insisted that the sultan appoint him governor of the coastal
areas surrounding Tangier. The brigand also demanded that the United States and Britain guarantee the sultans
compliance, thereby setting the stage for a full-blown international incident.
The Perdicaris kidnapping rocked Washington, where President Theodore Roosevelt saw it as a challenge to
Americas prestige as a new world power. Characteristically, he sent an entire squadron ofwarships.steaming into
Tangier Bay. But behind Roosevelts bluster, the United States had no hard intelligence on where Raisuli was holding
the captives, and every indication that the bandit would butcher them if challenged. Roosevelt publicly continued to
threaten the use of force, but secretly prevailed upon the sultan to negotiate. His theatrics reached their perfect political
pitch in June at the Republican Convention in Chicago, when the famous ultimatum This Government wants Perdicaris
alive or Raisuli dead was read out to thunderous applause.
Left unspoken was the fact that, back in Tangier, the negotiations for Perdicaris release had already succeeded. Under
U.S. pressure, the.weakened sultan had agreed to all ofRaisulis demands. On June 2·5, a column of30 mules carrying
$70,000 in Spanish silver dollars, along with Raisulis released comrades, was led out of Tangier to a prearranged
rendezvous in the mountains.
Perdicaris account of his 37 days asRaisulis hostage was not what anyone had e?'pected. Raisuli had been charming
and hospitable, ultimately giving his captives their own tent, mattresses and servimts.·Food was plentiful, and dinner
conversations with the mountain chieftain were intelligent and enlightening. On subsequent visits to Washington,
Perdicaris was lionized in the American press and became one ofRoosevelts favorite guests at the White House. Only
many years later did a well-kept secret detail of the affair emerge to provide its extraordinary epilogue. According to a
1933 biography of Secretary of State John Hay, Roosevelt had learned just days after the kidnapping.that Perdicaris
wasnt even an American citizen: Indeed, records showed that at the beginning of the Civil War the young Perdicaris
had traveled to Athens to take out Greek citizenship in order to prevent the Confederacy from seizing the South
Carolina estate left to him by his mother. After the war, he apparently never bothered to have his American citizenship
reinstated. Hay kept this awkward circumstance quiet, and the popular Roosevelt was elected by a landslide.
While historians took note ofRoosevelts deception, Hollywood would distort the historical record even further. In the
_1975 film The Wind and the Lion,' starring Sean Connery as Raisuli, it was Perdicaris widow, played by Candice
Bergen, who became the hostage.
·
Meanwhile, with real characters like Raisuli eroding the sultans power, it was not long before Morocco splintered and
the European powers stepped in. In 1912, France claimed Morocco as aprotectorate, ceding the extreme north and
south of the country to Spain. Tangier, however, was excluded from the Spanish enclave, and in 1925 the League of
Nations declared the city and its environs an International Zone. Tan-giers extraterritorial status lasted until the
outbreak of World Warn: After the Germans overran France, and French Morocco was put under the authority of the
collaborationist Vichy government, Spain, betting on an early German victory, moved troops into Tangier just after
midnight on June 14, 1940.
·
·
Though the real fighting remained over the horizon in Europe and farther east in North Africa, Tangier turned into a
cauldron of espionage and international intrigue. For the United States, which badly needed information to prepare for
its invasion of North Africa, the Tangier legation provided an ideal listening post. In the spring of 1942, Americas
wartime intelligence branch sent over two new agents under diplomatic cover: Gordon Browne, a businessman who had
worked in Morocco, and Carleton Coon, a Harvard anthropologist whose fieldwork in Moroccobefore the .war had
given him a wide circle of friends among the Riffian tribes.
Coon and Browne became legendary spies. Old friends from their prewar days in Morocco, they developed a vast
network of sympathetic informers to glean information on Axis defenses and Germanys plans to invade North Africa.
�.
On the cliffs overlooking the strait, their Riffian informers watched for German U-boats, so they could radio their
sightings to Coon and Browne at the American Legation. Operating from a secret radio room, the American agents
could then relay the information in code to the British base at Gibraltar. The radio room is still intact, concealed behind
a mirrored wall in one of the legations former bedrooms.
The real atmosphere of intrigue in Tangier dwarfed anything Hollywood could come up with, Browne told me in an
interview before his recent death. Both the American and the German agents em-ployed informers from their hotels
respective staffs to keep tabs on each other. When we left the hotel to go anywhere, somebody was always waving a
handkerchief or a towel out the window to signal the Germans, recalled Browne. Chambermaids removed any pieces of
paper left in the Americans rooms and gave them to the Germans. Coon liked to harass the hotel informersand keep the
Germans busyby writing nonsensical notes in an imaginary code, tearing them up and dropping the pieces into the
toilet.
·
After the war, the Spanish withdrew, and Tangier, back under international administration, changed once more,
earning a reputation as oneofthe worlds most unrestrained cities. While Europe lay in ruins, with tight controls on
everything from money to immigration, Tangier hoasted no currency restrictions, no trade barriers, no immigration
quotas, no red tape and no taxes of any importance. Happily, Tangiers only constraints were its banking secrecy
policies, which surpassed those of Switzerland. With its Spanish Casino and a palm-studded corniche lined with
fashionable hotels and shops, the city possessed the air of another Monte Carlo.
The only requirement for admission to this sun-drenched paradise was a legal passport. Once a person got in, no
questions were asked. Life here seems almost too good to be true, wrote a correspondent for the New Yorker. It is one
of the few places on earth where anything goes.
This was the city that captivated the American writer Paul Bowles, who had first visited Tangier in 1931. For the past
50 years, Bowles, now 87, has lived and worked there. Just as Hemingway captured the Paris of the Lost Generation
after World War I, Bowles conveyed the .romance and danger ofNorth Africa in his novel The Sheltering Sky, and
immortalized Tangier in books like Let It Com~ Down. Lured by his descriptions, and Tangiers sunny insouciance,
American writers and artists flocked to 'the city in the J 950s and 60s.
I dropped by one afternoon to visit Bowles at his Tangier apartment, where he lives in shadows, screening out the
sunlight with drawn shades and a thicket of leafy plants. Bowles, white-haired and dapper in his silk pajamas, hadjust
awakened from a nap. He fondly recalled Tangier in the postwar years as a glamorous scene of all-night parties, where
no lifestyle was out of bounds. People came to Tangier to have a good time, he said. Everything was available for a
price, and that price was usually ,cheap.
.
.
Tangiers liberal legal system further fueled the citys unrestrained atmo-sphere. In 1954, Bowles remembered, William.
Burroughs sought solace in Tangier after accidentally killing his wife while trying to shoot a glass of whiskey off her
head in Mexico. In a small pension called Villa Muniria, Burroughs fed his heroin habit, fired his pistols into the ceiling
and wrote his sordid classic, Naked Lunch. Up-stairs, Jack Kerouac took a room that opened onto a large, red-tiled ·
veranda. Poets Allen Ginsberg and Gregory Corso followed, and soon the pension was dubbed Villa Delirium.
More fashionable visitors, such as novelist Truman Capote and playwright Tennessee Williams, were also drawn to
Tangier. Bowles described a party that Capote threw at the Caves of Hercules outside the city. The entrance to the caves
had been hung with curtains, and inside an orchestra played Andalusian music. For refreshments, there was nothing but
champagne and hashish, recalled Bowles.
When they werent partying, Tan-giers habitus gathered at sundown at the Parade Bar. There was a garden with tall
palm trees, where Bill Burroughs always sat in his coat and tie, looking like a Protestant preacher, recollected Bowles
friend, Joseph McPhillips, headmaster of the American School of Tangier: Mounted on the wall was a slipper that
belonged to Eugenia Bankhead, Tallulahs sister, who drank champagne from it one night and left it behind.
With Moroccos independence from France in 1956, however,Tan-giers star began to fade. The city lost its· coveted
international status, and as King Muhammad V directed his resources toward Casablanca and Rabat, Tangier lost much
�•
of its appeal for the international set.
.,
For a while, the United States maintained its antiquated legation in the medina, but fmally moved the staff to a more
modem disp-ict in 1961. State Department admillistrators would have sold the building had it not been for the ·
resourcefulness of a few sentimental U.S. Foreign Service officers. In 1975, Carleton Coon, Jr., a senior diplomat at the
U.S. embassy in Rabat and son of the OSS spy, received a cable from Washington asking how the embassy was
planning to mark Americas upcoming bicentennial. Seizing upon Washirigtons interest, Coon organized a group of likeminded colleagues and friends, formed a nonprofit foundation and turned the legation into a private museum. V{ith
.funds from the foundation and the State Department, Harland Eastman, the U.S. consul in Tangier, led a massive
renovation. Excav.ating the buildings cluttered storerooms, he dusted off old portraits and other memorabilia. He and
Coon even managed to liberate a painting by Ion Perdicaris from the U.S. amJ?assadors residence in Rabat and return it
to the old mansion. On July 4, 1976, the Tangier American Legation Museum opened its doors. Since then, the museum
has taken as its own the legations original mission of fostering American-Moroccan understanding .
. In the mea~time, expatriates like Bowles and McPhillips cling stubbornly to their adopted city. It still has this
attraction, this inexplicable ability to pull at your heart.and soul, McPhillips says. Theres the light, the air, the wind
blowing through the strait, the interplay between Europe and Morocco that will never change. Tangier is indestructible.
Washington, D.C.-based writer Jonathan Broder is a former Middle East correspondent.
GRAPHIC: Photograph; Illustration·
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
IAC-CREA TE-D ATE: August 24, 1998
LOAD-DATE: August 25, 1998
�Copyright 1986 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
December 7, 1986, Sunday, Late City Final Edition ·
SECTION: Section 1; Part 1,.Page 10, Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 598 words
HEADLINE: U.S. AND MOROCCO MOVE TO .'CLOSE FRIENDSHIP'
BYLINE: By JOHN H. CUSHMAN Jr., Special to the New York Times
DATELINE: RABAT, Morocco, Dec. 6
BODY:
Ever since the time of George Washington, the United States has been pledging to repay diplomatic favors from
Morocco, whose 1787 friendship treaty predates any other pact still in force.
In December 1789, President Washington wrote King Mohammed III, a direct ancestor of King Hassan II, that
despite the young American nation's impoverishment '.'we have reason to flatter ourselves that we shall gradually
become useful to our friends."
·
·
This week, during a 20-hour visit by Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger, American officials discussed the
Hassan Government's request for increased military ·aid. The two nations are planning an elaborate' celebration next year
of the bicentennial of their treaty.
Greatly Enhanced Ties
American officials said the aid request comes at a time of greatly enhanced ties between the two nations.
"Morocco has moved back into the category of good close friend, a condition they frankly had dropped out of since
the Oujda accord of 1984," a ~entagon official said today.
·
He was referring to a treaty between Morocco and Libya that contemplated a loose federation between the tWo
nations. The pact was abrogated by Morocco this summer after Col. Muammar ei-Qaddafi, the Libyan leader, accused
King Hassan of treason when the King welcomed Shimon ~eres, then the Pr~e Minister of Israel, to Rabat.
Mr. Weinberger said today that he would approve the sale ofF-16 fighters to Morocco, which faces a rebellion by·
Polisario ~uerrillas in the Western Sahara region.
Cost Above $500 Million
Morocco's search for modem aircraft, which could include a mixture of F-16's and new French Mirages, would cost
more than $500 million, an amount that cannot be. accommodated within the $35 million annual American military aid
package.
Foreign Minister Abdellatif Filali told reporters in Rabat on Friday that his Government ·was "not very happy with the
results" of talks with American officials on military details.
·
But Pentagon officials said in a year when Congress had sharply cut military aid to all but a few nations, only modest
direct aid could' be considered.
·
�Instead, Secretary Weinberger offered other forms of assistance, including refinancing existing Moroccan debt at·.
lower interest rates, arranging for American forces in Europe and the Mediterranean to buy produce and other goods
from Morocco and expanding joint military exercises and visits.
An Incremental Gain
King Hassan's willingness to meet with the Israeli leader this summer is the kind of incremental gain that encourages
American diplomats as they wrestle with Middle Eastern policy.
Mr. Weinberger's visit to King Hassan could also help repair damage that American officials admit was inflicted by
the recent revelations of Iran deals.
Mr. Weinberger- the first Cabinet member to visit an Arab capital since the Iran sales were disclosed- said he told
the King that the motives behind the sale, if not the White House's belief that there were moderates in Iran, were
correct.
I
.
"The Moroccan leadership fmnly believes the Khomeini phenomenon is something horrendous in the Islamic world,"
an American official said.
But Morocco is not worried about any danger of fundam~ntalist Islam within its own borders, American and
Moroccan officials agree.
The more pressing concern is over the Polisario guerillas fighting in Western Sahara. While the situation has been
stabilized, there art;! still frequent raids from the Algerian side of the border.
It is this war that Morocco is using to argue for more ~ilitai-y assistance, American officials said:
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH '
�Copyright 1982 U.S. News & World Report
U.S. News & World Report
March 1, 1982
SECTION: Pg. 31
LENGTH: 1570 words
HEADLINE: Why U.S. Is Taking New Interest in Morocco
BYLINE: By ROBIN KNIGHT
DATELINE: RABAT
HIGHLIGHT: It's a matter of value given for value received. Reagan needs a firm friend in North Africa. King Hassan
wants help in a costly desert war.
.
·
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BODY:
The Reagan administration, in an abrupt reversal of U.S. policy,-is re-embracing a onetime American ally and sharply
stepping up support for Morocco's beleaguered King Hassan II.
·
In recent months, a number of top U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Alexander Haig and Defense Secretary
· Caspar Weinberger, have visited this North African nation to bolster the 52-year-old King, who is beset by woes
stemming largely from Morocco's 6-year war against Polisario guerrilla forces in the Western Sahara.
The U.S. message, as expressed by American Ambassador Joseph Verner Reed: "Count on us. We are with you."
Ronald Reagan's increased concern for the King's problems contrasts with lukewarm backing given Morocco by
former President Carter, an attitude Hassan now criticizes as "pettiness."
Two main reasons lie behind the switch--Morocco needs U.S. help, apd the U.S. needs a stable Morocco.
Hassan's search for outside backing is becoming more urgent as efforts to control Spain's former colony in the
Western Sahara face tougher Libyan-inspired resistance from the Polisarios, who seek independ.ence for the territory.
The King feels that only Reagan can or will provide this help. ·
·
The U.S. fears that if nothing is done to counter growing pressures on Hassan, another pro-Western regime--one of
strategic and political importance in both the Arab and African worlds--could go under as did the Shah oflran's. This
would seriously handicap American efforts to form a "strategic consensus" among. nations in North Africa and the
Middle East to blunt Soviet ambitions in.the Persian Gulf region.
On the list. The King makes no secret of what he wants from the U.S.: Substantially larger arms suppli~s to meet ·
escalating fighting in the Western Sahara. U.S. military aid to Morocco now runs about 30 million dollars a year.
Hassan's shopping list includes more h~Iicopters, sophisticated radar equipment, additional M60 tanks beyond the 108
already ordered and more training for Morocco's Air Force.
·
He also seeks greater U.S. diplomatic help to counter Morocco's isolation on the Sahara issue. "The King is feeling
. lonely," a European diplomat explains. "He wants reassurance and comfort and sees the U.S. as the answer."
�· While Washington is ready to help, American officials here stress that there are limits. There will be no direct U.S.
involyement in the Western Sahara war and no outright backing of Morocco's claims of sovereigntY over the territory.
In Washington's view, only negotiations can settle its status. Still, evidence is steadily mounting of closer ties between
the two countries that first signed a friendship treatyin 1787:
* Establishment during Haig's mid-February visit ofa joint military commission. Morocco may also grant American
military forces transit rights at air bases at Kenitra and Sidi Yahya if a Middle East crisis erupts.
*A tougher U.S. line against the Polisario, the Algerian-based, Libyan- supplied group that has been fighting
Moroccan troops to standstill.
a
* Willingness to ease previous restrictions on use ofU.S.-supplied arms in the Sahara and fast replacement of
1
weapons lost in combat~
* Stepped-up efforts to boost trade, strengthen cultural links and promote private U.S. investment in Morocco.
* Increased economic aid, includ~g 230 million dollars in new U.S. credits and loans to buy emergency food.
*A diplomatic drive by the U.S. to persuade neighboring Algeria to cut back support for the Polisario and full
American backing for efforts by the Organization of African Unity to arrange a referendum of Western Saharans to
determine their wishes:
Some changes are more symbolic. A huge American flag flies outside the U.S. Embassy in Rabat in place of one half
that size ordered flown by the Carter administration. The American ambassador is a frequent guest at the royal court--to
the chagrin of the French, who had held the No. 1 position here.
Warmer relations with Hassan's Morocco would be a big plus for the United States. It is strategically located at the
western gateway to the Mediterranean, is staunchly anti-Communist, opposes Libya and has been ready in the past to
back the U.S. with troops in Third World hot spots like Zaire .. "Hassan sees himself as an Arab spokesman to the U.S.,
an intermediary," says a diplomat.
The harbor at Tangier is "large enough for nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. Moroccan airfields could.be refueling
points. Morocco also is the site of a mothballed U.S. communications station that could link American forces in the
Mediterranean directly with the American mainland.
, The U.S. gave up four air bases under Mor6ccan pressure in 1963 and aband~ne·d the communications station in ·
1979. Now, with Hassan needing help and the future of American bases in Spain and Greece far from certain,
Washington is again interested in Moroccan alternatives.
Still, Hassan must tread warily. Says a European diplomat: "The question is how far Hassan can go toward the U.S.
without jeopardizing his support in the Arab world. It would be suicidal for him to appear to be a U.S. puppet."
.For now, Arab financial help, particularly from Saudi Arabia, is more important than aid from the United States. The
Saudis bankroll the Saharan war effort to the tune of almost 2.8 million dollars a day. Payments from Moroccans
working in Persian Gulf states bring in badly needed hard currency. In forums like the Arab League, Moroccans still
can count on majority support ~hen the Western Sahara issue is debated.
Valuable though Hassan is, he also presents Washington with liabilities--and they have grown in the past year.
Foremost is the war in the Sahara, which one Western expert says is "bleeding Morocco dry." The Army--one of
Africa's most professional--has doubled in size to more than 150,000 in the last six years. Hassan, wary since two
attempts on his life by military men in the early 1970s, keeps day-to-day command. Military spending takes more than
40 percent of Morocco's budget. Tanks ordered from the U.S. are ready but cannot be shipped until the.King finds the
cash to pay for them.
�But the King also benefits from the conflict in the Sahara. His 2I million people fervently believe in a Moroccan
Western Sahara, and the fighting has united them behind their monarch like nothing else during his 2I-year reign.
An alibi. "The war has reinforced the monarchy's ·pivotal position in Moroccan life," an opposition politician admits.
"The fighting has also helped divert attention from Morocco's internal difficulties and provides the King with an alibi
forthem."
·
Yet Hassan's popularity suffered a blow last June when price increases for food and other essentials, brought on by
soaring war costs, triggered riots in Casablanca, Morocco's biggest city. More than 100 people died, and the situation is
· not yet back to normal. ·
At the beginning of I982, leaders of the main opposition political party were serving jail sentences for daring to
criticize the King--something forbidden by the Moroccan Constitution. "We used to be able to oppose fairly openly,"
says one critic. "Now we must be extremely carefj.Il. Hassan seems to think he can shore up his position by taking the
initiative and imposing a consensus. But there is too much opposition for that to work any more." .
Hassan knows that economic problems could erode his power. Unemployment affects I in 3 adult men. December
rains saved the early I982 harvest. But farm output dropped one third because of a I98I drought that forced the
slaughter of 40 percent of Morocco's livestock. Food-import and oil costs have soared. Only a I-billion-dollar loan
from the International Monetary Fund I8 months ago enabled Morocco to escape deeper trouble.
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Living standards are sagging. Among the prime sufferers are Morocco's newly emerging middle class--previously
staunch monarchists but now increasingly cynical of Hassan's rule. "The longer the war drags on, the more people are
starting to link it with economic problems," says a university professor in Rabat. "It's dangerous for the King."
Following Shah? Unable to halt the economic slide, Hassan may seem in danger of the same fate as the Shah oflran.
Parallels to the Shah do exist. Hassan's lifestyle is lavish, and Moroccans say corruption runs through public life.
Loyalty of the Army is uncertain.
But unlike the Shah, the King is religious leader of his Moslem nation. His dynasty claims descent from the prophet
Mohammed and has ruled for 300 years. Hassan consults religious leaders before making major decisions. Throughout
his regime, Hassan has cultivated opposition views, even though he alternates such benign tactics with occasional tough
cr~ckdowns designed to underline his power.
U.S. officials here are aware Hassan could be toppled by events that Washington cannot influence. But they believe
his future is far from hopeless. If prices for phosphates--Morocco's biggest export--increase, they say, Morocco has a
good chance to recover. Also, Hassan is an astute politician. "Unlike the Shah, he hasn't lost his touch yet," says one
American.
For all the difficulties, there is no question of U.S. resolve to support Hassan. Describing Morocco's concerns as "my
country's concerns," Ambassador Reed vows that "the United States will do its best to be helpful in every area of need
·
that may arise."
GRAPHIC: Picture I, King Hassan seeks U.S. weapons to defeat Polisario forces in Western Sahara. PHILIPOT-SYGMA; Map, no caption; Picture 2, Moroccan troops are bogged down in war against Libyan-backed guerrillas.
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PIERRE TOUTAIN--GAMMA/LIAISON
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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THE WHITE HOUSE
I
Office of the Press Secretary
(Aboard Air Force One)
·
For Immediate Release
0
July 23, 1999
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
Hillary and I ~ere deeply saddened to learn that His Majesty King
Hassan II of Morocco has passed away,
The prayers of all Americans go
out to the Royat Family and the people of Morocco.
Over his 38-year reign, King Hassan II demonstrated time and again his
leadership, his. courage and his willingness to embrace change.
He
worked tirelessl~ to promote the welfare of his people, ~nd in r~cent
years he took important. steps to deepen freedom in his country.
He offered wise counsel to every U.S. President since John F. Kennedy.
He worked to break down barriers among the peoples of the Middle East,
bravely opening a d~alogue ~ith Israel, helping to arrange President
Sadat's historic journey to Jerusalem, .seeking greater tolerance-~nd
stability across the region.
·
·
Hillary had the honor of being his guest just a few months ago.
We wil
never forget his extraordinary hospitality, nor the many times he stood
shoulder to shoulder with the United States:
King Sidi Mohammed and the Moroccan peopl~can continue to count on the
support of the United States.
To King Sidi Mohammed, to the rest of the
Royal Family, and to the people of Morocco, .Hillary and I send our.
heartfelt condolences.
·
The Middle East has lost one of its gr~atest peacemakers.
we must rededicate·ourselves to fulfilling his vision: a
lasting peace for all the Middle East's children.
In his honor,
and
ju~t
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"''
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office.of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 15, 1995
PRESIDENT, FIRST LADY HONOR KING HASSAN II
AT WHITE HOUSE STATE DINNER
The Presid~nt and Mrs.
Clinton are hosting His Majesty Hassan II King
of Morocco, His Royal Highness Prince Moulay R~chid and Her Royal
Highness Princess Lalla Hasna at a White House State Dinner on
Wedn~sday, March 15, 1995.
The black tie ·dinner will begin at 7:15 PM
with the arrival of His'Majesty, His Royal Highness and Her Royal
Highness at th~ White House North Portico.
Dinner guests will begin to
ariive at 7:00 PM.
Guests will be received by the President and Mrs. Clinton, and His
Majesty Hassan II King of Morocco, His Royal Highness Prince Moulay
Rachid, and Her Royal Highness Princess Lalla Hasna in the Grand Foyer
of the White House.
Following the receiving line, the President and
Mrs. Clinton will escort His Majesty, His Royal Highness and Her Royal
Highness into the State Dining Room.
·
·
The tables in the State Dining Room will be .set with the Reagan
China, gilded flatware and Morgantown crystal on a pastel damask table .
clqth.
The floral, center pieces feature red and pink ranunculus, light
blue delphinium, purple lisianthu~, cream essence roses, osiana roses,
lavender phlox and coffee foliage in bamboo containers. The
arrangements are complemented by four eleven-inch gold candlesticks with
24-inch cream tapers.
·
Following the dinner, guests will be entertained by The Modern Jazz
Quartet in the East Room.
During their 43 years, the Modern Jazz
Quartet has ~ecorded 47 albums, their latest, "MJQ and Friends," was
ieleas~d in 1994.
·
At the conclusion of the entertainment, the President and Mrs.
Clinton.will escort His Majesty Hassan II King of Morocco, H.R.H.
Prince Moulay Rachid and H.R.H. Princess Lalla Hasna to the North
portico for their.departure.· Guests will be invited to continue the
evening with dancing in the Grand Foyer.
NOTE: Following are menu and gift information.
WHITE HOUSE STATE DINNER HONORING
HIS MAJESTY HASSAN II KING OF MOROCCO
Grilled Chicken and Vegetable Tagine with Couscous
Gingered Tomato Broth
Lemon Thyme Marinated Lamb Chops with Roasted .Garlic Sauce
Creamy Polenta, Fresh Asparagus, Layered Eggplant
Baked Goat's Cheese with Arugula, Endive, and Walnut Sauce
Ciated Apricot Sherbet with Frozen Date Mousse
Orange Sauce
.Baklava and Rainbow Marzipan
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Wines: Oak Knoll Pinot Gris 1993j Oregon·
Bealieu "Tapestry" 1990, California
Scharffenberger Crement Extra Dry N.V., California
GIFT PRESENTED BY THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. CLINTON TO
HIS MAJESTY HASSAN II KING OF MOROCCO
The official gift for His Majesty Hassan II King of Morocco is a
hand-crafted sterling silver cachepot that fea~ures an etched border
design inspired by a cornice found in the East Room of the·White
House and etched floral design taken from fireplaces in the Green and
Red Rooms of the White House.
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THE WHITE HOUSE
. Office .of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 15, 1995
1
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND KING HASSAN II OF MOROCCO
IN EXCHANGE OF TOASTS.AT. STATE DINNER
The State Dining Room
8:45 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Ladies and gentlemen, Your Majesty, Your
Royal Highnesses, members of the Moroccan delegation, distinguished
guests:
Hillary. and· I are delight.ed to welcome you to America's home.
I pave been grat~ful for this opportunity to get to know Your Majesty
and to appreciate the wise counsel you .have given to every:. American
president since John Kennedy.
·
·
In fact, your relationship with ou~ country's leaders, I
In January of 1943, at
. have learned, goes back.even further than that.
the height of World War II, you were present when your father, Mohammed
V, hosted the Casablanca· Summit between President Roosevelt and Prime
Minister Churchill. ·History does not record what advice you gave
President Roosevelt and the Prime Minister, but I did note that,
thereafter, the war turned decisively to the allies' ~dvantag~.
(Laughter.)
So, clearly, you gave good advice.
I also noted th~t when President Roosevelt and Prime
Minister Churchill were in Casablanca, Mr. Roosevelt thought he had to
come home and go to work,· and ~rime Minister Churchill made him stay in
Morocco for three more days to see the beautiful sights. My staff never
lets me do that.
(Laughter.)
So we have not made progress in every
respect since the 1940s.
Your Majesty, you have written that in the joyous following
the declaration of Morocco's independence, your father pulled you aside
and said, "We have passed thro~gh a difficult trial.
But the road ahead
.'will be long and hard. We do not have the right to·disappoint the
faithful and courageous people who h~ve placed their trust in us."
For the past 34 years, you have lived by your father's
admonition. And by pursuing progress for the Moroccan people and peace
for all the peoples of your region, you have truly fulfilled his legacy.
The American people especially admire your steadfast
devotion to securing a comprehensive peace among all .the peoples of the
Middle East.
In a region where passion and hatred have so often
overwhelmed cooler heads and clearer minds, yours has always been a
voice of reason· and tolerance.
Quoting fro~ the Koran, you have said:
"If two groups of
believers fight each other, ende~vor to ieconcile.them." You have been
tireless in your pursuit of reconciliatio~.
You have helped the
countries of the Middl~ East turn on th~ past and start a new chapter of
peaceful coexistence.
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Your.Majesty, you have spoken of your beloved Mor6cco as a
bridge bet0een East and West, between Islam and the. Judea-Christian
faiths, between respect for tradition and openness to the future.
Undei
your leadership, that bridge which runs from the tip ,of Europe to the
satids of the Sahara and joins the Atlantic to the Mediterraneari, that
bridge has risen high as a beacon of hope.
And for all those reasons, ladies ·and gentlemen, honored
please join me in r~islng a gl~ss to His Majesty, King Hassan
II, to the Prince and the Princess whQ are' here, and to the people of
Morocco, who have done so much to build the bridges of understanding and
peace.
guests~
(A toast is offered.)
(Applause. )
Mr. Presid~nt and .great friend, Mrs.
KING HASSAN:
Clinton, ladies and gentlemen. Once. again, I wish to thank you, Mr.
President, for your warm welcome and hospitality; and thank Mrs.
Clinton for putting in the special touch that will make this evening
memorable event.
~
The important talks we had today, Mr. President, were
stamped with healthy frankness.
They were motivated mainly by a major
aim to bring tensions down, particularly in the Middle East.
Now, the
Soviet Union is no longer.
The task of the United States of America is
not any easier; rather, because i~'s better identified, this task is
more delicate.
We remain convinced, however, that because of its genius,
its creative faculties, and its altruism, the American people will
tackle successfully global issues.
This I know you will accomplish with
sensitiveness and humanism, despite the ·specificity· and diversity of· the
issues on hand.
I pray all of you, ladies and. gentlemen, to join me to
raising a toast to the President· of the United States of America and my
great friend, Mr. Bill Clinton.
Long life to the United States of
America.
Long life to the Moroccan-American friendship.
(A toast is offered. )
. '(Applause. )
END8:54 P.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 15, 1995
PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE PRESIDENT
AND HIS MAJESTY HASSAN II OF MOROCCO
The Rose Garden
1:17 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon.
His Majesty King Hassan and I
have just concluded a very productive and wide-ranging meeting. We
apologize for talking a littl~ longer thati the scheduled time~ but we had
much to discuss.
Let me begin by thanking him for his visit~ _and
continuing the tradition that he first began with President Kennedy of
providing wise counsel to American presidents.
Of course, we talked about how we can best support and
accelerate the 'momentum for peace in the Middle East.
His Majesty's visit
comes at a time of renewed hope. As a result of Secretary Christopher's
intensive discussions in' the region, we now have an agreement to resume
direct talks between Isiael.and Syria. This is a very encouraging
development.
Combined with the new energy we see in the Israel-Palestinian
discussions, and continued progress in implementing the Jordan-Israel peace
treaty, I believe there is now a real opportunity to secure a durable
-resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
The promise of peace owes much to King Hassan's vision.and
courage.
He helped to arrange President Sadat's historic trip to
Jerusalem.
He undertook a direct dialogue with Israel at a time· when doing
so was difficult.
His quiet diplomacy facilitated talks between other Arab
leaders and Israel. And Morocco continues to lead the effo.rt to build a
new Middle East.
His majesty·and I agreed that one key to peace is bringing
tangible economic benefits to the peopie of the Middle East; a change in
the quality of their daily lives so. that they can develop a real stake in
peaceful cooperation.
That's why the process begun under King Hassan's
leadership at the Casablanca Summit last October, is so important in order
to expand economic integration and encourage private sector growth and
investment.
His Majesty and I reviewed the next step in this process,
includitig the Amman business summit this fall.
We also discussed taking
down barriers to trade and investment, such as the Arab League boycott of
Israel that had denied the Middle East its full place as a dynamic
participant in the global economy.
We discussed our shared interest in fighting the spread of
weapons of mass destruction, which pose a threat to the entire Middle East
and, indeed, to the world: I emphasized the importance the United States
attaches to securing the indefinite extension of the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty as a vital part of this effort.
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We are also working to build closer economic ties.
Today we
will sign a trade and investment framework agreement to expand bilateral
commerce and investment and to provide a framework for further trade
liberalization. And.. Morocco announced plans to establish a counterpart in
the United States to the U.S.-Morocco Joint Committee on Trade and
Investment.
Later this afternoon, His Majesty will preside over a protocol
signing with the Overseas Private I~vestment Corporation. OPIC will
guarantee $200 million in U.S. government support for a $1.5-billion power
plant being built by an American company near Casablanca. Morocco's
decision to welcome foreign participation in privatizing its state-owned
power sector made this project possible. Together with similar·ventures in.
the future, it promise to generate jobs and expprts for the United,States
and to provide Morocco with the electricity it needs to power its own
industrial growth . .
Finally, I'd like to express my own gratitude to the King for
his enlightened leadership of the Organization of the Islamic Conferenc~.
I share his conviction that Islam can be 'a powerful force for tolerance and
moderation in the world, and that its traditiorial values -- devotion to
family and to society, to faith and good works -- are in harmony with the
best of Western ideals.
As I said in my speeches to the parliaments of Jordan and
Israel, the United States has great respect for Islam and wishes to work
with its followers throughout the world to secure peace and a better future
for.all our children.
Throughout the course. of our long friendship, which goes back
to. the very beginning of this country, Morocco and the United States have
worked together to shape the world we live in for the better. King Hassan
and I are committed to continuing that great partnership for progress well
into the future.
And I thank him for the contributions he has made to that
today.
Your Majesty.
KING HASSAN:
To begin with, I'd like to reiterate my thanks
to Mr. President for the warm welcome with which we have been surrounded
ever since we have tread the soil of this country:
We have spoken about many issues, .Mr. President and myself.
Now, we·did not hav~ the opportunity of knowing each other personally
before, but we have come to know each other through the messages that we
have exchanged in the past, and alsd by means of ihe various positio~s that
were taken by Mr. President concerning the peace in the Middle East.
I
think that Mr. Clinton should be proud of his balance ~heet after two years
in the White.House.
We have also talked about bilateral issues. And, thanks to
God, ·we have come to realize how much harmony exists between the positions
of our two countries. However, in the modern world in which we live today,
there can be so schizophrenia in any healthy relationship.
There is
absolutely no justification for us to have such excellent political
relations on the one hand, and then on the other hand, to have economic
relations that are not up to the same level.
Up to now, we have been a one-legged man in our mutual action.
And I hope that.in the future we will be able to walk on two feet-- that
is, hand in hand, towards the prosperity and the success we are hoping for
both countries.
Obviously, the United States of America has its own vision of
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matters because it deals with international issues.
analysis of matters have to be to that p~opcirtion.
And therefore, the
Morocco, though modest the way it is, has its own vision of
things.
Thanks to God, during our talks, we had absolutely no differences
concerning our principles, ideals and the aims that are to be attained.
But considering that Mr. President and myself are perfectionists, we haye
to devise the most appropriate strategy in order for us to reach the aims
that both countries have in mind.
·
Mr. President, once again I want to thank you for your warm
welcome; but I would like also to thank ybu for· the open heart with which I
have been received here in the White House.
Q Mr. President, you spoke this morning of the need to
accelerate the peace process. What can the United States do to break the
impasse when Syria and Israel resume ne,gotiations next week?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, of course we're .doing what we can
with.the Secretary's trip to. the Middle East, and with the work that Mr ..
'Ross and others are doing. What we have sought t6 do, always, is to
facilitate the conditions within which both parties will feel secure in
making peace.
That has always been our role. We cannot make a peace for
the parties, and we~re doing what we can once again, to make our best case
.to both sides about what things will make them secure in making the
decision.
As you know, when they discuss mat'ters·of this kind, it's best
to let them deal with the details and make the decisions.
So the less I
say about the specifics, the gre~ter the opportunity they have to make the
peace.
'·
Is there a question from Morocco?
Q Mr. President, you have spoken during the last visit you
had made that you were concerned with stability -- in Paris -~ that you
were concerned with stability in North Africa.
You have also spoken about
the fact that Morocco is a point of stability and security in the region.
Now, in your discussions with His Majesty, did you come to devise some kind
of strategy in order to strengthen and sustain this idea of.the security in
the North African region?
THE PRESIDENT:
His Majesty and I spoke at great length about
North Africa, and I asked him for his evaluation and for his advice with
regard to a number of countries. And I think it's fair to say that he
believes the United State is pursuing the right policy.
One of the things I think we have to do is to try to
strengthen economically the forces of progress and tolerance, which is why
I'm very pleased about the agreements that we have announced with Morocco
today. We will continue to ~ush to support elements of progress and
tolerance in other nations as well.
·
Your Majesty, would you like to say anything about that
question?
Q The question is addressed to both you and His Majesty.
What about the latest in the establishment of the Middle East development
bank? The regional powers are anxious for it in the Middle East, but some
European leaders are opposed to it. What is happening with it, and, if so,
what's the timetable on it?
THE PRESIDENT:. I don't know that I can give you a timetable.
I can tell you that we are committed to it, as you know, and we are working
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with our allies in Europe.
it as quickly as possible.
We're doing our be~t to set it up~ and we'll do
I still thihk it's a good idea.
Q Your Majesty, you had the opportunity to meet seven
Presidents of the United States. How did you find the President Bill
Clinton different of the other? Thank you ..
KING HASSAN.:
First, let me say that no two men are alike. As
·a wise man once said, style is what defines the man; All the diffeient
presidents that I've had the honor to meet here contribute together to the
richness and the variety in the Un~ted States.
Each time it has been a new
style, a new inspiration, a new team.
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
If H{s Majesty had not be~n a direct
descendent of the Prophet, he might have become Molocco's greatest
diplomat.
(Laughter.) . ·,
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Your Majesty, I'd like to ask
you, sir~ what you make of th~ increasinq political difficulties that
President Mubarak is sald to be facing in Egypt, 'imd whether this subject
arose between the two of you today? And also, Mr. President, I'd like to
have your views on that as well ..
KING HASSAN:
Let me state, first of all, that this world in
which we live cannot be without political crisis.
Each country, on
whatever continent and what of the social economic level and governance it
has, confi·onts difficulties in economic, social or employment areas.
But
it was not on our agenda to carry·out a check- up on Egypt, so we did not
iake the time to devot~ to that particular issbe.
THE.PRESIDENT:
The only thing I would add is I thought His
Majesty· made a very important point when .we discussed this briefly, which
· was that you cannot see the Egyptian difficulties solely in political
terms, and that they have to be seen in the context of the challenge that
that nation -7 and I might add, many others are having around the world -of sustainable development, of balancing a rapidly growing population with
all the pressures and problems that creates with the need to provide for
them food and shelter and,education and a stable set of opportunities. And
I appreciated that insight very much.
Q Your Majesty, we would like to know what you are doing on
the level of the peace process in the Middle East and what is ~our position
about the Arab boycott of Israel? Are there any disagreements between
Morocco and the United States regarding this issue?
KING HASSAN:
Yes, indeed, we did discuss the issue of boycott
-- or that is, the boycott of the Arab. states. towards Israel. As I've said
previously, I believe that man cannot walk on one leg. We are not looking
into the peace process without looking into the economic(peace process
also.
The boycott of which you have spoken is not a Moroccan~Israeli
issue.
It is a boycott on the part of all of the members of the Arab·
League, and independently of whatever. the view of· any of the members of the·
Arab League is. Cond~rning this issue, I would ~ay that there has to be a
compromise among the members of the Arab League if the boycott is to be
lifted.
AS Mr. President has said previously, there are signs of
goodwill that have been reported from Secretaty.Christopher's trip to
Syria. And there is no doubt that the progress that is scored in th'e peace
negotiations between Israel and Syria will certainly bring about a
collective decision on the part of all of the .members of the }\rab. League
concerni~g the lifting of the boycott.
·
l
THE PRESIDENT:
.:
Thank you ve'ry much.
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THE PRESS:
Thank you.
· END1:47 P.M. EST
.
'
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 15, 1995
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT CLINTON
AND KING HASSAN OF MOROCCO UPON ARRIVAL
The South Lawn
10:46 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Your Majesty, Your Royal Highnesses,
members of the Moroccan delegation, distinguished guests:
On behalf of
the United States, it is my hortor to welcome back to Washington a good
friend of America, and one of the Islamic world's most respected
leaders, King Hassan II.
(Applause.)
·
Your Majesty, the ties that link our two nations go back to
the dawn of our independence.
Before the cornerstone of this White
House was laid, President George Washington and your ancestor, Sultan
Mohammad III, signed a treaty of peace and friendship . .
In the decades since, our two nations have sought to live
up. to that treaty's ideals by building on our friendship and working for
peace ·and prosperity in your region and throughout the world.
Now, much
of what we have labored £or and dr~amed of is closer than ever to
becoming reality -- thanks, in good measure, to your wisdom and to your
vision.
Your Majesty, you have worked tirelessly to secure a
lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East, from helping to
arrange President Sadat's historic journey.to Jerusalem~ to building
trust through quiet ~iplomacy, from establishing ties with Israel, to
hosting the Casa Blanca Economic Summit. Now, we must accelerate the
momentum for peace in the Middle East, the momentum which you have done
so much to nurture and sustain.
·
·
As Morocco and the United States work for peace, we are
also forging stronger bonds of commerce between our peoples. Morocco
has embraced free markets, and today, your economy stands poised to reap
the benefits of this wise decision.
Your Majesty, I look forward to
discussing new opportunities for trade and investment which will support
good jobs and create wealth i~ both our nations.
Your Majesty, under your leadership, Morocco has served as
a force for tolerance and progress r"ooted in Islamic values. At a time
when cooperation and moderation are taking hold in more countries than·.
ever before, but when violence and extremism still threaten all that we
are working for, your example and your commitment -to peace are more
important than ever before.
Your Majesty, the United States is glad to have you as a
friend, honored to have you as a partner as we work to shape the world
for·the better. Welcome to the White House. Welcome to America.
(Applause. )
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KING HASSAN:
Praise be to God.
May the blessings and the
pe'qce be upon• out lord, Mohammad, his kin and companions: Your
Excellency, the President of the United States of America, and our great
friend: ·It is with considerable pleasure and exceptional joy
that we begin today our state visit to the United States of America, in
response to the kind invitation of our great friend, President Bill
Clinton.·
We are deeply moved, Mr .. President, by the warm and
spontaneous welcome that you have reserved for us,
welcome that
reflects that we know of your affection for Morocco and esteem for its
monarch.
Let me assure you, Mr. President, that Morocco and its King
harbor the same feelings towards your country, so dear to us, and
towards your honorable person.
a
The origins of these sincere feelings are old and longlasting.
We hasten to recognize the indep~ndence of the United States
upon its being declared by its leaders more than two centuries ago.
In
1786, our forefather, ~oharnmed III, signed in the city of Marrakesh a
treaty of amity, navigation and trade with your country.
Now this
treaty went into effect when the United States of America opened its
very first consulate in the city of Tangiers in 1797.
The distinction of this treaty lies in the fact that it is
not only one of the oldest tr·eaties linking two friendly countries, but
also one that has endured to this day without either of the two parties
ever having requested that it be abrogated or even that one of its
articles be modified.· This unique distinction is a clear indication
that the relations between our two countries have been characterized by
continuity and stability based on friendship and cooperation.
,
This treaty was followed·by other·Moroccan-American
treaties, all of which were inspired by the spirit of the original
treaty and contributed to establish this exemplary relationship that
binds our two countries in mutual understanding and cooperation.
Mr~'President, here on ihis very spot where you and I now
stand, humanity witnessed an historic moment when all eyes tu~ned to the
White House entran6e to witness the birth of a defining event,
fulfilling a hope long entertained by the forces of good, and arousing
the will,to expand peace throughout the world.
This happened on Monday
morning, September 13, 1993, at 11:00 a.m.' This happened as President
Yassir Arafat and the Prime Minister o~ Israel, Mr. Yifzhak Rabin, stood
on either side of you. With. your blessing, the historic handshake took
place in an era of war that had lasted for more than 40 years.
During those years, lives were wasted, assets squandered,
hate and rancor widespread, and human efforts for development and
construction in the Mid9le East annihilated.
Forfeiting security, the
region became a perm~nent den of instability and a threat to world
peace.
Due to your relentless efforts, you had the good fortune to
become the principal witness of this great event, and,· together with
Russia, to become its principal sponsor -- so much so that this place on
which we now stands connotes peace, rendering Washington a landmark for
the peace that we all desire for this region.
This everit came as a
surprise to many who believed that its taking place was either
impossible to achieve or the result of pure,. fantasy ..
As for us, we were not surprised.
We were, in fact,
expecting such an event to occur -- and this, for two reasons.
First,
we believe in the dynamics of history because we experienced its
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decisive effectiveness in'changing the course of events when waging a
bitter struggle to regain our independence. At that time, regaining
independence seemed illusory and impossible.
But the dynamics of
history and our conviction and that of our people in its effectiveness
propelled our struggle to impose independence, and to turn it into
reality.
Second, Mr. President, because we .were following the birth
of this event through its consecutive stages, working to guide
it in the direction of the dynamics of history, and because we observed
with hope and expect~tion that the Palestinians and Israelis, whom we
used to receive separately, expressed to us their desire for achieving
peace, even though they did not anriounce this publicly.
However, this newborn peace appears to be threatened by
dangers because it's not a full-fledged peace.
Peace hasn't taken place
in all the areas of interest.
For peace to be achieved, the pace of the
negotiations between the Palestinians and the Israelis needs to be
accelerated away from any equivocat~ons liable to cause the peace
process to falter.
Mr. President, ·we look forward to the talks that will take
place between us and that will cover importarit issues in several areas,
be it with respect to our bilateral relations or with·respect to·
international relations. W~ are certain that these negotiations'will be
both positive and fruitful, and will lead to the convergence of our
points of view, be~ause everything unites our bas!c choices and nothing
can lead to a misunderstanding.
In today's world, the reality of political relations should
reflect that of economic relations. And that is why we aspire to having
our economic ties up to the level of our distinctive historic ties.
We would like to thank you, Mr. President, for the warmth
of your weicome and the attention that you accord· our visit. We would
like to renew to you the expression of our strong will to develop our
relations of friendship and cooperation with your great country, the
United St~tes of America.
Thank you again, Mr. 'President, and God help you,
(Applause. )
END11:07 A.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
· Office of the Press Secretary
(Air Force One En Route Andrews AFB)
For Immediate Release
October 30, 1994
BACKGROUND BRIEFING
BY
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL
October 29, 1994·
Aboard Air Force One
En Route Andrews AFB
1:20 A.M.
(L)
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Topics they discussed-- I'd say the
main ~opic was Iraq.
The King expressed his concern about the threat
that Iraq still poses. .The President agreed that it does indeed
still pose a threat, which is, of course, the reason why, of course,
we've taken the actions that we did.
The King said he was reassured
and impressed by the way we had acted so quickly.
They discussed the upcoming conference in Casablarica.
The President .
said how important he thought it was; that he regretted that he was
going to be unable to attend ~- as you·know, Christopher is going now
~- but encouraged the Saudis to send very serious representation.
And the King will be sending a very serious delegation, including
·representatives of their business sector.
·
The President then -- and this took some considerable amount of time,
of course, partly because of the interpreting -- the President then ·
reviewed his trip pretty much stop by stop. And they had a
particular discussion of Syria and where we are now, and we had
talked about that before.
Q But he didn't tell us?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I don't know, I wasn't in the
meeting. And Helen, we tell you almost everything.
And then they talked about the importance of.raprochement between
King H~ssein and the Arab world.
Q
Who raised that?
Clinton?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Let me say', in general terms, this
is not something new today.
The Saudis have been much more receptive
to that than have the Kuwaitis, and that was clear again today. And
after this, it will simply have to work along at its own pace.
Q Is Saudi Arabia going ~o sign any kind of peace. agre~ment with the
Israelis? Are we going to see any kinds of similar partnership?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: The issue really here is ·syria and
Lebanon. And then that's -- that didn't come up, really.
The Saudis
have played a very effective role on the boycott. And they were
among the leaders of getting ri.d of the -- getting the others to go
along with it -- getting rid of the secondary and tertiary boycott.
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Can I say a few.words about the trip as a· whole?
Q-- cost sharing?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I don't know whether it came up with
the Saudis or not. It did come up with the Kuwaitis, and they
reaffirmed -- they reaffirmed their willingness to carry the burden~
Q But I mean, Saudi Arabia was a major contributor.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I'm not saying that it didn't come
up. I ·just got a read-out from the President, and that's what I got.
That's what I told him, the damndest thingj that's exactly what I
said to him.
(Laughter.)·
Some general themes if you want them,· okay?
F~om
the whole .trip.
Q On the record?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
rec:ord.
Tell me if you want them on the
MR. LAKE: Okay, on the record, five general themes and goals. First
~-and you'll recognize some of the.rhetoric here-- first, our
standing by the peacemakers, both in the President's presence and
also in the various programs. For example, he just got through
Jordan. That meant addressing the Knessat, talking to the Parliament
in Jordan, meeting first with Mubarek an.d just making it very clear
that those who take risks for peace will find that the United State~
does stand by them.
Secondly, standing by our commitments to the security of the region.
And that was, of course, going to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. And
again, there the President's presence, I think, was the main part of
the message.
Third, standing up to terrorists . . This was a very important theme
and discussion at every·stop and in every speech. It meant talking
to Yassar Arafat at the beginning about the importance of this,
cooperating in the struggle against Hamas~ We think that Arafat
understands very clearly that since he is a part' of the peace
process, those who are using terrorism now to try to prevent peace
are also not only the en·emies of .Peace, but the enemies of Arafat.
We have -- you'll be getting a joint statement from this last stop,
which will have a strong paragraph on terrorism. And even in -- and
of course, you heard the President's very strong statements about
terrorism in his.speecpes to the Parliament in Amman and at the
Knessat. And he had lengthy di. scussioifs ·on terrorism, as you know,
in Damascus. And we can go back through that again if you want. But
the point is that in the private meeting, Assad did tell the
President that he is against the taking of innocent life anywhere
which he considers to be terrorism.
Q But the terrorists didn't hear him say that.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
not, .but --
We were disappointed that they did
Q It's nice that he said that in private, but --
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
It is interesting that when the.
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President then said, h~re is what he ~aid to me -- th~t evening, we
heard, that Syrian television'was playing.over and over again the
President's statement characterizing Assad's position,
which is, in Syria, what plays on television is not necessarily
accidental.
Q On the reason Assad didn't .come through and -SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Wait, I'm hot even through doing my
general rap, here.
Let me do that and then we'll get to reality
here, okay?
For trying to widen the·circle of p~acemakers -- that means obviously
and then trying to then'find
trying to bring the Syrians in
reconciliation within the ctrcle, which means bringing King Hussein
closer to the Saudis and then 'the others, with whom he had -- with
them after the war.
So, jus.t one .other thing, if you think about it, there is something
that was happening here, though, which is -- you saw th~ reaction to
him in Israel. And 1 .think that it is evident ·that the !sraelis have
a tremendous confidence in him.
He has ~ very good relati6nship with
Rabin .. And the reaction after the Knessat speech was almost
overwhelming.
At the same time, he really has been working very closely with
Mubarek, with King Hussein.
One of the interest1ng things about the
meeting this evening was that he has been writing King Fahad, they
have spoken many times on the telephone, bu~ they had not actually
met. And I think a major point of the meeting this evening-- I
think more important than the substance -- was for them to meet each
other in the flesh for the first time, and to solidify the kind of
friendship that gets things done in the Middle East;
The point
be{ng that he really does have very ·strohg:personal ties and
confidence across the -- both with Israel and with the Arabs.
This is one of the reasons, very specifically, that's been able to
bridge this, whi<:::h-is very specifically why he emphasized that he did
in the speech that he did at the Parliament in Jordan, the
distinction we make between extremism and Islam; just to make
absolutely sure that they do not. see in our dual containment policies
a rejection or a hostility towards Islam itself.
It's very, very
important; it's something he's going to keep working on. And it's
the reason why the President, himself, injected into the Knessat
speech the reference to Islam, and wanted to make sure that he was
quoting the Prophet in hii speech to the Knessat to say to t~e
Muslims, look, it's not.just when I'm talking to Jordan; it's not
just when I'm talking to you·as an audience-- that speech went.all
acioss the Muslim world -- it is even when I'm talking i~ the Jewish
faith.
So I think that those kinds of relationships that he solidified on
this trip on both sides ar~ going to pay us very well good investment
in the future.
Because the fact is, especially in the Middle East,
that personal relationships among the leaders matter hugely
more
than any other region of the world. And he has those kinds of
personal relationships.
QOn the issue of reconciliation among peacemakers, why is it that you
didn't mention ....:·_ and the President hasn't mentioned at al·l on this
trip -- expansion of reconciliation of the peacemakers such as .Israel
and Kuwait, Israel and Saudi ·Arabia and so on.
You did mention the
boycott, but we're beyond the boycott now -- long beyond the b~ycott.
:.
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SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: The·issue now between those states
and Israel is the boycott.
That's certa~nly one of the main issues,
and that'~ a very specific thing that ~~'ve been working on for
months. We certainly -Q--:-
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: We're encouraging that. We've
encouraged it between Morocco and Israel, Tunisia and Israel. We
certainly encouraged it with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. What I'm
saying is that -- and Israel -- and it was interesting that one of
the questions to the Amir that he was, I thought, rather forwardleaning in his response about talking.to the Israelis. All I'm
saying ~- ·
QWhy don't you mention it, though?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Because our focus is, to get a
comprehensive peace, you rieed Syria and Lebanon.
If you get Syria
and'Lebanon, I think all those other pieces will fall into place, as
well..
Q Does it take a perceived -- President Clinton is someone who is
perceived to be a strong friend of Israel to get the Israeli
Parliament and the Israeli people to agree to give up the Golan
Heights. Will it take a friend, as opposed to someone who might be
seen as a little more hostile to the issue?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:. They, of course, have to reach the
agreement for what it is. But I think it is certainly true that an
American President in whom the Israelis have confidence can offer an
Israeli Prime Minister much more in the way of political support and
telling -- or in endorsing such an agreement.
I 'think that's
absolutely true.
Q The reaction in Israel last night'was fairly positive with Rabin.
But it turned sour today -- most of the media reports, and Israeli
government officials say that he really didn't come here with
anything new. What's your reaction to that? Are you aware of the
sort of turn in events in Israel?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
No.
QI have a whole list of editorials, reactions that I can show you and
they're all negative.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
First
did make progress. Again, you'll have
going to simply, in effect, say, trust
talk about the details.
But there was
issues there. And you heard
of all, the fact is that we
to print that because I'm
me, because we're not going to
some progress on important
Q As much as you hoped for?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Yes, I think the private progress
was about what we had hoped for.
Again, publicly, we were
disappointed that the public statement did not come out the way we
had hoped; or, indeed, the wa~ Assad had said he planned in his
conversations with the President.
I think there's a natural rhythm in these things, in that at first,
the progress that you make is welcomed. And then you look at the
task that lies before you the following morning, and you probably do
have some of that reaction. And there may be, to the degree they're
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quoting Israeli officials, a degree of bargaining as well; because
any good,bargainer is not going to look too pleased at the
·
concessions the othe~ side might make, because that's simply not the
way you bargain.
What matters is where we are a month or .two ·from now, not what the
reaction is today.
Q Can we have that part on the record?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: No.
I have too many friends in· the
'Israeli government.
Q You do this on television all the time.
Q Can you tell us the chemistry with King Fahad. And is he sick?
He's lost a lot of weight. What's the bi-play betwee~ them?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I thought he seemed fine.
No, I
didn't notice anything at all. . He was lively, alert; he seemed fine.
QDid they -- I mean, they're not on a first-name basis, obviously,
whatever his first name is.
(Laughter.)
Q How much money are they giving for the burden-sharing?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: That came up this evening.
Could I not put that on the record? Because I really hate to
characterize the views, by name, of people that I know, probably.
just hav~n't seen their report; I don't know who it was that they
were quoting.
I
Qit was practically everybody; I can show it to you.
SENIOR ADMINIST~TION OFFICIAL:
Th?nk you, Terry.
Can I be on background, please?
QI didn't see any of the statements or anything on Kuwait.
Did you
guys talk about the possibility of stationing more troops or a'nything
like that in Kuwait? Saudi Arabia loosening its stand? It never
came up because it had all been hashed out ahead of time and agreed ·
to, or what?
'
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, that I'm aware of, stationing
more troops did not come up because that's nOt the phase that we're
in now. As you know,_ we've frozen our deployments.
Q That's not what I'm talking about.
why Iraq
I'm talking about ~pecifically
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
-- both pl~ces, but not in any
detail and not in a negotiating sense, that's being done at a
different level.
Q What the Saudis are doing on that score?
.. score?
On the prepositioning
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL; We're still working through what
we'll do.
So, it's too early to say whether I'm satisfied or not.
But I'm satisfied.
Q-- issue, so you're not satisfied?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
yes.
With the course of the discussions,
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Q What's your take on why Assad said things privately to the
President, and even told the P~esident he would .say them publicly ~nd
then didn't? Is it because he's inexperienced at press conferences,
or was it a deliberate slight?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: No, let me tell you what I am
absolutely, absolutely convinced of -- and this is based on the
President's sens~ of him, and I talked to him two or three -times
about it afterwards; a conversation, then, that Christopher and I had
with Shara; and a conversation that_I had with my opposite number.
And I am absolutely .convinced that what happened was~ first of all,
Assad has not had a lot of press conferences in which he gets
questions which are not extraordinarily respectful -- it'~ in the
nature of Syrian society. And when he got a multi-part question,
which was very specific and challenging with regard to whether the
President had raised with him Syria's presence on the terrorist list,
he said no.
That was factually accurate because the P~esident did
not raise with him their presence on·the terrorist'list because we do
not -- because they are on the terrorist list and w~ do not link
their presence on that list to the diplomatic side.
So we discuss
terrorism, but not the list because there they are, okay? So that
was actually accurate.
\
Then he w~nt into this long explanation of why he does not consider
Syria to be supporting terrorism. And then I think he just -- either
because he was irritated, or because he forgot -~ he didn't get into
the .other part of the question, which ·was, what is your policy on
.terrorism?
Q
But if he was so eager to make that point, why didn't he come back
and make it unilaterally -- I want to add one thing, or something?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Because, if· I. recall, that was the
next to the. last question.
They played it on state television.
Q rhat our President said it right.
I
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Yes, but if Assad did not want the
Syrian people to think that that was their policy, he would hardly
have the President of the United States on television saying, here is
what Assad thinks.
QWhat is the next step in this dance between Syria and Israel? Will
Assad now ~ake this itatement? Or he's made the changes in the
wording -SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
be helpful, but that's not the
key to negotiations over th~ central issues. And over the -- what?
Q Will we take them off the list?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
things to which we object.
No, not until they stop doing the
Q-- statement.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
His making a statement saying that
they are opposed to taking innocent lives would be .welcome and that
would help.
But it is specific activities --harboring groups that we
believe commit terrorism -- that means that they are on that list.
That does not mean that. we cannot wo~k with them on trying to bring
_about peace. And indeed -- two points about that, one, we do not
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link them; terrorism is terrorism and diplomacy is diplomacy.
But
two -- that's in the short run --but two, in the long run -- and I
hope it's not a very long run-- the best way to combat terrorism in
the somewhat longer run is to bring about peace. And when you get
peace, the conditions of peace, then you dry up the sources of
terrorism nd you've isolated the terrorists all the more.
'·
And I think that Assad understands that a true peace includes, then,
not conducting activities that support terrorism.
QUnder those circumstances, why did you let terrorism, per se,
dominate the whole trip, rather than your goals for peace?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
QI'm sorry, it did.
overboard.
It didn't dominate the whole trip.
Every major speech the President made, he went
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Th~· two issues go together.
If you
step back and look at what is going on now in the Middle East, there
absolutely is -- I said this on the plane co~ing out -- there
absolutely is a struggle between the circle of peacemakers -- those
who are, we believe, the future; those who are trying t6 achieve
something of sensational historic significance, and that is a
comprehensive peace for the first time not just in decades, but in·
centriries. W~ think that's ~appening.
As a result of that happening, a group"or groups of people who are
desperate, increasingly isolated and ai~ trying to prevent it, are
carrying out terrorist actions to defeat -Q-:... the theme
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Now, wait a minute, so the way you
work.for peace here is both, again, to reinforce the peacemakers and
widen their circle, and at the s~me time, absolutely stand up to
terrorists. And the reason you do it is to tell the people in the
·Middle East who are taking great risks with these people -- people
who ride buses in Israel, people.in ~he whole area that live under
the threat of this terrorism -- that the United States is with them;
that we oppose the terrorism, too. And if you lived there, that's·
exactly what you would want to here not simply because it is
denouncing terrorism, but because it is supporting peace.
Q-- thousands of prisoners they have who have never been prosecuted,
never been charged, n~ver been convicted and yet incarcerated for
years?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
The President stated very clearly in
Damascus, by talking about Assad's view, you'll recall he talked
about both of us and about Hebron. And if you look at our communique
in Damascus, it referred to the shedding of any in~ocent civilian's.
blood.
QWhat about the Palestinians in East Jerusalem? What are they
supposed to think about all of this? And especially in light of the
apparent slight ~SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
They're supposed to think that that
status is part of the final statusof negotiations. And we'll get to
that.
QHo~
is Christopher's role different now than it has been? How is it
going to be different now than it's been in the past? Is there any
difference in his role?
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SENIOR ADMINISTRATtON OFFICIAL:
QHe's not stepped
up.o~ increa~ed
No, I don't think so.
ip any way?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
No, he's been very, very involved in
this and will continue .to be. :very I 'very inyol ved in this.
He's now
on flying to Riyhad tonight and then to Casablanca and he will
contip'ue this.
He' 11 ·be meeting with· leaders in Casablanca.
QPart o.f the progress .wasn't a larger or more prominent role?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION .. OFFICIAL: W:ell, . I don't see how you could -- I
meari, you saw how respected he is by all of the leaders we met with.
I was struck b~ how1 when he was given the sash or the medal by the
Amir of Kuwait -- I don'Lknow if you noticed it,, but I was very
struck by the look of affection on the Amir.' s. face ·as he gave it to
him.. I think tha~ was reflected throughout the region.
So he'll go on in what he's been doing, and
very, very good.
~hat
he's been d?ing is
QOn Syria,· unrelated to anything else we.' ve talked about on Syria -when you guys discussed with Assad ResolGtion ~42 ~nd 33~ and all
that, Resolution 242 calls for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from
the Golan Heights~ Do you or does he -SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL!:
-- from the territories.
QMy question ·is about the word "forces." Do you or ·does he ever make
a distinction between wit.hdrawal of forces and withdrawal of
.i
Israelis?·
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: . You'll have to ask the scholars -you know, the Jesuitical, Talmudic·6r whatever scholars on that .. I'm
happily unencumbered by facts on that question.
Qis· the President wearing his medallion t'onight?
Qis the President prepared to come back to the region
and under what circu'mstances?
anytim~
soon,
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
-- but what is .clear is that at
critical moments, as I· .was saying, especially in this region,
Presidential involvement is very, very important.· And I would expect ·
to see him ~t critical moments -- and I don't know how yet -·
intervening, s~~~ping in, using these perso~al ·relationships trying
to close deals; because that is. how it works.. But I would be very
surprised if he ever got into shuttle diplomacy.·
Q-- spend that kind of time?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: ... Helen.:, Helem,. I just said he's not
going to; it's okay.
QI know, b~t what I'm saying i~ that there are ~o many reports out
.. there that he's going to do .that.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
There are no plans for him to do
shuttle ·diplomacy, and 'r would be .very, very surp.rised if he ever did
do shuttle'dipl6macy, because that's not what Piesidents do.
That's
different fro~ intervening at critical moments~
QAre we going to be seeing more Middle Eastern leaders coming into
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Washington?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION ·OFFICIAL:
alrec;>dY -THE PRESS:
. ·''
...... ·
We've seen a. fair. number of them
Thank you.
. END
1:50 A.M.
(L)
·''
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
October 3, 1994
'
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT,
FOREIGN MINISTER PERES OF ISRAEL,
AND CROWN PRINCE HASSAN OF JORDAN
West Lobby.
10:52 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Good morning.
I'm h~pp~ to welcome back
to the White House bbth Crown Prince Hassan and Foreign Minister
Peres. 0e've had·a productive session t6day.
Jordan and Israel have
taken further and very specific steps on the road to building a warm
peace between their two nations.
Almost exactly a year ago Crown Prince·Hassan and
Foreign Minister Peres and I ·met to. launch thi's trilater.al. process~
What a·dif~erence a year makes.
Since then, intensive bilateral and
trilateral negotiations culminated ~ust two months ago in the
hii~oric meeting .I host~d here between King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin wh.en they signed the Washington Declaration .and put an
end t6 wai b~tw~en their two nations.'
Since then peace treaty neg6tiations have made
considerable prbgress·,. and steps to imp1ement the warm peace all
three of our nations want h~ve already been taken.
Jorda~and Israel
have already opened~ border crossing for citizens of other.~ations
at Aqaba and Eilat. And trilateral discussions:on tourism, ·
communications and economic development are proceeding.
These discussions take place at s time when the economic
and trade barriers of the past a~e dissdlving before our eyes.
It's
heartening that the Gulf Cooperation Council states, led by Saudi
Arabia, have now declared that they wi.ll no longer enforce the
secondari and tertiary aspects of the economic boycott~ and will
support a move in the Arab League to end. the prim.ary boycott of
israel.
·
·
Promoting trade, development and cooperation, rather
than restraining and·hindering normal economic relations, should be
the hallmark of t~e new M{ddle East -~ and Jordan and Israel are
leading the way·.
Today, the Crown Prince and the Foreign Minister have
reached .agreement on a varieiy of issues that will help develop the
Jordan Rift Valley, in~reasing tourism, and ~ssure f~ture economic
and social progress in.the region.
They have agreed to adopt basic
principles to guide the future development of the Jordan Rift Valley,
including projects dealing the environment, water, energy and
tourism; ·to open a new northern border crossing for third-country
nationals by October 15th; to establish a Red Sea·marine peace park
with assistance from the United States government; to convene·.a
conference on exploring, constructing a canal between th~ Red .Sea and
the Dead Sea; to explore the establishment of a free trade zorie in
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the Aqaba-Eilat area with a view to rnaking,it an economic hub for the
northern peninsula of the Red Sea; to conduct, together with the
United States, feasibility studies to expand the availability of
water; and td undertake joirit financing of·darns on the Yarrnuk and
Jordan Rivers to alleviate water shortages.
That's quite a lot of work for them in this session.
They are solid evidence that Jordan and Israel have not only ended
their state of war, but are followi·ng through on thei'r commi trrient to
cooperate with each other and negotiate a~ rapidly as possible ~
final peace treaty.
Our goal remains a comprehensive peace between
Israel and all its Arab neighbors. We're hopeful that a breakthrough
can be achieved and the negotiations underway betwe~n Israel and
Syria and Israel and Lebanon.
In their ongoing talks, Israel and Jordan have looked to
the trilaterpl discussions to help establish a comprehensive, lasting
and warm peace.
Th~ steps we announce today are the building blocks
of a modern peace between these ancient' lands.
The United States is
proud to be a partner and facilitator in this extraordinary endeavor.
Crown Prince Hassan and Prime Minister Peres
Foreign Minister Peres, on·behalf of the American people and
personally, let me say that I salute your vision, your courage, and
your persistence.
This has been·a ~elationship tha~ has meant a
great deal not only to me, but to all of us in this country because
of the incredible openness that you have displayed and the creativity
you have brought to these negotiations.
I am grateful· that the United States has bee~ able to·
play a role in this process; grateful for the opportunity that we
have had to try to facilitate and extraordinary corning together
between two.extraordinary nations and ~ery extraordinary leaders.
Your Highness.
''
CROWN PRINCE HASSAN: Mr. President, Foreign Minister
Peres, you will forgive me by starting my statement by quoting from
the Mishnah, the Ethics of the Fathers:
"The world is sustained by
three things --by truth, by justice and by peace." I feel that in
the spirit of our discussions that we have had truthful and frank and
candid discussions both here today as o~ the occasion that we met
last year to launch the trilateral committee.
I come, of course,
from the meetings in Aqaba, where those meetings were characterized
by a truthful search for peace built on justice. And I would like to
say thit I come here in a mood of optimism that the work that we have
commenced is a work that is going to live.up to the hopes and
aspirations of our peoples foi a breakthrough for the future of both
our peoples and for the peoples of the region.
Our negotiators have made prdgress that would ha~e ·
amazed us a year ago. We have moved the talks to our region. We
have agreed on principles and modalities to resolve the outstanding
issues. And today we are undertaking joint projects. We have
·
implemented this vision'in.the confidence-building context of the
most concrete kind. And at last, at long last, the leaders of our
sountries have Il\et face to face and signed the Washington
Declaration.
As we move ever further in our v6yage towards peace, we
witness the rebirth of the Middle East as a region, as a community
and as a part of the international of states.
Foreign Minister Peres, you have spoken eloquently of
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your vision for the future of our region, to the vision that we
share.
Now we must eliminate the barriers that create obstacles to
its realization. We mu~t work to resolve all outstanding bilateral
issues, giving relations between our countries a solid, equitable and
sustainable basis. Over the past two days, we have discussed a range
of ideas to that end, and I'm confident that we will rise together to
these challenges and that we will go on to make·good the promise of
peace.
Millions in the Middle East are watching us today; they
know where true peace resides.
It is ultimately not in the hands of
government, but in the hearts of individuals who will participate in
true peace.
The time has come for the peoples of the Middle East to
gain a stake in peace; to partake of its fruits without
discrimination, without exclusion.
In Casablanca, at the end of this
month, let us advance together toward that goal.
Mr. President,. the involvement of the United States
gives us great hope.
Your support and that of American presidents
throughout the years is cherished in my country.
It was President
Woodrow Wilson who proclaimed the need for -- ahd I quote -- "open
covenants of peace openly arrived.at." It has been a long journey.
We have yet to arrive at our destination, but with God's help, the
farthest shore is now in sight.
Thank you, gentlemen.
FOREIGN MINISTER PERES: Mr. President, Your Highness.
I would like to thank, first of all, the American people; its
institution; its leader, President Bill Clinton, for taking one of
the most complicated issues, a ·region of problems and walls and make
out of it a region of hope and promise.
If we shall succeed in our
endeavors, as I do believe we shall, it may serve as a model to many
other places.
The Middle East was complex place for three basic
reasons:
The conflict was unprecedented, deep, full of emotion, and
full of military strengths and confrontation.
Secondly, ·the number
of participants in this'conflict was large and varied and different.
And thirdly, it was basically military and political conflict rather
than economic cooperation and soci~l outlook.
May I say, Mr. President, that over the last year,
everything has changed completely. A ye?r ago we were standing here
when the President, our Prime Minister Rabin, and King Hussein and
Chairman Arafat agreed to start to solve the very complicated-issue
with the Palestinians.
Today, Mr. President, it is a reality.
Later on there was the meeting, again here, between the
Jordanian leaders and the Israeli leaders and the President. And
what then was the Washington Declaration, today again is a vivid
~rogress of cooperation for the benefit of all of our people.
Then
agaih, the Arab boycott that accompanied the Arab political boycott
is disappearing, very much because of the work of Secretary
Christopher for whom I would like to express my thanks.
And in the meantime some other events took place. We
have agreed to open relations with Morocco, td open relations with
Tunisia.
It's not the end of the story or the ~nd of debate, and as
His Royal Highness has promised; we are going to meet in Casablanca
for a most unusual attempt to combine private enterprise and
governmental responsibility to promote the standard of living of all
the people in the Middle East.
In between our two countries, we are
going to take parts of the. desert and convert it into valleys of
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peace, of agriculture, of tourism.
A year ago, when we started, many people thought that we
are looking for photo opportunities. T6day we can say we have
obt~ined not a photo opportunity, but a deep and moving change in
human experience in the best part of the 20th century.
I want to express my hope to the President and his team,
the American·Congress, the American people will continue a job that
really calls for a salut~ and appreciation.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. ) .
END11:05 A.M. EDT
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�.. ,,
Page 1 of 1
THE WHITE HOUSE
Statement by the Press Secretary
----------------------------------------------------------------For Release at 12:00 pm EDT
. April 8, 1994
STA'fEMENT BY THE PRESS SECRETARY
.
'
'•
Vice President Al Gore will be in Marrak.esh, Morocco on
April 14.
He will meet with King Hassan II of Moro.cco and
address the assembled mi~isters repr~senting the 122 participants
in the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade's Uruguay Round of
multilateral trade negotiations.
In his remarks to the ministers, the Vice President will
address the significance of the just concluded Uruguay Round, and
provide Administration perspectives on future global trade
progress and the important links between world trade and
sustainable economic growth.
He will discuss issues of mutual
interest with King Hassan II.
The Vice President will join United States Trade
Representative Mickey Kantor and Secretary of Agriculture Mike
Espy in Marrakesh.
Ambassador Kantor will represent the United
States at the ceremony of signing the Final Act of the Ur~gu~y
Round on April 15.
##
I·
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
06/06/2000
�
Dublin Core
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
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FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an ·
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Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [ 1]
Staff Office-Individual:
'
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas .
Original OAIID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:. Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
6
1
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9
�.---------------
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·~--
.
r
MEDAL OF HONOR
RECOMMENDATION ·
ON
(THEN) CAPTAIN
ED W. !FREEMAN
FOR HEROIC ACTIONS IN VIETNAM
�---------------:--
I
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
vP
'
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
'OO Sf:p Lti AHll: l:t
September 19, 20DO
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
THE EXECUTIVE CLERK
FROM:
JOSEPH J. SIMMONS I
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO
DIRECTOR, WHITE HOUS
SUBJECT:
Medal of Horior Recommendation in the Case
Captain Ed Freeman, United States Army
o~
The Secretary of the Army and the Secretary of Defense have
recommended the ~ward of the'Medal of Honor to Captain Ed
Freeman, United States Army, for conspicuous gallantry as
described in the attached citation.
Captain Freeman survived his heroic actions on 14 November 1965,
during 14 separate flights in an unarmed helicopter; providing
ammunition, supplies, and a rescue platform for a heavily
engaged Ameiican battalion in Landing Zone X-Ray in ~he Ia
Drang, Republic of Vietnam.
Recommendation
That you sign the accompanying certificate and citation where
annotated.
Attachments
�THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
1000 DEFENSE PENTAGON
WASHINGTON, DC 20301-1000
AUG
8 2000
MEMORANDUMFORTHEPRESIDENT
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for then-Captain Ed Freeman, Ut:tited States
Army
The Secretary of the Army recommends, ancl I concur, that you award the Medal of
Honor, for then-Captain Ed Freeman, U.S. Army, for his gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of
life above and beyond the call of duty during the Vietnam War.
Public Law 106-223, waives the time limitation specified in section: 3744 of title 10,
United States Code, and authorizes you to award, under section 3741 of that title, the
Congressionai Medal of Honor to Captain Ed Freeman. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
St'aff concurs with the recommendation for award of the Medal of Honor.·
The file supporting the recommendation is attached for your review, if desired.
Attachment:
As stated
0
�CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF .
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20318-9999
CM-707-99
13 September 1999
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
Subject: Award of the Medal of Honor to Major, then Captain, Ed W. Freeman,
USA (Ret)
Concur in your recommendation 1 to award the Medal of Honor to Major,
.
'
then Captain, Ed.W. Freeman, USA (Ret), for his heroic actions in Vietnam.
~II
(1
I
.
HENRY H. SHELTON
Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Reference:
l
Secretary of the Am1y memorandum, 30 August 1999, "Award of the
Medal of Honor to Then -:- Gaptain Ed W. Freeman~
Copy to:
CSA
�I
I
I
I
!.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WAS'H IN GTO N
September 19, 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR THE. PRESIDENT
THROUGH:·
THE EXECUTIVE CLERK
FROM:
JOSEPH J. SiMMONS I
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE
DIRECTOR, WHiT~.HOUS
SUBJECT:
Medal of Honor Rec6mmendation in the Case of
Captain Ed Freeman, United States Army
The Secretary .of the Army and the Secretary of Defense have
recommended the award of the Medal of Honor to Captain Ed
Freeman, tinited States Army, for conspicuous gallantry as
described in the attached citation.
Captain Freeman survived his heroic actiops on 14 November 1965,
during 14 separate flights in an unarmed helicbpter, providing
ammunition, supplies, and a rescue platf6rm for a heavily
engaged American battalion in Landing Zone X-Ray in the Ia
Drang, Republic of Vietnam.
Recommendation
.That you ~ign the accompanying certificate and citation where
annotated.
Attachments
�.-------------~-------------------------------
--------
--
-----------:---~
. THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
1000 DEFENSE PENTAGON
WASHINGTON, DC 20301-1000 ·
AUG 8 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for then-Captain Ed Freeman, United States ·
Army
The Secretary of the Army recommends, and I concur, that you award the Medal of
Honor, for then-Captain Ed Freeman, U.S. Army, for his gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of
life above and beyond the call of duty during the Vietnam War.
Public Law 106-223, waives the time limitation specified in section 3744 of title 10,
United States Code, and authorizes you to award, under section 3741 of that title, the.
Congressional Medal of Honor to Captain Ed Freeman. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff concurs with the recommendation for award of the Medal of Honor.
The file supporting the recommendation is attached for your review, if desired.
Attachment:
As stated ..
. f
�'CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF
. WASHINGTON, D.C. 2Q318-9999
CM-707-99
13 September 1999
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
Subject: Awa.rd of the Medal of Honor to Major. then Captain, Ed W. Freeman.
USA-(Ret)
Concur in your recommendation 1 to award the Medal of Honor to Major,
then Captain. Ed W. Freeman. USA (Ret). for his heroic actions in Vietnam.
~I/
n
HENRY H. SHELTON
Chairman·
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Reference:
.
.
I
,
t
Secretary of the Amty men10randum, 30 August 1999 ... Award of the
Medal of Honor to Then - Captain Ed W. Freeman".
Copy to:
CSA
'\
'
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
'00 StP Lb AHll: lL
September 19, 2000
,I
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
THE EXECUTIVE CLERk
FROM:
JOSEPH J. SIMMONS .I
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE
DIRECTOR,· WHITE HOUS
·SUBJECT:
Medal of H6nor ~ecom~endation in the Case of
Captain Ed Freeman, United States Army
~he .se6retary of the Army and the Se6reiary of Defense have
'0ecommended the award of the Meda~ of Honor to Captain Ed
~reeman, United States Ar~y, .for conspicuous gallantry as
described-in the attac~ed citation.
Captain Fre~man survived his heroic actions on 14 November 1965,
during 14 separate flights in an unarmed helicopter, providing
ammunition, supplies, and a rescue platform for a heavily ·
engaged American battalion in Landing Zone X-Ray iri the Ia
Diang, Republic of Vietnam.
Rec'ommendat ion
That you sign the accompanying deitificate an~ citation where
annotated.
Attachments
�.
f
THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
1000 DEFENSE PENTAGON
WASHINGTON, DC 20301-1000
AUG 8 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for then-Captain Ed Freeman, United States
. Army
The Secretary of the Army recommends, and I c,oncur, that you award the Medal of
Honor, for then-Captain Ed Freeman, U.S. Army, for his gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of
· life above arid beyond the call of duty during the Vietnam War.··
·Public Law· 106-223, waives the time limitation specified in section 3744 of title 10,
United States Code, and authorizes you to award, under section 3741 of that title, the
.. Congressional Medal of Honor to Captain Ed Freeman. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
.Staff concurs with the recommendation for award of the Medal of Honor.
The file supporting the recommendation is attached for your 'review,' if desired.
Attachment:
As stated
.u
�CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF·
WASHINGTON, D.C. 2n318-9999
.-CM-707 .:.99
13 September 1999
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
Subject: · Award of the Medal of Honor to Major, then Captain, Ed W. Freeman,
USA (Ret)
Concur ~n your recommendation 1 to award the Medal ofHonorto Major,
then Captain, Ed W. Freeman, USA (Ret). for his heroic actions in Vietnam.
~~~SHELTON,
HENRY
H.
Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Reference:
.
.
.
l
Secretary of the Am1y memorandum, 30 August 1999, ..Award- of the
Medal of Honor to TIH~n - Captain Ed W. Freeman"
Copy to:
CSA
I',
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 19, 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
THE EXECUTIVE CLERK
FROM:
JOSEPH J. SIMMONS I
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE
DIRECTOR, WHITE HOUS
SUBJECT:
Medal of Honor Recommendation in the Case of
Captain Ed Freeman, United States Army
The Secretary of the Army and the Secretary of Defense have
recommended the award of the Medal of Honor to Captain Ed
Freeman, United States Army, for conspicuous gallantry as
described in the attached citation.
Captain Freeman survived his heroic actions on 14 November 1965,
during 14 separate flights in an unarmed.helicopter, providing
ammunition, supplies, and a rescue platform for a heavily
engaged American battalion in Landing Zone X-Ray in the Ia
Drang, Republic of Vietnam.
Recommendation
That you sign the accompanying certificate and citation where
annotated.
Attachments
l
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�THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
1000 DEFENSE PENTAGON
WASHINGTON, DC 20301-1000
AUG 8 ZOOO
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for then-Captain Ed Freeman, United States
Army
The Secretary of t~e Army recommends, and I concur, that you award the Medal of
Honor, for then-Captain Ed Freeman, U.S. Army, for his gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of
life above and beyond the call of duty during the Vietnam War.
Public Law· 106-223, waives the time limitation specified in section 3744 of title 10,
United States Code, and authorizes you to award, under section 3741 of that title, the
Congressional Medal of Honor to Captain Ed Freeman. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff concurs with the recommendation for award of the Medal of Honor.
The file supporting the recommendation is attached for your review, if desired.
Attachment:
As stated
I
'
0
r
�CHAIRMAN OF THE ~OINJ CHIEFS OF STAFF
:
WASHI~GTON, D.C•.20318-9999
..
CM-707-99 .
· 13 September 1999
,,
\":.
'
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY ·
Subject: AWard of the Medal of Honor to Major, then Captain; Ed W. Fre~man,
USA . (Ret). .
·. .
'
(
Concur in your
n~commeridation 1 to award fue ·Medal of Ho·n~r· to Major,
"then Captain, Ed··w. Freeman, USA (Ret), for his heroic actions.in Vietnam.
'
.
.
'
.·
'
~1/ ~/1.~..__,_
. HENRY H. SHELTON
,.. . Chairman
·· of the '.Joint Chiefs of Staff
~
Refere11ce:
t
.
·Secretary ofth~ Am.ty memorandum, 30 August 19.99, "Award of the ·
.
Medal of Honor to Then - Captain Ed W. ·Freeman,.·
Copy ·fo:
CSA
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SECRETARY OF THE ARMY'
. WASHINGTON
·september-30,·1999 . ·
. .
MEMORANDUM ·i=OR SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
. .
.. ~EPUTY SECRETA~Y.~EFE~SE-
~-
FROM: SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
·.
.
.
· Prepared. by: (SFC CLAYTQR, TAPC-PDO-PA, 325-4764) ·
SUB.JECT: Award ofthe Medal of Honor to (then) Captain.Ed W. freeman·-ACTION MEMORANQ'UM
PURPOSE: To recommend that the Medal of Hor:lor be awarded to (then)
.· Captain Ed W: Freem~n
· ' .·
.
. · .. .
·
· · ·.
DISCUSSION: Title 10, United States Code, Section 1130, directs that, upon .
request of a Member of Congress, the Secret~ry shall re'{iew a proposal for the·
award or presentation of a decoration (or the upgrading of a decoration) that is ·_ .· ·
not othei'Wise au~horized to be prese11ted oraward~d due to time limitations ·
·.
· established by law or policy·. In accordance with the provisions of DOD-Directive
,.
· 1348.33 of September 1996,: the enclosed Medal of Honor. recommendation i·s · -- .
foi'Warded for ypur recommendation, supporting documents are at TAB 1. · - ·; : ·.
..
.
. 'COORDINATION: Th~ Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, concurrence is at TAB2.·
·' ...
'
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RECOMMENDATION: That the recommendation be approved for forwarding to . '.
the. President of the .United 'States.
·
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SECDEF
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SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
WASHINGTON
August30, 1999
MEMORANDUM FOR CHAIRMAN, JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF
SUBJECT: Award of the Medal of Honor to Then-Captain Ed W. Freeman
Title 10, United States Code, Section 1130, directs that upon request of a
Member of Congress, the Secretary concerned shall review a proposal for the award or
presentation of a decoration (or the upgrading of a decoration), either for an individual
or a unit, that is not otherwise authorized to be presented or awarded due to time
limitations established by law or policy for timely submission of a recommendation for
such award or prese,ntation.
The enclosed award recommendation pertaining to Captain Freeman was
submitted pursuant to 10 U.S.C 1130. The Chief of Staff and I have determined that
Captain Freeeman's actions merit the award of the Medal of Honor.
To comply with Department of Defense Directive 1348.33-M, I request that you
review the enclosed recommendation and provide your endorsement or comments to
include in my submission to the Secretary of Defense.
Louis Caldera
Enclosure
Copy Furnished:
Chief of Staff, Army
Printed on
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�SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
.
.
WASHINGTON
October 8, 1999
Honorable John McCain
United States Senate
W~shington, DC 20510-1103
Dear Senator McCain:
This letter .is in respOnse to a requirement established by Title 10, United States
Code, Section 1.130, Consideration of Military Decorations Not Previously
Submitted in Timely Fashion. This provision directs that, upon reque~t of a
Member of Congress, the Secretary shall review a proposal for· the award or
pre~entation of a decoration (or upgrading of a decoration), that is not otherwise
authorized to be presented or awarded due to limitations established by law or
policy. Based upon such review, the Secretary shall make a determination as to
the merits of approving the ayvard or presentation of the decoration and the other
determinations necessary to comply with the provisions contained in the section.
'
I
\.
Based upon your request, a proposal to upgrade a previously approved award
of the Distinguished Flying Cross to an award of the Medal of Honor for (then)
Captain Ed Freeman was reviewed under the provisions of Title 10, United States
Code, Section 1130. This request received careful consideration and it is my
determination that the award does merit approval and a waiver by law of time·
restrictions prescribed by law is recommended. Therefore, I have forwarded my
·
recommendation to the Se~retary of Defense.
A similar letter has been sent to the chairman and ranking minority member of
both the Committees on Armed Services of the Senate and House of
Representatives.
Sincerely,·
~~
\.) Louis Caldera
Printed on
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
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--------------
�SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
WASHINGTON
OCtober 8, 1999
\
Honorable Ike Skelton
Senior Minority Member
Committee on Armed Services
.United States House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515-6018
Dear Con.gressman Skelton: .
This letter is in response to a requirement established by Title 10, United States
-Code, Section 1130, Consideration of Military Decorations Not Previously
Submitted in Timely Fashion. This provision directs that, upon request of a
·Member of Congress, the Secretary shall review a proposal for the award or
presentation of a decoration (or upgrading.of a decoration), that is not otherw!se
authorized to be presented 6r awarded due to limitations established by law or
policy. ·Based upon such review, the Secretary shall make_ a determination as to
the merits of approving .the award or presentation of the de~oration and the other
determinations necessary to comply with the provisions contained in the section.
Upon request of Senator John McCain, a proposal to upgrade a previously
approved award of the Distinguished Flying Cross to an award of the Medal of
Honor for (then) Captain Ed Freeman was reviewed under the provisions of Title
10, ·United States Code, Section 1130. This request received careful
consideration and it is my determination that the award does merit approval and
waiver by law of time restrictions prescribed by law is recommended .. Therefore, I
have forwarded my recommendation to the Secretary of Defense.
a
I
A similar letter has been sent to the chairman of your committee.
)
Sincerely,
Louis Caldera
Printed on
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.
�SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
WASHINGTON
October 8, 1999
Honorable Carl Levin
Senior Minority Member
· Committee on Armed Services
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510-6050
Dear Senator Levin:
This letter is in response to a requirement established-by Title 10, United States
Code, Section 1130, Consideration of Military Decorations Not Previously
Submitted in Timely Fashion. This provision directs that, upon request of a
Member of Congre·ss, the Secretary shall review a proposal for the award or
presentation.of a decoration (or upgrading of a decoration), that is not otherwise
authorized to be presented or awarded due to limitations established by law or
policy. Based upon such review, the Secretary shall make a determination as to
the merits of approving the award or presentation of the decoration and the other
determinations necessary to comply with the provisions contained in the section.
.
.
.
Upon request of Senator John McCain, a proposal to upgrade a previously ·
approved award ofthe Distinguished Flying Cross to.an award of the Medal of
Honor'for (then) Captain Ed Freeman was reviewed under the provisions of Title
10, United States Code, Section 1130. This request received careful
consideration and it is my determination that the award does merit approval and- a
waiver by law of time restrictions prescribed by law is recommended. Therefore, I
have forwarded my recommendation to the Secretary of Defense.
A similar .letter has been sent to the chairman of your committee.
Sincerely,
\-El~~-
CJ
Louis Caldera
Printed on
®
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�SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
WASHINGTON
October 8, 1999
J
Honorable Floyd D. Spence
Chairman, Committee on Armed Services
United States House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515-6018
•
Dear Mr. Chairman:
This letter is in response to a requirement established by Title 10,. United States
Code, Section 1130, Consideration of Military Decorations Not 'Previously
Submitted in Timely Fashion. This provision directs that, upon request of a
· Member of Congress, the Secretary shall review a proposal for the award or
pre·sentation of a decoration (or upgrading of a decoration), that is not otherwise
authorized to be presented or awarded due to limitations established by law or
policy: Based upon such review, the Secretary shall make a determination as to
.the merits of approving the award or pr~sentation of the decoration and the other
determinations necessary to comply with the provisions contained in the section.
'
I
•
••
.
'
Upon request of Senator John McCain, a proposal to upgrade a previously,
\
approved award of the Distinguished Flying Cross to an award of the Medal of
Honor for (then) Captain Ed Freeman·was reviewed under the provisions of Title
10, United.States Code, Section 1130. This request received careful
consideration and it is· my determination that the award does merit approval and a
waiver by law of time restrictions prescribed by law is recommended. Therefore, I
have forwarded my recommendation to the Secretary of Defense.
A similarietter has been sent to the ranking minority member of your committee.
I
•
Sincerely,
·~
Louis Caldera
Printed on
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�SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
WASHINGTON
October 8, 1999
Honorable John Warner
Chairman, Committee on Armed Services
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510-6050
I
I
\•
Dear Mr. Chairman:
This letter is in response to a requirement established by Title 10, United States
Code, Section 1130, Consideration of Military Decorations Not Previously
Submitted in Timely Fashion. This provision directs that, upon request of a
Member of Congress, the Secretary shall review a proposal for the award or
presentation of a decoration (or upgrading of a decoration), that is not otherwise .
authorized to be presented or awarded due to _limitations established by law or
policy. Based upon such review, the Secretary shall make a determination as to
the merits of approving the a\Yard or presentation of the decoration and the other
determinations necessary to comply with the provisions contained in the section.
Upon request of Senator John McCain, a proposal to upgrade a previously
approved award of the Distinguished Flying Cross to an award of the Medal of
Honor for (the'n) Captain Ed Freeman was reviewed under the provisions of Title
10, United States Code, Section 1130. This request received careful
consideration and ·it is my determination that the award does merit approval and a .
waiver by law of time _restrictions prescribed by Ia~ is recommended. Therefore, I
have forwarded my recommendation to the Se~retary of Defense. .
.·
A similar letter has be~n sent to the ranking minority member of your
committee.
Sincerely,
Louis Caldera
:,
Prlnt~d on
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [1]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Medium
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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5/13/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-002-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7531895bd51b8eebdd29634e046a7566.pdf
a865eeae247271e360cd7438d4d7e96f
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA.
MARKER
· This is not a textual record. This is used as an
· administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Freeman] Medal ofHonor [binder] [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
"
Original OAIID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
48
~
Shelf:
.9
Position:
Stack:
1
v.
�- - -
---------------------------------------
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
I
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. form
Address (Partial) (I page)
01/20/1998
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
11/20/1990
P6/b(6)
003. statement
SSN (Partial); Address (Partial); Phone No. (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal ofHonor [binder] [2]
2008-0703-F
·ml80
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAl
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIAl
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
· concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Feder~l office [(a)(2) of the PRAl
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAl
PS Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�•
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A ....... D/A Form 638
B....... Narrative
C ....... Citation
0 ....... Photographs and Maps
E ....... Infantry Commander's Statements
F....... Citations and a: Summary of Medals ofHonor received hy Helicopter Pilots in the
Vietnam War
G ....... Eye--Witness Statement hy LTC (Ret) Jon Mills
H ....... Eye-Witness Statement by Col (Ret) Gregory Dillon
1. ....... Eye-Witness Statement by Col (Ret) Ramon (Tony) Nadal
J ........ Eye-Witness Statement by Col (Ret) John Herren
K ....... Eye-Witness Statement by Major (Ret) Gordon Rosanski
L ....... Eye-Witness Statement by Major (Ret) Francisco (Frank) Moreno
M ....... Eye-Witness Sta~ement by LTC (Ret) Valentino Panzitta
N ....... Eye-Witness Statement hy Col (Ret) Paul Winkel
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0 ....... A ward Orders
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P ....... 117th Cavalry After Action Report
Q ....... _D~~i si \:'~Battl cs
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S ....... "U.S. News and World Report"
Lj
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-;;~~~'];j~·~~>·:·:_..:.:·~~~~~oNA.·.· ~ ··.-~:~·.. . . .
CHAIRMAN. COMMITTEE ON COMMERCE.
SCIENCE. AN? TRANSPORTATION
COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS
.... .
~
.·.:,,v;.·~;~>·~\.:·~j~t~~~ti~~~:~~J~~:~i:;~G,
.. :. -.: _·jaHN .. M~CAIN
COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES
"
183950UTH ALMA SCHOOL ROAD.
SUITE 375
MESA. AZ 85210
(602) 491-4300
CJanitcd ·eStates ~cnatc
2400 EAST ARIZONA
BILTMORE CIRCLE
SUITE 1150
PHOENIX, AZ 85016
1602) 952-2410
December 2, 1997
450 WEST PASEO REDONDO
Su1TE 200
TucsoN, AZ 85701,
(520) 670-6334
TELEPHONE .FOR HEARING IMPAIRED
(202) 224-7132
1602) 952-0170
Major General Morris J. Boyd
Chief of Legislative L~aison
Department of the Army
1600 Army Pentagon
Washington, D.C.
20310-1600
Dear General Boyd:
I wish to bring to your attention a matter concerning my
constituent, Bruce P~ Crandall~ who is .concerned with the Medal
of Honor recommendation for Major Ed. W. Freeman .
.J'"
Please investigate, within existing rules, regulations and
ethical guidelines, the statements made in the enclosed letter
and return the response to me with the enclosures. MARK ALL
.CORRESPONDENCE TO:
Attn: TOM McCANNA
Office of Senator John McCain
1839 S. Alma School Rd.
Suite 375
Mesa, AZ 85210
The response you provide will b~ most appreciated and will··
be forwarded to my constituent.
If you should have any questions
in the meantime, you can reach my office at (602) 491-4300.
I ·
look forward to your reply at your earliest convenience.
erely,
7?tC~ohn McCain
United States Senator
JM/ztm
Enclosure
PAIN fED 0~~ RECYClED PAPER
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RECOMMENDATION
CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR
ED W. FREEMAN
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Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. form
DATE
SUBJECT!TITLE
Address (Partial) (I page)
01/2011998
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
2008-0703-F
'ml80
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(t) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAl
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAl
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAl
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.--------------~---------------------------
Department of the AI:my
~.NAME
• .
Ed
7. ORGANIZATION
w,
Freeman
Co 229th Aslt Hel
)iv ( AMBL) USARV
Nat Def Auth Act
RVN aka Avn Co
NO
Fy 1996
liJ
14. NAME.
20. ACHIEVEMENTS
ACHIEVEMENT 11 Captain
Freeman volunteered and flew his heavily loaded unarmed helicopter flight after flight through a gauntlet of enemy
fire into one of the hottest a.1.d most embattled LZs of the war to bring critical ammunition to a US battalion under increasingly fierce attack, out
of· ~r and fast running out of ammunition, taking the hea\iest casualtias of the- war. Captain Freeman initiated these flights after 4 of the 8
heli..,.cers in the previous flight had been put out ofaction by direct and intense enemy fire while on the ground in the U. Wtthout Freeman's ·
ammunition, this battalion would almost surely have _been over-run suffering the greatest loss of any unir inthe war.
'
ACHIEVEMENT #2 Flew a total of 14 missions into the embattled unit, always landing within 100 meters of the defensive perimeter, evacuating]:'
over 30 seriously wounded troopers after the Medical Evacuation. unit responsible for this mission made one.attempt and refuse-d any funher '
flights into the LZ because of the intensity' of e:~c:my fire in the LZ. Fieeman recogdzed many of these men would die if not ev:1cuated to
:
medical care and took on this mission, quitting several hours after dark and unly aft-!r all wounded were evacuated._ His number of res.:ues !
were among the highest in the war and probably w_ere the highe~t for a non-ltfed Evac pilot. . ·
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ACHIEVEMENT 13
ACHIEVEMENT #4
21. PROPOSED CITATION
OA FORM 638. NOV 94
REPLACES OA FOAM 638-t.
PREVIOUS EDmONS OF OA FOAM 838 ARE OBSOLETE. .
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a.~f.~ Harry ri.O,
. RECOMMEND:
. NAME
OVAL
APPROVAL
·
UPGRADE TO
f •. RANK
,
RichardT. Knowles
1. TITLE/POSITION
1998
DOWNGRADE TO
LTG Gen US Army {Ret)
o
. ·Dep CG and Tactical CMD for OPN
ENTS
B1g.Ed Freeman .without qu~stion earned this highest of awards~ The Medal of Honor.
,
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~4.' iNTERMEDIATE
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DATE,;·.~
•l/29/98
AUTH.ORiTY .
. ··--· . UPGRADE TO
DOWNGRADE TO
Kinnard
I· :TITLE/POSITION
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Division dur
Cormnander lst
COMMENTS Ed Freeman definitely deserves the ;Medal of Honor.
(See additional comments on attached s~parate sheet.)
!5.
INTERMEDIAT~
c. -DATE
b. FROM
a. TO
AUTHORITY
APPROVAL
UPGRADE TO
DOWNGRADE TO
f. RANK
h. SIGNATURE
1· TITLE/POSITION
' . COMMENTS
26. APPROVAL
a. TO
c. DATE
b. FROM
AUTHORITY
APPROVED
DISAPPROVED
RECOMMEND UPGRADE TO:
-~.
NAME
f. RANK
~.
TITLE/POSITION
DOWNGRADE TO:
h. SIGNATURE
. COMMENTS
Z7a. ORDERS ISSUING HQ
27b. PERMANENT ORDER NO:
28a. NAME OF ORDERS APPROVAL AUTHORITY
28b. RANK
28c. TITLE/POSITION
29. APPROVED AWARD
e
28d. SIGNATURE
REVERSE, DA FORM 638, NOV 94
31. DISTRIBUTION
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30. DATE
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Comment~
Throughout the long, · arduous developmental testing of the 11th Air Assault Division,
and all of the training and combat of the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), great and
constant attention was giv~n to the· vital importance of a complete understanding of
each others capabilities and _limitations as between our ground soldiers and our
aviation soldiers. Bey.ond that understanding, we strove to develop the closest
possible teamwork between our ground and aviation units. Our organic aviation was
not a sometime, nice- to- have thing; our organic,aviation was the fundamental,
essential , and crucial difference, between our unit and all the ground bound units of
our Army prior _to our time.
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The great fight of the 1st of the' 7th Cavalry at LZ X-ray (so well recounted by that
unit's fine leader in "We Were Soldiers Once, And Young" ), was totally beyond even
contemplation by any ground bound Army units. Our aviation allowed this "in your
face" landing deep in trackless enemy territory. Our aviation units delivered, and kept
supplied, the vital tube artillery which supported the 1st of the 7th, together with our
Aerial rocket artillery Battalion whose close in, accurate rocket fires were so Important.
Our aviation lift units not only delivered the 1st of the 7th Cavalry, but brought
reinforcement both into X-Ray and nearby. And then, critically important, and most
dangerous of all the aviation missions, our lift units kept bringing in the water,
ammunition and other critical supplies, while also flying out the. wounded.
I
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The kind of dedication and professional skill called for in these resupply missions is
hard to imagine by anyone who hasn't been in that kirid of combat. Although our
aviation lift units were accustomed to flying in and out of "hot" LZs, and though in
almost all missions they were simply ordered to execute the mission, the resupply
missions flown by Freeman into X-Ray were so hazardous that the lift company
commander did not simply order a crew to join him, but instead described how
dangerous the mission would be and then asked for a volunteer. Ed Freeman was that
volunteer, not just for the first flight , but for the many that It took to be sure the
embattled ground units had everything needed to survive and win. ·
In repeatedly volunteering for and executing those critically important and highly
hazardous missions, Ed Freeman epitomized the loyalty, professionalism, team spirit
and disregard for personal safety which made our Division great, and made Ed
Freeman completely worthy of our nation's highest award, the Medal of Honor.
I regret that this proposed award for Freeman did not come to me while I was
commanding the First Cavalry Division in Vietnam; Ed Freeman has waited much too
long for the recognition he deserves.
lv£uu 4/0./JL,'"M./
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~H~~ryjf.o. Kinnatd--_,..
Lt. General US Army · (Ret.)
Commander of 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) 1965-1966
�B
�8
�NARRATIVE
CAPTAIN ED W. FREEMAN
MEDAL OF HONOR
Captain Ed W. Freeman 428-42-5838 "A" Company 229th Assault Helicopter Battalion
1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) US Anny Vietnam distinguished himself on 14
November 1965 in landing zone X-Ray in the battle of the IaDrang VaHey, at great risk to
his life, by numerous acts of exemplary heroism, exceptional devotion to duty and superb
concern for his fellow soldiers which resulted saving a historic US battalion on the
battlefield. Captain Freeman provided a tremendous display of"leadership by example
and fearless courageol;lsness" when he volunteered and flew his unarmed helicopter
through a gauntlet of enemy tire on flight after flight delivering desperately needed
ammunition, water and medical supplies into one of the most hotly contested landing
zones of the war, totally ignoring the almost unbelievably extreme risk to his life, while
serving as a Platoon Leader, Aircraft Commander, and second in c-ommand of a flight of
16 bel icopters supporting the 1st Battalion of the 7th Cavalry Regiment ofthe I st
Cavalry Division. This unit, taking some of the heaviest casualties of the war, out of
water and fast running out of ammunition, was engaged in one of the fiercest battles of
the Vietnam war against a relentlessly, attacking, highly motivated, vastly superior force
of two regiments ofNorth Vietnamese Infantry, determined to over-run and annihilate
them.
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The situation on the ground during Freeman's flights was critical. The aggressively
attacking enemy troops were well armed with Soviet-made AK-47 rifles, hand grenades,
Maxim heavy machine guns and RPG-2 shoulder-fired rockets. They also had light and
heavy mortars. The defending American battalion only had control over an arc covering
the west side of the landing zone and the perimeter on that front was only 100 to 200
meters from the helicopter touchdown area. Even this is misleading since the unit 200
meters from the touchdown area was a cutoff platoon, which remained that way for over
24 ~urs despite costly attempts to recover them. Almost all defenders were nearer the
100 meter distance and only on the western side. The cast side of the LZ was virtually
undefended until after 1700 hours that afternoon. Every flight by Freeman was made
within 100 meters of the attacking enemy and into a landing zone where it was unknown
who would have' control.
On the lift units fourth flight, the second 8 helicopter element came under enemy fire
from the LZ. Several helicopters were hit and one was later grounded due to bullet
damage. The battle on the ground intensified greatly as enemy forces were attempting to
over-run the LZ. The area was soon covered by a cloud of dust and smoke created by a
rain of bombs and ordinance delivered by Air Force fighter bombers; rockets from the
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Aerial Rocket Artillery; and, a constant barrage of artillery, all landing within several .
hundred meters of the landing zone. The unit on the ground was in great danger of being
over-run.
On the next lift, the lead element of eight helicopters, (including Captain Freeman), .
'landed almost on top of enemy soldiers, some as close as 20 to 30 yards from the ·
helicopters. The helicopters came under direct fire and most were hit. The lead
helicopter had one infantryman ki11ed and two wounded before they could exit the
helicopter. The crewchief on this helicopter was also seriously wounded. The pilot of
Freeman's wing helicopter was hit,by a round in the head. He later became a two Star
General for whatever that means! Soldiers departing the helicopters were being hit and
killed. Others were taking up firing positions almost immediately after departing the
helicopters. The first evacuation of casualties by the lift unit took place on this lift as
four wounded were loaded on the lead helicopter. The flight crews showed their nerve
and skill as every hit helicopter was flown out of the LZ and back to PleiMe where four
of the eight were grounded due to hits that made them unflyable.
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At this time the landing zone was closed to further helicopter lift operations by the
Jnfantry Commander. The second element of eight helicopters from the fifth lift was
diverted back to PleiMe although these troops were critically needed in the LZ. More
and more enemy troops were joining the battle on the perimeter ofthe 1..7., quickly
building up to a strength estimated to be seven times that ofthe defenders. At the same
time, friendly forces were being depleted by a growing number of wounded and dead,
suffering among the highest number of casualties by a US unit in the war to that date.
The Infantry Commander wrote these words referring to the time after the 5th lift: "a
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bond had been welded between the Infantry and their rides, the Huey pilots and
crewmen. Now the strength ofthat bond would. be tested in the hottest of fires. If
the air bridge failed. the embattled men of the .1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry would
certainly die in much the same way George Armstrong Custer's cavalrymen died at
the Little Bighorn-cut off, surrounded by numerically superior forces, over-run and
butchered to the last man. I asked Bruce Crandall's brave aircrews of' Alpha
Company, 229th Aviation Battalion for the last measure of devotion, for service far
beyond the limits of duty and mission, and they came through as l knew they
would-.Even before I a'sked, Bruce Crandall had already decided to begin doing
everything that had to be done".
The Infantry Commander was accurate in his description. The lift unit began, and
continued, the ammunition and supply hauls into the LZ throughout the day without any
request from the supported battalion. It also began, and continued, the medical
evacuation without any such request. The Battalion Commander was busy fighting a
· tremendous battle for survival and certainly was not concerned about why the helicopters
were coming in w1th the critically needed ammo, :water and medical supplies nor what
motivated them to take 'out the wounded. All he wa<; concerned with was that it was
happening. If he thought of it, he probably thought his S-4 was running the supplies in
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�a.nd his medical section was controlling the helicopter requests forMed Evac. That was
normally their job. Neither was the case but the important factor is that on that day the
1cam worked and it worked because of Ed Freeman and his flights. Out of 31 helicopter
loads of ammo and supplies brought into the LZ after it wa<; closed, Freeman's flight
brought in 28. Out of the approximately 78 WIAs evacuated, Freeman's flight carried
out approximately 68. These numbers are only approximate because some: WJAs hceame .
K lAs in flight or later in the system. For example, two of the first four evacuees died
before reaching PleiMe and medical help.
Only two other helicopters made any supply/rescue flights afler the l ,Z was closed (two
flights) and one of those was shot down in the LZ, taking 11 rounds in the engine. There
was some outstanding heroism involved in these two flights which arc a matter for a
different time ..
/'.ncr departing X-Ray after the fifth lift; the Flight Commander, convinced that the unit
on the t,rround was in the process ofbeing over-run and wotdd critically need ammunition
fo survive, dispatched two helicopters from the second elementto Pleiku to load as much
ammunition as they could carry and get back to PleiMe as fast as possible. The Flight
1 ~ommander had decided to try to get a separate one time flight of two helicopters full of
ammunition into X-Ray and asked for a volunteer to make this extremely dangerous
Hip,ht. Freeman was the only one to answer the call. He stepped forward with the skill
and unlimited courage to ensure that X-Ray was not a repeat of the I .ittle Big Hom.
It should be made clear here that every pilot including Freeman knew the circumstances
surrounding this flight. They all knew the vulnerability of the helicopter; the high
probability that the mission would result in the loss of one or both helicopters; that the
enemy would likely be in the LZ in even greater force than on the previous lift; that the
1:ncmy gunners would be concentrating their fire on only two ships this time; and, that the
helicopters lacked the M-60 machine guns that were supposed to be on each helicopter
and, therefore, they had absolutely no means to defend themselves if it became necessary
as it almost surely would. It was the hottest LZ any of the aviators had ever seen.
I< nowing all ofthis, as well or better than anyone (Freeman had fought in Korea on Pork
Chop~ Iill) Freeman volunteered for the mission.
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The Flight Commander briefed the ranking section leader to stand-by with the remaining
seven helicopters and to be prepared to execute further lift missions as directed by their
battalion or by him.
The two ship flight took ofT from PleiMe and flew directly to X-Ray where the Infantry
Commander acknowledged his critical need for ammunition and suggested they land in a
small emergency area near the battalion CP. This two ship emergency area was the only
landing zone used from that point onward tor the rest of the day.
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�·l"he helicopters came in through a hail of ground fire, landed and off-loaded their cargo.
/\s dangerous as it was, it was thought to be the safest area and was nearest to the CP and
<.:asualty collection point. Although the intent of the flight was only to get ammunition
.into the besieged unit, it became obvious, once on the ground, that there were numerous
seriously wounded with a critical need to be evacuated. A problem that further
endangered the helicopters became obvious at this t.ime. There was a lack of the usual
number of ground support troops available to help unload ammo and to help load
wounded as almost every able bodied man was on the defensive line fighting to save the
I Z. !•'lights remained on the !,'fOund longer than normal because these casualties were, in
many cases, being loaded by otheli wounded and the Crewchiefs and gunners. On this
Jill, helicopters came under fire, on the !,'fOund, and the battalion S-2, wounded himself
and helping to load other wounded, was shot and killed in the doorway of the helicopter.
Over-loaded with wounded and coming out of the smoke and dust-filled area, the lead
helic.opter struck trees with its rotorblades as both helicopters departed the LZ under fire.
I Jpon landing this helicopter was out of action for the rest of the day. Freeman,
r~c.ognizing from experience that there was still a dire need for ammo, volunteered to
make a second flight into X-Ray. After changing lead helicopters again and collecting
new loads of ammunition, a second flight was made into x. Ray and back out, carrying
wounded under the same conditions. It became clear, on this flight, that more
ammunition was still critically needed hut that medical evacuation was also a great
priority. Freeman then volunteered for whatever further flights were necessary and there
were many! This flight went the shorter distance to Falcon and all ammo/resupply and
mcd cvac flights operated out of there after that time.
_j
The Flight Commander contacted two Division Med Evac helicopters to follow the next
flight into the LZ, since evacuation of casualties was the Division Medical Evacuation
tmits mission, not the lift helicopter's. On this lift, after landing under fire and unloading
ammunition, Freeman's flight departed without wounded, clearing the way for the Med
I :vac helicopters. They approached and the lead Med Evac helicopter landed and started
to load wounded. At this time the second Med Evac helicopter was hit hy enemy fire and
Loth helicopters aborted their mission, carrying out only two wounded. Freeman's flight
immediately returned to the LZ through the enemy fire and brought out full loads of
wounded. From that flight on, medical evacuation of the wounded took on an equally
important role as ammunition resupply forthe Freeman flight. Freeman's flip;hts now
continued between Falcon and X-Ray as fast as they could be loaded and unloaded in
each LZ.
The two helicopters sent to Pleiku for ammunition had now returned to PleiMe and were
directed by the Flight Commander to deliver their loads directly into X-Ray. This
decision was made because the situation in the LZ was becoming even more critical.
One platoon was completely cut-off~ the enemy attacks were intensifying~ and, time was
a crit.ical factor. There was no time available to waste transferring the ammunition to
Freeman's helicopter.
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�The Section Leaderofthese two helicopters, realizing the great danger he was putting his
two helicopters in, opted to have the helicopters land and he t<)ok over the :]cad of this
fiight. These two helicopters made their approach into X-Ray through intense fire and
after unloading ammo and loading wounded, started their departure .. At that time, the
number 2 helicopter which had taken about a dozen hits, made a forced landing on the
perimeter o'fthe LZ. The lead ship immediately reversed course hack into ihe hot LZ,
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pi eked up the downed crew and wounded, and departed the area for Pleiku.
The Infantry Commander then requested the rest of his battalion be lifted in from PleiMe.
Even though the LZ was still too hot for safe .Jift operations, all of the lift pilots had
already volunteer~ed to go and the flight, led by the section leader, departed PleiMe. They
met up with the Flight Commander and Freeman riear X~ Ray and were led into the hot
LZ. Freeman's helicopters dumped off ammo and took out wounded while the 12 others
brought in the final 84 troops of thc. l 17th Cav. One helicopter was lost in the I Z during
rhis flight after striking trees and making a hard landing. Smoke and dust may have
caused this accident.
The lift unit, when it made the above flight was down eight helicopters from its original
16 but had been reinforced hy a four helicopter platoon from a sister lift company. After
this lift, the helicopters, led by the section leader, returned to PleiMe to s~ndby for
further lifts. Freeman and the Flight Commander immediately went back to their two
ship ammunition in/wounded out flights, operating out ofLZ Falcon where the turnaround'could be made much more quickly. At approximately 1700 hours the two once
;-:p,ain r~joined the main lift element to bring a reinforcement company, B/2/7th, into XRay. Troopers in the helicopters reported snipers were in the trees and firing down on
!hem as they exited the helicopters. Although the flight received some ground fire no
helicopters were lost or put out of commission on this lift.
f.s soon as this flight was completed, the lift unit was released for the day to return to
Plciku. Freeman and the Flight Commander decided to stay in the area, correctly
anticipating a continuing need formed evac, medical supplies, ammunition and water.
They flew more of these flights between 1800 hours and their final, and 14th such flight,
at approximately 2130 hours bringing in the battalion staff and the last load of
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ammunition for the day.
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The landing zone was so hot throughout the day that Med Evac never operated into the
J Z after the one time aborted eftort. The LZ was too hot to lift the 2nd Bn, 5th Infantry·
reinforcement unit directly into X-Ray late in the day even though these rcinforceme'nts
were critically needed. This unit was lifted into I.Z Victor, abo~t 2 miles from X-Ray.
When the last flight at 2130 hours was made and Freeman finally departed X-Ray for the
there was still great concern that the unit on the ground might not survive the .
night; might nothave the capability to hold off the much larger and determined enemy
ni1~ht,
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force. The ps defenders had been unable to extend thcir'perimetcr further than the
original 100 to 200 meters reached before the major enemy assaults comrnr:nc:ed earlier
in the day. They had also been unable to recover their separated platoon during the day
due to the heavy casualties inflicted when attempts were made to do so. The fighting
continued sporadically throughout the night and at approximately 0700 hours the
following morning, the enemy once again pressed its attack in force on X-Ray. For more
than 2 1/2 hours the unit was again in a fight for its life. The enemy was using rockets,
mortars and heavy automatic weapons fire across the l ,Z. Thr. defense for this 2 1/2. hour
battle was with ammunition Freeman's flights had brought into the LZ. No other supply
nights had been made.
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The stress (referred to, somewhat appropriately by aviators, as the "pucker factor")
experienced by Captain Freeman and his crew, accumulated and built up with each flight
made into the LZ. Every flight was made into an unsecured and highly contested landing
zone where there was a serious on-going question whether the defending forces could
keep the horde of attackers out of the touchdown area. As freeman's flights continued,
·ihc Infantry battalion radio net kept reporting bigger problems developing in the LZ and
.
.
more and more am,rressive attacks by the enemy. On every early flight Freeman and his
crew expected, or feared with good reason, that the enemy would he there to greet them
rather than the friendlies. Important to the stress on the aviators, as any experienced
helicopter pilot will tell you, were the li~itations in the LZ whi.ch forced all flights to
come in and exit over exactly the same route time after time. This route, for much of the
day, was completely unprotected by the Infantry troops on the !:,TfOund. On every flight,
Freeman had not only to worry that the enemy may have infiltrated or gained control over
his landing area, but also, that the enemy would have automatic weapons or anti-aircraft
weapons set up and waiting tor him. Another problem, of serious concern, was the
mortar capability of the enemy force. Prior to the LZ being closed, 60 and 81 millimeter
mortar rounds had fallen in the B Company area of the LZ and that area had also received
:-;nrnc rocket tire. These mortars were an especially serious threat to the helicopters
because the enemy had excellent observation points overlooking the J .Z on the
~nountainside from which they could observe the landing area.and undoubtedly could see
the helicopters long before they landed. Freeman had every reason to expect. that the
r.11emy would, at some point in the day, wait until the helicopters were on the ground and
drop a few rounds in to ensure they stayed there.
.
Intelligence reports also indicated that this enemy unit had a heavy anti-aircraft
capability. Throughout the day this capability was expected, by almost everyone, to be
brought into use. Had this occurred it'would have been devastating to the heJicopters.
Even now it is hard to understand why the enemy did not exercise these options. The
only thought is that this was their first battle with a helicopter-home force and possibly
they did not understand that stopping the helicopters meant isolatinp. the unit from its
supply line and was the key to winning the battle.
I
I
J<'inally, there was serious concern, to the aviators, about friendly fire with so much
. activity in the area. This concern came true the following morning when two canisters
.... ·.,_. ..
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�of napalm landed almost on the helicopter landing area, kiJJing two Engineers working in
the area. No helicopters were on the LZ at the time. (As a personal note, I was hit by
USAF bombs while in flight on my second tour and hospitalized for many months from
"friendly fire)." It is a valid threat as every pilot knows.
The single helicopters entry and exit path was dictated by enemy force locations
in the west, and by the fire support requirements for the I Z. The one way in-one way out
limitation was mandated because the lift helicopters had to avoid flying. over the~ enemy;
Hying on the Artillery gun target line; flying in the path of the Aerial Rocket Artillery and
229th Gunships making their !,'Un runs; and, flying in the path ofthe Air Force, Navy and
lv1arine aircraft during their air strikes. In other words, they had to avoid the "friendlies"
as well
the "enemy". Doing this left only the East-southeast approach and the Eastnortheast departure routes. Aside from the flight restrictions, there were periods when the
smoke and dust made approaches and departures diffieult: and visibility very limited.
I laving to fly time after time over the same real estate was in direct conflict with standard
assault helicopter procedures and practices and violated all that had been taught in Air
/\ssault training.
as
l're~;man never delayed a single flight into the LZ at anytime during the day. He knew he
did not have the luxury to "wait for a little while until the LZ quieted down" because
waiting might result in even greater risks and a hotter LZ; and, more importantly, the unit
on the ground and the wounded did not have the time for him to "wait".
_.;:J
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( ~aptain Freeman's flights were an important, if not critical, factor in the survival of the
1/7th Cavalry on 14 November because he provided critically needed ammunition when
they were running out. The Infantry Commander wrote, "if there had not been so m·any
Huey flights under heavy fire into the smoking volcano of LZ X-Hay hrint~int~ m:
ammo and water and carrying out our wounded ••••••••••we in that field would have
J!One down" .. This would have resulted in the loss of this battalion and the greatest
number of deaths suffered by any US unit during the Vietnam war.
l•'recman's flights were key in the medical evacuation of over 70 seriously wounded from
the battlefield. These casualties would have had long delays, possibly ovcrnieht, if they
wc:rc forced to wait for the· Division Med Evac unit to perform their assigned mission.
Probably the most telling impact of Freeman's flight'> was reflected in the wounded/death
ratio from the 14th, (with Freeman continuing med evac in the lZ during the battle), to
the ratio the following day in the battle when no med evac was flown.· (Freeman was not
there). On the 14th, the unit suffered 27 killed and 69 wounded; on the 15th, they
suffered 46 killed arid 25 wounded. The deaths to wounded ratio almost reversed. It
seems reasonable to conclude at least some of this major difference was due to Freeman
getting the wounded to medical care in a timely manner.
There is no recprd of how many "hits" Freeman's helicopter took during the day. These
r~cords were not kept in this unit nor were they important. The only time a "hits" report
was made was when the helicopter was out of commission caused by. the "hits" damage .
e.
.
... '
~
....
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.
�1\ \I other times the helicopter was inspected and the hole taped over to identify it as an
old hit and the aircraft stayed in a flyable status. His helicopter took a number of"hits"
according to his co-pilot but none grounded the helicopter. In normal circumstances, this
may not have been the case. Freeman undoubtedly pushed the envelope on flyability.
Freeman's actions were far above and beyond the call of duty and his mission
responsibilities. His mission, and that of his unit, for the Infantry on 14 November was
solely to lift them into lZ X-Ray. The Infantry battalion had two helicopters from B
c~ompany, 229th AHB assigned throughout the day, operating under the control of the
1/7th S-4, for all_.supply activities including ammo~ water and medical supplies support.
·I 'hese two helicopters were never used in X-Ray after the LZ turned hot.
•
Captain Freeman's voluntary flights may, arguably, have been the most heroic flights
made by any helicopter pilot in the Vietnam war (and I would certainly argue that they
\"'<~rc). However, there is little question in my mind that the facts establish that they were
undoubtedly the most effective flights of the war. He had a direct impact on the survival
of a US battalion and the outcome of the first and, at that time, the biggest battle of the
war between a battalion-size American combat force and large units ofthe North
Vie1namese Army. As noted above, if the ammunition he brought in had not been
delivered in the timely manner that .it was, the heavily battered Infantry unit would
almost certainly have expended their supply and would have run out and been over-:-run
resulting in the loss of the entire battalion. This would have occun·ed no matter how
much artillery or Tac Air support the unit received. The enemy kept coming through that
rain of fire and the armed trooper had to be the final answer to that enemy.
His flights resulted in the most American combat casualties being evacuated off a
battlefield by helicopter to that date and, likely in any one day period for a US unit during
ihe war. Simply put, I know of no other flights made at any other time that had the
impact of Freeman's in saving lives and aiding a unit in great need. J<rom 0600 hours on
ihc 14th ofNovember 1965 until 2130 hours that night, Freeman had made at least 21
flights into X-Ray; 14 ofthese were voluntary ammunition/supply flights in and medical
evacuation flights out. He ensured that the First Battaiion, 7th Cavalry had the
ammunition to survive and that many wounded troopers spent: the nir.ht in medical care at
facilities in the rear rather than in LZ X-Ray.
Captain Freeman's dedication to duty; devotion to his feJJow soldiers; outstanding acts of
valor; conspicuous gallantry; and, superb bravery, while time after time, ignoring the
""'1
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•
�•
unbelievably extreme threat and risk to his life, were far above and beyond the call of
duty or mission and set a superb standard of courage, determination and leadership f(Jr all
of his peers and certainly merits the award of the Medal of Honor.
'
.
IJ,ruce P. Cranda11
l TC CE (Ret)
Commanding Officer
.A Company 229th AHB
1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile)
J~ VN 1965-66
i''ligl·lt Commander LZ X-Ray
14 November 1965
dated 9 January 1998
See Addendum attached
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ADDENDUM
11. seems appropriate to establish my credentials and credibility to make statements and
express opinions about the heroism, valor and cfli:~et.ivcn1:ss ofFrcc~rnan's flij',hf:s. I W(!S
not only his Commander for a year and an eye-witness to every one of his actions. in XRay but l also served two tours in the 1st Cav Division, the most heavily helicopter
oriented unit sent to Vietnam. I flew the lead helicopter on over 750 assault combat
missions in my first year in RVN.
.
~
l•'urthcr,' in 1967 I received the Aviation and Space Writers Association (AWA)
Helicopter i·Ieroism Award for the year 1966. This is an International award given to
military or civilian aviators for helicopter related rescues. Since that time, I have been
more than a curious bystander to the annual award presented by this organi7.ation. lt is
now called the Rotor and Wing Annual Helicopter Heroism Award.
llowever, for over 30 years this award has been given to reCO!:,'llize the annual flight of
outstanding heroism from any military or civilian, Internationally. Jt should be noted that
only Major Steve Pless, USMC, the 1967 award winner, was also a Medal of Honor
\.
recipient although others were likely consid~red.
•
I have also been honored as an "Eagle" by the Air Force Command and Staff College
"Gathering of Eagles" organi:ta.tion. Only three modem day helicopter piloL<; have
received this honor and the other two were the only Anny Med Evac pilots of the war to
also be recipients ofthe Medal of Honor.
·
·
I have been an avid reader and history buff on helicopter flights and especially those
involving Huey pilots. I know of no one who .is more professionally qualified to speak to
this issue with the experience and background that I have on the subject.
�c
�c
�The President of the United States of America, authorized by Act of Congress,
March 3, 1863, has awarded in the name of The Congress the Medal of Honor to
CAPTAIN ED W. FREEMAN
UNITED STATES ARMY
for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call
of duty:
Capt~n Ed W. Freeman', United States Army, distinguished himself by numerous acts of
conspicuous gallantry and extraordinary intrepidity on 14 November 1965 while serving
with Company A, 229th Assault Helicopter Battalion, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile).
As a flight leader and second in command of a 16-helicopter lift unit, he supported a
heavily engaged American infantry battalion at Landing Zone X-Ray in the Ia Drarig
Valley, Republic of Vietnam. The unit was almost out of ammunition after taking some
of the heaviest casualties of the war, fighting off a relentless attack from a highly
motivated, heavily armed enemy force. When the infantry commander· closed the
helicopter landing zone due to intense direc~ enemy fire, Captain Freeman risked his own
life by flying his unarmed helicopter through a gauntlet of enemy fire time after time,
delivering critically needed ammunition, water and medical supplies to the besieged
battalion. His flights had a direct impact on the battle's outcome by providing the
engaged units with timely supplies of ammunition critical to their survival, without which
they w.ould almost surely have gone down, with much greater loss· of life. After medical
evacuation helicopters refused to fly into the area due to intense enemy fire, Captain
Freeman flew 14 separate rescue missions, providing life-saving evacuation of an
· estimated 30 seriously wounded soldiers -- some of whom would not have survived had
he not acted. All flights were made into a small emergency landing zone within 100 to
200 meters of the defensive perimeter where heavily committed units were perilously
holding off the attacking elements. Captain Freeman's selfless acts of great valor,
extraordinary perseverance and intrepidity were far above and beyond the call of duty or
mission and set a superb example of leadership and courage for all of his peers. Captain
Freeman's extraordinary heroism and devotion to duty are in keeping with the highest
· traditions of military service and reflect great credit upon himself, his unit and the United
States Army.
�D
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Lt. Gen H. G. Moore (USA-Ret)
P.O.Box 118
Crested Butte, Colorado 81224
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.
8 Sep '91
Dear Paul,
(The Medal of Honor)
(for 14 Nov 65)
I very much admire what you are doing. Want you to know that I am out of
pocket now until 18 Sep.. I am Outward Bound Course in Maine. So my part is per force
on hold. I am in Portland, MA now. Also Joe and I are under great pressure on the book.
Will return to V/Nam o/a 5 Oct for 2+ weeks. I will help you & I believe in your cause
(circle with line drawn to "Medal of Honor" at top ofpage) at least for Crandall,
Freeman and you Don'tknow how I will write it up yet.
··
Garry Owen! Hal M.
Certain portions of ~ardwete blacked out but readable. 1st Cav patch on left side of card
and postmark on bottom right.
.
'
�.· .L
~·Jltiple telephone discussions,
·ng of the fight at Albany and
·I Smith, given at the Ia Drang
:vtaterial on Thorpe from n. 9,
g Thorpe an Army Commendau-p) Lavender in this and later
:ompleted questionnaire and the
~ring 1984; transcript of Gallo·~ this and subsequent chapters:
alloway, December 1991, during
··:· he kept after he was wounded
nbus and overflying Albany; also
.de, the Westmoreland briefing,
;:s: n. 6, ch. 18 and n. 21, ch. 18,
"••
n. 18, ch. 17.
s: from transcript of August
. Moore telephone interviews of
:r reports 14 KIA to Knowles: ·
21, ch. 7.
7th Cavalry at Albany and across
·and developed; and the resulting
.. 1ased on detailed study of all the
. 3, ch. 19.
-!Young, McDade, and Ackerman
.I
.
.
jl7, 18, and 19.
iany: Dillon, Moore, and three men
been listening to McDade's 2nd .
I
.
, morning and early afternoon of
~t radio went wild with the sound
We knew immediately that the 2nd
-j for us to alert Diduryk's Bravo
1
nstantly relayed tohim.
n ·report and the 2nd Battalion, 5th
he time the reinforcements began .
Chapter Notes I
393
of other reports and of comments by the aviators and the officers
and men of Bravo 217 lead the authors to be more comfortable with the 6:45 P.M.
time that we use here.
21. Escape and Evade
~:
..
"
1. Howard: no. 13, ch. 17.
2. Alley: n. 14, ch. 17.
3. The story of James Young: Seen. 5, ch. 19.
4. The saga of Toby Braveboy is covered briefly here from the following
sources: article by Charlie Black in the Columbus (Ga.) Ledger-Enquirer, early
December ~965; account in J. D. Coleman's Pleiku; letter to Moore, August 9,
1983;· from Bob McMahon, who was in 2nd Brigade Headquarters when Braveboy
was brought in; undated (December 1965) report of the 1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry
on the rescue and its aftermath (this report states that within an hour of Braveboy's rescue, the North Vietnamese attempted unsuccessfully to lure another H-13
scout helicopter into an ambush by emulating the Braveboy circumstances; the
scouts killed two North Vietnamese, and the rest ran for it). A letter dated July 12,
1991, from Dave Bray, former 119 pilot, to Moore provided details of the first
sighting of Braveboy and how near he came to being shot by the H-13 observer;
also, Joel Sugdinis, Braveboy's company commander (n. 8, ch. 18), details how he
changed the Alpha Company 217 radio call sign to "Braveboy" after visiting Toby
Braveboy in the hospitaL Also, Galloway telephone discussions with members of
. the Brave boy family (his father and a sister-in-law)who still reside in Coward, S.C.
22. Night Without End
1. Lombardo and Jekel lose the chin bubble on their Huey: n. 2, ch. 8.
2. Stinnett: from Paul P. Winkel's "Table 11 and Enclosures" in his aviation
studies of the exhaustively researched 257-page report compiled 1990-1991 to
support Winkel's recommendation that 5 aviators of the 229th Assault Helicopter
Battalion-Bruce P. Crandall, Ed W. Freeman, Jon R. Mills, Frank Moreno, and ·
Leland Komich-be awarded, belatedly, the Medal of Honor for their heroic
actions in the Ia Drang Valley, November 14-16, 1965. The authors and Winkel
have copies. Also, Galloway's telephone interview of Stinnett, December 1991.
3. Diduryk: n. 11, ch. 11.
4. Rescorla: n. 19, ch. 17.
5. Gwin, Shadden, Payne: See Gwin, n. 13, ch. 13; Shadden, n. 18, ch. 18;
Payne, n. 20, ch .. 18.
6. Jack Smith lights a cigarette, even if it may get~ killed: Smith's 1991
Veterans Day speech in Washington.
7. ~hucart, n .. 14, ch. 18; Pujals, n. 11, ch. 18; Forrest, n. 15, .. ch. 18; and
Lavender: n. 4, ch. 19.
·
8. Sgt. Ibach isolated and eventually links up with battalion perimeter: undated
·
written statement, Ibach to Galloway, December 1991.
9. Ainsworth: n. 3, ch. 18.
10. Stinnett and the landing under fire: n. 2, above.
11. Sugdinis, n. 8, ch. 18; Scott, n. 13, ch. 17; Gwin, n. 13, ch. 13; Ackeri:nan,
I
�--------------------
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�I
/117~ b
. LT. GENERAL H AROL.O G M
.
.
OORE • US A·RET.
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�---------------------------
------------------
F
�F
�MEDALS OF HONOR
VIETNAM HELICOPTER PILOTS
NAME
CWO Ferguson
SERVICE
Major Pless
Capt. Flemming
Lt Lassen
C-227th
AHB USA
A-227th
·AHBUSA
MedEvac
USA
MedEvacUSA
USMC
USAF
USN
Capt. Young
No. OF FLIGHTS
CWO Novosel
Major Brady.
IMPACf ON UNIT
5 soldiers
None
1
Attempted rescue of 3
wounded
29 Viet11amese Military
None
8+
51 US and Vietnan1ese
None
1
1
1
4Crewmen
6 Special Forces LRRP
Extracted 2 downed
pilots in North Vietnam
Attempted rescue of
ArmyLRRP
None
None
None
USAF
Major Adams*
No. OF RESCUED
1
15
~·
'
-·
1
None
None
*Posthumous
\
....
PROPOSED FREEMAN AWARD
30 U.S. wounded were
1/7th survived with heavy
14 voluntary
flights for Ammo
evacuated after Med
losses. Without ammo the unit
and evacuation of Evac Helicopters refused would almost surely have been
overrun and suffered the
the mission.
casualties.
highest casulties of the war.
22 flights total
NOTES
Only 1 helicopter pilot was awarded posthumously. 15 of the 239 total awards were posthumous.
239 total awards included 155 Army; 15 Navy; 57 Marine; and 12 Air Force.
Of the 8 helicopterhonorees, 4 were Army (2 Med Evac); 1 Navy; 1 USMC; and 2 AF
Of the 8 helicopter awards, 6 were for 1 time flights
·
No awards were presented for events involving an1munition resupply of a heavily engaged unit that kept
the unit from being over-run.
No awards were presented to pilots who flew missions after Med Evac refused .
Capt. Freeman
...
.
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1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
A-229USA
.i
Source: Heroes of Our Time- The Medal ofHonor- Vietnam- 1964-1972. Kenneth N. Jordan, Sr.
'.e.
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�. 239
MEN OF THE VIETNAM
. AWARDED THE .,
WAR.
MEDAL oF HONOR
. 1964-19'72
·.KENNETH N. JoRDAN, SR. ·
�)
158
HEROES OF OUR TIME
FERGUSON, FREDERICK EDGAR
Rank and Organization: Chief Warrant Officer, U~S. Army, Company C, 227thAviation Battalion, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile).
Born: August 18, 1939, Pilot Point, Texas
. ·
Entered Service At: Phoenix, Arizona
Place and Date: Hue, Republic of Vietnam, January· 31, 1968
Citation: For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in action at the
risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty. CWO Ferguson,
U.S. Army, distinguished himself while serving with Company C.
CWO Ferguson, commander of a resupply helicoptef'incinitoring an
emergency call from wounded passengers and crewmen of a downed
.helicopter under heavy attack within the eneiny controlled· city of
Hue, unhesitatingly volunteered to attempt evacuation. Despite warnings from aU aircraft to stay clear of the area due to heavy antiaircraft
fire, CWO Ferguson began alow-levei flight at maximum airspeed
along the Perfume River toward the tiny, isolated South Vietnamese
Army compound in which the crash survivors had taken refuge. Coolly
and skiHfully maintaining his course in the face of intense, short range
fire from enemy occupied buildings and boats, he displayed superior.·
flying skilhind tenacity of purpose oy landing his aircraft in an extremely confined area in a blinding dust cloud under heavy mortar
and small-arms fire. Although the helicopter was severely damaged
by mortar fragments during the loading of the wounded, CWO
Ferguson disregarded the damage and, taking off through the continuing hail of mortar fire, he flew his crippled aircraft on the return
.route through the rain of fire that. he had experienced earlier and
safely returned his wounded passengers to friendly control. CWO
Ferguson ~s extraordinary determination saved the lives of five of his
comrades. His actions are in the highest traditions of the military
service and reflect great credit on himself and the U.S. Army.
DREW DENNISand Organization
Group, IV Corp~
:December 14, 194·
red Service At: De::
and Date: Chau D( .
and February 1, 1968
1.11'.11~~•.. .,..., : For conspicum:
of his life above and:
"""u....~·~- himself by exce!=
Two heavily armed::
city of Chau Phu:
;na~'-lH<lU''" of the defe:
etnamese soldiers, was
Learning that a nurn
city, S/Sgt. Dix orgam
and returned her ta
Being informed of otr
voluntarily led anoth!
d in a building whic
S/Sgt Dix then return
a building, he was srn
ll'.-"'Jo.uu·-..-gun fire from an ur:
assaulted the buildim
The following::.
:~•• ... u.•uled a 20-man fore
the Viet Cong ou
ngs within the. city:
of Vietnam soldi
Dix, rallied and cor
captured 20 prisoners
. He then attacked ene
of the Deputy Province:::t
official's wife and childre
ted in 14 confirmed: V:
the capture of 20 pr
14 United States and free=
was in the highest traditic
Army.
1
1
�1971
TIME
339
t ADAMS, WILLIAM E.
ant, U.S. Army, Battery A,
th
1blic of Vietnam, March 31,
i intrepidity in action at the
il of duty. First Lt. Thacker,
himself while serving as the
.... 1 System collocated with el: lietnam units at Fire Base 6.
· · · !Se Army force launched a
, isolated, hilltop fire base.
>wers, and automatic weap,.:c meter defenses and engaged
luoughout the morning and
a1 encouraged the u.s. and
w·orts to repulse the enemy.
servation position for a pey air strikes and ~rtillery fire
is personal bravery and in!red friendly forces to inflict
ing enemy forces and prelate afternoon, the situation
r organized and di'rected the ·
Jrces. With complete disre. d inside the perimeter alone
-.. rifle until all other friendly
/ ire base. Then, in an act of
_j trtillery fire on his own posi1 :o withdraw safely from the
: greater casualties on the enlble to escape from the area
.. ay forces for eight days until
1
\ fire base. The extraordinary
·· ;t. Lt. Thacker were an inspilest traditions of the military
'
'I!
]
:
.;~
I
...
Rank and Organization: Major, U.S. Army, N227th Assault Helicopter Company, 52d Aviation Battalion, 1st Aviation Brigade ..
Born: June 16, 1939, Casper, Wyoming
: Entered ServiCe At: Kansas City, Missouri
Place and rD~te: Kontum Province, Republic of Vietnam May'25
1971
.
'
'
Cita.tion: Maj~Adams distinguished himself on May 25, 1971, while ..
s~rvmg as a helicopter pilot in Kontum Province in the Republic of
.,Vte.tnam. o.n that date, Maj.Adams volunteered to fly a lightly armed:.
h~ltcopter m an attempt to evacuate three seriously wounded soldters from a small fire base which was under attack by a large enemyforce. He made the decision with full knowledge that numerous anti=.
aircraft weapons were positioned around the base and that the clearweather would afford the enemy gunners unobstructed view of alL
routes into the base. As he approached the base, the enemy gunners::
opened fire with heavy machine-guns, rocket-propelled grenades and::..
small a?Us. Undaunted by the fusillade, he continued his approach:
determmed to accomplish the mission. Displaying tremendous cour"'
age. under. fir~, ~e calmly directed the attac,ks of supporting gunships:.
whtle mamtammg absolute control of the helicopter he was flying:..
He landed the aircraft at the fire base despite the ever increasing:.
enemy fire and calmly waited until the wounded soldiers were placed:
on board. As his aircraft departed from the fire base, it was struclc
and seriously damaged by enemy anti-aircraft fire and began descend'="
ing. Flying with exceptional skill, he immediately regained control:
of the crippled aircraft and attempted a controlled landing. Despite::
his valiant effort~, the helicopter exploded, overturned, and plum=:
meted to earth amid the hail of enemy fire. Maj. Adams' conspicu=.:
ous gallantry, intrepidity, and.humanitariari regard for his fellow maiE
were in keeping with the most cherished traditions of the militaryservice and reflect utmo~t credit on him and the U.S. Army.
�1969
JR TIME
J.S. Army, Troop D, 1st Squad.1.
aine
.-.public of Vietnam, September
and intrepidity in action at the
.. :all of duty. Sgt. Skidgel dis tin. connaissance section leader in
· '.nh Long Province, Sgt. Skidgel
of his troop were acting as a
when contact occurred with an
,.) in tall grass and in bunkers bortvered off the road and began
a;- enemy automatic weapons
W. Mter silen~ing at least one
. across 60 meters of bullet swept
. :h he continued to rake the en- . ·
· mnition, he returned to his ve- .
. ts later he was alerted that. the
,:nse automatic weapons, rocket .
. J Jthough he knew. the road was·.·
... ~el calmly mounted his vehicle
· :he command group in an effort
-·' Despite the hostile fire concenncing several enemy positions ·
Sgt. Skidgel was knocked down .
1 of an enemy rocket propelled ·
tful wounds, he staggered
1
jl several other enemy uuo:~·•Ll'-''&&001
1
· ostile small arms fire. His
_ ·oup to withdraw to a better
1 d the rest of his fellow ;:,u••w"'''!'!'.
.
) enemy. Sgt. Skidgel's ,.,,u·~-.
g with the highest traditions
.t credit upon himself, his
.
J
•
·n_; .
J
299
NOVOSEL, •MICHAEL J,
Rank and Organization: Chief Warrant Officer, U.S. Army, 82d
Medical Detachment, 45th Medical Company, 68th Medical Group .
Born: September 3, 1922, Etna, Pennsylvania
Entered Service At: Kenner, Louisiana
Place and Date: Kien Tuong Province, Republic of Vietnam, October 2, 1969
Citation: for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in action at the
risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty. CWO Novosel, 82d
Medical Detachment, distinguished himself while serving as commander of a medical evacuation helicopter. he. unhesitatingly maneuvered his helicopter into a heavily fortified and defended enemy
training area where a group of wounded Vietnamese soldiers were
pinned down by a large enemy force. Flying without gunship or other
cover and exposed to intense machine-gun fire, CWO Novosel was
able to locate and rescue a wounded soldier. Since all communications with the beleaguered troops had been lost, he repeatedly circled
the battle area, flying a low level under continuous heavy fire, to
attract the attention of the scattered friendly troops. This display of
courage visibly raised their morale, as they recognized this as a signal to assemble for evacuation. On six occasions he and his crew
were forced out of the battle area by the intense enemy fire, only to
circle and return from another direction to land and extract additional troops. Near the end of the IIl;ission, a wounded soldier was
spotted close to an enemy bunker. Fully realizing that he would at- .
tract a hail of enemy fire, CWO Novosel nevertheless attempted the
extraction by hovering the helicopter backward. As the man was pulled
on aboard, enemy automatic weapons opened fire at close range,
damaged the aircraft and wounded CWO Novosel. he~momentarily
lost control of the aircraft, but quickly recovered and departed under
the withering enemy fire. In all, 15 extremely hazardous extractions
were performed in order to remove wounded personnel. As a direct
result of his selfless conduct, the lives of 29 soldiers were saved. The
extraordinary heroism displayed by CWO Novosel was an inspiration to his comrades in arms and reflect great credit on him, his unit,
and the U.S. ~Y·
o_ Ch . _ 0
CJi1~vl ,P(.~
· o u.s-rtJ r~r' fY"
�OUR TIME
rmy moving. Not only the regunal guardsmen. And get the idea
-;~at they are fighting well.
!It Government corruption. "
1
- hieu to demonstrate his commit..Ietermination to demand sacri1fficer in the American Embassy
trd message: Washington is tell' will no longer tolerate the Viet. 'tg ·than we do.
senior American provincial rep. ,a said recently: "They're telling
''\etnamese moving-that we aren't
11 the road."
1
Aing several cablegrams with
'I!!"an't waituntil afterTet." The
-.ut closes down during the weeks
ilr new year, which is called Tet in
' end of January.
the "Washington squeeze play,"
· ,ly received a private cablegram
_ nother cablegram, marked "top ·
_,
·,tat he should be sure to· read it
·· esult in action by the Vietnamese
lical. Already, the efforts by Am·
!push President Thien into
--·!d anti-American speeches in
newspapers.
r
.e
1968
149
BRADY,' PATRICK HENRY
Rank and Organiza-tion: Major, U.S. Army, Medical Service Corps,
54th Medical Detachment, 67th Medical Group, 44th Medical Brigade.
Born: October 1, 1936, Philip, South Dakota
Entered Service At: Seattle, Washington
Place and Date: Near Chu Lai, Republic of Vietnam, January 6,
1968
Citation: For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in action at the
risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty, Maj. Brady distinguished himself while serving in the Republic of Vietnam commanding a UH-lH ambulance helicopter, volunteered to rescue wounded
men from a site in enemy held territory which was reported to be
heavily defended and to be blanketed by fog. To reach the site he
descended through heavy fog and smoke and hovered slowly along a
valley trail, turning his ship sideward to blow away the fog with the
backwash from his rotor blades. Despite the unchallenged, closerange enemy fire, he found the dangerously small site, where he successfully landed and evacuated two badly wounded South Vietnam. . ese soldiers. He was then called to another area completely covered
by dense fog where American casualties lay only 50 meters from the
. enemy. Two aircraft had previously been shot down and others had
made unsuccessful attempts to reach this site earlier in the day. With
unmatched skill and extraordinary courage, Maj. Bradymade four
flights to this embattled landing zone and successfully rescued all
the wounded; On his third mission of the day Maj. Brady once again
landed at a site surrounded by the enemy. The friendly ground force,
pinned down by enemy fire, had beeri unable to reach and secure the
landing zone. Although his aircraft had been badly damaged and his
controls partially shot away during his initial entry into this area, he
returned minutes later and rescued the remaining injured. Shortly
thereafter, obtaining a replacement aircraft, Maj. Brady was requested
to land in an enemy mine-field where a pla~oon of American soldiers
was trapped. A mine detonated near his helicopter, wounding two
crew members and damaging his ship. In spite of this, he managed to
fly ~ix severely injured patients to medical aid. Throughout that day
MaJ. Brady utilized three helicopters to evacuate a total of 51 seriously wounded men, many of whom would have perished without
_i
}' '
·: \ :· ;
··~·
., '" • ~ •••• -,;.. .
!... • '.
�RTIME
. >ral, U.S. Marine Corps, Com-Marine Division.
...
;ippi.
;ippi
· t, August 11, 1967
nd intrepidity at the risk of his
'· UCpl. Wheat and two other
-i providing security for a Navy
__ ; operating along Liberty Road
:t, Quang N am Province. After
ms in a tree line adjacent tot~~_
~ ;:d the area to the rear of their
guerrillas. He then returneq to
"nd here unintentionally trigAntipersonnel mine. lmmedi~ was identified by the three
1se. Shoutinga warning to his
: act of heroism hurled himself
ndous impact of the explosion
onal heroism and extraordinary
_; lis fellow marines from certain
great credit upon himself, and
-; [arine Corps and the U.S. Naval
_! Jr his country.
1967
117
:PLESS, STEPHEN W.
I9nk and Organization: Major (then Capt.), U.S. Marine Corps,
VMD-6, Mag-36, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing.
Born: September 6, 1939, Newman, Georgia
Entered Service At: Atlanta, Georgia·
.
Place and Date: Near Quang Gnai, Republic of Vietnam, Au oust
19, 1967
°
Citation: For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his
life ab_ove. and beyond the call of duty while serving as a helicopter
gunship pilot attached to Marine Observation Squadron 6 in action
against enemy forces. During an escort mission Maj. Pless monitored an emergency call that four American soldiers stranded on a
nearby beach were being overwhelmed by a large Viet Cong force.
Maj. Pless flew to the scene and found 30 to 50 enemy soldiers in the
open. Some of the enemy were bayonetting and beating the downed
Americans. Maj. Pless displayed exceptional airmanship as he
launched a devastating attack against the enemy force, killing or
wounding many of the enemy and driving the remainder back into a
tree line. His rocket and machine gun attacks were made at such low
levels that the aircraft flew through debris created by explosions from
its rockets. Seeing one of the wounded soldiers gesture for assistance, he maneuvered his helicopter into a position between the
wounded men and the enemy, providing a shield which permitted his
crew to retrieve the wounded. During the rescue the enemy directed
intense fire at the helicopter and rushed the aircraft again and again,
closing to within a few feet before being beaten back. When the
wounded men were aboard, Maj. Pless maneuvered thehelicopter
out to sea. Before it became safely airborne, the overloaded aircraft
s~ttled four times into the water. Displaying superb airmanship, he
fmally got the helicopter aloft. Major Pless' extraordinary heroism
coupled with his outstanding flying skill prevented the annihilation
o~ the· tiny force. His courageous actions reflect great credit upon
himself and uphold the highest traditions of the Marine Corps and
the U.S. Naval Service.
''.·.
�210
HEROES OF OUR TIME
LASSEN, CLYDE EVERETT
•
-,
I
:Rank and Organization: Lieutenant, U.S. Navy, Helicopter Sup.
port Squadron 7, Detachment 104, embarked in U.S.S. Preble (DLG15).
Born: March 14, 1942, Fort Myers, Florida
Entered Service At: Jacksonville, Florida
Place and Date: Republic of Vietnam, June 19, 1968
Citation: For conspicuous gallantry· and intrepidity at the risk of his
life above and beyond the call of duty as pilot and aircraft commander
of a search and rescue helicopter, attached to Helicopter Suppon
Squadron 7, during operations against enemy forces in North Vietnam. Launched shortly after midnight to attempt the rescue of two
downed aviators, Lt. (then Lt. Jjg.]) Lassen skillfully piloted his aircraft over unknown and hostile terrain to a steep, tree-covered hill on
which the survivors had been located. Although enemy fire was being d,irected at he helicopter, he initially landed in a clear area near
the base of the hill, but, due to the dense undergrowth, the survivors
could not reach the helicopter. With the aid of flare illumination, Lt.
Lassen successfully accomplished a hover between two trees at the
survivors' position. Illumination was abruptly lost as the last of the
flares were expended, and the helicopter collided with a tree, commencing a sharp descent. Expertly righting his aircraft and maneuvering clear, Lt. Lassen remained in the area, determined to make
another rescue attempt,· and encouraged the downed aviators while
awaiting resumption of flare illumination. After another unsuccessful, illuminated rescue attempt,. and with his fuel dangerously low
and his aircraft significantly damaged, he launched again and commenced another approach in the face of the continuing enemy opposition. When flare illumination was again lost, Lt. Lassen, fully aware
of the dangers in clearly revealing his position to the enemy, turned
on his landing lights and completed the landing. On this attempt, the
surVivors were able to mak~ their way to the helicopter. Enroute to
the coast he encountered and-successfully evaded additional hostile ·
antiaircraft fire and, with fuel for only five minutes of flight remain,.
ing, landed safely aboard U.S.S. Jouett (DLG-19).
Organization
5th Battalion, ·.
December 20, 19•
Service At: Ne
and Date: Quang
For conspicuc
· of his life above an
distinguished hirr
in the mortar pla
:z.... , ...... sentry, Sp4c. Sar
y wooded area to
fellow sentries in th,
for any enemy pre
position heavy ener
... au•._.........~J broke out, but
location and identii
:-.~~...···~~from enemy wea
and the other me
the·attackers, utili:
-arms fire. Due to
·: ing grenades around th
crawl, undetected, to t
_ lobbed a hand grenade :
• ing that there was not t:
Sp4c. Santiago-Colon r
ach and, turning away
of the blast. His heroi<
occupied the foxhole v.
tion to continue fightir
~from the perimeter. By
highest traditions of. th
reflected great credit u-.
IUIIIJLuu·.
Note:' The following is
in which Sp4c. Santia!
�~-~
134
~~
-~
------------
HEROES OF OUR TIME
YOUNG, GERALD 0.
.
·Rank and Organization: Captain, U.S. Air Force, 37th ARS Da _.·
NangAFB.
'
Born: May 9, 1930, Chicago, Ill.
E:ntered Service At: Colorado Springs, Colorado
Place and Date: Khesanh, Republic of Vietnam, November 9, 1967.
Citation: For c'onspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his
life above and·b~yond <the call of duty: Capt. Young distinguished
himself while serv!ng as' a helicopter rescue crew commander. Capt. .
Young was flying escort for another helicopter attempting the night · ·
rescue of an Army ground reconnaissance team in imminent danger
of death or capture. Previous attempts had resulted ip the loss of two
helicopters to hostile ground fire. The endangered team was positioned on the side of steep slope which required unusual airmanship on the part of Capt. Young to effect pickup. Heavy automatic
weapons fire froin surrounding enemy"'severely damaged one rescue
helicopter, but was able to extract three of the team. The commander
of this aircraft recommended to Capt. Young that further rescue attempts be abandoned because it was not possible to suppress the con-..•.
centra ted fire from enemy automatic weapons. With full knowledge:'
of the danger involved, and the fact that supporting helicopter gunships were low on fuel and ordinance~ Capt. Young hovered under
intense fire until the. remaining survivors were aboard. As he maneuvered the aircraft ~or takeoff, the enemy appeared at point-blank range ·
and raked the aircraft .with automatic weapons fire. The aircraft
crashed, inverted, and burst into flames. Capt. Young escaped through
a window of the burning aircraft. Disregarding serious burns, Capt.
Young aided one of the wounded men and attemptedto'lead the hostile forces away from his position. Later, despite intense pain from
his burns, he declined to accept rescue because he had observed hostile forces setting up automatic weapons positions to entrap any rescue aircraft. For more than 17 hours he evaded the enemy until rescue aircraft could be brought into the area. Through his extraordinary heroism, aggressiveness, and concern for his fellow man, Capt.
Young reflected the highest credit upon himself, the U.S. Air Force,
and the Armed Forces of his country.
· ·
a
.I
.....J
JOHN AND
and Organization:
Battalion, 503d Inf
Apri116, 1945, Ba
..,...,....."'"n Service At: Bcis
and Date: Dak To,
<c.~Lwa•~u·... For conspicum
•
of his iife above and
,.,UJ..,....,_ himself by exce
hostile forces. Pf(
unit was attacked by a
,IJ,lt.u.a.uv•"· Upon seeing tt
without hesitatic
~maru1ea the machinegun,
his position. Whil
tion, Pfc. Barnes .
of some severely
:•A"'"'.u"".. ''o that the grenad
wounded personnel,
y onto the hand gr
courage, complete
for his fellQW so.
to the wounded rn
heroism, and intref
the call of duty, a:
and reflect great
aJIU;LOU,....
. The following is a.
which Pfc. Barnes e2
VIETNAM!
IN
WITIE!
SAIGON, South Vietna
lands exploded with nt
·of the 173dAirborne Br
�>UR TIME
I, U.S. Army, Company A, 4th
try Brigade, America! Division.
ia, Pennsylvania
..
)ennsylvania
1rea, Republic of Vietnam, No,ed himself by conspicuous galserving as a rifleman with Com.gaged a large, well-entrenched ·
whose initial burst of fire pinned .
two point men, halting the ad. , , Cpl. Crescenz left the relative
:r . nearby machine-gun and, with '
·1arged 100 meters up a slope toAfectively silenced, killing the
~y the withering machine-gun
1geously moved forward toward:
.ed in silencing, killing two
ring the route of advance for his.
ne-gun fire erupted from an
1g the danger to his fellow
! barrage of hostile fire
rd the position. Assaulting
s within five meters of the
by the fire from the enemy
teroic actions, his company
mal danger and to complete
Crescenz's bravery and exnrao~
· e are in the highest traditions
, t credit on himself, his unit, ·
1968
231
FLEMING, .JAMES P.
Rank and Organization: Captain, U.S. Air Force, 20th Special
Operations Squ~dron.
Born: March 12, 1943, Sedalia, Missouri
Entered Service At: Pullman, Washington
Place and Date: Near Due Co, Republic of Vietnam, November 26,
1968
Citation: For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in action at the
risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty. Capt. Fleming
(then 1st Lt.) distinguished himself as the Aircraft Commander of a
UH-1F transport helicopter. Capt. Fleming went to the aid of a sixman special forces long range reconnaissance patrol that was in danger of being overrun by a large, heavily armed hostile force. Despite
the knowledge that one helicopter had been downed by intense hostile fire, Capt. Fleming descended, and balanced his helicopter on a
river bank with the tail booJ;Il hanging over open water. The patrol
. could not penetrate to the landing site and he was forced to withdraw. Dangerously low on fuel, Capt. Fleming repeated his original
·. · landing maneuver. Disregarding his own safety, he remained in this
exposed position. Hostile fire crashed through his windscreen as the
patrol boarded his helicopter. Capt. Fleming made a successful takeoff through a barrage of hostile fire and recovered safely at a forward
base. Capt. Fleming's profound concern for his fellowmen, and at
the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty are in keeping
with the highest traditions of the U.S. Air Force and reflect great
credit upon himself and the Armed Forces of his country..
;';·
�G
�G
�~--
EYE WITNESS STATEMENT
ACTIONS OF THEN CAPTAIN ED W. FREEMAN
LZ X-RAY 14 NOV 1965
To Whom. it May Concern:
.::.::
'!
_j
1
. l
J
On 14 Nov 1965, I flew as pilot in the lead helicopter of a 16
helicopter flight of the 229th Assault Helicopter Battalion lifting the
1st Bn 7th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division into LZ X-Ray in
the IaDrang Valley of South Vietnam. I .. personally witnessed Captain
Freemen respond to a request' from the flight commander for
volunteers to fly extremely dangerous· ammunition resupply flights
into the embattled and unsecured LZ .. He flew a total of 14
ammunition and medical evacuation flights, every one was made
within several hundred yards of t.he attacking enemy and was made
at great risk to life. These flights were initiated after Medical
Evacuation helicopter pilots refused to fly into the hot LZ ·and after
the LZ had been closed to helicopter lifts by the infantry uriit
commander because of intense enemy fire on helicopters from
within the landing zone. On previous flights, numerous helicopters
had been hit and several crew members . wounded. Infantrymen had
been wounded or killed prior to exiting the aircraft by enemy
soldiers firing on them from a few yards away in the landing zone.
Captain Freeman's flights were made into a restricted 2 ship LZ
within several hundred meters of a continuous barrage of artillery,
bombs and aerial rocket artillery which created visibility restrictions
from smoke and dust. The LZ was subject to occasional enemy
mortar and rocket fire during the day. Captain Freeman's flights
were fired upon on almost every lift by small arms and automatic
weapons. At no time during the day was the question of who would
have control of the landing zone when the helicopters arrived,
resolved. The eastern h~lf of the LZ had almost no defenders 1for. a
major part of the day.
Captain Freeman evacuated at least 30 serious wounded troops. He
continued his volunteer flights until all waiting wounded were
evacuated and the unit had sufficient ammunition to defend
themselves. Had he not ma~e these flights, at least some of the
wounded would have died awaiting the landing zone becoming
secure enough for the Medical Evacuation helicopters to operate and
the unit would likely have run out of ammunition and been over-run
with a much· greater loss of life. Captain Freeman's flight had a direct
�------------------------~--------------
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. statement
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
SSN (Partial); Address (Partial); Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
.
200~-0703-F
'ml80
RESTRICTION CODES
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Freedom of Information Act- ]5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
PJ
P4
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an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRA]
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financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�(
.
impact on the survival of the infantry unit and the outcome of the
battle.
Captain Freeman's last flight was a night m1ss10n at about 21 :30
hours after a full day of flying that started at 06:00 hours. The
volunteer resupply and medical evacuation missions flown by him
during this long day were not his nor his units responsibility or duty.
The infantry battalion 'had supply helicopters assigned to them for
ammunition and all resupply purposes. Medical evacuation of the
wounded was the mission and duty of the Medical Evacuation unit
which refused throughout the day to fly into the hot landing · zone to .
perform their mission. To my knoW-ledge,. the lift unit was never
requested to perform, or tasked with, .these responsibilities. Our unit
was assigned only the 'lift mission and was released from this
support at approximately 18:00 hours.
Captain Freeman's continuous acts of gallantry, heroism and
extraordinary ·determination while flying flight after flight through a
gauntlet of enemy fire .set a superb example of· leadership and
. courage for all of his peers.
I was involved and an. eye witness to every flight Captain Freeman
made that day and I fully support. award of the Medal of Honor for
his courageous acts which were far above and beyond the call of
duty.
en
tam, now
Lt Col (Retired)
U.S. Army
J
[oo>]
�---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
H
�H
�Jan. 6, 1998
Memo for Record
Subject: Award for Maj. (then Capt) Ed W. Freeman
During the course of the battle at LZ Xray on 14 Nov 1965, I became aware
that the helicopter lift company "A" Co., 229th Aviation Battalion, after completing
the troop lifts, was now making re-supply flights into and medical evacuation
flightS out of the landing zone.
J
From a position directly over the landing zone, I could see the heavy ground fire
aimed at the two helicopters each time they attemped to .land. In many instances,
the enemy force was within 50 yards of the touch down point.
I later learned that at least fourteen of these flights were made by Capt. Freeman.
These flights were at a critical juncture of the battle as the ground force was
under extreme pressure from the enemy and was running low on ammunition,
medical supplies and water. Without these re-supply missions, the outcome of
the battle on the 14th could have been in doubt. The backhaul of many wounded
infantrymen, although not critical to the outcome of the battle, enabled many of
these men, thirty all told, to survive.
During the two plus years I served in Vietnam, the fire directed at those two
helicopters was the most intense I ever witnessed.
Capt. Freeman's actions were without question the most valorous I observed of
aiw helicopter pilot in Vietnam. They warrant every consideration for the
award of the Medal of Honor.
.!
���To Whom It May Concern:
Thi~ letter is to attest to the extraordinary valor of Capt. Ed Freeman during the
battle ofLZ X-Ray on November 14, 1965.
I commanded Company A, 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry during the fight and was at
the center ofthe most intense ground combat so I am aware ofthe circumstances on the
ground during the critical phases of the battle.
.
.
LZ X-Ray was a small two-helicopter landing zone which was constantly crisscrossed by enemy .fire during the two days of the fight. Numerous men were hit by
enemy direct fire while carrying out their duties on the LZ, as the LZ was surrounded by
an NV A regimental size unit.
Flying into this LZ was an act of great heroism because the likelihood was that the
aircraft or crew was ·certain to be hit by enemy, fire.
· As the battle progressed and our wounded and dead piled up, our ammunition ran·
low, water was all gone, medical supplies all consumed, Capt. Freeman repeatedly.
volunteered to fly into LZ X-Ray to evacuate wounded (thereby saving numerous
soldiers' lives), fly in ammunition (enabling us to continue to fight) and resupply us when
other helicopter units, to include MEDEV AC, refused to fly into the LZ.
un:
If it had not been for Ed Freeman, Bruce Crandall and a handful of other aviators
repea
risking their lives to fly into a very hot LZ, the battle at X-Ray would have
en ~ u as a
!
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~
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oifA.Naaai
olonel
Infantry
U.S. Army (Ret.)
as our unit ran out of supplies.
Z
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
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Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-003-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/ae7847ec64cce69c93c0e33dafdc0501.pdf
1bd7a15c334af1ad117e05da21ca404d
PDF Text
Text
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·Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
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administrative mark~r by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Freeman] Medal ofHonor [binder] [3]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
Row:
48
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•6
sillelf:
Position:
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1
Stack:
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Withdrhwal/Redaction Sheet
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
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I
RESTRICTION
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SSN (Partial); Address (partial) (I page)
12/04/1996
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
12/0J/1996
P6/b(6)
003. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
OJ/1611998
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
'ml81
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Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the Pre~ident
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the P~l
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion ol
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I
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in don
~~~
r's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
I
2201(3).
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�J
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To: Department of the Army ·
Subjed: Statement on the ~ctions of Captain Ed Freeman, A Company, 229th
Aviation 'Battalion, ·during 14L17 November, 1965
·
[ was .the commanding officer of B Company, !lst 'Battalion, '7th ~Cavalry, 1st
Cavalry Division, during the historic. 14-17 November, 1965 battle at Landing Zone
'
X-Ray, the Ia Drang Valley, Rkpublic of Vietnam. My company was the lead
1
company in the battalion's. ai!i\ assault into the Landing Zone on 14. November and
al~hough badly outnumbered, was q~le to hold off f~r the next ~ee day~ a North
VIetnamese force bent on overrunrung and destroymg our enhre battalion.
One of the priricipal relons we were ab!O to survive one of the fiercest battles
of the entire Vietnam War wa~ the critical support provided by the aviators of A
Company and attachments of the 229th ~viation Battalion. In fact, if they had not
kept bringing in additional reinforcements, and resupplying us with water and .
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ammunition during the critica~ first hours of the battle, I strongly doubt if we would
have survived. In addition, the voluntary evacuation of our wounded ~nder
·
intense enemy fire that knock~d out at least two of their helicopters and dama&ed a
number of others was an extraordinary act of bravery, probably unsurpassed from
my readings, by any other a~iation unit during the Vietnam War. A number of my
twenty-one men and the battalion's who were eva<...'Uated during that first day after
being severely wounded,· owe their lives to the aviator's heroic effort.
, I was a first-hand witness to some of these heroic acts by the 229th aviators,
and particularly to those of Mkjor Bruce Crandall and Captain Ed Freeman. As I
understand it, they were the dnes who volunteered to bring their flights into the LZ
after the troop ~ovement andjduring the first hours of the .battle when enemy fire
was so heavy ~hat we infantrylmen could not manuever and one of my platoon's
had been virtually surrounded. I was personally pinned down near Captain Ray .
Lefebvre who had. just landed Iwith elements of his company and moved towards
the southwest. part of the LZ which the North Vietnamese were threatening to
overrun. My radio operator wjas killed and Lefebvre w~s severely wounded in the
arm next to me from enemy machine gun and rifle fire that unrelentingly swept
the area. With help, I carried· ~efebvre back to the battalion CP area, and shortly
thereafter, Crandall and Freemlans' flights .came in and eva<...'Uated him along with
other wounded. I remember Being astounded that any helicopter could land under
such enemy fire.
Later that day, I called for water and ammunition which my company badly
needed. Again, somehow, Ca~tain Freeman's flight brought it in giving a
tremendous boost to morale arld providing essential support for us to defend our
position. In the early evening jhours, the 229th flew in much needed
reinforcements from a company of the 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry who deployed on
my right.
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The second day of the battle, after an early morning enemy attack that almost
overran the. LZ, ·we wer~ able jto extract my cutoff platoon which h~d suffered twenty
two casualties out of thirty men. A number of these had been senously wounded
and were quickly evacuated from the LZ by the 229th. While the intense fire from
the first day had slackened, hflicopters continued to be a prime target for the North
Vietnames~ gunners in the Cpu Pong foothills and jungle surrounding the LZ and
we could hear the fire directe1 at them as they flew in and out ·of the LZ. It was a
great relief to me and my con;tpany knowing that our wounded wo.uld get out and
back to medkal facilities and !kept our morale high. We would need that for the
battle continued the next mobng: when the North Vietnamese made one more
attack on the LZ. This attack jwas largely beat .off by another reinforcing company of
the 2nd Battalion, 7th CavalrYi, which had been flown in the night before by the
229th.
I have the highest regard for . the 229th aviators and attachments who . .
.
I
supported us during the LZ x~Ray battle. In particular, I consider the bravery of
Captain Ed Freeman who con!tinually volunteered at the risk of his own life to bring
in supplies and evacuate wouhded during the first day of one of the fiercest battles
of the war to be extraordinary and far beyond the call of duty ..
~/.
JVIY.u.
·-·::
ohn D.· Herren, Colonel, (Retired) USA
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Subject: Medal ofHonor Rec0mmendation for Major Ed W. Freeman
To Whom it May Concern:
The purpose of:this letter is to provide my strongest recommendation for the award ofthe
Medal of Honor to then Capta~n Ed W. Freeman for his many heroic flights into LZ X~ay on 14 N~vember 1965. I ras ·th~ ~17th Battalion S-4 on t~at day and ~ersonally we~t
mto that landmg zone on two ammumtwn runs. On the first fltght, the helicopter I was m
was shot down in the LZ as wd were departing. Onthesecond flight, over an hour later,
the landing zone was just as hJt as the first time. (See attached copy of my Silver Star
citation). I know for a fact tha~ Captain Freeman volunteered to make ammunition runs
before our first trip in and continued from then on, throughout the day. Every bit of
ammunition, water and medidl supplies carried into X-Ray, with the exception of my
I
:two flights, was _carri~d in by ~reeman' s flight. I did not learn until later that he had
made 14 such flights mto X-Ray but I knew he had flown an awful lot because I was
sending tons of those items byiChinook (CH-47s) into LZ Falcon, about five miles from
X-Ray and Freeman's helicop~ers were carrying into X-Ray. I was told later by the
Battalion Commander that if that ammunition had not arrived when it did, they would
have run out and been over-ru~. That was the hottest landing zone' I saw or heard of in
my 54 months in combat unitslin Vietnam. Enemy troops were shooting at the
helicopters from within the LZl, from snipers in the trees, and from the tree lines. I could
not believe the Freeman helicdpters could, or would, continue to fly into the LZ. I don't
think anyone asked them to m1ke these flights. I know that no one in my shop did and
I
the first I knew they were underway was when the two I rode on showed up for ammo
sent by their Flight CommandJr. I went in with them because I had to know first hand
what the units needs were.
·
Freeman's flights carried out all of the wounded from the LZ, except our two
flights, after the Division MediEvac pilots refused to fly into the LZ because it was so .
hot. There is little question that many of the seriously wounded would likely have died if
Freeman had followed their le~d. Even after there was, in. my opinion, sufficient
ammunition and supplies in thb LZ to meet the Battalion's immediate needs, Freeman's
~ights continued based on_ t~e !number of wounded still needing evacuation. He still took
m ammo, water and supplieS
each run and brought out wounded.
. . .
. .
T
By their last flight, I kriew that my battalion in X-Ray would hot be lost due to
lack of ammunition and I kneJ, no wounded were waiting for help in the LZ.
·, .. ··
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�Freeman's flights were not only among the most courageous and heroic ever
made but they were also proba!bly the most critical flown in Vietnam. If he had not ·
volunteered and made those albost epic flights, our unit would have been known for not
only having been annihilated a~ the Battle of the Little Bighorn by the tndians but a:lso for
being annihilated at the Battle ofLZ X-Ray by the North Vietnamese.
·
Freeman's remarkable ~isplay of courage and caring, his ignoring. of the almost
overwhelming threat' to his life and the extreme danger that existed in going into an LZ
where others, without dishono}, refused to go, were the bravest acts I have ever seen.
There are hundreds of familieJ who owe Ed Freeman more than they will ever know. He
certainly deserves and earned fue Medal of Honor.
I have always wonderl wfiy Freeman was not recognizedbefore. Now is not too
I
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late. He is well deserving oftme Medal of Honor.
-~ ~;
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Gordon RoElnski
Then Captain Infantry
S-4 -HHC I st Bn 7th Cavalry
. 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile)
Enclosure: Silver Star citation
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'':' ,'1•"'
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'GENERAL
•NUMBER
11 June 1966
ORDE&S
.365 3
. AWARD OF THE STI.VER STAR
Th:e following AWARD is announced.
J
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ROZANSKI, GOROON P. I 05307525 . CAPTAIN INFANTRY United States
HHC, 1st Bn, 7th Ca'Vj, 3d Bd.e, 1st Cav .Div (AirmObile), APO 96490
Awarded: Silver Star :
:_
Date action: 14. November 1965
t~ 7 '
Theater: Republic' ot Vietnam
.
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Reason: For gallalntry in action: Captain Rozanski disti~uished h~
self on ]4 November 1965 while serving as battalion S-4 Officer
partici~ting in a resupply mission til the Ia Orang Valley,
Republic jot Vietnam. A friendly battalion ·became engaged in a
fierce battle with an estimated Viet Cong regiment and requested
immediat~ supplies. At this time, Captain Rozanski dauntlessly
voluntee.r:led to accompany the supplies to insure prompt and efficient d!elivery or the badly needed material. Upon landihg in
an area·, ~hich was under intense hostile fire, Captain Rozanski,
realizing, it was essential for the supplies to be unloaded
quickly, ~epeatedly exposed himself to the direct tire to expedite
:the unloatling operation. As the helicopters· were being unloaded,
Captain Rbzansld.l' with complete disregard !or his safety, crossed
the open !grouiXi o! the landing zone and carried wounded personnel
back to tre aircraft while receiving hostile tire. Upon leaving
the lazxUng zone with the wounded, the helicopter in which Captain
Rozanski ~s riding was hit and forced. to make .an emergency
·
landing. I Without hesitation.~~ Captain Rozanski began transferring
the wound~d from his downed aircraft to another rescue helicopter
while repfatedly subjected to a heavy~olume o! VietCong !ire.
Enroute tp medical !acilitil:ls.~~ Captain Rozuski applied litesaving first aid to stop serious bleeding of one of his injured
comrades., Upon arrival at the. staging area, Captain Rozanski
quickly lfaded more ammunition end prepared to return to the
opera~ionrl areao
A!ter arrival at the landing zone, Captain
Rozanski.~gain braved hostile fire while assisting in unloading
the amrm.m.t1. tion and in loading six more critic ally wounded American
soldiers.! He then departed the unsecure area amidst withering
tire and again administered first aid to a. badly wounded soldier.
Captain Rf~anski 9 s unimpeachable valor.in close combat against
a numerically superior hostile force was in keeping with the
highest tfadi tions of
military service and reflects great
credit upon h:On.sel!, his unit, and the United States ArDzy".
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Authority: By dirrction of the President unaer the provisions of the Act
ot Congress, approved 9 July 1918.
the
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·DEPARTMENT OF THE ARM!
HEAWUARTERS ·UNITED STATES ARMY VIETNAM
APo· San Francisco 96307
· 1. · TC 320.
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·November 25, 1996
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
SUBJECT: Helicopter Operations, 14 November 1965- Landing Zone X-Ray, Republic of Vietnam
~epresents
an eyewitness alcount of the actions of Captain Ed Freeman while serving as AssisThis letter
tant Flight Leader of sixteen UH-u:)I Helicopters. airlifting pt Battalion,' 7th Cavalry (117 Cavalry) into
Landing Zone X-Ray in the Ia Orang Walley, Republic of VietNam.
Captain Freeman is to be recognized for conspicuous bravery and exemplary leadership of his platoon of
four aircraft throughout the conduct of an air assault mission on November 14, 1965 into Landing Zone X. Ray. His Platoon was the second flight of four in formation of sixteen aircraft. Landings were made in
two groups of four aircraft as the LZI accommodated only eight aircraft. The first sorties into the landing
zone were relatively uneventful. HO\lever, commenCing with the fourth sorntie, the aircraft began encountering enemy ground fire that increased in intensity with every successive lift. On subsequent lifts, enemy
ground fire began taking its toll of aitcraft. A number of air crew members also sustained wounds as the
greater enemy force closed around thJ American troops into the proximity of the LZ. As the battle developed, the enemy threat escalated and ~e security of the landing zone was threatened. Often upon landing,
enemy gunners were often only a few meters from the aircraft and able to deliver fire on the airships at
point blank.
a
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.
Throughout the battle Captain Freem~n led by example, exhorting his crews to continue support in the face
of a superior enemy force. Captain F.jreeman demonstrated exemplary leadership skills in rallying his air
crews onward to continue the mission. In the face of insurmountable enemy odds, he successfully led flight
crews being tested for the first time in combat. ·Captain Freeman's calm demeanor and his frrm leadership
under these trying conditions were instrumental in gaining the confidence of his subordinates. His personal
courage, an undaunted ability to perfbrm fearlessly under fire, coupled with a stalwart commitment to the
mission were all a source of inspiratibn to his assigned crews. The air crews hailed his call and willingly
rallied and followed him throughout Jntil the mission was called off by the ground commander due to the
i~creasing enemy threat. The flight w1as dir(!cted to return to laager at Plei Me.
·
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· Upon returning to the refueling area· dt Plei Me, Captain Freeman was advised of an emergency re-supply
mission of ammunition and water to rlz X-Ray. Fully knowledgeable of the conditions at the landing zone
and realizing the critical condition ofl the infantry unit, Captain Freeman willingly volunteered to accompany another ship on the mission. He subsequently performed fourteen re-supply lifts into LZ X-Ray, delivering critically needed ammunition! medical supplies and water to the infantry unit and evacuating at .
least thirty wounded infantrymen from the battlefield.
·
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. letter
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
I
12/04/1996
SSN (Partial); Address (partial) (I page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OAiBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
jml81
Presidential Records Act -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
J
RESTRICTION CODES
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1
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the Pr sident
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PMI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion Jf
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRA]
PI
P2
P3
P4
I
l
1
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in do or's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 r.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
I
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)l
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
�Captain Freeman performed the re~sup ly mission of critically needed ammunition, medical supplies and
water under the most challenging cdndiclon.s as flight conditions deteriorated in the battle area. The landing
zone was obscured from the massive artlllery strikes and air bombardment around the landing zone which
reduced daylight visibility. His expert a!rrmanship and extensive flight experience contributed immensely to
the success of his mission. Again he derformed extraordinary feats of bravery, executing high speed approaches to the landing zone to ffiitigat~ the effects of the enemy fire and landed with precision at the determined position in the landing zone. Disregarding his own personal safety and at great risk to his life, he
1
remained stationery on the ground as ~ ammunition was off-loaded and wounded soldiers were placed in
e
the aircraft. Again on these flightS, his :tircraft became the target of enemy gunners, often at point blank.
Soldiers loading the wounded were the elves wounded or killed. His aircraft recoiled from the strikes of
enemy rounds.
l
His heroic and conspicuous actions wer undertaken after a pair of DivisionMed-Evac aircraft aborted due
to the intensity of the enemy fire. One/ ?f the medical aircraft had landed but departed before it was fully
loaded. The second aborted when it w~s struck by enemy fire on approach. Conditions deteriorated to the
:;e~~~:~~~:~~:~~:~h~~e:Js~rd~r~~ ~~~~c~~~ibly co;lete thJ .~:;!~: ir~:~~r:,~~;e::;
sorties evacuating soldiers from the ba!tlefield were night missions, further hazarding their success poten~
tial.
1
Captai~
Throughout the entire mission,
Freeman demonstrated his commitment in support of the ground
forces, disregarding danger to himself./ On this mission, his dedication was unquestionable and his tenacity
undaunted. His air support determination served as an inspiration to the friendly forces on the ground and
undoubtedly contributed to the survival potential of the besieged infantrymen and the wounded soldiers.
Captain Freeman's gallant performance in the face of hostile fire is in keeping with the highest standards of
the military forces of the United States land reflect great credit upon himself, his unit and the United States
. Army. Because of his untiring efforts bn that day, his unwavering commitment to the mission, his demonstrated unselfishness, the courageous a~d repeated flights into the LZ in the face· of enemy fire at the risk of
losing his own life, Captain Freeman s1ould be awarded our Nation~s highest military .award for heroism.
I submit this statement voluntarily, asl eyewitness to Captain Freeman's actions on November 14, 1965.
On this date, 1 was assigned to fly' in the same aircraft as a pilot (then CW2) accompanying Captain Ed
Freeman on each and every one of • thf flight sorties identified on this statement. I certify that the events
documented herein are complete and accurate to the best of my knowledge.
-:-
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~d~J.
MAJOR, USA (Retired).
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�,--------------------------.---------------
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Withdrdwal/Redaction Marker
1
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. letter
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
12/01/1996
Address (Partial) (I page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
jml81
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of th~ PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRAl
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the Pr I sident
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion 1f
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAl
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIAI
PI
P2
PJ
P4
l
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
~~~
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�12-01-96
Subject: Recommendation for A ard
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1. Recommend approval for aw ., d Of, the CONGESSIONAL 11EDAL OF HONOR to ED W.
FREEMAN, CAPTAIN, 428-4;1838. .
• ··
mem~er
2. Captain Freeman was a
of the Aviation task force suppol-ting 1st Bn.; 7th Cav.
Reg., during operations conductetl in and around Landing Zone (LZ), X Ray. This force was
engaged in combat and surroundbd on. three sides before all117 combat troops were airlifted
into LZ X Ray. The untenable d~adly situation caused the ground force commander to
discontinue landing further troops since they were being wounded and killed as they tried to
depart the landing aircraft.
~
3. Captain Freeman volunteered to fly almost certain risk oflife and desperately needed
flJghts into the killing zone ofLZ 1 Ray, even after the ground commander had decided to
discontinue landing of troops and material. The undersigned was an eyewitness to these
repeated acts of extraordinaryh~roism during the entire period of the operation. Time and
time again he risked his life with !abandon in order to deliver desperately needed
ammunition, medical supplies, ahd food and water w:hile ~ome1000 enemy were pouring
onto the only available landing z~ne for the operation, Additionally, he rescued gravely
wounded troops from the battlefibld and flew them to much needed attention in medical
facilities close to the combat are . He risk~d his life on flight after flight into T.7. X Ray,
exchanged aircraft whenever his was badly shot and damaged, and continued on with the
desperate mission of supporting the 117 Ca.v. in an all out effort to save a potentially bad
situation.
• j
4. This eyewitness observed Captain Freeman making at least 14-16 flights into and out of
LZ X Ray, performing support arl.d rescue missions during a deadly and most critical
situation. Thes~ ?llssions invo~~ed resc~e of downed fellov.: crewman, ~esupply of badly
needed ammurution, food, medichl supplies, as well a!' medical evacuation under the most
intense eneiJ?.y fire.
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5. His extraordinary heroism, personal bravery, and self-sacrifice clearly distinguished him.
· above and beyond other soldiers land the call of duty. More importantly, his actions in great
measure were responsible for sa:ving the day for the 1st Bn. 7th Cav. and helped turn a
potential disaster into a great ·:ctory at LZ X Ray.
·
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VALENTINO PANnlTT~
(/~1M-~
LTC, USA, (RET.)
J
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Withdr~wal/Redaction Marker
\ Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. letter
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Address (Partial) (I page)
01/16/1998
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[Freeman] Medal ofHonor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
jml81
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- )44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal' personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the[ PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential comm rcial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the Pr sident
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PM]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion df ·
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
l
I
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in do,or's deed
~~~
.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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.
To Whom It May Concern:
I support the recommend tion that Major Ed W. Freeman, USA (Retired) be reconsidered for the nation's highest award for heroism in combat: The Medal of Honor.
~e her~ic
I am of the opinion that
actions of (then) Captain, Ed Freeman, 22 9ili- Assault Helicopter Battalion, 151 Cavalry Division (Airmobile), while actively participating
as a UHlD troop lift helicopter aircraft commander and flight lead~r at LandingZone X-Ray,
on 14 Nov 65 in the central highl~nds of (then) the Republic of Vietnam, along with one or
.
two other co-volunteers, morethk satisfy the criteria for this distinction.
p~cip~t,
I was there as an aCtive
fully cognizant of the situation, condition, and fury of
that violent battle. In addition, while researching to writing a proposed book on. actual troop lift
helicopter warfare at X-Ray, I haye since 1988 amassed a decade's worth ofhistorical material
from archives, libraries, after action reports, and remembrances of over 100 other X-Ray active
battle participants. This letter is 'uta precis of a rather voluminous Memorandum for Record of ·
over 50 pages of referenced historical documented helicopter crew events that took place at the
X-Ray battlefield. [Memo will b~ provided for review upon request.] Based on this, I can
1
vouch for the validity of Ed FreeJ an's reported actions. To me, the facts speak for themselves.
I was a flight leader at thi battle. I lost 2 of my 4 aircraft due to enemy weapons fire. Ed
Freeman not only knew this, but ~e also knew that within 60 minutes after the battle had turned
violent at 14:30, that 1 out of 3 o the 16 original troop lift helicopters had been downed due to
combat action; anc;l, that an Air F rce A 1-E aircraft had been shot down in flames over the battlefield. Yet, he still volunteered· at isk of life to fly several emergency flights carrying in urgently
needed ammunition and carrying tut critically wounded soldiers. ·
.
I find that Ed Freeman .the made several landings in X-Ray, with a few being made
during the "14:300:16:30 period" temembered by the battlefield comm.ander in his 7 August 1996
Memorandum as "the critical pe1od." US troops were then being put under siege by an almost
overwhelming enemy force that was seriously threatening to over-run the American position and
annihilate all there then contained\in a small perimeter·being penetrated by aggressive enemy
attacks. Yet, Ed Freeman knew tHat aircraft were being shot at, shot up, and shot down; that .
Americans were being killed on ~e helicopters and upon exiting and boarding them; that an Air
Force A 1-E had been forced to crash; that smoke and dust nearly obscured the landing site; that
enemy fire and mortars could and Hid reach into the battlefield; and, that the enemy practically
had surrounded the force in X-Ra~. He also knew that medivac helicopters had refused to land
on the battlefield to evacuate the any, many wounded then needing immediate medical
attention in order to survive. Reg dless of all this, Ed Freeman still volunteered at risk of life.
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I find that Ed Freeman 'Yas not required by duty to exceed his assigned task, yet he
"freely chose to run the gauntlet of enemy fire time after time" as cited by the battlefield
commander in his 9 Dec 65.0pclrations After Action Report; and, as written in his book [p106.
Moore & Galloway. We Were Soldiers Once .. 1992]: that "I [the battlefield commander]
asked ... aircrews ... for the last measure of devotion, for service far beyond the limits of
duty and mission, and they came through as I knew they would." He states, in a letter
written 7 August 1996 on "Huet" Support X-Ray Battle Nov 14-16, 1965 that"three things
happened: (1) sorely needed ... d
lements of my battalion ... brought in to sec~e the small
2-chopper emergency LZ; (2) all ... wounded were evacuated, some of whom would very likely
have died in X-Ray; and, (3) m~ understrength battalion was resupplied with water AND ammo.
We were fighting three. enemy b~ttalions ... bad it not been for ... Hueys supporting us, we
would have gone down for lack of ammo ..• "
1
~~eman,
And, I also find that Ed
while freely choosing to go 'beyond his duty requirement - that of flight leader and aircraft commander during the 16-hour day -- accomplished these
gallant actions: (1) he evacuate4 at least 22 to 30 (perhaps more) critically wounded soldiers
from right offthe battlefield; and (2) as documented in General Orders No. 847, of23 Mar 66,
"he completed 14 landings on mkdical evacuation and resupply missions under intense enemy
fire." Three of these 14landingJ, perhaps more, were made under the most dangerous of conditions. They occurred when the ehemy, having penetrated the perimeter, was seriously threatening
to over-run and annihilate the X-\Ray force. They also occurred at a time when Ed Freeman
.
found that not only did he have to land his own aircraft within range of direct enemy weapons
I
and mortar fire; but, that he also had to fly right under friendly artillery being fired over the
battlefield to explode on the enethy at the edge the perimeter within which he had to land his
aircraft . Ed Freeman also flew ~t least three or more extremely hazardous sorties after dark.
There was no moon, no horizon to be seen, the battlefield was shrouded with black dust and
smoke, over-head aerial flares ca~t an eerie undulating glow over the jungle surface, the enemy
occupied the high ground over thb battlefield, artillery blasts speckled the area with explosions of
light, and the enemy was in forcdl all about the battlefield perimeter with the battle still raging,
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Thus, it is my opinion that (then) Captain Ed Freeman deserves to be reconsidered for
recognition under the terms of th~ National Defense Authorization Act of FY1996:S.1124
Subtitle C. Section 526, dated 22 January 1996, for risking his own life riot only once, but on
several occasions to directly save the lives of at least 30 wounded Americans, and to indirectly
save the lives of over 500 infantrymen in battle by providing the critical ammunition they needed
to prevent being over-run by an almost overwhelming enemy attempting to annihilate them. I
can vouch for the heroic actions Ed Freeman performed that, in my opinion, more than satisfy the
criteria for The Medal of Honorl
·
Paul P. Winkel, Jr. Colonel, USA Ret)
formerly, 229th Astl Hel Bn, 1st v Div (Ambl)
LZ X-Ray Active Battle Partici
t, 14 Nov 65.
Research Historian
2
]
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.H&l.DQUARrERS
1ST C.i..V'Wlcr DIVISION (.:.mt:Bn.E)
1J.R) San Francisco 96499
GENERAL ORDERS
HUMBER
23 Maroh 1966
847
AWl.RD OF THE DISI'INGUISHED FLYING CBJSS
:
1.
TC
320j.
The,. f'ollovillg aW.lJ..IU) is announced.
·
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~, ED W.
01884148 CAPr.li.m CORPS OF ENGJNEEru3" ·United States AI1Iq
Aviation Compl , , 7th Special Foxces, 1st Special Forces Gmup, 229th
Assault Helicopter Battalion
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:b.waxdeda Distinguished l'lying Cross
Da.te actiona jl4 November 1965
·
Theatert Re~lic of Vietnam
Reasona For ~el:Oism while participating in· aerial flight. On 14 Novembef 1965, Captain Freeman distillgu:ished himael! while serving
as 11ircmf't Commander and .L.ssistant Flfsht Leader of 24 ~-lD
heliboptors in the battle of the Is. DJ:S.llg Valley, Republio of
Vietkc. Qa.ptaiil F:reemn 1 a mission w.a to a.irlift the let .Batta.llcbn, 7th Ca.vali;Y, let Cavali;Y Division into Landing Zone
"X-RtY". On app1:0ach Captain Freeman was advised tba.t the
landing zone was under intense eneiey" fire. Realizing the se. I
riousnesa of the eituation· and the· possibility of the landing
zonal bai."lg overrtm, Ce.ptain Freeman, exercising ~oroeful leadershipr led his platoon through the hostile fire into Land.ing Zone
11 X-Rayn.
UI=On mtum to the staging area, a request vas reoeivec
fmml the infant~ battalion coiiiii8nd_er for ammunition reauppl.J' an•
evac~ tion of seriously wounded personnel. During the first
·
· le.nd+ng, hea-vy fire was received and the aViators were visibl7
sha.k~n and reluctant to retum to the landi.Dg zone. Captain
Freokn, .realizing the serious needs of the in.fant:ey-, immediatel ·
I
volunteered for the hazardous mission. He auccessful}J' landed.
.
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. despiite the increasingly' heavy fire directed at his aircmrt.
:· Diaph.ayin8 extreme stability and brava:q, Captain Freeman. re.. I
mainrd on the ground even though several men were killed in the
procrss or loading the 'WOunded aboard his aircraft. Captain
Freep:.n 1 a unselfish and heJ:Oio aots at the risk of his lite
graapy aided tha uni ta on the ground. Captain Freeman faced
the Cievas ta. ting fints o£ the enezv again and again, until he bad
land~d in Landi.ng Zone "X-ltey" 14 times O!l 8Jlllluni tion raauppl.7_
and madical evacuation missions. His actions contributed ~
·measjumbly to the victorious outcom of the battle. Captain
Free~:en' s coumge in the face of hostile fire \IS.S in keeping
vi t~ the highest traditions of the military service and rgflectl
oradlit upon hililsel£ and the United States ~ray •
.A.utborityt BU direction of the President, under the pmvisions of the A•
ol£ Congress, 1Lpp.mved 2 July 1962.
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ENCLOSURE
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· li,.:ht ui .t.ilo lr.rr;cst ~ick-up zcnola) in t.h011ir r::~arc:ctiva a_ctcraf
.
!ror n fi.l.·st li#lt air rooc.n by i!'~l ko7 oc.LD'Illdara azr: atr.!t
•· J. til» cf 06~0 bcura vc.a aot for iaaunnco nt J.:Y C• oi · t.h8
ion t'rc'.ar • ·
·
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-t this til:lo, tha "f'ishtin.;" atran{;'th c! m;y l.ette%"91! OOIDpllllililll
v&Jl~ intO t!l11 oporatit.n v;.;.n aa !~:~llovaa
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pril:lnr:Ll7 -~.ua to mali:ria an·:· ~~ 4iacharp.ea.
Clso hzl.'. 3 - 5
at tc.aa c=r r.t Moll ·Xhe aa {:Uilr'Jj .. aiU.,.
rotenticn, t~t~·! b .so Cli!llp ueo. d.evalor.Q811t · V<Jrkora.
8 - 10 can on R en~ R or nbaant going l:aolt to pra~e Ear Jl 11.114 Jl. ·
men
(l) 14 lic-vocbar c'.avne•! b:Lirbt nn-: clo::r. ~hortly llf'ter
lir~t o.t 0630 hours, Ct.liiPM,T ll v..a roturnoi to ~ttuir-n central
i.e a..'l". bo(;:n mnlcin.; !incl. r.reznrt.tions tc:.r ita rt•lo c.a tba
COiillJ:!.'\Y. T!ao C!l.in::~uks vhich ·lw: csrrill'i :1:! C:.;:r,..'aey l:-6ck vera
;wwg~u·~•H to cuva Lil.ttc::r,yi _,., 1st llattali.:n, 21st ..rtillai.·y tv ~
·Il.Lazutou. Tho nir rao•.·n pert7 ·hn". ·aasmilblo·t t~n:l attar a
gr ..o;;n;;;'IOl...,n on the ~-urroav c.r tho recun 0 £lic_:ht route, anc~ itina
vo tvok o.r.r in tvv tr.d-1D 1 s escurted bt tvo gun ships •
rcuto is shcvn on tha c.tt<.c!ht~ skotch (·~o.b .. ) • \111 IM!!o one
~.:.sa c.t o.bout 4500 !oat r.ctw:.11 !lov north ),IQ.IIt Due C(.,
co..<t..n;:l.ll~:o'IOtas Y..S45255r crl:iter. !iva tlinutos, thtm !lev a~:~uth ll'Dnorally
::ltWI r~:~uto c:n··• nt th.:: sr.lOIII ll.ltitu·l.o, nno! ra·~urn~ to :t'loi he.
rocc n ili'.rty inclur\od. tho i.lf!.ttt.li:.n Co~arJ S-31 l:!ll.tto:-~ic:n
....:io.ison \)f'_.:icerl CuetlM-'linh Otrioor, llc.ttart J., 1st Da.t·i:o:.lion,
ler,r; C. -::c..nr!int;" vtticcr B Cccraey (M:~s~ul t Coc))Wl.Y); &cout
L-~.or, Troop C, 1st f.ctuc.:iron, 9th CRv<.lr,y; an!', tho CotDNU\ing
, Cc:::ap<>.ny ..1., 229th .:.ss.1ul t .r.olicupter &ttnlic-n (o~.vn ~ ... , 7th
- .............. 1-'c.rcos, 1~t l:llJ';lCJ.:U :.O'orcvs ~roup).
(2} Durin,, tiao uir roc n, scvcrz~ vi~on &ram vo1·o suloot-•
...:r.l.ors ... r thu rcc<.:n r~y as rcssil:le lr.Mi."',:: z.,nos in an~ .o.ro\llld
:J. ~:G Vdloy. '!Jpon ro-r;urn !rem the rec,'n Rt o.t.:ut 0615 hours,
ivocl t:'. vrittc:n z'rC-(~ ~or !rul:l llri~o vhich. spcci!icclly dao.rcc ot o;,..arllti::ns. The :u-ac is sh:lvn on the at~~chud crap
I then reccivor!. cc-r.l.lonts c.a t•• tllo I.e. tv be u:Joa. 'fhrea
ties !ell out \.J! thu ~iscl~sion - ~· s TJ•W, 1.-H...Y, and
'l'ilb ll)
T.JM> Vn:J ciscc.r~i:l:i ns tho ~rl.r.:r,y LZ !.:~r baing
o.g. D. "well" - ty;:.o ~ with tall trues p.rcund it, Me'. !vr
scnll - Ct•.·:>.eity u.r throe to f'c.ur 'Dli-1D1 s. It vc.a ncrood
&M Y.Jll.:...; Cl'ulcl bc.t!l }Nl4bly r.ccoi1Cc'.r.ta eight tiii-1D'a
J.r•nc.:llll<· '-- .L tcntr..tively toe mod on U ~-R.;Y ::.nd ~rv~oc! tc issua
'rder 1csoa on t~t =olecticn. Concurrently 1 clisr~tch3d
S.cout ;,uctiln for t. lc.v-levol fli{:ht Uil C;d L. l),;.,,l,(, Vnll07
t;r.in r!otr.il.o<:. in!CJJ."'!l'·tic:n tin :..-~, Y...i'l'-o:c., tho surrouncllJlg
cncl tt. louk t ..·r sit_:nS v! onaqv :~CtivitT• . Thu C<1vc.lr,y ;,cction
in i!l•!li'Cxi.l:".;.t.:ll,y 40 tlinl.tos vitll thf.l in!CJra;-.;.tivn -tb.:l.t Y.Llt~
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~-spotted vi t!l. high. stumps and vould be di!ricul t to use aa a land• • io(l...ZO.ne. ·.~.:..a Cav&J.ri ~action .conrinled that 1.1: -..-IU.l could tab aigbt
to ten 'lili-1D' s at one tiua.
llo signa of ene1111 activity vera detected
around X-~, and- tbo Cav;Ur,y &action VAS ·not fired on dur~ ita lovlBTal racon. ·Severn! trails vera picked Up and their locations vera
noted. The Cavalry ~action· also reporte<', seeing COJU:I) wire on a trail
north or X-R..l· which .led east ud veat. ito. tnils led through lJ. X-RAY.
I lllllde ~ decision to land at A-R.J with '..C..;.l'IOU and Y.Ali~ aa alternates
to be used only on oy ordtor. I then issued u oral operntion order.
!:!educed te writing, i t is aho.ched at Tab C. t'resent to boar tlia order
vera all·~ Com~ Commanders; the battalion staff ~·special starr,
the Wt Com;·BZ13' Colllll&llder ·and his _;.iaillon Utrioer to U.e battalion,
the Cavalry bcout S110tion l.eader1 ;OJ, Ilatter:r ·A, 1st ll&ttaliun, 21st
.t.rtillar,y1 and the 3rd lirigade 8-3· 'J.'he llripde Coi!DIBilder arriTed duro:. •
ing ~a issuance or the order ud VllB sepe.rntal,y briafed shortl,y
thereafter. lt vas then reported to ·mit .that tho tvo arti.Llar,y batteri11
vera iJ, position, and '1. sot a tilrla or 1030 houre !or the aaaault landing with tho 20 minute tuba artiJ.lar:r .preparation to lJa timed to ~
. comploto:l at ii-iulur m1nua ono a:Wmta. The J. and C Cumpan.y Co&.1111Wldera
vera thon flown back to their companies. Tho B Compan.y Collm8llder
· roturnod to his unit on tho Pllli hJ airstrip on a 11111.chan1cal mula.
Tho tilllo vr.s ·~·Pl"O:Z:illlatoly 0915 hours. ~ nooossary preparations bad
aither.been completed or vera nearing compiation. -iio -probla1111 had
been r..isod.
·-~
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Duu to last minute }JOsitioning or th" artillery PlOOIJII
causud bY llir rDVUIIlant d11l~s, the .pra}.&ratOr:Y lirell did not bogin
until 1017 houre. l vaa in tho load afrcrart anc!. had a good viov
or. thaso fires·. · They. voro preciaaq vllora ruquirod, and ·botwtitullJ"
til 3d Vith th11 la.ndinc of load alomonts of tho AsBC.Ult COIIIJI&l\yo ¥ina
voro concontrntad !)ri.ucipall· · around thu l.S.o11hng zono, in tho troaa
and hiSh l;rass, .a:.~ on a finE&r o.nd in a drnv loodiug down !ram the
· hiBh ground northvont or J..-RJ.Y. ThU aorir..l. f".rtUlary cc-JiiU 1n on t~
hecla or the 1.ubo E.rtillo17 !iros l:l1ci vork~d ove1· tho nrc~ for 30 sooonda
o~untU•• g hh.l.t thoi.r loads - then vent into 11. nor.rb:· r.ir orbit
on call. Tho lift l.c.ttalion gun ships took up tho !irus :\lid voro
il:::x:'iir.to~ llhue~\·of tho tlil-1D 1 so .i.8 we C·.m& in ror tho ASsnult lnnding ell r'.uor. t;U:lllers fired into tho troos "I.IUl high grnss. · \ru ~od
~:rnl rr.n l%'1..:%!1 tho l;lnding zono into tho tro.:s !1ring our l-1-16' a F.t
lil:cly onuoy positions. ltf co~ BroUO! cunsiatod or r.vs.,l!, tho
bt.ttr.liun ~crgoiUlt i·l!\jor, thu llat·~.:J.ion ~-2, r.v tvo r'll\io operators,
az.d •' 'iiotn"lalso nctioncl., s:mt down b,y :Grigcdo, hr. i;ik - a 1-.cnt~
who c;,uld spc;~ gt~od ..nglish. In r:r:r COIIICi!.o"ltl chopper orbitting botvoen
.r'lui he :.n' ovor tho L .Lio:.JIG Vc.llc.,:: vor.:~ LV 1;-3, •..rtillor,; Liaison
llfficer, one! Lir.ison vtficor !rom tho h.:~licoptor lift COLI, any, end r:::t
· Forvr.rd •.:ir Contreller. l hac~ plC".cod ,;hoc thor.: during tho nssnult
fur bolst llxocution or their ~~utios, !c.r r.. cocmunic<:.t ions rol::.y, and
tor an r.ir CIP. vn thoJ srounc!. vo rocoivod no ono~ tiro rntl. IIndo no
C•·nt..ct upcn lrn~ing. Tho terrP.in VI!S, n .....t end c.:.nslStod or scrub
trac3 up t" 100 root hi&h; thick olephr.nt grllSs vc.r.rins in hoight !rom
OM !~.oct tt. !ivo root1 r.nt. nnt· hills- thrt.~out th4J c.ron up tu uisbt
foot hish vith thick brush ~:nd olophlltlt grr"..sa on az:·, a.rollild thee •
..lung tho.; Vustor;, odgu of the W 1 tho trOllS o.nd grUIS •·Dl\) US~Ciz.l.ly
t11ick Ln:! ox r.ondoC: of! into tho Jungle. on tht1 foothills or thu mount.A.in. · •hotogrr.phs or tho r.roe. aro. at Te.bs D and .::. Tl.loso }:hotoa voro
-. ...,_ t•lkon liovort'.l deys llf"tor thu rici:i.:t-n.-·e.ll"c!.ed 1.;,nce th., :~r,c. is less
-- ·'·tolil'.tod. th."lll on 14 ••ov•n...bor''vtitin'.'vo ve11t in. '.l'ho 16 t..h-1D' a returno4
ttl tht1 Ploi l'lo arar.. to pick up tho rinzW.or o! Cocr::ny ll o.nd a portioft ur th11 next cucpcn,y to bo brought in - C<imlJUI\Y' • • Tnus bu{aUl tile
procosa or shuttling tho bcttaliun. into· tho &roil. c,f oparc.tions. The
t~ of t;lo OSS.lult vr.s }irociaol,Y 1048 hours •
C.
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In complirnoo Vi th 11\Y' instructions, thll Ii Compaa,r
/FOR OFFICIAL usr:: or ~LYJ
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�tho lllllC:.i~ :r.c:no by h!lving ouo~ cf hl.s p.1.ntuun loc:.d- \
dia:l.l'\teh his aquadll .iJlW diffartant nrees, 50 to 100 motora o!!
~ing :;c.D& tu recc;..noitor, while ho rctcille~ the bal::uulo of his
ootiaiXIM' concealed iJl n clUJIIP of treoa au!. high ·grp.aa no:.r the cantor
1:1. crer. a.a Ul cfflltlaivo atrilcina !..;rca. .i..t o.:-proxiJ:Iatel,y 1120
ono of t.'lG rocon sq\1.0.t.s tclck n J:ris.:o.or. l. i.mi!CX:..intol.v tc:.ok
Me'. tho Vio,nucese, hr. !tik, :!.11-'· vont to tho locl\tio.o. o.nd quos-·
hi::• :Uo V:IB 'I.INI.rloiUG, d.ros11ec'. in c!.i.rt,y khr.Jci shirt •·~ tl'(.USBrl
s.:~rilll number ~n ono cf tho~ aiairt oi'auleta, l\lll! ccrriod 31\ om~t7
"""-r..•n~, hu stated thnt ho Om! oatCil t~nl.T 'balwla.s fLiT fivo cteys, cn1
t;lu%'\1 vera throe 'bat-.;o.lit.:ns en thu ~UD.taill c:.\x.ovu us vhc. vnntad
w.cr: to ld.ll AliiOric&DS :but h.ct. 1boon w:u.blo to find :thom. .ao
that hu v:JB in .tho ·l;orth YietruU!Io.la.: ~. Tn-. I; Cu101pa.n,y
I;<J•~tl\cler. vas cl.r ,ct.:d to intons1.C,y his roc"nn •.iss.1nco in tho ·r.r<JC".
tho prisr.;nor hui been t.&kan \nuc.r tlio I:ICuntt.in), lllld t ... ;ro;are
til" c.; Cc.r:~iJ8113' msaion of soarchl.Dg the lover ,~--ortl.= of
r:.ounttUn nroo. vith 11101pb.-usia on thu fl.D8er ez1r1 d.r~o.v t ... thu north• lay cor..wnd chopper vas cl1l.l~ u &M. tho .prisoner vc.s tclton
;illlcod1atal,y for intorrogati,.,n :lt tho llrigado 1:?. iJy tnan, 1210suffl.cient ulu~onta or C.:omr,~ • ~ lnndod \uno~pc.aod) to
tho Lt. aecur1ty mission !rca Cuo!lQI\Y·l), M-lao olewnta of
·
plntc.cn of l> Cua_vnn,y hod. IILXoJ cout.·ct vith
unou;, ri!lct:.Jn nocr tho J:)Juntd.n. Tho J, Cumpollly Ca~cr VRB
nssuua thu C ·Co~:~ _sor.rching giasian1 to 1010vo u' the
J.Oil:lllulg ~ovn tovnrda X-:l!.l1 en,.. tl: duvolo_:- tho aituo:tioJh ll
'-"'lCI"JI!fiV wvod out, end I dirootod the coC&V'&or uf .. c.. ci).-..ey tc. pro,a.ro
up into tho &P..co croa on ardor 'Whun CC.I:I:iJ~ C ·hnd o.rxivc.d in'
·in .s\of!iciont .atrcngth tu tclto over~ security ....t th:.t th.o, 12'0
vo vor•• t!lking no 1ira iri tllo l.l.. .~.r~o.'Wld 1245 buu.rs, land olwJf Col:lpt.ll,)''· .11 b<Jt;cn 1;(.. ongcga in a !iro !'ight c.;f llltldor;..to in'-"'""'lLt.v
::ih.c;rtly aftarvurcle ut 11pl!J:'UXi.Jor.toJl,y 1330 h.-urs r Cou ..'!Jiding
, Co~o~~;'lll.Y' ll ropt.:rt •.C:. t.'l~t ho vc.-.a bointt att:.oiCod honvil.Y by o.t
tvo Cl·Dr.onnios uf oJnOLO' ~ thD.t his right ~lr.tc.on V3S in d,·nge.r
s~..r:z:Ou.Mod cnc~ cut off fr1.u thu roat of til.;, c.:~u;,.•IU\}" by a
f:.'I!}XIriur force. Tho fir3 fil9lt bocA~«~ intonso. ..lsu a
cf 60 c.n~ 61 rr. cort<:.r !iro tcg:-.n ff\lling in tho~ ~ =·.1 on
b Cc.l:lpezl¥ alsc. roccivec! sc·a: r.-ck.at firu.
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(2) . l:lhGrtly cf'ter t~ boavy tiro fight bogM, the lest
.CorJilony enc the Cumpcey- Cocw::n~or on;: l..1ui olcit.JOnta l•!
l· .nicx:. ·tho CoUill\.~•!lUlg V£1 icer, Comr~ 1.o vc.s orderod tu
c .. n.;,IC'~ U}i en tho loft .. r b Cl•Ll~~; t.:. ustablisu l:4t¥Sic.-.l
'"'·'·''""'-"-.:: vith it; t. ~JI"Ctcet tho~ il C.:~o.LipClly lc.!t !l;:.n..lq &n·! t,. send
!ilct. c.n U:il t ... .t. Ci<.l.l:i!Cl\1 t._ fU>Si.st ~ <.;~"'~ in getting t.:. thu
;;l.c.t. ·:.n wuich v;:s 111 d •. nger u1' ·wlUlg cut uff. ·~:1c C...CW>.nd·
V!iicer, CuDi'ClJY C v;.s ;..rdoruc! t~:o t...ka Uy .:. LlwCkinS pc;siti. n u!!
l nt:.i.ng z: no t..- th~ r.:-uth Md s~.uthv.lst t ... i,lt'.Jvont th..- lit. frc.m
c·vcrrun fr.;c th.c.t cli.rcctic;.l, r.m. tv givo :;r... -tocticn tc.. A C: o.~· s
flo.nk. I callud thu :...-3 l.D t!1. CL·L'll:li:nd cbci;l;,or M~ tc.ld him .to
c,:,· Fc;,rv~ o.ir Cant::. llor "uring ir. :-.ir stri..lco£1 bogi...:~ing un thu
_!rinttu :;.f thu _LX-~~nin !.;._o~hills .&n~ vc:.rk cvor tho r:.:.unt~.in end
.:.~prwGchos t.. tho ~ fr.~c tho vest end e~ uth in th..t i,1ri~·:o::ity.
instructions vcru t::> be givon tc; the ..a.:. Lnr. tc tho e.rtillorro
•. r !iros. varo- to gc tc !iro J:lisoil.na :lnd rcq'-'~sts fr;;r;i
.,..,;:.n:Los
w!.on nc;.t !irin(; in ros~....Oso t._,_;:, spoci!ic request, !iroa
bu JX;urod iu as directed nb.ve. •rho Cui:IJ:&ny CuC:LI£1nc!ora,
_.:bservars, th..J f\..rvsrrl dr c~·ntr~llor, cnC:. tho ~tillery
MJo.i=••vn ·.-,rticor wore il.l.l br.vJUlg·dii!iculty getting c.,c:rdint.\toc'. ru1 tc.
;.f. tho fcrvnrd 01lcccnta Of tho CCJ:lil~nieso 'J.'horo voro
torr;..in fcr.turos tc..:· ho1lp nnd tllu scrub o.nd trees nll
'i'i:o <:.ir vt..c bua.vy vitb' ar~:.·k;.J uu! dust. » C.·_cpan,y had
:,r.,bl-l.lS th:ll\ nny Cltllor COIMi.l1'-~ since it h=.d l.nO Jll~~t .. on SC:.£'C%'•
fr: u til,;; rc::t l.! thG ct·tr.~<'J\Y in tb~; j~l.:~, nn~ C\.ulcl nl.-t proci:,in ?' int its l..,c ti1·n !t r i'Uli:O:.Bos d cle>a o-in !iro SUilP: rt.
;:lt:t.;:m Vt'.S in n £ll"ving fir·.·fisllt against eo. fwrco ')f 75-100 oneJ:V•
fr.ct tb."!.t. to1ia pl~t •. on VQ8 f::rvl1rd of ll &nC _ Ccl:l),l8ll.iOS dol.a,yod
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ct o!iuct:l.vu tires in ·sup-j:>Crt .,£ thos.J tv.. c~.~r.;....nics.
uaing th:: tacbniquo c.! ••vil.Jcl.,gi• !iraa dc.;vn t:1~.: o.;untc..in
tho ac.. •.th and voat, !ires vera plr.c;.:l v.narCI tho;r g;..vo
bull) to tbaso tv>• c..cp.:.nioa ..: OBi'lC.C1..-.lly. C..DilM,Y - · :&. a~cl.!icell.J'
..-.,~inoCl aovarnl c!rnYB locain.ts' d~"!D
u tho U..Wl~l.n 1 ·M~ ,'!f;.;nted !iroB .
•.. llt.coi ..Jll onoi.if l:&Jrtar ~Bitir.na sightod ~r susvoctud ...ut tu 81 1:11:1
:a~rt.:r ro.ngu. 'l'vo P.ir strikoa vere ~so ·bri."\4t.t in on the vnl.la7
rti:.c.r t..• tho n:.n:1voat un ~ no'\1' thll l.~.~e<:.ti\ln ut tho s.us£~Ucted
bnttalit.n roportod by. h~or ho.:dqusrtora tho. pravioua dq •
.:.t this pc.int, tho LoUBt criticnl. :;1oriod u! thtt .nttornoun 'busan•
f'r..
enecy
' -
l3) 'l'!.1>. J. U;;clJ~ Co=a.n4or acint up on ;:lr.t~on to l:l
CoD1l&o"lY ~ dirwetel!. ~'his }ll.iltu:,u hoRde!! ,,ut, buca.r.u. ungr-80d, end
. · obdDil Ui' en tiio right c.! :& Co.IOilJNV" r'l.tilor tb.llll the 'lurt. 'Tl1is vas
Q;"iifuaing tc. lx.th t.!1e o. C: 101~D.ri,.v Col:l:lAndor 811<! J:VB.llt until le.tor
"in tho nttornc.eon vhGJ\ tho ll..cati..n or tl.ia plzl.t.lcn boo~ at rtcd
·~ut. Tho h C;;;cllf'.ny Ctlct~:xor l·Ushod t-Ut iu. M a!!c:rt t(.· rlll!Ch his
"Jilbt<.<.on which llf tiu.t tL.LI hHd boon cccplotal7 aurrcundod.· l:l t;;.,~
~(-) plus t;lll ... C•~101~ 11lr..t. c.n 'Vt!li ablo t:: get to v1thin 75 DOtara
or th;~ cut-c.tr pl:l.tc:on but. c•.;~ got no iurthor. Tho .• Cuc~'6113" platt•on CBI!o'' it cloaor tbul any c.tuor .;:loaont. ls Cc..gpcny vaa tr.ltingmc.cSarato cr.suc.ltioa. C.:.ncurrontly as Ceocr.!UI,Y ._ l-) vas ho ...c".ing up towarda tho lu!t c.nd roertJCst ulouonta c.1' :.U ·l.c..J:Il,~, it ll:llda ho:\"7 - ··•
ct ntcct vith n lc.reo !crco c! at lout o.r.o ?o.Vli Ccmpney which va
drivi..ng in r.nd cl.eong o. l!ry crook bu<l pari:.llol· t<.• the vostorn oc'~go or ·
tllo i.... 'l'hoso onuiDJ voro hul\d.od directly toVIU'ds tho lett .roar c.!
Ccot~pn:JY ls. - vary !lon'V)" tiro fight :iu:aoitic.taly 'br!.'ku out. A Comparrr vc.s T.clcing lisht ccaur.ltioa, ~ln.. extracting a hur.'f)' t...ll !rJIII
tho onau;r~ uno uf t;.u ., C:.:.IOilJMIY :plAtvLin& YCS in such n J:-CSi tion thz.t
it w;:s t.blo t .. Dnll8 cl:.au-in !b..nking !iru un 50 - 70 .t'..Vll u tn87
e;·ntinucd u.ving <.~vas thoir !r..:ut. rl('ns or tn.ma wore killed, QB
vn::n tho l.J:.l! !ov woro dro1Jpod, tho ro~1ndor ku1•t C;)cil,g right int;,
·tho !io~l.t\ o.t firtt. <l c~.~clJ.w tt-c::k· tv~. prl.aunora vheo woru lr.ter ov- o- ·
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(4) Just RS tho"J. C:-tll-W\1 tiro tight br~·ko l'ut, tho lAst.
oloLICnts ;: f C C.•z;JIIIUJY .·.n~ the lull.·~ :lloucnta ~:! JJ l!:·.ctJ.·.n,y 1:-.ndod • •.a
·they 1-:ru',od, tho hoJlicopt.:ars t. c>k nuo:aro:us hits but ,-ilona woro anc·t dcvn.
'Th:l 'C l!r t:r.Jcori.Y Ccti.Jalldor rlirtlc-t;od. his o.l.cr..cnts inte> posi tkn r.long aida
his othor oloL:Cnts vhich Mil lcndcd !•roviously •. IIi thin !ivo cinutoa,
c. !;·reo cor 175 - 200 oncrl)", hor.t.~.:' tc.r tho ~. ro'ln ho~l.Cng into C
C:Ju:_:c.ny. c Cc.u,r..n,y h.::lcl T.hOIOI err' killin.l nWJOrous or tht.g in tho
~c:;ss n:l thuy c:.ntinuc.'l'\ tr;•ing tc.: got to tho lnnting Zl•llOo Vno
~·ria~nor v;:.s t:llc1.1n r.ntl CV!'.cuc.t;.-d. Tho C C::.cJlfU\1 r.ction cuntinutild !ur
n.:·pro,.-..11 ;,,;ol." 1~ hours until the ::nol:l)", c!iscr~izJ~. ;ud dociuntod,
pullcc'. :;,££ under hOilV)" friendly nrtillory and cir fire:. , frr,gging IIWl3"
or his t!ol'.c'. ant "'"unetY.'..
(SJ C:..ncurront vith r.ll o! tl:;.J :lbove, c.s talC first
.1loucnts c.! .iJ G. Di"lllY luldc..od l vi th tho 1.-..st uluuonta uf C l!o~),
tht:l iut.:dintcly bcc'lli;O ongo.gcd in ti.lo tiro fight nu:uo ;.. Coc:~-·MJ'•
Unu u! the JJ C.u;tllllY Cca.o:vuier 1 a r •.dit.o t·porators ves U. in tna litt
Cntl~:P.:IJ' Cvu..o':'.lldo;.:s hulicCipter bo!c:zro · ho c;.oul:i disJ:O.~unt Pnd tno c;.o,..c,r
gl.llnor and ~no ;~il..Jt wero vc.und\ld •. I etc..l•:;Jot! t1:1o.1 ot!l.:r oight Uii-1D1 a·
1'rvL l1'..nt:.:ing by r;:.ciic.. Tuo jJ c,.mvan,y ulelila~:~ts co;noistad c.! tl.e ct..LDIUid
. group, pnrt of tho L.Cirtr.r !,:l<.tc..~.-n E-Jl•: thll c.nti tMk pl.ct, ~.~n. 'tho D
Coc11l:l\Y C..=.-.nc:.or led thaw tovB:cls tht: sc.und ut tho hur.vy !iring in
tho J.. Ct•t.tpc.ny r.r3:-.. 'they tli\cto it t.;, th.J stru~~-11ec r.ro<1; i.u.lc.tiD.tol,y
,.on~;, .X~ 25 - 30 ~1. .Y!• h..:P.dod·, dt:vn th;,· iltruuo:Obllc!. :..1.! killod n.at of
t!l.::c. '"" C:c1.c.ey clownts kill.::c!. th~ r;.::;t. Dur1n8 t.1is fiGht, tho
D u•. upany Cc.cnutdor Me! h.-rtnr ?l.~t ... c.n 1....:-".or vor.J sc;k~ly v~.-und ...od
but c::r.tinuc.'C! tr: !ira th::ir ritlos ilOrsc.ns.ll:y killing govorcl ~-'11 ~
...!tor the onory wore st:~;.puc!., .tho D C.. r.pPn:f Cot1lallder r.l:;;orn \:ly l:·st
c: no cit. us ness E.nd crr::c tc.. "'J turned ovur tho CIJI..tl!::".ri ,,[ the CCU}la:IT
t~ t.'lo -ntit.c.nk •'l!·.t·.un ;,orp;o!'.nt, a llt·~f l:lcr£c::nt, ..:-6. l>itJpuaition.a
:.t units r.t tn-:.t tJ.DJ r.ro s!l. vn nt l'nb F. Th\l Cc.r.il% ..
1ti11fl llftioor, C
C.tr.Jr.ny tr~u •.hTBiccl cont;>..et with t ..is bt:U'£ Sor@I-"Jlt ~d with ;::q ·
t.'prcv.~l diroct:Jc!. tho Jl Cc.up:·ns olownta t- tho loft ••! C Ct.gp."'.ll,T
I
1
5
!~OR OF71CIAL USC: ONLYl
232
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�l6) i3y than· V'B. vero tclci.ng nWIII.Iroua c~ualtius thro\18h0ut
r.nd it VIlli cpp!lront th.::.t vo vorc !ishting 500 - 600 onaqy•
tho onua vo voro in contc.ct vith nnd I !igurod othan
our voy, J.. ruquostod tho .l.lrig!":.da Cor.oc..ndar to send r.o MOthor
coclll!n:/
.t>o i.J::r;ludi;\tol,y r.pprOTcd thia roc.uoat. In !nct-1 lr.tor
thl\t ho b;,ld P..lroedy alartod " Uo1:1p:ll11', 211 .tett~lion, 7th CaYAlzy
r.sso~bling it ~t pick-up zonaa.
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l7) JJuring thia !ira 1'1Sht, tho Ucv.:Ury ::tcout ::ii.lction .VQ8
·-·apuci!ic oror.s tc. roconnuitor. 'J.'hoy concontr::.tod on routoa o!~
dovn tho I!Duntai.n to tho northvaat nnd aouthvost, :ru1 <.lao
!rou tno north :uld northwest on tho Y:ll.:t.Y floor. '.L'ba
portucl ro:oults to 1010 on toV coDtl[.nd .not. ..t thia tic.:J,
7\trm-CD:imrJ.tt~~ 1500 hot~r~~, I docido' thc.t it vc.s nacoss:-.ry to conti.nu11
tho· r;:QC.indar or thu tnctic:-.1 ol;n;ontt' .r the 'bllttnliun conof tho raeon p ..11toon, } Wi1.LI loads o~ C'CocpUlf oon, c.nd
llJ end 1st :.arbo;..nt o! l1 Cor~p~. ..:.lthoush tho ccstorn portion o!'
J.:.ndi.n& zona v::s under onotl)' fire it hr.d aleckot. off considornbl,y
to ,;bu w r.nd JJ wc..u.,....ey; ·'lctiana. '.l.'haao ulu1..:nta 1:-.ndo:i ar,Cal,y. I
JJ. C;o~:~,. lJY over 'to 't<1o Cotlpi'A,1 .XU nnt. ~ir;.;ct~ hiJ.:. to diar c.aa
p~toon nrau·•~ tho north r~ o; .at !'ringo at tho ~ tor .&.lS
Md 08 b;.ttalion roaano •. Tho C i:o~:~pan;y Coa.!Miier h."'ld prowith 'C!,f npprovcl., act up ell ri£1:) cocpan;r I!Drtora on tho
""~•'t.<trn !ring:) of t!lo ~. 'l'lla JJ C.:o~ (;oz::n'"!IIL'lor v~.a diroctod to
h1a IX)rtars to thee nnd tr.ko ovor thoir control !roo n oontrr-.l
""rl.D.cipcl direction o!' !'iro vr.a tovtZd .. :nd l. UoupMiaa.
=rl:i~::<>n nlso ht~ tho J:liaaion or ~ du!'onao to their onat.. ...u
i11to poaition.
.
l1 ) ·rh.., ~i.uo vr.a nov &llpro:d.~.,;,.tol.yo 1545 hours Md th"
position o! tne oppo&infl !orcoa v •.r.a ;.s show o.t ·..:~b "' 'l'ho first
by Cocp:lllies .. "nd :&. to ru •.cn thll ·cut-of! pla.:.toon h:lc boon
by :OaJproxiu·tul,y 3CXI enucy. ~<u vuro tl'ul:ing r..odor:.to ccsu:.ltiua
111..0ng le:o:c!ora t-.w. rulio•••m. ..'hs:o on~r.;:J vur.: o.ggracsivo un.d
CwoO ,rr t.!Ja uount .• in in WBQ gro~.;po. 'lh~.Y voril vall-cu.outlr..scd
toot: oxcollont r~v.::nt.-.g.:~ o! cover cnc~ conco!:ll:::ont. 'l'h~y vor .. sood
Th1.1;r voro ~«! vith nUDQrgWI ..JUtolo.t.tic \.Onj?uns ;.n~ Btltul
gron::dus. ..vcn 1\!ter bc:~g hit aover:ll ti.IJoa in t.ll:)
1.4.-.n~· contillul.lrl firing ;.nil L.OVing for sovor..1l 1.0ro st~•·s bo!oro
•1.J.:;r:. .L o~cro~ l.;oup.'ll\ioa - r.r..l .a. to avncu:..t·; t. •.cir cr.au·~tiea1
under covori14t fires out or closo cont~ct1 .::111'1 proparo:i for o.
. . .u'"'"''"'"';-.":::1~ ntt;,ck supportc.r\ by 1\0r..VJ i•ropr.ro:t.ory !1.rcs to get bc.ck tho
pl~toon.
ioQI\TlVililO Cocp:UlJ c.; v~ continuing to hold orr ·thu
v·to their front Vith tho help Of BODO UC~iccnt ~till:::lr.)' nnd
c.ir supiX'rt. Tho :...-.tt:-.lion ~-2 vns voundud o?.nd lc.tor shot ag:;.in
killc..oJ duri;tg t!11B c:ncL,)' nttr.ck. · T:tc surrounded platoon o! ll
stood of! nuncrous .c. f1• o!!orts to ovcrrun.it. ~o;~ryl.ne thair
vountloa, szm ti•oir equiptJGnt t!1c cen or tho pl11toon .oatnb1 25 J.OOtor vido poril:.otor on a slight ri.so or srount'. Ml1
ro•tll.l!'tl~l.l211:u:• their .::u.uunition unr!or nouvy onoJ.V !ira.
(2) •• t approxi.l.ar:tol.y 1620 hours, th.J soconrl nttnck by
nics - r.z,d II to ro. c!1 th.J surroundo·l pl:-.toon bo!;".n• TIJ.ia 0\ttl:ck
P:rococlcd by :-.rtillcry nnd .i.h..::. prep:.r.-.tory fires. i.ctvecn tho !ir:at
second ctt~cks on~ ~.:tspit~ ·honvy fires fro~:~ nrtillory ~d ~ir, tuo
3 hrJ: J.OOvou •:ell u, tov~s •· nntl :U ~OLIJI. .ni~.:s. :;,ouo v~ro in trooa.
toll br~ck. For !ricndl,r to n.c!v,:ncc, tho cnocy ~ to bo killed.
v.:.s difficult b..oc~uso tn... y vora vcll-c~utlr.g::d :1ne1 usod .~u
ot covur :lll•: conce.\l.J.Jcnt. h:.n,y hc..:o dug iuto u.r.ll spi.!or-holus,
vor~ tl~ in~O tlJu tOjlD r,uc1 Si.tl&:S of tho cnt-llil.lo,
JJ.)' th;.t
, Cou~y - h.:.d lost t.U thr.Jol rifle pl.:.toon lc~~·.Jcrs - oao l..L •. ,cnll
J.llory !orv~ obsarvar AI... i'our r..;:n hc.d bocn anot cnt! ldllotl
Six !o.;t or tlw \:Otlpllll,y l;o~'ar, 1JlClwling hill COU..O SOrjS~t
h.Cting &oa n r!..diu opor .tor. "OLI1.c:n,;r !. oo.oulonoc slie,lltl1
•·.n·. 'l:o tu .. rir~.t of (.;oL)rlan.)' ... , progr-.eaod olllJ' 75 - 100 mtora
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�P,~~-i~r in clo11o-in !ishting. I hod givo:1 ... CoL-pr.ey
·pl.:.toon · vb.!C:h h.".d "bu<:n :l.Ssi.ating B CoLp::ny. Ii"ovcrth'"lollll
\~cpuli,T could ·anl,y progr::.aa r..bout 150 cotora. Uno pl;.too~ ot _.
~ adv-~cod !r.rthcr tb.nn t..:o othor .tvol boc.1e:1 o~gcx'. vith l:L
'sFantJ.i supcirior rorouJ and VI'.S pi.Qnocl dovn. ~CUD or th;. OnDL\}" vor\.dttad the !riondl,y to P,.bs by thee in tho donso tcrr::in c.n.:!. then
o'P'J'iud up frc.D COncol:.lod positions. wb.ito phos}.lhorous U'tillcr,y V,\B
broll8llt in arounrl tho pbtoon P.nd botv11on tho plr.toon ;:!lll'\ - Coupa.n.y (-)
to pvc supp:~rt to ;-..n - Cotopo.ny LOVO rorvnrd to got it. Tl:.o burninG
·phosphorous cnusod u tct:.por,·.r,y lull in tho:~ On<IIJ,Y tiring "-lld th."'..t plua
tho illcoko, onnillod tho plntocn nnd their <lo.~- cnc4 vo~od to l:o r..J:.cllod
end 'brou,sllt b<!.ck. ..... 200 - 225 onot;Y torco vr.a still in tilo nron !'igbt.:.
inlf egrulUI.t Ccl:l';o.nio3 - ~ :B. :i.•.- 1740 hcurs, :0: docidod tnrt it vna
noccesnr.' to pull _.. ond .b \Ocup;lnioa, undor CINor o! hsnv,y &uprorting .
!iroill, ·bo.ck to th.: !ringo or tho lr.nding zono c.n.:l sot up n ti(dlt
do!<~ns'i.vo .por:Ua~tar !nr tho night. loo varo still in good oor.cun. icntiona vith til.J aurrow11!sd plzltoon ADd it vc:a ri.O&od vith close-in
a.rd.llor;- d.o!cnsivo !iru. l·'l· i:ltontierns voro tu conduct 1:nothor coordl.Mtod ,,ttii.Ck ~uring t!lu nigtit or o •.rl,y th11 next LDrning to reach it or
to .got ·tllLIU uut during th;:: ni&ht b;r intiltr~Uun. both - and ll Cotopr..nioa
1w\ n=.rous 1olo. ~ :.:t.. t~ g\:t \iUt or the crw\ -or cout~tl r ..:<~rg::.n
izntitln ui' thu squ' .r.s ;".J~~( ,Pli!tilun& h.;J4 t ... 'bo t:CCUI.Ii;J.isnOdJ roaup.•I,1
or ~-.:.11~ vntor 11.111 t;.. bo c=iod out, :;.r.d c.ll units c,! tho bat~l~n
ht\:1 t., .'w. tiod in llllll disposod !\Jr tllu ru,gtt. C I:Qcpjll\y lL'Id tnkon n
· hO·"V!' toll ._.f ti10 OllOI.~ tbrOi.ChcUt tho) a!tornuCJn. t: (;cup.J.n;~ bed tokon
i:. !oJ• ccsur..ltius but v:-..a in gwd shi..p.l ani thu cnouy, ti.lthoush still •
in c;.;nt·:.ct,·.P.'\d cor.so~ hia nttacka on thu Ol•c~. Cocpnny 1> Nod St~ne
into ;csition. ~ Cor:!XIl\Y, 2d ~~tt;1Hnn, 7th c:1:v.-:lry vn11 knrh.-1 in i.vo
to four u.u-1D luc.o\s at n tir-.n !1'UD 1705 to 1fl00 hours • ..a th.:J)~.l:VInnd
I built t"ou into u rosorvc !orco ~uparod to countor-nttack ~ ,anutrt.tic.n or ·t; Coc;,~· or tor Cllr:citccnt in ·i;b.o .o, l. Coupo:ny c.ro:. o! cuntact. Ti1is V:'!ll nut nccoss.:r,y. ·
it
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(;c.cl~':Jli<lS v~.s c;;nductud
\ihitc J'lliOS}Jhl..ruu.o, fired L-y crtill:lr"J, Vi'.D r.g:d;, 'Wiod
l3J Thll vithclr.:.vcl or - :..n:i b
SUCCIISS!ully.
t.., ct vor tho vithd.rrov<·.l. Tho burning 1.busrhtirous scuuod u ;.iaorg.udzo
t.,.., t:l1u1.;,• ~ru t!u:.n i..; and tho sUDke gru .. tl,y •'\Bsitll'i us by ita aoreon~
ing o!!ccts. liy 1900 hc.urs, thu orgr.nizntic.n u! t1111 ,-criL:otor V:lB
CvC.illotc'; units vcro tying in fer tho night t'.nci de!unsivOJ llrtillozy
c.ncl u.n:-.r !ires voro being registered. l c.ttoch ... d one 1•llltoon 1.1!
Cotlilf'..ny :U, 2d linttdion, 7th Cnvr..lry tc. \; C<..'-P<>.llY 1\8 U Col.ll'N\1. hlld n
vir!or soctc.r to ~o!cm:. 'l'il.:~ rccon pl:-.t. ~.:n vcs placed in b.1ttnlion
roaorvu. Dispc.sitl.ons voro llS shovn nt Ti.b Ao
( 1) ~<hilo ell ~.r the ab..vo acscrib.:ld. ::.ctions vuro in prugrosc, nw...:r.,us othor t:.ctivitios voro g~..i..n~ c.n. - LLi.;ior !Jitl bJ.ol.i v::s
Ci".ro .::.ru:. ovncuntic.n ut tuu vuurulod. .-~.ri.f L1 tho u!'terlliJun, ·th.J b.::.t'tc..lic.in Sur{;.:Jt.n, r.J-!icc.l suppl.i-.s t.nd !c.ur :.1;; stnti.. n r;orsvnnul vore brc.ugUt.
in. ·r~.oy •=ivotl r.rouru! 1400 tiour& c.nc! Wldor ho!:.vy tiro tro•~'tod tiJ..: vuund ..
'<l
in Lrf Cr r.raa. l. dirt not cc.ll in ''0<! _.v,:c holicoA'tors tov !r.:qu_t:IItl,y
.
~c:~un-. t..aat c.! th:t c.!tornllon tho:~ l::.nlling zunc v;.::~ undor !iro. ·••t c:.b.Jut
1330 h•Jurs ~~ ~Qcll tv.;-chop:.cr open .:!%'14~ v-s soloctoc!. in tho nc;,rthcr.storn
,l!Qrtion o! A-il-l', ;::.s lr:f SUlJl'l.:i r.n•: ovr~cue.tion link to;. .tho r...tar. This
~~~- hr.:t t:r do!cnr\ 1\t f'.ll costs. ~;r.is nro;: is shuvn ~t 'l'.•.::. 11. .L roquosted
th~ h::ilicopt>Jr lift co~~ coLll:!IU\or·t.. ov".cur..tn tho:~ voundul., bring in
sui;i•li..:~s,. ;.rul sot uro ~· o:rstu~.a viwroby· .Jvcry hcli()(;a-tcr cct.ing tu X-!U
with trc.ops, vith· suppJ.ios, c.r tor vound:id voUlc! c:c:.ll w !iJr l=nrting
L:stl:uctiuns. 'X-is S:fStou vur!CO.! VP.ry vull; t~uughout th4 ~tcrnoon
r.m~ c..::rl,y .Jvcning, n~rc..us ~-1»' s V..Jro bruug!1t in ,- onch rr-.t. n
s~.'C:C:iJ'ic direction ct n ;:ruscribo:c. altitude tc. lnn\! at a orccifi.c ~hco
and gc c.ut Cln :l ,·rcsc:ibr.:t: h . .i.!ldins. 1 hcvJ thu lllg.ost ot.r..irnticn, ,
r;raiac one: r.:s,..,ct fnr tLO ... uts'tc.nrU.ns ;.r~·!cisoionnl:iE.r. nnd ct.urngu Cl!
tho li-.;.1.&.1 lliluts nnci CrO\J::J Vbo ri'..Q l\ gauntlet Of O::nllL.,Y fire tit:o nftcr
-:
~ilJO to hal:• w:. ~'hoy never rc!W:oc1 tc co1.oe ill! thc;r !t.llov~ instruct1cna- b.:lnutifull,y; t.•cy vor11 grodt. \oc 1.'1 turn c~o.ll.::rl. thoc. in Yhon
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�~~~.,-~teat .cnn ~ri~ t"" _havu uvurythi~~. ron!'.y !r:.r oe.ch l.&.nd-
.lcoup thllu on tho gr"und n t.i.nimu:'. ti:.o. ·l•.-.no wora shc.t dcwn
nl.t.hc!U6)1 IOWit CJ! th&.:U t:,e,k hits. 'J.'w • t.ircre.ft wore brc\18ht
ACt. got out. l.lno rocoiYod unocy Ciro 1n tha ongiJlo end
in an opon, cirua. Just_ o!t tho nortaorn ax>rticn· o! tho w.a
eli'-~ & !.Jv tree tapa Vith tho Ulin rutor un l::.ndi.1g 1n the
, hnd t ... b.J l\J!t. t:rova cf beth c.ircrr.It voro il:Jwdi.,tuly li!tod
othor hulicCJpturs • :&--th duvnod holicc·;~tors vorl.l i=diutol,y
•~:~~e~m:oull b~ .Jlo=nts uC l:ocroe-.J' :.J without urdora .vor battnlicn bvP '1101Ag tho no:!ruat trt'ops. DOth vore slightly d:.=god c.nl,y and
cut tv•• dl\YB lJ~tur \.y C:zi-47 Chi:u.ultD. llur1tlg the t!lruo
, thoao. v:~ro tho onl,J .twu ~·vnod h.:~licoptoro. i.y 15'0 lluura,
~coDC ;.;;;.w.ront th!:.t wa wt>ul.cl ·AOod .::. niG•t ll;,11rl.ing CC.,.lllbilit;y :L nuude<! n pr.th!insfer to11t1 .t\1 a."siat t10 c.n tho grt.und. l cr.llod
- t;ou~olll\Y, 229th liit CuiJilcn.Y coccc.ndar vi th a raquos t !t r ~th
otlLl v:.!B srr.ti.Ciod tv luw.rn th!\t b.J hc.C. nntici;llltod the. roquiro&lrrivon ab.:JrtJ..y tharor.ftar •.nd vith ~:1cr dct.olitioniate
the. ~ intu r. Il'.i.rJ..y anf'o tvo-chu;;~lo'Cr landing cro:. r.nd eat up
tt• bu turned c.n i i nocossl\%'7 t ..r ·night ~inga. -lthu\18h undor
bsorvc.tiun .;nC:. !ir;,, it vt;a loss vulnorllblo th.:.n th" auuth.Jrn
..,,,n:,,un ...t .A-1w.:1 vhoro vo voro. fltill clocning ;,ut ono~ riflaoo:m.
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'Dy dcrlt, nt 1915 ·hc:.uru, .. rc.&Uill•l.Y c! lli.I.ICir rnti~.:na,
au,pliaa hcl boon br.. \18ht in. ~uxdrnno, IXIrphino,
D::llW:lG~•s. varu th.:: r..xliet~l BUI•jj)liua wst n.:ud~ t:nd. v;.tor vaa nt A
].'ir;)ui;uu.
"'•'lJt':lxiJ:LtoJ..y 1850 houra, J. r~iood r;s ~-3 W1d. tul4 hhl
tt. c:.r..o i.u na a •• cn as IXJ&aiblo using tV.. ti.a-1JJ 1 s ..Jl:1 ~
in th;, crti.. J.or,y liel.a..n officor, ·~"'..;, t'V\1 r01tl1~· :. ;;xu-otc.ra Cllld
watur r.nt: Stl'\ll r.ra.a e.t..ZZ•. i'ho,y lc.nr.oci· r.t 2126 hours. Tt:o r1t.,4:
su.ko -vaich;·nung l:llr<~ ,. htn-~-.n+.,.l. """"~ .. in ov.. ,_. ·c.ltn ..... Lt .... ,.,..~
rvo~ th.,i,. :>rrivcU. c.nf. r.c.clo tho ~ing vor,y rli£f:hml1. but 'nc•l ou.~n,
229t~ pilt,.ts l>01'!.·rDOCl vith grant C••ur£.60 "r.nd 1.-r..:!osaioru-.lial:lo
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cull.~ct._...:
i>y dr.racnuss, 1915 hours, va l:v.d cv~.:eu:.ta.l cll uur V.Jun.iad ·
t.ur nu.·J'. in r.y C.i' r.rcu. ... 1.c. l".nc1 v;o.tcr w::s b •. iug .. is-
tho lenc',inQ Z\lnO nr.::. Vi'JI in th,U !iri.P.J. Bt~.g>JS u£ :.rol,.'U"i~ti.,n
nisht l:!ndin6Sr LO.•rt:.r nnr\ artillery fires vera bcJing ro,;iatarod
u.rctun.• ti•c •. o:'i.CoJtor; n acr.ll li.:ht ~·rc.cr vcrking .-.rol\ hr.~ boon
=""''lll·'"''" c.ut •.! :~.nch.;& !c.r the ~~-ica; ;:lll! thll chitin ,,c eu~
bLloJ:\ roors::.nizud. J. klk&.:•1 vith. ta."1ey c.! tho t.JOn ~ c::ul·'. SilO t.b..t ·
LC"r:-.lu v;;,~o hi!;h. llo know wo woro !r.ci.ng n touGh onoLJ but wo Llac
thu onoL,y vi th n grcr.tly au&XIrior ! .:reo ht:.ll !--.i.llln tu foOt ,;~•usn
. t n!'tcrn.:.1.no wu voro in· oxcollant st.nilo CB vo c .. cplotoJr\ tying in
;:ori.t.;.,;)tor. Tho cut-<•£! l•J.c.tovn u! ll C.;.opc.n.r v:J.B in ·go,;d o..rcl.o end
hulding its :;>u&itiun.
ls.
Uurine tllci night tllc un~ u;.Jo sovcr:U light .,rubes
;;;C .. :.nc! :U t::,J.:.,.M.Yr ~d c.! (; l.ic.L;,..:.ny nu&lr vr.~;ru it tiun in
i
- l.oui··illl.Y, •.rtillory h.-.r::ssing t:.n~> in ~:or.;ictlun !ir::~s voro brout,Ut
"n ~c:. lvvor !in£,'Cr& uu. c!.r~v:S u! th.: r.ount:.in, OJ.ruund tho
a'''"li'"~:~:·n t.ru!. vustorn ec!g.::s CJ! the j-oriuotor; 11111: u:~~ t.n tw slupu.s vll;Jra
!ivu electric li(;hts veJ:.: ubaorvet~. \to rocoivu~ six ... r 'a.:~von
. or high cx,l•.sivo !ira, c.it~r wrtiU" cr rt·cko:lta.
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'i'hu ourrv\lJlllcd pl.·.tc.un c! ll t:ctJ&->IU\Y on .1 Iinaur cf tno ta:.unb.1.t~lion r•or.U.Otor w•.s l·r·Jtoct.ri b;y
o-in =tiJ.lor,y !ires. :Ul night._ .fl1u IJAOL\)" CL'Il~ bo he-rr\ dl nrc.und
.illntt t~n. -rtillol'Y firo w::.s brcu;llt in on those OJ.ra.-:s .::.nd th;) ah-.uta
scror.tos tcld o:! @-Ud rosults. · Tho pl.1tt•.o01 WG'\11 c.nd ondo·~ the nit,ht
6 AI.., 12 iil,;. t.n•! 7 uon :u.t w.:.WU:cr:. It vr.& diBllC•Bt.:d in tvt. BCi\':rt.to
.o;u••m•.~o.L;·ns within th.;:ir s:.r:.ll·::u~tar.
Tho pl:otu ..n lo:-.dar, IJlot ..on
" 0 '~"''""" tonV. vo;::x;ns sqw.d lu,.dor vcro1 c.t.C'n 0 tho Jcr.... ·rho r.li-n vtu. ondaci.
till.l r~.i(. v; .a .. !lort:uwnt .:.-5 squn.c: loa;\o=• .110 could nut got to
r;.nkine; Ll:zl ln o.tnl! o.or.;uont riilo aquae\ luot.or), ainco cn.Y. wvo ho
'IJO Looters nurthvost t.! tl:.;l
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�., · ~~il!to cno; ~ 1·~lo ,fire •. no. vas .th .. c.•r.n: r.nc'. !l.o;:dorship
his. Co~· ~litCile._or. ThrCugllont thu !libht 'ho ndjustec\ cluso-liD
z:.rt1llo17 ~ira on tho DllOCJ' surrcun::ing hiu o.'a ho ho:-..rd .th~.;"' rotillg Md
t~·- ·'l'hra;, li;Ji.anrr.-to nttncu voro cr..du durins tba nii;ht ~ tho om f:13onbh-in n'bt.ut 50 J:lQI1 strongth. .!.11 vor .. ;bonton crt ·by sorU.l arl.lll nnd
r.?tlllory !ira. &ilvorr.l. CJ! tho vuUndot!. L:Cn c.r thll .plO\t..Jun cuntil\uod t(;
tiSht• 'l.'r-.:1 BoOtJn~ ntt."\ck, nt OP111'uxil::lntaly 0345 hc..ilrs V:lB 1·rocodod by
.bugl>~ cr.lls nr<~un4 tho plutuon u.nd u;;1 un th;, countnin 200-400 1010turs
ll'txJvo tho platoon. I roquoatod ~ ro)cuivod n ~-"' -ir strike in thu
ar>~u n'tx.vo tho pl.."":tc.cn." It vas ct~nductod under .;."U- ·.io'r•roo !lr.ruship.
111\ini.nl\t:i!Jne J.t VQS ripht On tnrs~t en~ grec.t~ >QIIBiSted in broddng
~1' th'1.1 soo~nd c.tt.:1ek un thu surrc.uiuiod _::,:ll!ltc.c.n. T~a vus tho c:n~
1ll\1Ilin.£1ticn usud r.ll ni;;ht sinoo it oxp..>aod th\1 aaon in tho B\lrnlundod
pl.4tc.un ca vall BD th.J !uxhc.loa in tho or.\!Jl nr-.r.a co! th;;, 'lr.t.;lll.iun
~ir:iotor• -lsc.., th..:ro vtiB a f'llir~ bright coon f'Z'\.Il 2315 c.nv.:lrt~. \lhon
dey-liGht 'arcko, nUl:IOrC\is eno01 i\(111,'1 '!'IJrO aoun nrcund tho surrt.undod
'plat~:~n. 'rhoso vera only· th;, rio .. d vho or.uld bo a·aon l::rf tho con na tho7
11!¥ ll%'\.·110 in their l:O&itiona. Uthor bodies vera liCJ&aibl,y ct•ncor.lol.! b:1
th<J high grnss vbich c1o.:ttu(, tl1.:1 t:ruch .During .tho ni(;ht, tho c:m of' thu
pl:-.t..on ar.v r.nr: honru tho onDI.y dr:l!;gin& of'! 'l:lMI¥ dc.:.t!. r.nr! vc:undod.
D. l!'irat li1;llt c; DO :1t 0630 hours • l 'M!l tuntr.tiva~ i'.ocidod
t.n ·r:t~~ i:ll!:n of' c.tu.ck to roai:lh tho·· aurr~o~wuloc\ l>lntL·t~n vnilo aiJ:mlto.uoouelT
securing thi.J poriilotor. 1 diroctod r:q -• :&, Clll\ C "CCi:IOliY Cc.r.IIIIUidera
t~ ~ot CD at the ~ ConpQn¥ CP to !in&lizo tho plRn and t~ rocoivo cr
c.reora sil\co tM.t vas tll;l boat ~~int of' vutROV• Tho til:lo v:~~~ Ci·I'l'·,xinnt::~ o640 ho~. 1 tllao dirooto~. o:-.ch cnt~J!MY tu chock Bn·nnd thoir
;rc..~iti.ons c~f'ull,y !or inf'iltre.tore ani! snipers.
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... ...t r.l·~:r..;xiulltol.y 0650 ht•nrr. t •.,n :r•..,c.n r.tl"""'"'t•• ••! \hu tat
cnc~· 2d pl.At:,-ns o! ~ CuuiJ.lli.r ~ tt-.o tvc. le!t t.l.r.tc.t.ns) \'hich vore au:o.rchl.AS en•! screonins r.~>rtl.-c-xil..r.tcl,y 100 - 2VO t..l'tors !o1-wa.rd u! thuir
l'C>Sitiuns bcg..m roc.:irtnt; riflil tiro fr .. c thoir fr.;nt and lc!t f'r,·nt.
Thoy roturnoc! tho !iro t.:nd buc.ll\ l",ulling ~k tc. their c~u!onsivo positions. ...t this t11 .c, tnc:iy vera Rtt:lckurt. by c !~reo CJ! 2 - · 3 li-.t.)'<!llioa.
Tho cneqy vc.s voll-cOJ~~:'uflnc;c..n; crc.uching.lt,;v; end in scu.: ccaos C:r:1vling
e-n h:-.nc:S -.nr~ knuoa. Tho) r.::c~n ·pr.rtios !r~r. tho tVl' pl:-.t ..u.n i•-Siticns
rit;i1t l•f th..: CwLl~.ul)' C? onc~"Wltorcd no cno~y but ...·ull~o.C ~k i.a;o)~i.lltol.T
t;;r their dofonsivo i'C-Siticna. ..., ii1ton.s1.1 a~"'.ll RrL:S !irt:~ !i.,:ht brt.ko
c.ut. 'l'ho vuight c•.r ti1u onot.y ntt;-.cJc v:-.s C.ircctod at tho loft ::,:lc.rti.on
t.f th.., C C:·.c~ sector. l'ho rocon r=tics c! tho 1st r.ud 2d ::,:llct.. uns
bot;r.n tE.kinc cr.gu.-.ltios inclU11in;; sc·L;o ii.L. :-.s they rulled b::ck. vr.her
c.cn voro !lit tryinc t~. got t;· than. ~uoo vtirc roc;jvcroi\J hov.:~vcr, by
than - 0730 hc:urs t:-.o onecy ~ IJOVO•'\ ~l.L.1st t ... tho pori~:~otor !oxhc..loa
C.cs;,>i.to tr.lcing sovorc lcossos !n·u nrtillcry, rJOrtnr, nnd close e.i.r.
' ::ir:v:,g-., clos.:-rr.n(:;o f'ie;hting vont t•n f'c.r th.J next tv... hours in tbil C
Cc.t.:.;:M,Y seet::.r - !lriiJU'il.y in ti1o l::!t tilroo plnt•·cn .r..re'l.S rn;. f;.rv=d
c.;£ t ..u C.:.arl<ll\Y' C?. ~!1oro viiS e.:n::idcr::.blll- h.:lnd-t~o-hanc\ !il:)lting. iCir
ex!'J:.;llc, the: 1st pl;;t,.on lil;:C.or vtoa !ounri lntcr ·JCL. v:z:th !iva doP.C ?...VN
· ::r.. ur.c! hiu in end nor.r h:z:s Cl' f:.xh... lo. v::1.: cnn vr.s !cum! U. vitn hie
1:.-~s r.t th~ throc.t t~f' n ci.:nd ~~."i'l.. lhu·.ar..w: onocy b.t!ios voro :found
intt.r1.in1.:lc:d vith th.J Jcille~l r.nr~ v1:·undci ~! C Ct:.t!rWlY• "...t ~~irrc·xilntcl.y
0'715 l11.;urs, th.: onct.y ntt110kod tho :.J CciJ~ soct,r nonr v!loru tho
D:.rt:ors vcro ucpl':.cod. '.L'his put the :;x:riuoto.: Wll!or r.ttr.ck f'rou tvt:
· ~i.rocti:::ns. -rtillory, ...orir:l Rc;cl:ct _-rtill~'"'Y, .JA'\ T-C -ir voro
c .. lloc! in CUll! thoir !:z:res voro accur::.to f:n.! onrouol:/ .:!!activo. ~
end T-C ~.ir V:l.B ;U;o used tc, rir-b tho' 1:c.r:z:ii:otor vi th f'iroo. .l'ril'l'ity
;,.f t.ll !ire:: vr..s s:z:ven tc.. C (;c.tlpQll,y. T:•c r..rtillcry Fv vith C.: C.:.:·upoey
WP..:i pinned d~ovn by ri.!'l:l !ira in the cc.upQn¥ C.r nrc.:.
ncncu tho r.rtillcry vns w'\justod by ~ artillery l:iuiaon .. f'!icor !'r~ou LV c.;:r. '.L'nor!l vr.a
gt.oc! c'l:.:.orv•Lticn.
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D. .;.t r~;,!.•rv:o;iu."":toly 0715 hours,_ th-• C:.~J.Jt::!.nding u!f'icor, C
C..,t.;..any rcquostoli rcinf.,:z:·cor.onts~ i: t .. .:~k .: ~lnt•·uri .r~~ Uc.UlM:i .. \it
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�: r.tho oloaoe~ .t.. C Coupen,y) Mi• did pntchild 1 t f~ r tllo C C_u~'fll!J'
.'It oQlJD Wldor fire vhilo a.ving •-var thfl. ;:pon ,,;rr.Ulld, lust
· wi-., but w.do it tv tl1o risnt clln'l:or of tho C CcutJCIIY socturo
07 45 boura, 'thu .i. C<.olJUIY soc tor vas Attnck.ud. by •b.L·.t vna
.c1atanJillocl tu bo r. acc.ll !t~rca. Wll vara nov :bo:ins att.:.ckac1 frt.D
'i!!aront diractic..ns with firins ;,f oqw:J. intonsity in ~ throe
l;razing t'ir;, !rvl!l onouy aur.ll aru1 l!nd ~:.ut..LY\tio vo:\ll!Jna vaa
ing tho int:~rior c! tho :JOriiJOtllr int1.1 tho ll:.o1iug Zt.•no,
l\l·,c-.:t'-..I.Jwn Cr c:s:~.;r. &ne nici atc.ti<.n.
Twulv:J t;.. !i!toon ·HQ ox~·l .. siuna
either onucy r.crtu- ur ruckat tiro occurod in tho t:oric.otar. ::.uvurnl
vcr.:~ ve>und..:~ in c.lll'l n~ tho C... by a=ll nrcs !ira.
vnu vas U:...
nlartod. t~ roaorvG f~.~r pr.•'br.bla ccCDitJ:oJnt in tho C :t;c,o?Cli.Y uo!:. or
C;o~ &octcr - bJtl! C'f w.,ich ctonti.-,g.Jm:ios ve bc:.:l pln.nnod fer '!:be
bofuro. "i. rll.lli..;od tho bri{iedo ou1-.r.nndor, inf;)rt:kl:i niu of tho
·ant in viuv of th:J lcuoo boiug ·aust3.1nod by C Ct.·llPMY end
bor.vy attt.ck, l roquaato~ on a.:liition£.1. reinforcing c.:r..:pc.ny. .a..J
.uro.;.ey r.lorted U.:.Dill.n.Y ""• 2c1 ila.tt<,.li..,n, 7th Cnvc.lr;y tho ,previous
cnt! nsaocbl\Jd it Vitb holiccptors ru:.dy fur r.x.vocont. tU reW.:\11 OlJ:Illl'IJVOd but .L aid nt~t bri.,g t:·,.;, Q.;,tl..,t'.IIY in at thnt ti,.o llUO
ho;,vy !iru in tbo - · -~ou Tr.b I f•,r r.u.r.c.sl.tit~.ria 1.1! oppoai.ni f<.rcua •
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-t cno til u, .:i·prol:ir.o;;t"j,y 0000 1wurs, tho unti-t.:.nk pU.t1.10.11
tloavily ong:161Jo:'. r:.N! thu l.<i vcs aovllroly throc.t.:nod. Tu.:. t.Drtr.rUO.D
f1riue; O...th thoir tx.rtiU'II ond thoir ril'los cnt.. t• ..d.us h~!.i.vy aL.Illl
firu. Vno u.rt~ vr;a bit r..ad &"Ut t~ut .-£ c.c:til.ln b¥ onuw.y firu.
t~ rosorvu, tb.: rloa~·n :t'l::tt.un, vhich z:Cvcd intu tht~ loft
U Cuc;~o-,ey soctc.r; hor.ded t1.1vuda l> Cc~ Md clocnod it cut.
j;·in9~ u;> ;with th..: rost :;:,f .II U&~Lil!W\V and frt.D tho.11 on tbroU{ltx.ut
rest .:;! thu l'l.tnr.k, tt..-:t :;x.rti ..n c>f t..a :l(w:ir... ~ ........,.o ""'ln.L· n:.ntrul.
)JOrr..ittod t;U t .. tr:JLIJ thu riAk nr or.~Y.II•nn:intf tv Dring in •• (;~~~ .._
""-'r.-.:t·.nt..n 1 7th Cnv•.lr;y.
.;.ltl\tlui)l tb.l J.... Vt\S unclur fire, it vr.a rOiiuc-od
I ·neodud - C. tr.lM.Y, 2d llr.ttr.lion, 7th C11v.a.l.r;y in ,s:• tb..-:t :r
roinfc:rcu .. r j,oussi.bl,., c •. untorr.ttr.ck :r block in or .bohin~ tho
BGCtl.iro I l•rdorotl tho C~tDJ.-..ndor, Lo C,,~,,..:iy 1 2d JJ:J.tt;:.J.i,•n,
;.., ;.•ull ••no · r~c'.i tion£.1 ritlo !•:Wtt~. n ;plus his c,;r..u;,.u.: t;r... up
ais linll; turn th.1 SllCtor ovor tc t11s romcl.nin& :tJlr.t:on; aaaacble
Cccpney t-) dis~craac\ ne:'lr 'IJ:f CrJ an·L f-r"i)l'.ro, •·n c.ruor, te: rol.n!c•rce,
;·r cuun',;llr::tt<:ek :.A thu C ~c,:cn¥ ar.ctor v:.Uch v:.a 125 L.~tara to
,,f tho c:.:- c.r SIJC:t.nd, in r.ny Otn.Jr l\r..:i!o .. By than, tv.;, uf!icora
U..:o::'<"l..,Y h['Jt b:::cn k.ill.:d r.n.r! tbruo v.•undod. however, thu ccopan,y
•llthc>'lllh shc;t in tho chest i!:nli bc.ck continued t·:. fum:tic.·nJ
t•. cc.ntr~.l hill c.:C:i'<"JlYI unc'. pvo t.o r.:pc.rts f;.r noL:.rly tarc.:o tlours.
Uln cf c; u... oi•cny at .. uoi t!::uir r.r..:unci. vno LOlll c..t Cc.o:,.;V\1 JJ vllu v.:>und
in the C C..;r.~ aectl:r v:\8 tn.. unl,y s ... lril.cr loft cuvoriJlti 50 lllltars •
;:crs .. r.ally shot 10 - 15 onocy With his t ... 16 riflo flrinc fruJ tilo
....,sitivn •. T'no cc..tliH\1\Y r.:.di•, uperat..Jr OJiekuC1 uf! 15 - 20 !r..u
c,;~.;~mny Cr foxbc..J.a. T;,o C.JOllllf\Y O~Jtltlllndor k.ill.:~d suvor:'\.1 b.Jfvro
.a v-.undo~. '.L'll,; :::ntoi,Y fir.:: wP.s s-. nuuvy thut Li.:.•Vu1.unt t<.vi\rd3 ur
thu s.::ct:..r resulted in u::.ra frieruHy cc.au..-.ltioR. .l.t v~ ~uring
!:.etlLJn nt 0155 hc.:u:s th::.t :-.11 pl.<t.•wn io'CI&i.ticms throw a. cdc..rod
· gran:.~o on r.v urdor tc.. clofin.:: vl.Sucll¥ ·fur T-C -ir, ..Lt..., unci
nir ubsurvors tho J:GriJ.ber;y· J.Jf tho :x:ri.L.ot.u-. .o.ll firo aupp;-rt
br..;\li;ht i.r, axtro1.10l,y cloo.:~. ::...,~ !riil.llcH,y artillcu·.l' full ilisido
•lUri.tlc;toJ.·, nne! tv.; er'JlB uf nc.ynlu war.:~ d:Jlivoro•l. in cy t;£' o.ron
tw" tlOn r.n.c: aotti... ~:o off SIJDO l;-16 No1.0· This we r.cce:r;~toct t.S
, but n:..t unuxp:::cta;~ c•uu t:. tho ol:.ort;onc;; ri..:ed !<.r um.sul\l.l,y
.., ..,..a,:-J.n firu BUl•lX·rt {50-100 wtaraJ. (; t.ucp.-:.ny, with r.ttr.ch.ccnta,
th:J t.C.SSiVO UnoL..)' furCG f~ r cvor t\10 huurllo .;.t nr•::;:a:'UXiz::ntol,y
hllurs, ulet;.outs ,;;f •• l.;oo.,.-:.ny, 2cl D'\t·.;p.J.i~.~n, 7th C,.v.-,J.r;y bo,.r.n
J. brio£at! thil Cmz.:..-:.nding vffic~tr, - Cvu;.oriy, <:d i.lntt:.lit~n,
<.n thu situ;~tit.n ~i. at.v t. it th.--.t bo v.-.s ..:ric:ntccl by tho
"<'"'""'.;~oc~l.ll•ll. Vfl'ir.c:r, b U. :::.~mz~·, 2t; ktt::.liu"• 7th Cl\vnlry on the sector
~as t ... b· into. l thc.n ordorcr\ t.ha Cvt~ciingo U!ficor, C~.:t.JJO.nY b,
D~tt:-.l.iun, 7th' Cc.v:-J..r;y to u.vo with his euUll'.n.·.! ;;n·ul' ::n~ th.J uno
···n t:.. tb.J u CIJI..:;lnn,)' soet..r, :ISSUI".C a. ntr ... l ..vc:r th~ r.:~:~.-..in.:ior' of
;;...,.: r.:s~ru:ibilit;y fc:r. tho eofo:IS" ••f the a.:ct...-r. .o.c oovod
~t 0941 hc,urs;. ·'l.'!'r.l • r..:rr.inin&: ,,J.;o.t., ... n ~f li Cor:'Pt·.ny, :W. :Dc.tt•;liun,
i_?.ii' u- •• -L T ... ·-·-·
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�ahc..rtjy r.!tor 'Whun it vns roliov.:~. c:n the :;:oriwtur
2d Dnttc.l.ic..n, 7th Cnvr..lr,(o 11h;,.n tho~ }rd pl...:lt<..an of .,
Cc.~ 1 2t. l:J.:J.ttr~iun, 7th Cr.v lr,y ~iou..:unto~ fr,.c th:l cb-;.;pora, it
•heJr.l.U"i tc.vcida thu C Cot~;,.:.n.y, 1st .ct:ttnl;:;n, 7th Cr.v:~ f'iro i"i!;bt and
na 11 aublw ·bcll~ th-.ir loft. plntnr.n. I r:.tt.:,chYG. it t':. ll Cucp.-:n,y, 2d
~ttc.J.ion, 7th C:&villr.f Dll'. it fuu~ht vith thl~t cc.r.;~~ thrt'U{;hout tho
naxt tv.• t.r,ss. lly 1000 hl.•ura thu unatJY .cttr.ck hi:.o! boon ao!o;,tau. C
Cu~ hr.d hcl~.
Tho onol..J' novur ;:>onotr~::.tud thrv~ their Ji..Caiti... n.
O:.t .C.~·J:It''·ril:'ol".tcl.,y 1:5:50 hc.urs r.ll c•.·IJ11o:ll\iua ;,;n tho .pcrirrot~r ,acroon ..:d.
.::ut fur jOO LIOtorc und :iX'liC~.;~ th .. bt:.ttlu!iol~. j,)oc.U :l'.:.Vii, l'-Th bvd,y
!rr~olllts, nnd. 1'-Vh VCIIIl)f.)IIS cnc. o~quipt.IC!it wore littorcxl in ~·, !uaiun .
r.rc.und. tho.~ odgo and f1.rward of thu ~riWtor. 11\WOrt.ua .b..cy fr&.ol-~Jntl
.voro aoun. 'Thoro vns U:lo&ivo \!vic!. cinco U•f!• bk~c.c!.f trails 1 ~..,.,
·oto. ll1' ·Dill\Y ~thur l'...Vn bolll(; dra~oi1 av('.3 !rt:Li tho nro.~r.. ::._w :.! tha
DnDL\Y •do.-'.tl woN f:,und ot.:.cJcUd. bo!lind anthills. ..rtillory LOI1d 'J.'..£ :U.r
wu p~.:~cl un i•.ll tl:.c.~od crol\8 no •.rby int••. which tl.'aila dia~yl>D:::.rcd.•
l•UWDro\13 onJ~ vor.;:xms warJ cc.llccto~ cl.cn(s with .;thor nrt:VU:Dnt. "J.'vc
,ri&~~nora vuro tr.k..:n on•.:\ ov-..cw:tod. Fri..:ndl.,y dollli · r.nd v~ und~ voro
lll.ar• cc.lloctad. .:.;;~o:o !riendl,y varo killco! end wr.unc:od in this scrooni.ns• C lkqp.."llly 1 1st ~ttc.l:U.•'n, ·.7th Co;vl'.lr:Y w~.:& tbun pc;sitiunod oa
:t!la b::.ttnliJ.;n rosorv ... in th~; con~cr c.! tha IJOr:iDot..:r c.ac'.... C~c~ 1
2d :bl\ttill·~n 1 7th C"vr.lry w::.a in &.-c.aiti.:.on in ·tha f~.;rtJOr ·h l,;.:u1oen;r 1
21'1 l!ctt.-.lir.n, 7th C"uv!ll.rJ aoct •. r.
7th
Cav~l.ey !ollovo.~
'tO' ..
C~'CICIIYo
VI.
'l'K;
w
JCJ...
1.l!o' 'l'r•..; :.trR!WLtiD.:!il 21i.iJ ?U.:u;i I Cui .r·.;JIY l:! I ..:.ND
It;.ol)~i\,.J!TIUI;
Ut' 'l'D.t: rll.Ul:.JJ.'~a
J.or.to, in th.l r.!turnoon of 14 lo(lvoulvn·, tho 'i-or'i.g.-v~o Cer~ar
ha;l ,...,v.V, tnn ?il llnt~li• n, !ii:h C·.•vnl.'t'¥• Jntu l:t V:lntur.. ..t I'\Jil""',..; ... ·t.t>17
~00 llr:'urs it hor.dc~ 1 ~·n !;.~ot 1 !:.r J..i .:-.-iW:. ~c.oo ·~llb J !..;r rr.utoa uaod~
o.t 1:..>05 ~ll.·urR, it cl"'a~1~ into :..-u. T~u Cc=1.Df1in~ U!ficor, 2d l:icttr.lion 1
5th c,._v;:L7 r.JV! J. cu;rrt'..ir.r.tuu un tho: c!isl<:Siti.:·n .. r !urcoa. I.., w.~ n(;r<•od
thc.t his - r.nu i.; C(..t:l.,;:.n:ics which voro St•Uth F.n.! vust c.! :.... X-ho.Y .:;n tho
l.>vor sloJlCS uf the ;J:luntr,in hu::.:\ocl northvost i!lUS jj C,.t·.p,vi,y, 1st :t>,.ttnli:..n,
7th l,;;,v. .lry wcul!\ 01-n•:uct r. coo~i:w.tod cttc.ck boilin~ F.rtillor,y, ~.
T..J; ..ir prer<!Z'nt:i..n t, ruliov.: tllo surr~·unt.cd .•l.. t•.·Cin. Tho r~o~uto ~;.!
C.tt:,ck W'".S f.:.S Bh(.V.Q Ct ~C'.b .... J:t W;l.S O.&:t'OI.ofl tiult l V;.Ulf. Ol.SSUDO ••p.lrctil.lll'~ c:.n~rc;l :.f c•. t.•.cn,y. :u, 2d A.ttt.liunl 5til C:nv.:lry ollld boJ in ovorc.ll
c:..ntr•.l •! ~1 units t.t Lo.. :..-lt.:X. plus rosi.;.naiL.ility !~.or ita d·:fcnao. :B
~-tJ;:ar.;;, 2c'. ~ttnlit.n, 5th l.:o.vt.lry IXIVuc: !;.·rw,·.rd u! JJ C:v~~.rany, 1-:t kttr..li<..n,
7th C.::.v;,~,y r·n thoJ ~10:-:Wutur •. ·..J..L 211 lli.t·.;cl.i.Jn 1 5th Gf\vc.lry w:.rt£'.rs vont
into ~ .. si ti,:.n c.n:i ro~.;i.r.toroc:. JJ Cc.cr.r.n..· 1 1st ~nttr~ic.n 1 7th C"vdry (ci.o.ua
tho txlrt::.r i'lntt•,rn) w;;.s n.C:doc\ tor U c,.c.;rnn,y, 1st 1nttr~i~.on, 7th Cnvclry
· in reserve. '.rho c.ttaclc by ... Mel U Cctij,lllllica ... ! the 2d :.U.:.tt<\li~.on, 5th ·
Cnv::l.ry r.nd i:S C.:ut;~):-.11.}·, 1st ktt.'\lic.n 1 7th C:.n.valry unc!cr ct·ntr;.;l o!
Co=.n~~in,J \Jfficor, 2d :Octt.'\li.-.n, 5til C•.~v.lry juurod off ~t 1315 h••uro.
'l'!lerru va.:; littloJ one~ rosist;mco. ~ Cc.u;-r.ny, 1st :...;:.ttnli,•n, 7th G~.vul.ry
ro::chod tho aurr~undc.c: ::>l·lt;.on ct 1510 hcura •. At thu loo.'\ti~n thoro Wllro
6 I.L., 12 .w:...... nnd 7 ur.vt~unclod. ·l':ne l,li;t-..c.n still h:.d nr.:.co le!t ~ wore
in g. ·.~c ~rcl.o. ~h.J w~un<'•..:c! woro uvncu..tc~ :-"'&d nil units ciaposa,". end
cl~ in f•.r tho ni{.:ht. Dis;:.ositions woru Ll.3 · shovn at Tu.b j., ...L.r.unitic..n,
V:ltcr, ;.nu rati:..na wc.rc. br•·'l6t1t in nne~· distributed. The. <!oP.d voro nll
OVI\C'""'. tuc!..
.1
: ;'
•
•• ••t .Ci-!•r•::riu;;tol.,y 01()() he \o%':l 0 :D C~.omv::Oi, 1st :Dnttnli'-•n 1
.
7tn '-~.v.lry w. :l lll"<. bf.;<'. by 5 oncuy. · 1\n, wc.ro killed c.nd th·.1 .::.r~hor throo
diS£XIrsut:.. Th.: 1.1.:1:n wc.s U., ·t'.t 2320 · h'•urs .-.nd tbcro woro n;. cl::.W:.s.
Fir~ discillli.nu, r.c 1\urin<~ the ,:rcviClus nicjlt, w~ oxcallolllt. ..11
nl:un;, st;,x., li{':hts en tih: r...rt~s woro atin~;uishc;~ 1 c.nd n~· ~rt~
fuo v•.s. :•llr-..d.tto!\ 0 c:s. ~:urine:; thu :•rOV1liUi ni,;ht, vithc.ut a~.pn.vnl fr~r.J
CO~ ··ll fir:.~c wore c •. o~inat~·"! by 1q -rtillo1y .wiaiaun U!!icor. Conhnuuua, cl.:.sc-in l1 r.nu J. fil.-oo vera c . .n.. ~tcd· .;.ll c.rt1unu the 1·or:Wator.
~t·OO wore •'lzcoc!. un the wunt;,insic!u 1 £nu !irinb in ~v •. aro.:-.s r.laultod
lll a. aorie;s r..! auc;.n.l."..')" o~x 1;l.:ai.:na.
I
11
:~-~
.--·---.-"'.,
I···-_,·-. • ---· -·
~38
·- ....___,
- ··--I
�. '- . ." '
-r...
C~Ao..")
-D.-··~t· .i,~~'tol,y 0400 hwurs; t.h;, onot..,Y
"r?os= ;..:...;.bin{; tho
-t 0422 huurs r. !orco c;f
- 300 onoq c.t·i;acl.:O<~ JJ c.,,lpnn.y, ~ :Untt.-.ll.o.n, 7th t.;c:.v ~lry in tbu
:i:lattnllon, 7t!l C;-,v.-;J.ry l'oct:.r. '!'ho r. \:.to •.f c..ttack w:'.ll_ fruLJ tho
'li.lU'tltlOollllO 1111 ohovn c.t To.b 11. li'lr.roshij;l illud.lmti.:i1 vas. c;.ll.;d !c.r o.ad
until 0545 hours. Tho n.ttr.ck v.::s bur.tun o!t by srw.ll !'.rtll
r.rtillOr)' !iroOo ...t 0431 bcJurs MC.~or ettl\ck 'by 200 OnO~ OI'DO in
» Uc.JJ&JCJ'IY, 2t! :.Je.ttali•>n, 7tll Cr.v--lry. · ..n.ch ti1.0 r. !Uu'.J v.;-ule. lif:ht
tho: unllr-11 vuul~ !lit thll cn•unt\ c.r fcll bnclc int:. th:~ cuvcr end cc;n·C9tuJwrn• offorod by the hiGh ,.;mas r.nd trous. Tho nrtillory took c.
• :fhorll vot'o !c-ur br.ttari.cs !iri.ns• 'Tho ?.m1 c.Julc 'b.J s".:n
nur..or:,us bc:lioa. bf 0503 b;,la's, tbu vo1i!;ht cjf ·tus ntt .. ole
a.ro tc. tho sc-uthvoat vith c.;.proxir.c.tol,y 100 onot\)" attacking.
ru;u.us~tt'. by 0535 houro. .:.t 0550 hours, -tho !l: .roshiil ro:n uut
• ..rtill.Jry illwUn:~ti~n V!lS thon Otz:'lcyod. Tl':o wrtArs of
-.:-.:•o..~...:u.rJ'" hr.d boon !iri.ng ii.;; s1noo tho ntt.u:k •bo~;c.n.
hcrt.-.r
~~=WI<o."ion v;-s thon pt;rcittoc\. .;.t 0527 hours, :'.ll::tbor •c.tt.u:k C!Wl
tc.vcro:ia -tho CP. .w.t 0641 baura tbol anoqr bnd boun bcr.ton
cnl! vns druQ,i.ng ct! bodiu~; U.'lder !ir.l ~ » Utltl_.:ac,y, 21! ~t ~.llic.n,
C~vnl.cy h;,d por!.:ro:xl.t4(lllit1contly, 01nd ~ su!!aro.l. onj,y 6 li[ht13
;· .&>url.ng 'th.J a'ttl'.ok, tvtJ sup;.r;-.ta raSUllilly rullll of LM..r.O vera
bt 'thO iioc .. n :i:1.:.t;,vn, 1st 616ttD.lion, 7th Cr,vcl.ry Under !1%8 r.n.: c.ne
'tho AU Mi! rc.di<. c. ;:>or;. wrs of :0 Cc.r.:;,:.'.D,y, .21:- llc.tt~lic;n, 7th c..Vlllr,y,
....,,:=.:..,~"'·;· ~ ~ttr.lit>n, 7th C<:v. ley &.Jeter.
I_
.J
·:·.··~--~-~-~~':"'~~~
• •
.
•
_l.
4.: . . :........_; .
~
~
..t 0641 bours, c.r~ers varo Given t.:.r a.ll t10n un th.:: i.Ori.tlutar
trooa o.nr\ t!1.1 ~ti:U.lls .:o.wl Lushes .f.. rvart! r.nc! ovor thsir ·
d 0655 huurs !;Jr tvu minutes t» lcill intiltrr..t ... rs, snipora, oto.
~~ .....~, .. .,1y upc;n !iri.n,;, 1\ !orca of 3U - 50 ~-V•t axrJOs~ t.ilnr11ulvos 150
.l! Cou~ -, 2d ll~tti...n, 7t!l C:.v'llr,y c.nd bol;c.n f:h•inr.
vo ..
•t•;:nrontl,{'tb.l ~~~,.~ r.unut.-," !1•oo e:~·--sing, :"1-"Ca::.turu..,y
lOl=':lG,!;c:t-o·.• n poosiblo .motl)' nttaclc. ~ :on;: VT ~til::.uey v;.s bn:U{;h._ in
ctt:.clc wc.a bo:,t.:n .w!t ill tvont,y ci.nutos.· The tnctic t•f a;.rRY
CCCt.un;o•! fur 6 r ..Th ~or:t',. Uno hun(. fr.g !1 tree f;,rv~-i C:! the
.Jn 11f b Ccc~:·, 2C :a..a.tt'\lion, 7th Ci~v~. l>flvthor drct-·pod
n treo ir-Mlllni.•tel,y !crvar(. c.f, th.., ·11 Cotr.lf'.rl.Y Cr. vn., •·-Vl. VI'JI
nbCiut cn(j how: later r~ttou;,~tinc; t:. clicb d•·vn c trou er.:\ ueCiliiO•
c .. UJ'M!' co U:.cnc!ors ro}~rtut. t.:. 10o0 th.'lt tho wn lik;.-d this s;.·c'l)'ina•
P..~••• itit.n to kil!.inh cne~, 1!~pruently it 4f'fc-res t. r.::loaso .._.: tanbuilt up thr1.ugh tho n:i ·.1t, and cJ.o.-.rs nr13 dc.ubts .:l.S t..: ~·.-.c1.v
-t 0716 hours, :\ c~.utiCiua end ~eli
t;, svoop vr.a r.x---:.;~ 1v
C, 1st ~t'tnlion, 7th Cavf~ P.nc\ the ~cun ~~tuc.n, 1s~
7th c. v; ~ry thrl·ughuut thll intcrier r.nc! frinr<oe cC ·(.t!l .L.~.
tilia c..:-n:luctc~ Cln hr.nt!s end knacs tc. su;_rch f..:r !r.iondl,y
.-nc: z....vu in!'ilt1·c.tc:-ra in tho high clopl1o.nt t;rr.ss. Tho trooe
'L'horo voro nog;::.tivo·r~sults.
...,..,lliJ.
_ j.
-~-
-,
l
i
-'
..
...t 0810 llours, o.ll units .::n t~a ~orililctcr vera c.~orod to
vith their !li.Jlk units, C:l~ _.;r.::;,.:.ro to tJjVO .;.ut c;n 1\ so:-.rch
l~oc.r svoop 500 Loators cu=ncll\S c n .. rdor. Th.; CXJVcto..~nt busan e.t
hours, huvovcr, a!'tor rwvi.ng 50 - 7 5 co 'tors :.:, l.uci c..ny, 2d :.:.O:.ttllliun,
l:rv.'\lr)· Colll'al under !iro. Vn;, pl.:.t;,on lou.c!or vr..s soricusly v.;;unn.Jd.
;:;;.v..,L.olnt v;:s stOI>pt.-<1. li t;,.r;.~, 2·! lll:.tta.li;.m, 7th C~v.::.ley l·ullud
t. tho ~ariilotor !oxb;)l>ls c.n.i cloeo-in .:..rtillcry en:\ '~..!J -4-r VfiB
ino WU thun LX."V.:l~ be.~ C.Utl .. li.Liizlt.t..rd <1ll r~JBiBtf.UlCO r.n.l l'Olic:od
r.rc.·.. 27 ~..:.oro ·P....Vl• vero till.:~d t~n this &V3>liJ• ..noo,y ·~u~..:l vor" lJt!lrv~out tho u-... ,.
I sl\v tlllSSiVw ... vit'.oJnCO ...r ~ol.id o.n! vounc:i OVIOO- bloo~, bo·.l,y !rq;Lants, blo<X.y ~.:nt~:, otc. wo t..lso bl·.:UGilt
!rion'l.Y 1.1.... ~iw;or;;us. cne~ vor.j<:ns voril c~llc;ctod. 1-aey voro
which h.-.rl bo.ln frF.Qo:Ont.;r\ b,; !ira.,
·
D.
'"''urrnr•:o-.:.n
~·,
!
_j
I
bor. .
!
,/
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J
]
l::. .1.t n.•!J%';:.xiar.toly 0930 hours, tt.;; !irst .:~l>lLJonts o! tho
~-:.t·•c.lit~n, 7t~• Cn,v:llr,y l-) botx.n ~rivlliC ct X-a..Y. 'ihll.;,' clc.so' nt
~r~x~·.toly
1200 ht'urs. -t 1040 hours, tho ~ripu~.o CcLII'·.c.n~or .rdor.,l
'tw wvo tho batt.:l.lionl Cc.~:cey 1, 2rl l.i.':."Gtclic,n, 7th C.:.v.:Jr.YI ;ln:l tho
.?..,r,t·:wn, - \ioc.:r..ny, 2! bc.ttr~~:n, 7th Ct".vclry b] ti:.-1D tr.. 'j'~ U,
~N:>l A;.llc.v::,y c.t rlciku for tvc ccyG t. '! rust cnc~ r.~ur~::lliznti:n.
]
12
,_
.......
-~ \
..
239~
(
e·
.I
.J
�to reli~.~ ~ elemente on line vith elemenis or the 2d
CaTB.l.r,y and the 2d Datt4lion, 5th Cavalry. 'This ~ did.
movini; li C0111J14AY, 2d Battalion, 7th Cav&l.r,y, ':I ·bad .them
later&l. svecp across their front out to 150 metr.n.
or extromcl,y ho4vy action lllld I v=tud the battl6!iel4.
;rc,~~· llO.I.~C>U<I. Tho oxtr:lction by UH-1D _vas coznplotoly succoootul,
,~;~~~::~ throU&hout by artillE:r,y and TAC Air delivered &rOWld
~
.tho !'lll;ht routos in and out, •and on tho slopes o!' .the IIIOWltain.
c..:'-'-•·~~.. 'no cno~ !'ire 4t 8.n,y timo duri~ the' extraction.
Tho choppers
..,,.,.,turht in until aircrllit .loads ··vcrE: spotted on tho LZ. Ranoa
only on tho ground a !'ov seconds. Concurrently vi th
tion, excess supplies, onei!Q' vcapons, casualty goar and
casucl. tics vore ovne\Ulted. ·Enccy hand grt:n.ndos, ammo.,
,,.,..u.•• a.n.r:: voR.pon3, etc vorll placud in a .l.arge ·nolo And ArrnngCIIIIents
vith co, 2d BRt~lion,'7th Cnval.r,y Cor dcmolition•by his
toama. &n..v other enemy voc.pona bad previousl,v boon· destroyed
n1aC!'rbll:ra in tho b4t.tl,, eron. By 1456 ·hours ell olomonta of the
'!attal.ion, 7th Cavalr,n » Company, '2d &ttoiion, ·7th Cavalr,y aDd
)l Platoon, :A Complllly, 2d !attallon, 7th' Cavalr,y had boon.extrBCtod
~RAY ·bound !or LZ Fnlcon. By 1830 hours all elCllllenta bad loft ·
·7~C11l by ¥r ~d closed into Clllllp B'ollCI'ro;y, vicinity o!. !'l.e~.
V~.
E!:::MY, F?.r::NDLY CASU.\LTIE!S, CAP1'17REDa
J..
·~·
Xillod, bodr count - 634
!Cilled,'vou.'ldod (Eat)- 1215
~Jiturcd, OVP.C\Ultad - 6
I
...
. ··.·
I
•KillGd - 79
. :w.:~undcd - 12~
Missing - None
: '·
C•
CAPTURCJ) E~ EQUIPH:::'-'1', EV.\CU.o\Tr:D 1
I
.\ssaul t carbines vjb3..vonet - 54
~~lt ri!lG3, autocatic ~ 57
Auto~tic Rirl~s - 17
Sc~V'J ~chine Guns - 4
.~tit:mk Rocket X...\Ollchcrs - 5
Pi~tcls - 2
·81/82
M:lrt.ar Tub.-- -2
iicdics l<i ts - 6
=
Crcv-s;~rvcd 4nd individW'.l VGtlpOn:J - 75-100 (approx)
·,
~-:'· ,
Anti t&nlc: Rockets - 3 co.sos o! 3 rounds oach
H?.nd Grenades - 3~400 (o.pprox)
.
•issortod sm&l.l ams, A'o/ ar.mrunition- 5000-7000 rounds (eat)
Entrenchin& tools - 100-150 (sr.~r.J.l shovel typo) · .
·.n.
co~.
f~lloving it~s ~o~~·~rning thu cnOII\Y and gono.rnl battletechniques aro con3idercd vorthy o! mention. MOst repreoont
ncv and are listed !or ecphasia as being particulerly applicable
PAVH encay.
·
,. . · .l. •. The
B•
FrE Sl1FP01'!'!' 1
( 1)
Fire suppo:-:t to be truly e!!cctive cust bo close-in.
13
...___ __ .. ---·
.;,
.. ·.··.
····--·------- .. -··--·-·· ._ .. -· .
.•
L
�IIWIII"•~·l\ """'.0nttr~b sue~ .:.a the ~nQs ve c!o!onc\od 1\gili.nst, a•:co onel.f'
'vary clcs;~ cr ovan inteit~intioc! with 'trion<!~ in :tho :iJ.isn
:cringing !iros in ;Jr::.optl,y, '"'lr..lltins -tiloc ill" -\lXtrccul,y close
\Ill ;roc.tl,y •. Tho c;c;u;;:ndor cr.nnot vllit -unti~ lbo 1
knc.'lfs ·o.x:.ctl,y
l!ll h1a uan ..~-u. It h;, ::! ouR, in '' ho.J,O:vr .::.cti~;n, 'ho.i .vH.l rgut
con ldlluJ by v.Jit~ tl!Ul if ho str.rts ~sheeting i.u:J.ldi;,td.J'•
Uncu the: on.JJ.q sots oJ.S cL.su r.a 25 .cotur& .... ut tlr illtorcinblod. -than ho
ht.a tho !riondly !it;hting ::·n hi.B torLD, vi:th .thuliu .lil"' !h:.vo 1c.··uo it
• til..t cluso. Cl.l.so Iiro sui:Jrort C.;,n cr.n bo uaod L cut oti hill
!olll•v-up uni t:J, ;..n.: tn·::y vi.ll ·bo th;~ro, Ao _i.B :t.uch '.J:XJrc -c.Ir,:;a d
.DJl~ !!.111\ vhito :~=h.:a~-c~ua .thr..n A..:. ·u.o •.bi;s .th.J edir.t -~ar ~~
fir-'• trndor Ai'!.IV".la .llld w'f, ho Oftan {,"'tB up nnd runs •c.rc..und ·ln .(il,a• ordur, <llU! prus.Jnta "' 'tot·ccr tF.r&'Ot !ur sct.ll I!Z'LIS, V't, end A.o.
' Tho 250 pound !rag b..cb and th" ClstJ'a r.ro vorr o!!c.ctl.vo.
•
I
.--j
\,
\
fi
l ...
\
l2) l•hon r. unit· sots int... &.n t~bjoctivo ucn, M a.·~ n .lll
;.c:aaiblo o.!tor lcnd'ing, artilloey !ires sh>~uid ~ il:irc.•ught in. 'I)Us
vi.ll r.~eybo kill scm ~-V'li n>~orb¥ M•t cort.:.inl¥ vil!l. cut a~.vn ~~·o jll
tnrsut vbon '~ tiro ui.Bsio•n t~n knovn onorq is cnll~ t...r.
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(3) ..cri:U. r ,ckot :lrtillorr is cxtrowl.,y o!'.f JCtiv., CS&lCci.'lll.7
i t tHu ;:>ilo·i:s ~en..;v -tho uv.ct · :loc;-.ti~·n ~w.f !rionrtly. ~t hNI r. tr>lt:cn.:kua
ahocic otruct l-In tho anoG\•• ~o, t~in~-...;.b,ut ..d.;- 'i.m.ich ·cr..kca it .~t -tiluo•
wrc -.!!':~ctivo th:'.n ~Ulory is th11 f'r.ot t..'l:.t it dl.'OII JWt hcvo t .• ·bo
aoou by srt-und cboorvora t.o bo 'llijustod. :..r th.J !rtlnt :linea cr ?.. !rio~
pr.aiti.;n, is ~.rkod r.nd c:m bo rucq;niz.:.ll :ey -tho .pUc.ts, quick, ·accurr.to
f'iro supi);•rt is the ·rosult.
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(4) ·Tho i.i.'ll ·,vas ,,ff«N Ltv .. n,>:n; Nl~ .t.hn •u•thU 1 n l-.-,llinr\
vhieh .tho P••V'd .,,r;, h:i.rline. }i'rnin:in.; ...n uao ·cl '~:...~ ,IJilSt •b;,• =rhrn;or...cl.
(5) It P.o~Vi.l r.r1. .lnc· .untor.X clcau-in Cur1.n,; e !riour\ly
Rttc.ck, th<J b:;.st s •. lution tc·
attr.ck C.-:J be t.:. lr.ck u;. uaf.C""C artillcnj
nn:l J.:d..~ lot tuo r.rtillury und ~ VLrk til"' 1·.r..c. .:•t:Jr c.:1i! .th .. n cturt
F~, lo:.c!i.-:g :.!! vi t~ plun.t)r· c.f u-79s L• thu trooa i'.:n~ ~~rE:J •nne!· L.o.vs
int. tho .:.ntbills.
r.n
co.:.s.:.! firing.
(7) Curo!ul pl:.cownt =! l-~79 tJUil s~~o.wC bo or.~':: :..:.::od in
c-rdor to .;ivo thuc tho bust ~>t.ssibl>~ !iolC:s of' tiro. 'lhoy ::-.wt :o.lvc.rs
bo ::n tllol L·e>k.ut. r,.r QllOl\Y in tro.:bo lt v,.s !cun~. th:.t th·J l-o~-79'a '
wore ox·.:rowly c!!.::ctivc ~.:i.n::t onocy in trooa cs voll r.s tn->~ps in
tho O:;JOno h-79' s · J:JUSt bo firocl into tro.Js nm'. tho hi~ p:E.Bs ovon vbon
no unOJ.V r.r.; S;JC.no
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(6) ln thiz .... pcratiwn nll r.:rtnrs voro o•. cbi.n.-i und"r a
ceutrr.l i';£. ·.rtis vf..s v.:ry scti.s!~.ct~.ry. Tho i.Xlrt;•rs Vllro vury c!!uctivc. l'"'rt<.r illurlin.·,t1... n !iril14t VilS c~c!ull7 oontr"'Uod Rt -lnttc.liL.n
lovol. Tho u·rtnr Ul~ .ti• n r~.und h;;s n VOl.'Y hi{.h •lud r::.tu •.zu! it
Voul!l t koJ IJ/':JI~/ r. \lOU t .. prt~V:iJi-.1 I! b;.tte.l.i..n porit:I.Jtur ill\lLino~ti.•n
r~r • no h<:ur. ·:i:h...ro!. ro it vr.s used tc: ·!ill t.h<J ·~•· f•-r illuuin.·.tit'n
butwo;~n the r.rtillory r.l!C th... fi.uooshi,. '!hu c::rtnra c.ll.ao Cl'ulri. nut
bavu c:. i.:Q clc.•so to ;,·rt•vlt.ing th.: closirc~ ~.unt ·.r ill\U..iill~tion.
(9) ..rtille~· · T.o~; .:.ir, nnd ..a.. cr.n 'l'o uaod ~t the BiiLI8
tlJ,;a •ithcut l~;ss c! nircrr.1o;<\.•r o!.f.:ctivcnoas. Tho .... .ul! ·t.;.; ..ir ·
flow p.:.rr;:n;:.icul.:r t .. th&J t'.l'tillor; S\111:-t.:.rj;ot li.no in th;.so ol'.soa
vi_~ero tho.Y sit:.ultcno. usl,! otn.ck th.: suJO tarL>~t r.rur.s. u·~hor auiking
nu:cr:.!t fluw :ll(.ZO~l;;al to th:l 1-.;·un-t:\rgolt lin.: :'Jlc! !l.l¥Und it. T;'lis c.:;.U.xi
!rr clcau tc..-.u~~rk 't.utvuon ~he l!'~ ...ncl t~l&J c.rti.llory li:.ia ...n ;.!iic.Jr. .
( 10) ..rtillorr .l.USt bo usud ~.inat p~s:::ibl&J ev=ll .. r
ruln.1',.rcot:.Jnt c..a voll r:.s t:ll thu ;~nu~IY in cithc.-r :.n -•~ttt\Cit ... r 11 c!o!o.na4to
Cl~·eo-i.n O~ntillu..ua C:u!.msivo i:i r .. ~.o. I i~ ..a nr., .:. uw;t ill n cio!unsivo
14
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�tho er:.oJ:U is .known .to bo pro::~ont avon if ·ho ill not
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(11) . Groat· ocphnsia ahoul.d bo plc.cod on .tho ability of IJ.ll
poraunnol down tu Blld including !ira toctl londora tr. adjuat o.rtill0%'7
a.ad 1:10rtu i"irc •
( 12) E11ch platoon cuat ·carry LleJly colorocl. scolte grcnadoa
llllli a poncil !:r corltins friend~ lines and l.Nlding c.roea.
I
( 13) Tho tochniquo of hl\ving IJ.ll units en tho poriJ:lotor
thrc.w a cvlorod acolto grwwio on order ftt'Oo.tl;y holpocl. TJ.C Air and
..I&H& tc. loca.to tho poricoter.
C.
MJV£l·IENT
( 1) Moveront uust bo cnutiwusly aggressive. The. !;."loq'f'
cust bo pinned dc.vn b,i" tiro • Scall unit, squad sized !ira a::.l ;:!-.•·,-.,_
'cellt J:IUSt bo c.,nductcd to porfoction. This is oxtrOIJQly ir.·)A-:::·;·~\."11;.
I! .nut c<.~uctcd corroct:cy; ·con vUl evt hit llrid tho PNbl::r.'in tiJhn
co.QilC!undod w~n othor uon stui:J !irillg tt~ tr,y to roc.:vor ca;n.;cl t.ics •
Than tho;y a.law sot hit in caey cases and scc.n, cc.IOibet ef!octivor.c.lle ot
the sqlUlL!, platoon, otc. is ill dnngar c.t baing lest. In thUI co=::oticn,
whon CliO~ contact hns boan codo or is str.nal.Y suspcctocl., rG::c.n a;, tire
e;r nctua.l !ira and l:l[\VOJ:ICUtt should bo e. llliuctaci t.o !urestr.!l t.ho unor;v
!irins first• This i::J particular~ il:Jr.ortnnt fc.r n unit r-x:.ving .up IJ.l.:Agaida ·C. UAit which 1a ill cl'nti\C~ and in. a !ir(J !igbt.
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(2) Platoon 01\d eCPpat!JI' rJ.ro 1\1\1\ l:anouvar = t '1-o ·""" • •
duetod to porfocti!.n. Flanks l:IUSt bo soct~ro.
f'l ........... ,. ""
Bociurod to· c dogroo by fir.: support. Squ~·s nn:\ plntoons tr.:s~ ta tied
togothor as close es tho situnticn percits. The til3htor thr. t .... :t'i:t'
against tho P4.Vli, 8.3 he vill hole up in concoalod !irillg iJC:::~.ti.,.::a, lot
friendly su · by, thon opon up.
<•""""'
(3) Clcso-in ortillory, A!"!.!., fUll T:.C .. ir !ro::t, r~:..r,' l'lli4
both aides is a grant help in llXlVing thro~ Bll arll~ vhero thcru ~
kllcvn onol:\1. This is noronl but eomotit.cs ovorluc-kod •
· (4) ~on cccpnnies cvlll!uct swoop IVlfi clonr or-;r::-.·~i.Jua
t~.ogothcr cut of n pcril:lotor, or c.vor· a cortnin rc.uto, U:tulio:: tr...
"lt
chock t.n tho CCI:C>\f\ll,Y !~:~rl:k>tions to be usod tv in."uro thllt tt."! tr.:r'uin
vill bo orlaqunt'll,y cnvero<l. arrl .thiJ cmu:;:>nnios nro r,r••JlOr:cy C•:·.:··iir.r.tlld
azu! fitted to thu to~rain anc! tho onett( situntion.
t'
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T..::CHlii"'UF.&'
( 1) Tho tochniquo c! holding fl. Cl'l:I?MY (-) as nn o!!'onsivo
strikins !crco whil•J rc:c...n eloiiXlnts of one !Jlatc.c.n c!lcck specific n=e!lB
out 50-100 caters !ro..1:1 tho l::ndin& Z<.ne vvrkcci c.ut vary woll in this
caso. F:.r uno thinp, until the asae.ult unit -is actur.lly on th111 ground
an.d soCJc an.:l.fools thu terrniil Blld tho' onvircncont, th11 co=andor ot
tho unit chr.r{;ed vith I.;; socurit;y c'..:~os n.:t finally Jtn...v which nroo.s hD
will check out in pri\.rity. J.ls.:. and cost il;lportnnt, the ossotz:lilod
cr,trJnn;y(-) cnnl:lcs tho bnttll.lion c.•Cill.J.:ldor to ·hit BllY onotV nttack ·
qUickly with a cc.ntr~llod unit. ln this cporaticn vo vero also able
'. t::. tnvc quickly vith C:..cpon;y .:S to dovol<.p tho cc,ntnct l:lldo by one
o! it:~ ·I•l<ltcuns c.s soon es C .ll'aey" ... hac\ sufficient !orco tc• tclco ovor
tho LZ socurity Dission.' In rotro.spoct, tho !net that C-...IIII'IlllY :S vsa
in a posturo !Lir e fast ~ovo oft tho lending zc.no un.:luu't.todly t;avo us
tho jUl:lp or. tho P.;.Vl•. ROO not :S t:o~:~r.any surprisocl. tho~:~ vith their
asgrossivo mvo up tho finser, vo wi!;!lt voll lulvo boon !iclltin~ the
P..Vl~ frt~r.l tho fringes uf tho LZ vith c;ur becks on it - Qlld tho onottf
in turn 'tic.uld holvo had {!Uod !iolds <.f fire on tho incocing holicopta,ra
C.:lrr,ying tho lest OlotJOnt8 of ~ C<.l:lpQn;y Md a.ll cr c D.lld D Ct.1lpnnio8.
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�U•ol thAt tho !c.ot thtl. t ve bed first_ I! Coc;liUIY 1 thon J.. t:c.mo;nn.y 1 of!
tha'"':i:zinding :~uno z;x;vin~ c.,.-:lil\st tho ?..VH, thon C Comrnn,y in a govd bloekinit:Pc-e Uion .took -tho in1tiativo ·nv~- !r..-CI ·hiJ;;, l'r.::g thon t..n 1 !-.·r throe
~ ~ -tvo n~ta, ·hll Vt'~ roc.ct~ t:: our prosonca.
(2) .At n~ht, unit's r.JUSt furc tif!ilt -poricetora, uso Cl~a
cines, trip !lnroa and 111~ in. 'Th..1 uso <Jf outP~Jsta and listenin~ :iXJ&ta
dcpo.cda lc.rr,oly on tho.~ torr11in Uld tho Ollfl~ ai tuntion. In this t·partit1on,
it voullt h<lve bean suicid;U as tho cover a.."lll cunocc.lmont n!!urdod the
ana~ tor. tlal\Y o:prortunitii!B to talco tho out£,unrda by atoalth.
CauJu- .
£lagocl. i'nxh-..Loa vith cloercd fiolt!s of firo nro ruct.IJClorrlO'!. ·Nu=-1 1 but
aocotiLoe hnrd to executa ~or firo.
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·(') Ll 1\ poric.ltor ~ofunsu, it is nocoos:uor to ohoek tho
.• tront\ .vith ·sQUll roc:Jn .pc.rtica nt tirat li'sht end 1--criodicell.y -thlt.UI;b
:the <tey ·!or 1D0-200 l:lOtors tu c .. oor c.ut infiltrators, OlQlioo tho battla.-!iald1 and to insuro thAt tho an~ is not ca.sain~; for an a.t~--:.::~. This
action should bo procodod ·by hi1Ving a.ll troopa on -tho veri.•.r•.·~!' t:o!'r~ the
·.trooa, .,;rc.ss, and anthills to .thoir front ahd ovorhoad nt n ·.. ;:·.,· :.iiod.
tico !ur tvll;..throo cinutos. \Jhen tho rucon ule1:10nts scrar::.· ·~:• •.l:o
!~nt 1 it should be ~codod by artillery nnd rocr•n by fir·•.
,,i: Cav
'Scouts ovor~ollli CM assist by c.bsorva.tion. •Units should u,-,, ......, 1.n
-tlw ettr.ck vith fi.ro nnd I:IOVOJ:IOnt. all men cuot givo t.''l.r, •.r..J.-!:1 t~c
ca11UbUi ty of' baing to tho !runt 8lld ovorhoad as infil trc.t.'l:-3, s.:Jr..nrs,
·cr Cll.9iling !or an r.ttack.
(4) Tho mttallon CC!tiCalld group must O....U:' 1\ :.!92 W'ltaADa
in C'n the ass!llllt and sot it up n3 eooA as possible. D Cc.cr-an,r, r::r ·
.nltornnto. CP, carried one in en the assault -eat it uro: ~tr:rf it
VllB .. invnlua.blo.
·
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SUPPLY I .SurRlRT I SERVICES I
( 1) n.o cini.= a:!Ount of' ~;eor should bo cr.r:::l... .! :L:to
an c.ssR.U.lt. This oboul.d ro ono mnl, a. pc.ncho, ~vo canto ann c.r ···I!.tor,
anlt t11blots 1 c.n~ plant)' of' ammunition.
1
(2) Cc.s~ltios a.ro r. criticnl k'rc.blcc. .,hon fi·:'l :is
pinn1.ns ~ovn individuals, one cc.sualty vill cost on1.1 cr t\:'u P-1't':: c--:n
nttuu:;:,;;inlr to !;'Ot to hie. Boc.vy ct..vcr i'iro cu.st bo l:'r::p!o:;nJ. t.. "-":Y
~ c.vor the attocpt to rocover tho WoUnded ~n a~~ ~~t ~i= :-~· ~\
the danr,ar nrea. LoP.dors at all lovols in eontnct t:l'61ar f:t_~. :. :.'·~:i; JO.ot.
cautiously in {;Otting ccsunlties out. I lost~ lcQI!cr.· ... ;:,.;.: Ollld
v:.undod vhilo rec~·vorins cnsUl\ltiut<. W'cundod. = t be .,u!l:.:•! bo.::!t to
soco ty:;>u vf c::vorcd iOSition .and then troated. Troo;;e I:IUS"C not cot 80
c~ncorncd vith cosua.ltics tllnt they forgot the ono~ and teoir Dission•
~ttoL'l;.tins to cnrry a can out requires ur, tu ft~ur 1:10n as bonrors vhioh
cnn hurt a unit at 11 criticnl tigg.
Zvacuatiun of' cesunltics frtlil tho nro!".s c.i' cur.~('.Ct
TU5<E littor bc11rors vuuld hP.vo boon 11
bis help. .:.s it turned out, f'if}lt1.n,; strcn(l'th had to to u:Jod to
carry- out e. _vcundod tl8l1 l'-4 101on required) or tc. cssist t:JilnY' vl\llci.ng
'
wounded. ~one lilllll at loast roquired 1.n Qaey_ casas·).
(')
in ·this ru:tion vc.a a p:-obloc.
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(4) \olhen a IOill1 is voundod cr killed, his vop.pun and scm
ur his oquir,1cnt E;Ct sopo.r;.te<i !roc hi::. in ca.ny cQ.Bos. Jul. 5-4 ro~osont
a.tivo - officer or· NCU vith a.asistOlllts, = t bo rrosent at lonst in
tho bnttr.liun farvnrd aid stntion a.."ld at tbu colloctinEt c ... tlx:an¥ at
F~rvard fiu,t.ort. ·.Soma t1f c.ur oquil.lT.Iont vcs ovp.cua.te<i vith mn a.ll
tho vey tv ...ui ilb.-n. J.lso vo l'.ad. cany k-16 1 s slwt up and had to
hnvo r~pl~cecents in the area. Thcreft..ro vo kept a lut or voapons
in tht~ battle oro:. r .. r re-isauo• When vo vera pulllld c.ut vo bro\14;ht
all axcoss VOt!.ilOC.S and oqui1:1:10nt vith us. hnny eneLIY voapJns vhicll
vera ca,:turad nnd sent out vith friandly XL. a.nd VL. vore nover BOllA
16
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The u."lit cc.cc,:mdc:..· fi(;hting tho ~ttla in tho objcotin area
.....,-.,~ ...... ou1trol tJf oqui:;mant, friend~ nnd onoz:v, once it loana tho
!crva:'li aron by helicoptor. JJ. roro off'octivo "ba.cltetop" ayetor;~ IINIIt
·'be set up to cntch this gcnr and cc:ntrol it vhan it arrives at Tnrioua
Unlondi.ns points in tho roar.
(5) ~tiona arc no prubloz::. Fov mn ont liiUCh vban ~n a
·henv,y DCtiunt hovovor, vat11r is o:z:tramoly critical. It LIU8t bo p=c&ant
in qUBlltity- particulnrly vban thoro is no strclllll iluuroo availAb:!.w.
(6) Tho pathfindcar tcll.l:l vns tromondC.ua. Until -t!1i.-y could
gat in e.round 1630 hours, 14 i:lon~:~bOr, all. inc;:.~ aircraft ·b.l.:i to bo
,·guided in_and out DY tho battalion ccmmnndor on tho hnttalion cc==and
· net. .ll. pathfinder tor.l:l shc.uld go into ovary battaliun-aizod C:l.!!OO.ult.
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(7) It tuck time to r~tlucd !•-16 CllOI&inaa·one ·.-.~·;,<1 at
a tU:.o. In tho honT,Y DCtiun we oncl•untorad~ -this .took -oxc.:-(::::•.w: ~U:lo
·i:Lt ·cr'iticai ·-pe;r.ioda. .It vas .,articulRrly criticAl during ~-h ~·· .. :y ni{;ht.
atto.ck. .ll.lBo it vas diffi~t ttJ lcoop track of empty mg.:-·'.::..:.':: J'.!·.
a hoav'y firo fir,ht. Tho aulution ~ ibe an a:xr..andablo, pl::..~u.: '·J:r'!l
Jllll.Gil.ZillO which .is 'resupplied to the ritloR!.A iuil,y lc•ad•d .u\ ~. _.-,'l:i ..)lear
11.111 VNi tho old M-1 clir of aisht reucda.
.u.ao·, tho proscr.~ ~--···! ~~
pouch Ullkes crawling on thu atumach cliff'ioult.
.·~-=~-~···
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(B) Tho individual auldior I:!Wit 'baco1010 a~ l.::aet ~ g..od
-as tho ·P.11.VN in C81Xluflaga tochniquas end use of' terrain r.a.! foli::51
to cover acd ct•ncoAl his 1:10vamants. This muat l:o amiba£l~ct!. ·
l'.
THE PJ.VN EiiD:r a
(1} Bo appoar!N tu l'O vall-i.ruinAd. Uo v.,_• ··c-:.···"'d\"th
·Bo V!IB cquippcld with n pre}'.<lndaranoa of autumatic v,opona .-•;•; :->l•l:O:'L)' ot
amcrunition •. Ho carriod 3 - 5 Chinose potato cosher lul'lli r;:n·:.:~~ic:1. Ha
onrriod n aoftbnll-eizod v.a.d of cooked rico, 101e1at u! tht1111 r.•~e:~l'•: a
bed rell consisting of a piaca of vator~oot plastic tl.cd e.· ~=-~k. ·
Ria v9apons varo wall Duintainod.
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{2} Ho VIIS nn export at CQ.I;lOut~ a•1A ••::?ti. 'ru:.•;• :.:·.t of
covor and c. ncoalcont to :i?Grfoction. Vith only a~~:e.::.J ~.~.::, c:-:-·:~:-.•-::,
and antitank vaApona ho c:bvic,usly so~t to eloise ,., i.:t "" W 5~r:w~rlt
quiclcly-boforo wo coulc\ discovor hi.l:l - · possibly tc ~·.:.n:J:-r c-~. • !. _, •• ='.lpp:..rt
lass uftcctivo Md certainly tc. ovarvhelc us on:i fta.:a un ~ .• ,· ·..::.~: 'Jn
hie tares. Without I:IUCh ovorhoad tire support, ho :probe.l:-;;. !:.:-.'·, ;u fall
'bnck on oxport caa.utlaGQ techniques, attDCks in l:laBs, inil.;:c:c.tc.•·s, unci
st~-tchind killer ~crtiea.
'r
(,~) Ho vas a deadly shot. In cnrinf= fc;,r ~ t!Cn- who hnd
baon killed nnd voundod, I was struck Uf t:1o great nw:lbcr who hod bcOA
shot in tho helld Md upper p;1rt of tho body -- particularly in th.J t.oado
B<t dofitlitol,y nimad for tho loaders -- tho mon who wore shuuting, pointing,
talking on radion. He.: nlsCI niiJcd tor tho con carry in,; rndiua. Ho nl.ao
lli•llOt:.rC'i tc concontrnto un con VOIU'ing insi~ia cf rtl.tl.k - :ijleZticularly
llC.n-cNJr.ti.aaioned officor vith stripes c.n tbuir arcS 0 Iri this vnr~ I
~uaatic.n i f it is necessary, possibly oven foolish, or invitinr. firu,
for n.:.n-cc.moiasi"nod' officers to vor.r in::irni:1 c:f their r.rad·e -or en:! onliDtod
fe-r that 1:3.ttor. Within tho se>U.l units, all con
knov. their loadors. In bnso ca.cp tho lecdors should waar thoir insign1a.
On oporr.tions e.S':linst tha onocy", thoy should woar cloan-nloavo f~:t4,"ll.ea.
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(4} W'non attc.cking, tho P••Vll units cc.n!ronting us used
. CC.Ss ll!lllc.ult tactics pracadert in a·•.-ce cc.sos by lit~t mortar nnd antitank rt~ckat fire. The latter I Loliavo is often tlistc.kon for cortar
firo 0 lie c.lso usc.'li encircling canuuvors Vi th 50 - 75 Call groupe 0 Be
eaployod his tltl.Chino suns nxtror.~Gly voll and thoroUI'hly undarstc:od tho
Valuo of 1;1"/Ui.nt: firo. J.t ni01t, ho infiltrnted scall .nugbora up to
..
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ivo p;:~rilDatar at n~t ond wont to (;!.'Oat ortarta to try to foroo
into firinft•
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(5)
'olhon mat by heavy r;roUcd !ira or by IIDrtar, artilla%'7 0
·BoVOTer, ·he did .DCt qui!..
·!l'apalm o.nd vhita phosphorous h'J ·da!inital,y did n.Jt :l.ika.
·-~-
AlU.. ·he bcco1110 lass .or{;W1ized.
(6) Ho appoarod to b4vo no rAdios. Tho loaderao o.:..ntrollod
thair mun by shouting. Dugloa vera used during the ~t of 14 - ·15
llovomb.!r on tho mountain ~'bcve tho battalion .porimetar. .I..Uo, t.t n18bt
on .the mountt:.in they usod sisnaJ. lishta.
(7) Ho fouoht to the daath. ·Whon .voundod, t:.o uc:1~i.nuod
tighting vith his sznall arm ·and gre.IUldoa. •Bo 11ppeared ·fnr-"\ti.c .. 1 vhen
vouilclad and had to ·Uo ·opprollChod vith o:rtroma care. ·&n,y !r.-''· :.:-!.';r van
:ahot •by -¥ound.od p._vs.
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(e)' Ho also 011pouod £QIUI.tioal in his oxt.r::1~ .,rt.~:;;ts to
recovor bvf\ics u£ his do ad ·nnd wounded Md thoir aquiplll('r.i.. 1!-~ r.·nur
stoppod his affc.rts in this rogn:rd ·and used -the •night_, tt.r· hi•;:1 .g.:L~Zs,
tho anthills and other concool.ment .to .·mexiM•m lldni.ritago to cr,::-::~ :hls
.plirpc.se • Wo found many or his dod Vith ropes tied arc~ tho NU:laa
and a short, runninr, and tree. I env tvo or ~ daad vith eiuilar
ropoa tiod around their ankloa.
(9) SC'me of~ men vho met.h.im r~e to !aeo ha.n atnted
that sotlO P.:.Vlf apl'aarad to be "hopped up". Thoy bslocd thi,; nn_,.,,., .. :~.,n
in part on thair o't-o~~4lr.,...t.i<•A t~t vhnl\ Ahnt, t.ho7 leapt lll:.v"'-!1!; rovo:!:al
-mcra.st.etlCI .f':it':ine before dropJ:Iing•. In theeo ca&~~s, it 1!1 1'(::Jr.iulll
tha.t tho hi!;h velocity M-16 bullet PtJ.BIIOd cloanl,y throueh '!'l"uRa O:t't~
without any iLJcadio.te stoppin~t artaot. J.lsu sumo r.10n stat~:!. ~h..•.t ·~h87
sav c. tow onaley- koop thoir vaapons o.t sling &ri:IS" although und:~: !it'e •
Ono ncn-co~sionod cffioor statod tha.t ~ne group of 30 or so ena~
Cuntinuod roving across tho front c.! his squad altllOUgb i t V88 baing
cut to :i)iocos by oloso-in !lmlki11~ !ira.
. ( 10) .A Ca~rito tnctic. or the Pla.VN onaz;v va !aood eaa~
to be an o.ge;rcssiva snall-uoit encircling I:IS.iuluver. .A.nuthar voa n rnpid
uso.ult by 6 - 10 PJ•Vlf on 2 or 3 !riendl,y. '
.,
'
( 11) W'o found aC'm of our XL. "dos tatm'' Md vallate oo.
tho bodios of duad P••VN.
VIII. Out uf all tho ubvvo, tho principal points thot I would like
tv ocphnsizo o.ro1
.. J
... Wo oust cnko inlgina.tive and constont uso of our
trorJOndvus tiro ·suppart a.dvantcga tu kill tho P.:.Vlf enemy 'btlfura ho
sots sc closo that vo must ti¢\t hil:l un his tarms. This inoluioa
haavy uso of tho h-79 llOd avon hand grenades tC' h:.~d him out SCI that
1
artillery, TJ.C J.ir, and J.R.o. can vork oa. hiD.
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11. Wo l:lUSt toko tima and evory o&,portunity to trc.in our
con, and ospociAlly our roplacemonta, tu perfection in sma.ll-unit tiro
and Ct~vocont and tiro :.rid m .ouver. It vo do not do this, men will
bo killod who voulcl n.Jt cthorviso. bo kill&ci.
]
C. Tho COI:I:X!lldor on tht! battlofiold cust c:..ntinucl.ly anticiputo
vhnt tho futuro r;cy bring or cculd bring e.'ld tcko ~tepa to in!luonoo .tha
future bot ore it comas o.bc.ut. This a:p:;~lios -to the enOJ:\YJ tu !ira support 1
sup-_.>l,y or NIIJ;IO, votar, en•• codice.l eup:pJ.ios ba!ure ;tho roquiremant arieesf •
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�io !riandl1 reaction to pcesible eno~y aetion1 ~ to,all otber'~ttars
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, and objootively tbi.Nc - vh&t is not l.einf; done vhich should be done to
in!luenoa tba a1tuatioA, and vhat ia L'Oing done v!licn should riot be scins
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Rqa, 1st :bn, 7th Cav
Plei he, RVH U168o69
14064S llov 65
iJdttan transcript of Ox:al Operationa Order isawtd by ·Lisutanazlt ·Colonel
:..-.rold G. Moore, Coi!IU.llding Officer, 1st Ilatt~n, 7th Cavalr)-, 140645
.:-.ovember 1965·
J,.,
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r\,ssible' Eatt&lion Ticinity YJ.. 90:50:52•
:5)
l'ossi't:la s,ecret base vicinity YJ.. 960020.
2~ Pos::ib:!.'J eno!IIY on Chu Pong munt&.in YJ.. 9:55010.
·
:
.Plei l..a and 2/5 Ca'\"il:ey 't.'est or Ploi bl.
2.
-~
)ri :Srigad'l continua& present mission or sen!·ch and destroy
.!iC'utb ~ West of l'l.oiku, l'l.ei Me vitb. 2/7 Ca.vl\l.ry South or
MI:SSIONa
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1st }!attalion, 7th C&.val.ry conducts .Air .A.Bsllll.l~ operations
in aroa L.nlE (Ia Drans Valley) to seareb !or and destroy
thu onell\(• Operations v1ll be concentrated on atraQIII bed.a,
rivor bods, nnd voodocl high srow:d. to a msxiznum baigbt ot
500 motor a •
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Tho b:~.tt&lion vill entor 'tho aro:~. o! operationa
it• ''•"1lllp.:lll,}' olciJ('nts shuttling from thoir present locations
usir.z 15 UH1D holicoptors lnnding at Landing Zona X-RaY.
;.1.:•::-rnto L:J.nding Zonas e.ro TANGO and YANKEE to be used onlr
on urd.cr. Compaey' :& will land !'irst and secure the IendinB
:t.one. The Landing Zone vill be secured using tho tochniqua
of sending out roconnai.ssa:tce clements from ono platoon a.nd
retaining tho comp:lnY(-) assumblod. as a striking force.
Company A, Cog~ C, and Cogpany D will !'cllov on order.
Company B and Coap8.nl A on ordor will assemble' in attack
forgation ·orr tho North and licrtheast .portion o!' tho lsmiing
. ::ono. prepa:od to co=cnce a coordi.lulted search.i.n€ l:lOVeoont
to tho East and Northeast on order vith Compan,y a on the
right lEest), Cogpa.ey C illitial.ly Battalion rosbrva Clld.
i.a.nding Zona security on order. rreparo to covo West e.nd
liort~west to search lover portion o!' LlOuntain a1'ea Tioinit)"
M:lll"'JVors
.
Firo ~upport1 Tho.;e vill be an B Clinuto divarsionary
ertillery prspnration vicinity Landing Zonas Y.ANXl:oE and
T.AliGO, followed by a. 20 minute tubs artillery prepnration
vicinity the primary l.Gnding Zono X-RAX with s~is on
surrounding terrain and tha !'ingor a:uf' draw Nortbwaat or
X-RJ.Y •
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'Tho t.uho =t1llar,r_ Vill 'bo t.;n.oV\ld b,y }q ..COAda C\f .Aerial
Rockat artillcuy !ollowod by 30 8QO(J.Dda of gunahip prw-·
pe.ration juat prior to touchdown Of tho UU.Ult OOCip&qt
All mortars undor Co~. :D .QQ1'1ar platoon control• •t
Position BrOil to. be aeieotod attar JaM1ftCo Priorit7
ot tiros init~ to Compe.n;y B then to Cobpe.tiJ' A ·¥baA
J:J:~Va ott the LZ to Kaat begina.
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Forward 5t•Hly point will be at ~ding Zona Fal.oon ~22032•
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No IOIUl.eg vJ.ll be takun into objaot~o •a.raa until •cleared to: du·
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�D~ANG
THE lA
CAMPAIGN
October 26-November 27, ·1965
'li)'Y
THE TB!E OF OPERATION
CHINA
them for all aspects ofbattle-reconnaisI Starlite, the Marines were not
NORTH
sance; air attack, transport, and logistic
i •
!the only American ground
'~':VIETNAM
support-to -produce a self-contained
I
combat troops in Vietnam. U.S.
yS.,-..r~ '"· and potentially devastating force.
•Hanoi,~,---_-_,1"_0 ·-· <:·- · On July 28,1965, President Johnson
Army Special Forces, the Green Berets,
had been fighting their own unconven(
announced the commitment of the 1st
,J/
__ Cavalry to Vietnam. The division had
tional-operations since 1957, and advisers
(
GULF
c·~ formally come into existence only a
had been attached to the ARVN for even
longer. But in the aftermath of the Marine
/ · 70 ~~/N month before, absorbing personnel from
commitment to Da Nang, President
'\;,_ ·. ·.
-~
the experimental 1 Ith Air Assault Div-Johnson had authorized the deployment
'\,
- -'-- -- ision (Test) and reassigned units from the
of entire armv formations.
\.;_
2d Infantry Division (now given cavalry
On April ;4, 1965, the 173d Airborne
designations), but the commanding
Brigade-the army's rapid response force
officer, Major General Harry W. 0.
for the western Pacific-was ordered to
Kinnard, was eager for action. More than
THAILAND
move to Vietnam, and, three months
400 helicopters-OH-I 3 Sioux for reconlater, they were joined by the 1st Brigade,
naissance, UH-1 Hueys for assault and
infantry lift, CH-47 Chinooks and CH-54
101st Airborne Division. The latter was
·· ·
Flying Cranes for heavy lift-were
initially slated to relieve the 173d, but
ended up fighting alongside it. The steady
-~
.J{i'm · loaded on transports; these, together with
escalation of U.S. force levels had begun.
?'w
n.e.a·~~ 16,ooo personnel and 1,6oo vehicles, were
Both formations found the transition
CAMBODIA
)~
eamp.ilgn \ shipped across the Pacific, approaching
to war frustrating, acting as heliborne----''o r--,.
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, ~;: Vietnam in early September.
infantry in a countrv-wide "firefighting"
;:., , '· ~ , _....--'r-:,;.'1"
SOUTH ~General Westmoreland's first reaction
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VIETNAM/
role. For much of the time; the troopers
·,'? ··;, .: . ,Phnom~"'
· ,..J
was to split the division, sending each of
. were involved in repetitive, tiring, and
-~~ 1) ;cPenh i_'
_
_10 / its three brigades to a different part of the
mundane "walks in the sun," chiefly in
-~ Y:. . ~ "'-lsar l!ft'Y:c-:-~ ·
. country; but Kinnard was adamant: the
War ZoneD north of Saigon and around
. sr---c:r--- -~~,__
"-:-whole point of airmobility, he argued,
Pleiku_ i~ ~he Central Highlands. The VC
_._'
·')-:¢t~.~~:g
was to keep the closely integrated force
were mtually reluctant to engage U.S.
. (;-;::-·
together to maximize its impact.
·Kinnard's view prevailed, and he was
troops.
.U
One of the reasons for Communist
..
ordered to deploy his division to An Khe,
caution lay in the" enhanced mobility
3 5 miles inland from Qui Nhon in the
displayed by the Americans. Helicopters "We are in heavy contact. These central provinces. An immense heliport
had been used before in Vietnam, as both
I
·
(soon to be dubbed "the Golf Course")
Ap Bac and Starlite showed, but both gbys are good!"
was constructed, and the Ioist Airborne
airborne brigades were now using them
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·
was drafted in to clear Route 19. On
on a m~ch more regular basis, lifting JTAIN ROBERT H. EDWARDS, IZ x-RAY, NOVEMBER 14• 1965
September 14, the first ~egular Army
troops over difficult terrain to landing
helicopters flew in to An Khe.
The central provinces were not chosen
zones (LZs) in the enemy rear. It was an
at random, for, by the summer of 1965, it
idea that had been explored as early as
was becoming apparent that the area was
1962, when Secretarv of Defense Robert
McNamara had set· up the U.S. Army
under attack, not just from the VC but
also, more significantly, it was believed,
Tactical ~[obility Requirement Board
under the leadership . of Lieutenant
from elements of the North Vietnamese
Army. Infiltration ofNV A regulars do\vn
General Hamilton Howze.
By 1965, "airmobility" had been taken
the Ho _Chi Minh Trail in Laos and
much further· than that displayed by the
Cambodia had been recognized for some
101st and 173d, who used helicopters
time, but intelligence sources were now
only for movement: the newly activated
painting a much more menacing picture.
1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile). used
They were not mistaken: a special Field
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48
...
�••
Shoulder sleeve Insignia of the I st Cavalry.
Division (Airmobile). This unit's hard
fighting In the Ia Drang Campaign won a
Presidential Unit Citation.
.-;
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,
49
�THE lA DRANG CAMP
I G N /2
The origins of airmobility
The U.S. Army used helicopters for medical
evacuation and light transportation duties
as early as the Korean War ( 1950-53).
Indeed, while that war was still going on, in
August, 1952, a decision was taken to create
12 helicopter battalions which would be
used for ferrying infantry units into combat
over difficult terrain. But technology lagged
behind: it was not until the development of
the gas turbine engine in the mid-1950s that
helicopters could be given the power to-lift
heavy loads. The Army was slow to capitalize on this potential, even though a··few
officers were already discussing the possibility of self-contained heliborne units.
In January, 1960, recognizing the need
for rationalization, the Chief of Staff set up
the Army Aircraft Requirements Review
Board under Lieutenant General Gordon B.
. Rogers. This Board made a number of
recommendations regarding the design and
procurement of helicopters, but said little
about. how they could be ·used beyond
observation and transportation. It was not
until April, 1962, that a wider perspective
emerged. Secretary of Defense Robert
•
I
I
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I
I
. .1
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J
By 1100 on
·November 14, 1965,
the first elements of
the 1st Battalion, 7th
Cavalry. had been
helicoptered from their
base at Plei Me to
Landing Zone X-Ray (7)
just east of Chu Pong
·Mountain (4). A major
U.S. search and destroy
operation in the valley
of the Ia Orang (I) had
begun.
Shortly after setting
down, Company B (6)
·moved off to the west
and north toward a
spur of the massif.
Waiting for them in
positions on the
mountain and in the
valley' were elements of
the NVA 66th and 33d
Regiments (2 and 3),
diverted from an
intended attack on Plei
Me. Company B was
soon pinned down by
fierce enemy fire: so,
too, was Company A
(5), which had been
dispatched to provide
support for Company B
on its left flank.
As the battle
developed, Company C
(8). providing security
· -~~-
50
:-:~~
-· ,...
-.· ..·:.:. ~.~:..~·r:.~-~
.
~. ~'(":
exasperated by the Army's
nt inability to think beyond such
inative possibilities, set up the Army
Mobility Requirements Board
Lieutenant General Hamilton Howze
LEFT). The concept of airmobility,
its emphasis on the· full range of
for the LZ, probed to
the east and was
charged, unsuccessfully,
by two NVA companies
(9). With Company D
reinforcing Company C
around the LZ's south
and southwest
perimeter, the
cavalrymen held on
until 1800, when
Company B, 2d
•
Battalion, 7th Cavalry,
was helilifted in to
bolster the defenses.
Next day, November
15, t.he NVA mounted
spirited attacks against
X-Ray, but with
artillery and helicopter
gunship support, the
Americans repelled
their attackers. By the
. · ·..._..;:--;\ .:·
military capability within one heliborne
formation, came out of the Howze Board. It
led to the creation of the lith Air Assault
Division (Test) under Brigadier General
Harry W.O. Kinnard (ABOVE RIGHT): the
formation that would enter Vietnam in 1965
as the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) .
·
l
-~ . •
:.::- ..; ... ·. ·:~ •..~..,.·.<-f_~.=..·.·. ·;:.:' -~- \: .. ' . ~.
I
�Force under NV A Brigadier General Chu
Huv Man was preparing to seize Kontum
and Pleiku provinces, before thrusting
A wward the coast and splitting South
··W Vietnam m two.
For this to succeed, the NV A had to
destro\· other, more wester! y, Special
Force; camps at Plei Me and Due Co,
opening up the main routes to Pleiku
Citv. In late July, 1965, the NVA 32d
Regiment began the campaign by surrounding Due Co, threatening to overwhelm its defenders, who were a mixture
of South Vietnamese Special Forces and
~fontagnard and Nuong tribesmen, all
under U.S. Special Forces control. An
AR VN mechanized column was committed to relieve the base, but was caught in
an ambush four miles east of Due Co. The
-J."JV A, under h{:avy U.S. air attacks,
eventually withdrew, having inflicted
significant casualties.
.
The NV A 32d Regiment was joined by
the 33d in early September, linking up
with the local VC main-force battalion to
establish a base on the eastern slopes of
Chu Pong Mountain_. This was a 174square-mile massif that straddled the
south of the Ia (River) Orang; it
re than 5oo meters above the floor
ng plateau of jungle that
the 37 miles to Pleiku City.
Unkn 1
to the Americans, General
1
.
as about to receive a third regimP·nt---1-l,hP 66th-that would increase his
to the equivalent of a division
battalions, each of 55o men,
by artillery and support units). It
first time the NV A had operated
at a multi-regimental level.
Plei Me was attacked early on
20, and the AR VN responded
I
y: as the defenders of the base
for survival, a mechanized column
in Pleiku City. But local
~~·"""'"·"'"'-L , scared of commitstalled. It was not until
agreed to send the 1st
In November,
19CSCS. By their
action, the cavalry
were able to
preempt a major
NVA attack In the
Central Highlands.
Brigade, ISt Cavalry, to Pleiku to guard
against possible envelopment that the
relief column set out, on October 22.
As the column approached Plei Me,
however, it was ambushed and, despite
heavy U.S. air support, the commander
insisted on caution. Only when Kinnard,
in an early display of airmobility, helicoptered artillery forward to LZs close to the
ambush point did the column begin to.
move. Plei Me was finallv relieved late on
October 25, having . survived only
through the.courage and fighting skill of
its Green Beret garrison.
Westmoreland was impressed by the
rapid response of 1st Cavalry, and on
October 26 he agreed to "give Kinnard
his head," changing the role of the
division from one of reaction/reinforcement to unlimited offense within a particular area of Vietnam. Kinnard was given
responsibility for most of Pleiku, Kontum, and Binh Dinh provinces in II Corps
Tactical Zone and was o·rdered to seek
out, fix, and destroy any enemy forces in
the region. He gave the task to his 1st
Brigade, which immediately began widespread aerial searches, hoping to find the
51
...:.•_ .. ···
: .· ,·:
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...........,..
By the summer of
196S, U.S.
Intelligence was
aware that a
combined force of
NVA regulars and
local vcwas
threatening
Special Forces
camps at Plel Me
and Due Co In the
central provinces.
NVA Brigadier
General Chu Huy
Man's apparent
plan was to drive
east across the
country to the sea,
cutting South
VIetnam In half.
Countering this
threat were
units of the I st
cavalry Division
(Airmobile) under
Major General
Harry w. 0.
Kinnard, stationed
at An Khe. The I st
Air Cava~ry·were>· ·
! .'
soon In action,
helping to relieve
the besieged
Special Forces
camp at Plei Me in
late October,
196S. This success
led to their being
sent on the
offensive In an
area near the Chu
Pong massif and Ia
Drang valley,
where there were
signs of a major
..Communist base.
J :; ?'{1~{'1:'i:}''i"~/"~.
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•
Route 19
~Albany
1
Q Columbus
U
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ll Falcon{]
.
Plei He
Spe<ial forces Camp
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Chu Pong Mountain
At 1037 on
November 14, 1965,
after 20 minutes of
bombardment and
rocket fire, the first
. elements of the I/7th
Cavalry, commanded
by lieutenant Colonel
Harold G. Moore,
landed at LZ X-Ray
below the Chu Pong
massif.
·:·
Colonel Moore
established his
command post (5)
near a large anthill in
the center of the LZ,
an area of level
· ground covered with
elephant grass and
scattered trees. Moore
then ordered Captain
John 0. Herren's
Company B to strike
out northwest toward
.a· mountain spur
protruding from the
jungle.-covered wall of
the. Chu Pong (I).
As another wave of
Huey helicopters (6)
came in to land at 1245,
Herren's Ist Platoon (3)
ran into enemy fire. On
its right flank, 2d
Platoon (4) also came
under fire and was then
rapidly surrounded.
Captain Herren
responded by moving
3d Platoon (2) to cover
the left flank of 1st
Platoon, but it too was
soon to become mired
in the firefight.
Meanwhile, back at
the command post,
Colonel Moore called
up artillery and air
support which
eventually succeeded in
subduing the enemy
fire. This allowed the
rest ofthe If7th
Cavalry to be lifted in
to LZ X-Ray at 1500
hours. As a result,
Moore was able to set
about reorganizing his
defenses .
Nottoscale
t
On the night of the
14th, 2d Platoon,
reduced to seven
unwounded men, was
left to fend for itself as
Communist forces tried
to overrun the LZ. But
by 0900 on the 15th,
reinforcements were
lifted in to X-Ray and,
with 2/Sth Cavalry
approaching overland,
the NVA began to
break off the fight.
It was not until 1030
on November 16,
however, after another
night of fighting, that
Moore was finally
relieved. The battalion
had sustained 79 killed
and 121 wounded
against an enemy body
count of 634.
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53
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�THE lA ORANG CAMP
I G N /4
Creating Lis
For airmobility to be effective, helicopters
had to be able to land inside enemy-held
territory to br'ing in the men, weapons, and
supplies needed for offensive operations.
'Natural landing zones (LZs), such as jungle
clearings, were likely to be defended, so
quite often they had to be created.
Once a location had been chosen, pathfinders and combat engineers would descend through the jungle canopy by rope
rappel or on special "Jacob's Ladders" from
hovering helicopters, while other aircraft
"prepped" the area to disrupt any enemy
response. On the ground, the advance
engineers would begin to clear the undergrowth and trees with chain saws, axes, and
explosives, creating as quickly as possible an
area into which the helicopters could descend to disgorge assault platoons. In some
cases, a rough; defensive perimeter would
be set up by reconn'aissance troops. The LZ
was then ready for actual landings.
same techniques would often be U.S. Army UH·I
.to create a Fire. Support Base helicopters (RIGHT)
located on a hilltop so that fall Into a tight
artillery could provide support landing formation
.on patrol in the surrounding at an LZ near .
coLumrvs••ae. As such bases needed to be
Phuoc Vlnh, some
su••n•u'L'"'• t.he initial clearance might. 40 miles north of
by dropping special "Daisy Cutter" Saigon.
pr,imed to explode . just .. above
level to topple trees. A stake would On a hilltop base
1
be positioned .at the ·center of the site (BELow) men of the
and 131-foot rope attached to mark out 1st cavalry
the
bunker line---the ·bunkers being Division walt to
IS
apart.
·
hook a ISSmm
similar rope, 246 feet long, marked the howitzer to the
· perimeter. Bulldozers would be holst of a CH-54
in J?y helicopter to dig command Tarhe Flying
and artillery 'pits, followed by a Crane.
of IOSmm medium howitzers. Dug
nrt>tf>l"t,•r1 by barbed wire, mines, air
smmc•n:. and infantry, the FSB would be
for action .
•
I
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•
troops responsible for the Plei Me attack.
The I st Brigade was spearheaded by the
I st Squadron, 9th Cavalry, whose task it
was to fly light scout helicopters at
treetop height, calling in "aero-rifle platoons" in UH-Is whenever contact was
. made. The brigade's main body was made ·
up of three heliborne infantry battalions
as well as artillery and aerial-rocket fire
support, the latter deliyered by specially
. adaf?ted~·UH~I•--!.'gunships.:~. :\:, · "·. ,..
] ··· ~/:~:;~i~?X~~t~;_:f,:_::·-::··· ·::·· : --<>:,· ·' . ' -"
54
Unaware that the Plei Me attack and
had been carried out by NV A
, the Cavalry concentrated on
to the north and east of the camp,
to spot VC guerrillas returning to
villages. Little was found,
because General Man had ordered
32d and 33d Regiments back to the
Pong base in the west, where they
· link·.
with the 66th Regiment
.~ c.•c·.;;,.;;;c.-·o· .• ·o.-..-.~·~,,.attac~. on Pl~i Me.
·.I
, ~.(·
,. ...
. .
.,.
It was not until 0720 hours on
November I that contact was made, when
9th Cavalry helicopters, ranging far and
wide, spotted movement about seven
miles west of Plei Me. Aero-rifle support
was called up and, at o8o8 hours, a group
attack was made on what turned out to be
an NV.A field hospital. In less than 30
minutes, I5 NV A had been killed and 43
captured, along with a mound of documents and. medical equipment. Isolated
~...:.··
.
".1·.·
'1•.
.
•
�firefights continued throughout the day,
at the end of which Kinnard could claim a
--~ "body count" of 99 NV A for 11 of his
own men killed. Airmobility was begin_) ning to bite.
It soon became obvious from the
captured documents that the Cavalry
were looking in the wrong place for the
-· wrong enemy. On November 2, Kinnard
.lllllllllli.ifted his search pattern to th.e west,
ere 9th Cavalry scouts had already
•
trails between the Chu
Ia Drang. They started
the area on November 3, setting
LZ south of the river
infantry patrols could be
. Late on the same day, one of
rols ambushed elements of the
Regiment and then helped to
LZ against attacks that cost the
a further 72 confirmed dead .
1'\..IJm~;ua now suspected that the Chu
Pong area was a major NV A ~ase. On
November 9, he relieved the 1st Brigade
of his division with the 3d ("Garry
Owen") Brigade, commanded by Colonel
Thomas W. Brown, and ordered it to
prepare for an assault into the Communist-held area. An entire battalion of
heliborne troops-the 1/7th Cavalrywas to be lifted on November 14 onto an
LZ at the foot of the Chu Pong and then
patrol out, searching for contacts.
I
.)
55
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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Title
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[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-004-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/b3e9eb9d460b7cce08c7205603b0ebd5.pdf
9a19775fbd5d1f00d45b4c67a37fc648
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Freeman] Medal ofHonor [binder] [4]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
'
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
(
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
9
1
v
�R
�.------------------------------------------------,
R
��5
INTO THE VALLEY
The great joy of the Cavalry was to be so far away, out in the clean
air. the open spaces, away from those damned councils~ Buford
... felt the beautiful absence of a commander, a silence above him,
a windy freedom.
I
I
•
-~ichael.. Shaara, The Killer Angels
Sergeant Major Plumley and I rolled out of our ponchos at the old
French fort outside the barbed wire at Plei Me Special Forces Camp.
It was 4:30 on Sunday morning, November 14, and the 1st Battalion,
7th Cavalry had work to do today. We walked back to the operations
tent, which was manned around the clock. No change in our orders
had come through overnight. But over a cup of coffee, Matt Dillon
passed along one interesting piece of information that the radio relay
intercept team attached to our headquarters had come up with. Says
Dillon: "They had made an intercept ofacoded message in Mandarin
dialect. like a situation report, from a position somewhere on a line
from Plei Me camp directly throl,lgh a clearing at the base of Chu Pong
mountain·. The intelligence lieutenant had a map with a line drawn on
it. He said that the radio transmitter was somewhere on this line. I
don't remember how long that message was-that didn't really bother
me. It was the direction it ca~e from. The lieutenant said he thought
that possibly there was a North Vietnamese regiment somewhere out
there near Chu Pong mouptain."
Plumley and I shaved, breakfasted on C-rations,· and drank some
black coffee. Then I got my pack and ammunition ready and cleaned
my M~ 16 rifle and .45-caliber pistol. As day broke that morning it was
�FPT
.
U.S.A. $25.00
Canada$ 31. 50
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X-RAY
cool and fresh at Plei Me, with patches of wispy ground fog. This was
the middle of the dry season and the sun just peeking over the horizon
promised that the day would be a hot one.
John Herren and his Bravo Company troops were flying in from
brigade headquarters in Chinook helicopters; I walked out to the dirt
strip to meet him and brief the air-reconnaissance party. The same
Chinooks that brought in Bravo Company then pickect·up the big guns
of Alpha Battery, lst Battalion, 21st Artillery, to move them out to
· Landing Zone Falcon where they would support our air assault deeper
into the valley. Herren's men moved off to relax in the brush south of
the airstrip. They had time to eat, refill their canteens, and check and
clean their weapons. Unfortunately they ;were not a's fresh as they
should have been. Brigade headquariers had kept them on hundredpercent alert all night.
I walked over to Bruce Crandall's Huey and quickly briefed those
who would accompany us on the recon flight over the Ia Drang Valley.
Colonel Tim Brown had told us generally where he wanted us to
operate after the landing, but we now had to select a landing zone, and
preferably one that ·would take as many of our sixteen Hueys as possible at one time.
All of us would have preferred not to make an air-recon flight at all.
We didn't want to spook the enemy in the area and possibly alert them
to an imminent landing. But we could not choose a landing zone for
this assault simply by looking at a 1:50,000 map; we had to overfly the
area. We wo.uld minimize the chances of discovery by flying high,
around 4.500 feet. and pass well to the southeast of the Chu Pong
massif on a straight-line flight to the vicinity of Due Co Special Forces
Camp. After orbiting the camp for five ·minutes we would fly a slightly
different return. route. Our hope was that any enemy commander in the
area would reckon that the two lift ships and the two gunships were on
other business in other areas. With binoculars we would be scanning
for the right clearing: one with few obstacles and plenty of space.
The flight went precisely as planned. We took no anti-aircraft fire
and saw no enemy activity: on our return to Plei Me camp we quickly
settled on three possible landing zones: X-Ray, Tango, and Yankee.
Major Henri (Pete) Mallet. the 3rd Brigade operations officer, flew in
with a half-page "frag"* from Colonel Brown. One of our landingzone options, Yankee. was about' one mile south of the designated area
• A frag. or fr:igmentary order. i~ an ahbrc\·iated version of a commander's directive concerning his plan for a military mission.
of operations. It was
Hueys. A possibilitv
to the Ia Drang by
small-it could ham
yet, it was almost a ·
wells. To land. they
well. Hovering belie
That left X-Ray. It"'
it looked as though.
I told the comma
clearing called X-Ra
Captain Rickard, th
I asked him to take 1
a fast nap-of-the-ear
details on X-Ray, Y
By now all the con
command post. Wh
with their reports, l
certain every riflem.
rounds of ammo a:
ammunition as he i
should have at leas
squad should be can
rockets for bunker-r
reminded the comm
ride into the landing
. to what was going
situation at X-Ray ·
Now the scout pii
. could be used, the St
it was covered with
to ten Hueys at a. I
wire-a phone lint:!:
That tipped the bal
evidence that there:·
would be the assam
nates.
·At 8:50A.M .. on 1
the assembled comr
Assault into LZ XConipany lands fi1
�Into the Valley I 57
••
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of operations. It was on sloping ground but could take only six or eight
Hueys. A possibility. Tango was in the middle of the valley and closer
to the Ia Orang by a mile or so, which wa:s good. But it was too
small-it could handle only two or three Hueys at once-and, worse
yet, it was almost a well, encircled by very tall trees. The pilots hated
wells. To land, they had to slow almost to a hover, then drop into the
well. Hovering helicopters are juicy targets. We crossed off Tango.
That left X-Ray.lt was flat; the trees around it weren't all that tall; and
it looked as though it could take up to eight helicopters at orie time.
I told the command group that I had tentatively decided on the
clearing called X-Ray but wanted some more information. Turning to
Captain Rickard, the 1st Squadron. 9th Cavalry Scout section leader,
I asked him to take his tiny two-man H-13 observation helicopters on
a fast nap-of-the-earth flight through the target area to pick up more
details on X-Ray, Yankee, and the surrounding area.
By now all the company commanders had assembled at the battalion
command post. While we waited for the scout helicopters to return
with their reports, 1 again urged the company commanders to make
certain every rifleman had at least the basic load of three hundred
rounds of ammo and two hand grenades plus as much additional
ammunition as he felt he could carry. Each of the M-79 grenadiers
should have at least thirty-six of the fat little 40mm rounds. Each
squad should be carrying two of the new LAW (light antitank weapon)
rockets for bunker-busting and taking out machine-gun crews. And 1
reminded the commanders of follow-on units waiting for their turn to
ride into the landing zone to stay tuned to the command net and listen
to what was going on so they wouldn't be in the dark about the
situation at X-Ray when they finally got there.
Now the scout pilots returned and reported. Landing Zone Yankee
could be used, the scout pilots reported, but it would be risky because.
it was covered with old tree stumps. X-Ray definitely could take eight
to ten Hueys at a time. Finally, they said they had spotted commo
wire-a phone line-running east to west on a trail north of X-Ray.
· That tipped the balance in favor of X-Ray, because it offered certain
evidence that there were enemy soldiers in the immediate area. X-Ray.
would be the assault landing zone, with Tango and Yankee as alternates.
At 8:50 A;M., ·on the west end of the Plei Me strip, 1 issued orders to
the assembled company commanders. liaison officers. pilots. and staff:
Assault into LZ X-Ray to search for and destroy the enemy. Bravo
Compan.Y lands first. accompanied by my command group, then
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Alpha, then Charlie, and then Delta companies. Bravo and Alpha will
move northwest on my order. Charlie Company will move southwest
toward the mountain, likewise on my order. Delta Company will control all mortars. The recon and machine-gun platoons will be battalion
reserve. Artillery will fire eight minutes each on Yankee and Tango for
deception, then a twenty-minute preparator~ fire on X-Ray and adjacent areas. Thirty seconds of aerial rocket artillery and thirty seconds
of helicopter gunship prep fire would follow. The battalion rear command post, run by my executive officer, Major Herman Wirth, and our
supply point and medical-aid station would both shift "forward to
Landing Zone Falcon, where the two artillery batteries were located.
Colonel Brown arrived and I walked him through the plan. He ·
agreed with everything, including the selection of X-Ray as the assault
landing zone. He chatted with some of the officers and troopers for a
fei• minutes. Then, just before he left, he, did something out of the
ordinary. Says Matt Dillon: "Colonel Brown called Moore and me
aside. He told us: 'I want you two to be especially careful on this
operation.' He looked concerned." As we walked Brown to his helicopter he repeated his instructions: "Stay tight" and "Don't let your
companies get separated." At 9:15 A.M. the two artillery batteries
reported they were going into position and would soon be ready to fire.
I set 10:30 A.M. as touchdown time. Commanders returned to their
companies, the staff to the command post. The Huey a1r crews were
being briefed by their pilots.
Then we got word that because of air movement delays the artillery
was not yet in position in LZ Falcon and could not begin the prep
fires on the Ia Drang targets before I 0:17 A.M. H hour slid back accordingly, and the word was passed down the line. Dillon lifte9 off in the
battalion command helicopter with the fire-~upport and helicoptercoordination group. Bruce Crandi:dl and I stood beside his chopper,
discussing final details. The precise flying time from liftoff at Plei Me
to touchdown at X-Ray came up. Crandall's copilot, Captain Jon
Mills, a twenty-five-year-old native of the Panama Canal Zone,
worked for a couple ofminutes over his maps, flight table, and calculator, looked up and said: "Thirteen minutes fifteen seconds." I bet him
a beer he couldn't hit it' dead on the nose. He took me up on that
bet-he kept an honest ~og-and collected his beer three nights later
at Camp Holloway, near Pleiku. . .
We loaded aboard and Crandall and· Mills preflighted the Huey.
Then Crandall fired up both his engine and a big fat cigar. We were
enveloped in a choking cloud of red dust as all sixteen Hueys strained
towar~ liftoff. Crandall, in the left seat, looked back. I gave him a
bs-up and pointe
were bound for La
. ·We flew over a broa
fifty feet tall, inters
, small winding str
·and no people. It was
·here we paid attention
all days were the sam
Back in C
had put our five k
· · · television. Secreta
to abolish 751 A
·. sions. The Yarmouth (
. ninety-one passengers
· James Reston think ~
·PLAN. Joe Namath, wh
. for signing with the N
· ··pro football.
The troop doors on
thousand feet to redu,
fire as we traversed
groups of four helicor
· tion, and Crandall's f
• on each side slightly f.
Company troops filii
morning with some
· after takeoff we bro.
· artillery pounding th
. even in war, was see
and wild-look
About four miles
pilots dropped d
approach. Bin
just above the
. Matt Dillon ,.
tlairie_st part of any
the flight and::
............ ~ out the last
~'-4 c,,:.· landing witl:
the artillery ·
choppers came
We were two mi
....
�Into the ]'alley
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thumbs-up and poimed westward. He pulled pitch-and ii'fted off, and
we were hound for Landing Zone X-Ray.
We flev.· over a broad. slightly rolling plain dotted with trees thirty.
to fifty feet tall. interspersed with a few old Montagnard farm clearinf!S. small winding streams. and dry streambeds. We saw no villages
and no people. lt was Sunday morning hut I didn't realize that: over
here we paid attention to the date. not the day. In the field in Vietnam
all days were the same: hot and wet. or hot and dry, but always
dangerous. Back in Columbus, Georgia, it was Saturday night. My
wife had put our five kids to bed and was· watching the nightly news
on television. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara announced
plans to abolish 751 Army Reserve units, including six reserve divisions. The Yarmouth Castle cruise ship burneq and sank at sea, and
ninety-one passengers were missing. The New York Times headlined a
James Reston think piece WASHINGTON: WAR ON THE INSTALLMENT
PLAN. Joe Namath, who had been paid an unthinkable $400,000 bonus
for signing with the New York Jets, was having a great first season in
pro football.
The troop doors on the Huey helicopters were open. We flew at two
thousand feet to reduce the chances of being hit by enemy small-arms
fire as we traversed. 14.3 miles of hostile country. We flew in four
groups of four helicopters each. with each group in a heavy-left formation. and Crandall's four helicopter gunships guarding our flanks, two
on each side slightly forward of us. Captain John Herren, whose Bravo
Compan~· troops filled the helicopters. recalls: "lt was a misty, cool
n~orning with some low-hanging fog when we lifted off. but shortly
after takeoff we b~oke into the clear and you could see the 105mm
artillery pounding the areas around the LZ as we headed in. Vietnam,
even in war. was scenic. with the green jungle, heavy forested mountains. and wild-looking rivers crisscrossing the terrain ...
About four miles from X-Ray. Bruce Crandall gave the signaland
hi!' pilots dropped down to treetop level to fly nap-of-the~earth on the
final approach. Birds scattered as we roared along at 110 miles per
hour just above their perches. High overhead in the command chopper, Matt Dillon was. running the fire support preparations: "The
hairiest part of any operation ~as always the air assault. We had to
time the flight and the artillery so close. When the choppers were one
minute out the last artillery rounds had to be on the way' or you get
· Hueys landing with the shells. We always sweated because if you shut
down the artillery too soon the enemy couid be up and waiting when
the choppers came in. This one v;a:-; precisely on time ...
We were two minutes o·ut now and could see smoke and dust flying
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around the landing zone. Minimum fire had been directed on the
clearing; if there were enemy they wouldn't be there, but in concealed
positions around the clearing's edge. Now the helicopters of the aerial
rocket artillery slammed that perimeter with rockets, grenades, and
machine-gun fire, using twenty-four of the forty-eight 2.75-inch rockets each carried. They saved the other half in case we needed help after
we got on the ground. As the ARA ships banked steeply away to take
up an orbit nearby, the four escorting gunships left us and dashed
ahead to take over the firing that would keep any enemy heads down
on our final approach.
Major Bruce Crandall recalls: "We went low-level and arrived right
on schedule at the release point into the landing zone. The landing zone
was not as clear of obstacles as we would have liked but we got our
flight in without any real problems. The only movement we spotted in
the landing zone was something that looked like a dog scampering into
some underbrush on the far side. It was probably an enemy soldier."
Now the door gunners on the lift ships were firing into the tree line as
we dropped into the clearing. I unhooked my seat belt, switched the
selector switch on my M-16 to full automatic-rock 'n' roll-and fired
bursts into the brush to the left, toward the mountain, as Crandall
came in hot and flared* over the dry five-foot-tall elephant grass. As
the chopper skids touched the ground I yelled, "Let's go!" and jumped
out, running for the trees on the western edge of the clearing, firing my
rifle.
......_ It was 10:48 A.M. Sergeant Major Plumley, Captain Metsker, Bob
Ouellette:and Mr. Nik, the translator, were right behind me. Herren
and his men came out of their Hueys in like fashion. In less than ten
seconds Crandall's first lift of eight ships had roared back into the air,
banked north, and hightailed it back east. The second wave of eight
helicopters was now touching down to disgorge its troops.
I ran across twenty-five yards of open ground, then across a waistdeep, ten-foot-wide dry creekbed, and continued running some seventy-five yards into the scrub brush, leading the command group. We·
stopped to slap fresh magazines in our rifles. So far we had been
unopposed. We were in a lightly wooded area, with scraggly trees
twenty to fifty feet tall and dry, brown elephant grass between. The.
area was dotted with large mounds of red diit, most with brush and
grass growing out of the tops. The size of these old termite hills ranged
• Hot: fast; flared: the pilot lifts the helicopter's nose and drops its tail to lose· speed suddenly
before landing.
from that of a small ;
offered excellent cove ,
place, with no villages
Chi Minh Trail turne
The heavily forestet
dark more than a thot
slopes were covered~
gles of brush. Gullies
of the mountain and
where we stood. Plent
inside the western ed:
proach for enemy tro
or the valley, and fo:
critical feature.
Heading back towa
I
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pany's 1st Platoon tr
out into the brush. (
cleared this area." PI
see the Old Man Ot:
Gilreath and his men
and I recrossed the
checking on the terr
conducting. No enem
want a fight before v
The clearing was a· .
of funnel-shaped, wi
the western edge nea1
the forty-five-yard S!
of the clearing was <:
tennis court. All tok
ground than a footb
Now I stopped an
I had a strong sense
That, and the fact tl
nervous. Nothing w.
tinued reconnoiterin
south. The southern
and to those draws a
terrain to the north a
to be drawn back tc
I did two things n
�Into the Valley
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from that of a small automobile to that of a large pickup, and they
offered excellent cover and concealment. The valley was a desolate
place, with no villages and no civilians, ten miles east of where the Ho
Chi Minh Trail turned left out of Cambodia into South Vietnam.
The heavily forested eastern slopes of the Chu Pong .rose steep and .
·dark more than a thousand feet above the clearing. The massif's lower
slopes were: covered with thick green foliage, elephant grass. and tangles of brush. Gullies and long fingers of ground Jed frolll the bottom
of the mountain and blended into .the' woods and the dry. creekbed
where we stood. Plenty of places for people to hide. The creek bed just
inside the western edge of. our clearing was an excellent route of approach for enemy troops coming from the direction of the mountain
or the valley, and for us going the other way. That creek bed was a
critical feature.
Heading back toward the clearing, we ran into som~ of Bravo Company's I st Platoon troopers, Jed by Sergeant Larry Gilreath, moving
out into the brush. Gilreath yelled: "Moore's fire team has already
cleared this area." Plumley grinned. He knew that the troops liked to
see the Old Man out with them on the ground, sharing the risks.
Gilreath ~md his men headed deeper into the brush to the west. Plumley
and I recrossed the dry creekbed and moved around the clearing,
checking on the terrain and on the patrols Herren's troopers were
conducting. No enemy contact so far, and I was glad of that. We didn't
want a fight before we got the rest of the. battalion on the ground.
The clearing was about a hundred yards long. east to west. and kind
of funnel-shaped. with the ninety-yard-wide mouth of the funnel on
the western edge near that dry creek. The bottom of the funnel was on
the forty-five-yard span of the clearing's eastern edge. In the center
of the clearing was a copse of scraggly trees, about half the size of a
tennis court. All told, the space at X-Ray amounted to no more clear
ground than a football field.
. Nov.· I stopped and looked up at the steep slopes of the mountain.
I had a strong sense that we were under direct enemy observation.
That, and the fact that everything had gone so well so far, made me
nervous. Nothing was wrong,"except that nothing was wrong. I con·. tinued reconnoitering. There were no streambeds on the north, east, or
south. The southern edge of the clearing was closest to the mountain
and to those draws and fingers reaching out from the high ground. The
terrain to the north and east was relatively flat. My attention continued
to be drawn back to the south and west.
J did two things now. I ordered Herren's 1st Platoon to intensify its
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search to the west of the creek, and checked to make sure that the rest
of Bravo Company was gathered in the clump of trees near the
creek bed and ready for action. Herren had most of his troops on the
ground; the rest were on the way in the second lift.
- This clearing was the only decent helicopter landing zone between
the slopes of Chu Pong and the Ia Drang and for two miles east or
west. Our assault landing had, so far as we could tell, achieved total
surprise. The enemy weren't around the clearing waiting for us. But we
had been seen arriving and the North Vietnamese were already moving
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62 I X-RAY
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in our direction.
The People's Army commander on the batt~efield, then..,;,Senior Lieutenant Colonel Nguyen Huu An, says·; "When you dropped troops
into X-Ray, I was on Chu Pong mountain. We had a very strong
'position and a strong, mobile command group. We were r~a~y, had
prepared for you and expected you to come. The only quest10n was
when. The trees and brush limited our view of the helicopters landing
but we had an observation post on top of the mountain and they
reported to us when you dropped troops and when you moved them."
Sergeant Larry Gilreath's memory of this morning is clear and
sharp: "The 1st Platoon was told to move straight forward about a
hundred and fifty yards from where we landed. And from there each
squad would send two or three men out further in all directions.
Sergeant John W. Mingo in the 1st Squad went forward with a couple
of men and hadn't been out very long when he found 'a boy' wandering
around in the area. When Mingo brought him in, my exact words were:
'Boy. hell! That ain't no boy.'" .Mingo and his recon squad had
spotted the soldier sitting on the ground; surprised, he got up and r~n.
After a short zigzag chase through the brush, the sergeant tackled him
and took him prisoner. Herren passed the word to me. I was pleased
that the 1st Platoon had taken him alive, and not surprised when I
learned that it was Mingo who caught him. Mingo was a Ranger
Company veteran of the Kprean War and knew the value of a 1ive
prisoner who was able to talk.
·
It was 11:20 A.M.; just then, Crandall's sixteen helicopters returned,
bringing in the rest of Bravo Company and the 3rd Platoon of Alpha
Company plus Captain Tony Nadal's Alpha Company command
group. They ran into the scrub brush on the northern edge. of the
clearing near the creekbed. Things were quiet, nothinghappemng yet,
so most of the troopers broke out their C-rations and ate a quick
lunch. I was on my way out to question the enemy prisoner and had
not yet seen Captain Nadal to give him any instructions. We had been
in X-Ray only thirty-two minutes and the countdown was on.
John Herren left the
executive officer, Lieute;
as we rushed across the '
holding the prisoner. H
prisoner in Vietnam: at
years old, scrawny, wii
armed and barefooted;
of his khaki trousers. l
epaulettes. He carried a
no food, and no ammu
When we took a pris
bogged down in long in
know was "How many
look of apprehension s·
lated the prisoner's wo•
mountain who want ve
able to find any." Whc:
intelligence people haci
the division headquarte
doing out there in the t:
was a godsend.
Three battalions of e; ·
the 175-plus Americans
Herren and ordered hi
area where we had fou
enough of Tony Nadal
to secure the landing_:
search the lower slopes
finger and draw to the r;
way, we needed to engc:
We radioed Matt f'
prisoner and takp •
landed at 11:40 ,
Charlie Hastings, ·
command helicopt,
enemy in the area 'w
had my undivided ath
Captain Nadal had.
with the prisoner. We c
put aboard the comm;
situation and told him
in the LZ as soon as
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John Herren left the rest of Bravo Company in the copse with his
executive officer. Lieutenant Ken Duncan. and joined m.c and my party
as we rushed 'across the creek into the brush where Gilreath's men were
holding the prisoner. He wasn't much. but he was this battalion's first
prisoner in Vietnam: about five ·feet seven inches talL maybe twenty
years old. scrawny. wild-eyed and trembling with fe~r. He was unarmed and barefooted: he wore a dirty khaki shirt, partly pulled out
of his khaki trousers. There was a serial number on one of the'shirt
epaulettcs. He carried a canteen but it was empty. He had no papers,
no food, and no ammunition.
When we took a prisoner on the battlefield in Korea, we never got
bogged down in long interrogations. No time for that. Alii wanted to
know was "How many of you are there?" and ··Where are they?'' A
look of apprehension spread over Mr. Nik's face as he shakily translated the prisoner's words: "He says there are three battalions on .the
mountain who want very much to kill Americans but have not been
able to find any." What the prisoner said fit in neatly with what our
intelligence people had told us and with that big red star 1 had seen on
the division headquarters map. l still don't know what that soldier was
doing out there in the brush without food. water. or a weapon. but he
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Three battalions of enemy added up to more than 1.600 men against
the 175-p\us Americans currently on the ground here. l turned to John
Herren and ordered him to immediately intensify the patrols in the
area where we had found the prisoner. l told Herren that as soon as
enough of Tony Nadal's Alpha Company troops were on the ground
to secure the landing zone, Bravo Company would be cut loose to
search the lower slopes of the mountain. with special emphasis on the
finger and draw to the northwest. lf those enemy battalions were on the
way. we needed to engage them as far off the landing zone as possible.
We radioed Matt Dillon and told him to come in to pick up the
prisoner and take him back to brigade for further interrogation. Dillon
landed at 11:40 A.M. The forward air controller. Air Force Lieutenant
Charlie Hastings. says that when Dillon put the prisoner aboard the
command helicopter. and relayed his words that there were many
·enemy in the area who wanted· to kill Americans "the war suddenly'
had my undivided attention ...
Captain Nadal had been hunting for me while l was in the woods
with the prisoner. We caught up with each other after the prisoner was
put aboard the command helicopter. I quickly briefed Nadal on the
situation and told him that Alpha Company would take over security
in the LZ as soon as the next lift brought in the rest of his men.
�64 I X-RAY
Crandall's helicopters returned at 12:10 P.M. on their third trip to
X-Ray, bringing in the rest of Tony Nadal's troopers, minus only a few
men. Now Nadal had enough men on the ground to be effective.
Suddenly a few rifle shots rang out in the area where the prisoner
had been captured. Sergeant Gilreath's men were in contact! It was
now 12:15 P.M. We had to move fast if we were going to survive, had
to get off that landing zone and hit him before he could hit us. Only
if we brought the enemy to battle deep in the trees and brush would we
stand even a slim chance of holding on to the clearing and getting the
rest of the battalion landed. That football-field-size clearing was our
lifeline and our supply line. If the enemy closed the way to the helicopters all of us would die in this place.
Even as the first shots rang out I was radioing Herren to saddle up
the rest of his Bravo Company men and 1llove out fast toward the
mountain to develop the situation. Tu'rning to Nadal, I told him that
the original plan was out the window, that his Alpha Company should
immediately take over LZ security and get ready to move up 01_1 Bravo
Company's left when enough of Charlie Company had arrived on the
next lift to assume the job of securing the clearir1g. ·
In the small copse, the other two platoons of Bravo Company men
had opened C-ration cans and were grabbing a bite when they heard
those first shots out in the brush. The older sergeants glanced at one
another and nodded. Eat fast, they told the men, and get ready to
move.
The battle of LZ X-Ray had just begun.
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It was now 12:20 P.~
dioed his four plate
streambed that trave:
would organize the 2.
briefly with them: "L.
impulsive officer whc
Henry T. Herrick m
pushed his men hard:
Honor one day; Lieur
but very effective offi:c
excellent mortarman:.
. The Bravo Compru
to move out abreast;.
Devney's platoon as:r:.
their one 81 mm mon
It was now near 1:
continuing to build. S:
muscular son of a Ha
ant Herrick's platoor
looked like a short,--1
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slammed both M-60 machine guns down into firing positions aimed
over the crest of the finger behind Savage·s squad, and opened f1re.
Down below in the clearing, I heard the shocking uproar explode up
on the mountainside. There were the steady, deep-throated bursts of
machine-gun fire; rifles crackling on full automatic; grenade, mortar,
and rocket explosions. All of it was much louder and much more
widespread than anything we had experienced thus far. Now John
Herren was up on my radio reporting that his men were under heavy
attack by at least two enemy companies and that his 2nd Platoon was
in danger of being surrounded and cut off from the rest of the company. Even as he spoke, mortar and rocket rounds hit in the clearing
where I stood. My worst-case scenario had just come to pass: We were
in heavy contact before all my battalion was on the ground. And now
I had to deal with cut-off platoon. My response was an angry "Shit!"
Captain John Herren's estimate that his Bravo Company men were
trying to deal with two enemy companies was slightly off. One full
enemy battalion, more than five hundred determined soldiers, was
boiling down the mountain toward Herrick's trapped 2nd Platoon and
maneuvering near AI Devney's pinned-down 1st Platoon. Bravo Company had gone into the fight with five officers and 114 enlisted men.ln
the swirling kaleidoscope of a fast-developing battle. John Herren was
trying desperately to get a handle on what the enemy was doing, to
keep me informed, and at the same time to keep his company from
being overrun.
What was happening with Bravo ·Company intensified my concern
about thatdry creek bed approach into the western edge of the landing
zone. My instincts told me that the enemy commander was likely to
strike on our left flank, heading for the clearing. We needed help fast,
and help was on the way.
Old Snake, Bruce Crandall, came up on the radio. Having been
delayed by the need to refuel his sixteen ships, he was inbound on the
fourth lift of the day with the last few men of Tony Nadal's Alpha
Company and the lead elements of Captain Bob Edwards's Charlie
Company troops. As the first eight choppers dropped into the clearing
at 1:32 P.M., I told Captain Nadal to collect his men and move up fast
on John Herren's left to tie in with him. Then, I said, I want you to lend
Herren a platoon to help him· get to his cut-off platoon. I ran out into
the clearing to locate Bob Edwards. l had decided to commit Charlie
Company toward the mountain as fast as they arrived, and take the
risk of leaving my rear unguarded from 'the north and east, There
would be no battalion reserve for a while.
I
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-- - - -
• • - - a""'W,f)UI> t.U""I"t.,
(conrin•ud on back flap)
Captain Edwards
pers and ran for tht
edge, thank God. I
then yelled at him tt
southwest and takt
pany's left flank. I :
operators shot off;
men to follow.
Bob Edwards s;
received heavy sni
weapons. Then, fif
sporadic mortar o
enemy foot troops.
platoons on line: ~
2nd Platoon on th
"My command·
to the rear of Lieu
tion of hick, rapid
doing what they \\
hasty line of defen
elephant grass wa~
was extremely lin:
By now, my r:
Sergeant Major !
creekbed. The in
Metsker dropped
soldiers out in th
minutes, Metsker
daged by First St
was sent back to
l was tempted
temptation. I had
one company; I •
rifleman. My du1
Just now the sr
a distinctly differ
was on the radio
felt a firm hand
ley's. He shouted
some cover you':
down!"
�.v.
. The Rattle Bl'Rins
I
73
Captain Edwards's men of Charlie Company jumped ofT their choppers and ran for the wooded edge of the landing zone-the southern
edge. thank God. I grabbed Edwards. gave him a quick briefing, and
then yelled at him to run his men off the landing zone to the south and.
southwest and take up a blocking position protecting Alpha Company's left flank. l screamed "Move!" and Edwards and his two radio
operators shot off at a dead run, yelling and waving to the rest of the
men to follow.
Bob Edwards says, "While organizing the blocking position we
received heavy sniper fire, mainly small arms and a few automatic
weapons. Then, fifteen or twenty minutes after landing, we received
sporadic mortar or rocket fire. We had not yet ~ade ~'aniact with·
.enemy foot troops. After getting into the trees, I disposed my three rifle
platoons on line: 3rd Platoon on the right. 1st Platoon in the center.
2nd Platoon on the left.
"My command post was just off the edge of the landing zone, close
to the rear of Lieutenant Jack Geoghegan's 2nd Platoon. A combination of luck, rapid reaction to orders, and trained, disciplined soldiers
doing what they were told enabled the company to rapidly establish a
hasty line of defense fifty to a hundred yards off the landing zone. The
elephant grass was a problem: When you went to ground your visibility
was extremely limited.''
By now. my radio operator, Bob Ouellette: and I had rejoined
Sergeant Major Plumley and Captain Tom Metsker near the dry
creekbed. The interpreter, Mr. Nik, had gone to ground. Captain
Metsker dropped to one knee and began firing his M-16 at enemy
soldiers out in the open just seventy-five yards to the south. Within
minutes. Metsker suffered.a gunshot wound in his shoulder. was bandaged by First Sergeant Arthur J. Newton of Alpha Company, and
was sent back to the copse.
I was tempted to join Nadal's or Edwards's men, but resisted the
temptation. I had no business getting involved with the actions of only
one company: 1 might get pinned down and b~come simply another
rifleman. My duty was to lead riflemen.
Just now the snaps and cracks of the rounds passing nearby took on
a distinctly different sound, like a swarm of bees around our heads. I
was on the radio, trying to hear a transmission over the noise, when l
felt a firm hand on my right' shoulder. It was Sergeant Major Plumley's. He shouted over the racket ofthe firefights: "Sir. if you don't find
some cover you're going to go down-and if you go down. we all go
down!'"
�.----------------------------------------------------
74
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X-RAY
Plumley was right, as always. Anyone waving, yelling, hand-signaling, or talking on a radio was instantly targeted by the enemy. These
guys were quick to spot and shoot leaders, radio operators, and medics. I had never fretted about being wounded in combat, in Korea or
here. But Plumley brought me up short. The game was just beginning;
this was no time for me to go out of it.
The sergeant major pointed to a large termite hill, seven or eight feet
high, located in some trees in the waist between the two open areas of
the landing zone. It was about thirty yards away; the three of us turned
and ran toward it with bullets kicking up the red dirt around our feet
and the bees still buzzing around our heads. That termite hill, the size
of a large automobile, would become the battalion command post. the
aid station, the supply point, the collection area for enemy prisoners,
weapons, and equipment. and the place where our dead were brought.
Just now at 1:38 P.M., the second wave of eight choppers dropped
'
-·
in with more Alpfia and Charlie Company troops. They picked up
some ground fire this time. Edwards and Nadal sorted out their arriving soldiers and married them up with their respective companies.
Tagging along with this lift was a medical evacuation helicopter ·
bringing in my battalion aid station group. The big red cross painted
on each side only drew more fire. On board were Captain Robert
Carrara, the surgeon; Medical Platoon Sergeant Thomas Keeton; and
Staff Sergeant Earl Keith. President Johnson sent us off to war shorthanded in many areas, but no shortages were so critical as those in
medical personnel. The aid station was authorized thirteen personnel.
Keeton and Keith were all we had. Period. Captain Carrara and his
two sergeants performed miraCles for the next fifty hours.
Sergeant Keeton describes their arrival: "Between one-thirty and
one-forty-five P.M. we came in over X-Ray trailing a flight of four
helicopters and you could see our soldiers and the North Vietnamese.
The NV A were in the wood line shooting at the helicopter. The medevac pilot kind of froze up on us and was having trouble setting the ship
down. We never did come to a complete hover. All aboard had to dive
out on the ground from about six feet up in the air. We ran in a crouch
over to where Colonel Moore was, near an anthill. There were twenty
to twenty-five wou~ded· there, all huddled on the ground. We put the
dead over in a separate area and started to work.''
There were now about 250 men of my battalion on the ground and
. still functioning. Casualties were beginning to pile up. As we dropped
behind that termite hill I fleetingly thought about an illustrious predecessor of mine in the 7th Cavalry, Lieutenant Colonel George. Arm-
i
i
(conrin11ed
011
back flap)
.;
strong Custer. :
Montana, eigh
would not repe:
well-trained, a'
George Custer
Now was the
·on. I radioed 1\
and told them t
on the lower pa
landing zone fr
to specific reqw
missions, the o
and the oth~rs
tions. I hoped t
my troops as v
mountain for t
Within minu
dust as a bless
skies. The com;
observers, how
the locations 01
in his comman·
the fires ·off the
John Herren
tion of his mis.
separated frorr.
moving firefigh
and Herren dei
time. But by w
commanders m
some good. An
slopes was cho
This· cannon
phony to our e. '
characteristic !
nearby. The A
whoosh unleas:
tering blasts. ;
- dropping 250Throughout. ti
guns. and expl·
�Tlw Baffle Bc!:ins· I
j
.
,
I
'
75
strong Custer, and his final stand in the valley of the Little Bighorn in
Montana. eighty-nine years earlier. I was determined that history
would not repeat itself in the valley of the I a Drang. We were a tight,
well-trained, and disciplined fighting force, and we. had on.e thing
George Custer did not have: fire support.
Now was the time'to pull the chain on everything I could lay hands
on. I radioed Matt Dillon and the fire support coordinators overhead
and told them to bring in air strikes, artillery, and aerial rocket artillery
on the lower part of the mountain, especially on the approaches to the
landing zone from the west and south.! Priority for all fires was to go
to specific requests from the infantry companies. When not firing those
missions. the other targets should be hit continuously. I told Dillon
and the others to keep their eyes peeled for any enemy mortar positions. I hoped the air and artillery would take some of the pressure off
my troops as well as cut up enemy reinforcements headed down the
mountain for the fight.
Within minutes the air in the valley was filled with smoke and red
dust as a blessed river of high-powered destruction rained from the
skies. The company commanders arid the mortar and artillery forward
observers. however, were all having trouble getting an accurate fix on
the locations of their forward elements. Colonel Tim Brown, overhead
in his command chopper, came up on my radio and urged me to pull
the fires off the mountain and bring them in as close as possible.
John Herren had the biggest problem: trying to pinpoint the location of his missing 2nd Platoon. Herrick and his men were not only
separated from the rest of Bravo Company. but also engaged in a
moving firefight. The fact that this platoon was out in front of Nadal
and H~rrcn delayed effective delivery of close-in artillery fire for some
time. But by walking the fires back down the mountain the company
commanders managed to place some of the artillery where it would do
some good. And the torrent of supporting fire farther up the mountain
slopes was chopping up enemy reinforcements.
This cannonade was awesome to see. and its thunder was a symphony to our ears. The artillery rounds hissed over our heads with the
characteristic sound of incoming, followed by visible detonations
nearby. The ARA helicopters ''wheeled in over X-Ray and with a
whoosh unleashed their 2. 75-inch rockets, which detonated with shattering blasts. The Air Force fighter-bombers roared across the sky
dropping 250- and 500-pound bombs and fef!rsome napalm canisters.
Throughout. there was the constant close-in noise of rifles. machine
guns. and exploding grenades and mortar shells .
�76 I X-RAY
;!
i'.
It was now becoming clear that the large open area, south of the
termite-hill command post, where the helicopters had been landing was
especially vulnerable. This was the biggest open area, but it was also
closest to where the enemy was attacking. 1 had been eyeing a smaller
clearing just east of my command post that could take two helicopters
at a time if some trees were removed. This would be our supply and
evacuation link to the rear if the landing zone got much hotter.
1 turned.to my demolition-team leader, Sergeant George Nyc of the
8th. Engineer Battalion, and told him to get thos!!. trees down. Nye, a
twenty-five-year-old native of Bangor, Maine, had led six men into
X-Ray: Specialist 5 James Clark, Specialist 5 Scott 0. Henry, Specialist.
4 Robert Deursch, PFC Jimmy D. Nakayama, PFC Melvin Allen, and
PFC David Wilson. "All of a sudden the fire became heavier and
heavier and the perimeter just seemed to erupt into a melee of constant
fire." Nye recalls. "You could see the enemy, and suddenly we were
part of the I st Battalion, 7th Cavalry. It's tough to try to be an
infantryman and a demolitions specialist at the same time, but we did
it. We blew those trees; no sawing. The intensity of fire made working
with a saw tough. working without a weapon. By blowing the trees we
could spend more time fighting. I heard that one of our people had got
killed, a kid named Henry, Specialist Henry of Columbus, Georgia. As
the day drew on, I found out we did lose Henry."
During the fe\\• minutes I had been involved with Charlie Company"s move to the south, and on the radio bringing in fire support,
and talking to George Nye about clearing that little landing zone,
Captain Tony Nadal had begun moving his Alpha Company troopers
southwest across the open ground toward the dry creekbed.
CLOSIN
THE EN
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Lieutenant Ro
Company at a.
to m·ove from t.
was carrying th
Taft of Highlar
at the edge of t
. cialist 4 Roben
ble matching ..
ammunition, a
Captain Nat
creekbed in on
protect the left
"I was just east
suddenly there·
ground with hi
VC up there!' •
him to get do~
Farther out
�8
'
THE STORM OF BATTLE
The most precious commodity with which the Army deals is the
individual soldier who is the heart and soul of our combat forces.
-General J. Lawton Collins
I
Our intention with this bold helicopter assault into the clearing at the
base of the Chu Pong massif had been to find the enemy, and we had
obviously succeeded beyond our wildest expectations. People's Army
Lieutenant Colonel Nguyen Huu An, deep in a command bunker no
more than a mile and a half away this Sunday afternoon, November
14, was issuing orders by land-line telephone-remember the commo
wire spotted by the H-13 helicopter scouts?-as well as by old, unreliable walkie-talkie radios and by foot messenger. His orders to every
battalion in the vicinity were simple: Attack!
Shortly after two P.M., with the battle well under way, Colonel An's
boss, Brigadier General Chu Huy Man, was safely in his headquarters
hard by the Cambodian border almost ten miles away from the action ..
My boss, on the other hand, was right over my head. With the battle
raging on two sides of the perimeter, Colonel Tim Brown suddenly
came up on my radio from his command helicopter, asking if he could
land and get a firsthand look at the situation. I waved him off without
explanation. There was too much going on to deal with the distraction
of a visit by the brigade commander; besides, his command helicopter,
bristling with a large array of radio antennas, would be too tempting
a target. Brown did not press the question. He instantly understood.
The reports of continued heavy fighting in both Herren's and
Nadal's sectors to the west reminded me again that the entire north
and east sides of the Iandin!
that the next helicopter lift,
troops and the lead element~
· was on the way.
Delta Company comman
chopper, flown by Bruce Cr:
command group. In the hei
toon. part of his mortar p
wards's Charlie Company
two-thirty P.M. there was pi
utes out, approaching X-R
sei," says Lefebvre. "In the
Gilbert Nicklas; the mor
Taboada, and his radio ope
commander on the radio.
"You could see the artillt
a helicopter and you watd
on on the radio. The pilot.
head, and made this face li
that pilot's expression. W .
figure out exactly where I' '
facing out toward the mm
operators." Crandall radi
dropping toward the ~Z,
getting out.
As this fifth lift of the d2
suddenly turned red-hot. ·.
on the helicopters and fiJl,
fire. Says Crandall: '·'As l
receiving heavy ground fir
LZ, looked out to my lef
ship from a point just ou1
enemy soldier was firinf
brother seemed to be she
"It seemed like this "
cleaned up these guys rat]
close, my door gunners '
Troops on the ground, 01
the enemy in the landing
own people on the perirr
"I stayed on the groun·
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3
and cast sides of the landing zone were still wide open. I' was praying
that the next helicopter lift, bringing the last of the Charlie Company
troops and the lead clements of Delta Company, would arrive soon. It
was on the way.
Delta Company commander Captain Ray Lefebvre was in the lead
chopper. flown by Bruce Crandall. \Vith Lefebvre were members of his
command group. In the.helicoptcrs behind werehis machine-gun platoon, pan of his mortar piatoon. and the l:ist of Captain Bob Ed~
wards's Charlie Company ciements. "By the time I came in around
two-thirty P.M. there was plenty going on. We were abotit'eleven minutes out. approaching X-Ray, and I was listening on my radio handset, .. says Lefebvre ... In the lead chopp(:~ were my radio operator. PFC
Gilbert Nicklas: the mortar-platoon leader. Lieutenant Raul F.
Taboada. and his radio operator and others. I could hear the battalion
commander on the radio.
"You could see the artillery and air strikes going in. You're flying in
a helicopter and you watchthis battle and listen to all this shit going
on on the radio. The pilot, Bruce Crandall. turned around, shook his
head. and made this face like: 'Man, what are we getting into?' I recall
that pilot ·s expression. We could see a lot of firing. I was trying to
figure out exactly where I was going to go. I was sitting on the left side,
facing out toward the mountain, in the middle between the two radio
operators." Crandall radioed that he was on short final approach.
dropping toward the LZ. and I told him to come on in but be quick
getting out.
As this fifth lift of the day roared in at treetop level. the landing zone
suddenly turned red-hot. The enemy at the creekbed turned their guns
on the helicopters and filled the air with rifle and automatic-weapons
fire. Says Crandall: "As I was flaring out to touch down we. started
receiving heavy ground fire. I touched down at the forward part of the
LZ, looked out to my left and saw a North Vietnamese firing at my
ship from a point just outside the length of my rotor blades. Another
enemy soldier was firing from the other side. Everybody and his
brother seemed to be shooting either at us or at them.
"lt seemed like this went on forever, but in reality the infantry ·
cleaned up these guys rather quickly. Even though the enemy was that
close. my door gunners could not take action to defend themselves.
Troops on the ground, or those getting out of our birds had to handle
the enemy in the landing zone. We couldn't shoot without killing our
own people on the perimeter, so our policy was not to shoot..
"I stayed on the ground a little longer on this lift so that I could pick
�94 I X-RAY
Ill
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'
up wounded. As I pulled pitch my flight offour came out and the next
four choppers hit the landing zone almost immediately. I reported the
heavy fire to the incoming aircraft and directed them to continue with
the approach. I knew several helicopters were hit but I couldn't stick
around; my job was to get those wounded aboard my helicopter back
to Plei Me to medical help and start getting support and reinforcements going for the people on the ground. I had three dead and three
wounded on my bird. The wounded included my crew chief, who had
. been hit in the throat. When we landed we saw that..every bullet had
struck the wounded in the head or neck. Excellent marksmanship by
' the other side, and not a happy thought for a helicopter pilot, to say
the least."
Captain Ray Lefebvre, commander of Delta Company, was about
to earn his Combat Infantryman's Badge, a Silver Star, and a Purple
Heart, all in the next seven minutes. Jie remembers, "When we came
in, the mountain ~as off to our left and we were taking a lot of fire. We
settled down near the wood line. There was lots of fire coming from the
woods. Taboada was hit in the hand while we were hovering.
"I was starting to unhook my seat belt when I felt a round crease the
back of my neck. I turned to my right and saw· that my radio operator
had been hit in the head; the same round that cut me killed him. He
just slumped forward, still buckled in. Nicklas was a young guy, just
twenty, came from Niagara Falls, New York. I jumped out. Firing was
coming from the mountain, and three or four of us moved about fifty
to seventy-five yards toward the trees, to the sound of the firing, and
stopped in a small fold in the ground."
With Crandall, flying Serpent Yellow 3, were Chief Warrant Officers
Riccardo i. Lombardo, thirty-four, of Hartford, Connecticut, and
Alex S. (Pop) Jekel, forty-three, of Seattle, Washington. Pop Jekel was
the fath~r of nine children. During World War II, at the age of twenty,
he had flown. B-24s out of England, and B-29s during the postwar
years, until he left the service in 1950. Pop Jekel reenlisted in 1952 and
had been flying helicopters since 1963.
Lombardo was in the pilot's seat and recalls that lift: "As I approached I saw the battle smoke getting heavy. I told Pop Jekel to get
on the controls with me. As my skids touched down, my troops leaped
out. I saw men lying on the ground. I felt and heard bangs on the back
of my seat. I glanced at Pop and he was staring straight ahead, his eyes
as big as pie plates and his mouth wide open. I looked ahead and saw
a man about fifty yards ahead on the edge of the LZ. He was standing
in plain view, pointing a weapon at us. I thought it was one of our
people, but somethin!
and he wasn't wearin
"Before I even not
my windshield. In my
at me?' As fast as tha '
the ground and bank
streaks were followin!
over the intercom. B,
intercom and said: 'I
II and that's the close
was the last lift of trc
Lombardo's Huey ·
to Plei Me for patchir
repairs. Rick and Pop
battle on the tactical :
First Lieutenant R,
wave of birds behind
Captain Ed Freeman
number four ship die
X-Ray. I was in the r
left seat. I was looking
we got hit by AK-47 i
Gene, entered the bac
my head and came om
like a stuck pig and m
with the earphone co·
That concerned me be
and the door gunner
Forces camp and wen
Several of the Hue)
crashed, none caught
zone. I radioed orders
out of the area and wa
· under control. They h
off-l<;>aded the troops,
Captain Ray Lefebv
and several of his De
section of the perimet'
Nadal's embattled AlJ:
ecutive officer and first
1
::;~.
.•.;
�THE lA ORANG CAMPAIGN/4
Creating LZs and FSBs
For airmobility to be effective, helicopters
had to be able to land inside enemy-held
territory to bring in the men, weapons, and
supplies needed for offensive operations.
Natural landing zones (LZs), such as jungle
clearings, were likely to be defended, so
quite often they had to be created.
Once a location had been chosen, pathfinders and combat engineers would de"
scend through the jungle canopy by rope
rappel or on special"jacob's Ladders" from
hovering helicopters, while other aircraft
"prepped" the area to disrupt any enemy
response. On the ground, the advance
engineers would begin to clear the undergrowth and trees with chain saws, axes, and
explosives, creating as quickly as possible an
area into which the helicopters could descend to disgorge assault platoons. In some
cases, a rough, defensive perimeter would
be set up by reconnaissance troops. The LZ
was then ready for actual landings.
The same techniques would often be
employed to create a Fire Support Base
(FSB), usually located on a hilltop so that
emplaced artillery could provide support
to infantry on patrol in the surrounding
countryside. As such bases needed to be
fairly substantial, the initial clearance might
be done by dropping speciai"Daisy Cutter"
bombs, primed to explode just above
ground level to topple trees. A stal<e would
then be positioned at the center of the site
and a 131-foot rope attached to mark out
the main bunker line-the bunkers being
I5 feet apart ..
A similar rope, 246 feet long, marked the
outer perimeter. Bulldozers would be
brought in by helicopter to dig command
bunkers and ar.tillery pits, followed by a
battery of IOSmm medium howitzers. Dug
in and protected by barbed wire, mines, air
support, and infantry, the FSB would be
ready for action.
U.S. Army UH-1
helicopters (RIGHT)
fall Into a tight
landing formation
at an LZnear
Phuoc Vlnh, some
40 miles north.of
Saigon.
On a hilltop base
(BELow) men of the
1st Cavalry
·
Division walt to
hook a ISSmm
howitzer to the
holst of a CH-S4
Tarhe Flying
Crane.
-I
J
··,
-·;troops responsible for the Plei Me attack.
The 1st Brigade was spearheaded by the
-1st Squadron, 9th Cavalry, whose task it
was to fly light scout helicopters at
treetop height, calling in "aero-rifle platoons" in UH-1s. whenever contact was
·- made. The brigade's main body was made
A'f three heliborne infantry battalions
··ell as artillery and aerial-rocket fire
support, the latter delivered by specially
1
-adapted UH-1 "gunships."
Unaware that the Plei Me attack and
It was not until 0720 hours on
ambush had been carried out by ·NVA November 1 that contact was made, when
regulars, the Cavalry concentrated on 9th Cavalry helicopters, ranging far and
areas to the north and east of the camp, wide, spotted movement about seven
hoping to spot VC guerrillas returning to miles west of Plei Me. Aero-rifle support
their home villages. Little was found, was called up and, at o8o8 hours, a group
·chieflybecause General Man had ordered . attack was made on what turned out to be
the 3zd and 33d Regiments back to the an NV A field hospital. In Jess than 30
Chu Pong base in the west, where they minutes, 1 5 NV A had been killed and 43
would link up with· the 66th Regiment captured, along with a mound of docubefore renewing their attack on_Piei Me. ments and ,Il),e,.9Js~l.equipment. Isolated
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�THE I A DR AN. G C·A M P A I G N /5
Bell AH-IG Huey Cobra (Gunship)
Max weight
9,5001b
Range
357 miles
Max speed
219mph
Armament
One 7.62mm minigun, one 40mm grenade launcher or 20mm
or 30mm cannon, plus stub-wing pylons for 76 2.7Sin rockets
or minigun pods or 20mm guns.
Sikorsky CH-S4A Tarhe Flying Crane (Heavy lift)
Hughes OH-6A Cayuse Loach (Light observation)
Max speed
126mph
Max speed · ISOmph · Max weight
2,7001b
Range
380 miles
--------------------------
Armament
None carried. Could lift up to 20,0001b of cargo externally.
including bridge sections and bunker units.
Armament
Max weight
42.0001b
Range
230 miles
One 7.62mm minigun, mounted on the left side; one 40mm
grenade launcher (optional).
i
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.
The 1 /7th was commanded by Lieu tenant Colonel Harold G. Moore and, at first
light on the 14th, he led an air reconnaissance of the eastern edge of the Chu Pong
(the western side "vas in Cambodia and
therefore "off-limits"), looking for likely
LZs. He chose a clearing on the edge of
the massif, later designated LZ X-Ray.
After a zo-minute artillery bombardment,
followed by rocket fire· from support
>.~di~~pters, the battalion."",~ul~ be tr~n;s- ..
56
ported in a series of lifts to the LZ,
spearheaded by Captain John D. Herren's
Company B. Once landed, they would
secure the LZ and, as soon as Company A
arrived, patrols would be sent out,
initially to the north and northeast, where
a mountain spur jutted out from the Chu
Pong. Companies C and D, brought in by
subsequent airlifts, would defend the LZ
perimeter and move west toward the
~ountain itself.
'
Artillery fire crashed down on X-Ray
at 1017 hours and, 20 minutes later, 16lift
helicopters came. in at treetop height.
They landed amid shattered tree stumps
and waist-high grass on an LZ dominated
by the immense wall of green of the Chu
Pong: one sergeant looked up at the
mountain and was heard to mutter in a
Georgia drawl: "My Gawd, that son of a
bitch is big." Moore set up his command
post .around a large anthill in a clump of
�,-----------------------------------,--------------------------
I
----------~--
The role of the helicopter
, - The helicopter is widely associated with the war in Vietnam.
·Although not all U.S. units were heliborne, it was a rare operation
that did not involve helicopters in some guise-carrying troops
over difficult terrain in or out of the combat zone, providing
gunship support, observing the enemy, evacuating the wounded,
or transporting supplies. Because of this wide range of tasks,
different helicopter designs had to be introduced, from the
wasplike light observation machines to huge "flying cranes"
capable of lifting artillery pieces or even armored cars. The result
·was an impressive degree of mobility-essential if an elusive
enemy was ever to be brought to battle.
(Note: all figures for range and weight were modifi~d by
Vietnam's tropical atmosphere.)
Boeing-Vertol CH-47 A Chinook (Medium transport)
Max weight 33,0001b
189mph
Armament
Two 40mm grenade launchers; 2.75in rockets; two 20mm
cannon; five O.SOin machine guns (all fitted locally in Vietnam).
Could carry up to a platoon of troops (about 20 to 25 men).
Bell UH-ID Iroquois Huey
(Troop carrier and close support)
Max speed
127mph
Max weight
9,5001b
Range
248 miles
Armament
Four 7.62mm niachine
guns (two fixed, forward
firing; two on pintles in
the doorways); 38
2.75in rockets. Could
carry a light squad of
infantry (6 to 8 men).
;
Range
IIS·miles
Max speed
Medevac: rescuing the wounded
Between April, 1962, when the first five
medical· evacuation UH-IAs of the 57th
Medical Detachment (Helicopter Ambulance) arrived in Vietnam, and the end of
American involvement in 1973, about a halfmillion Allied wounded were iifted from
the combat zone to an appropriate medical
facility. The work was extremely dangerous: hundreds of aviators were killed and
· wounded in what were known as "DustOff' missions__:in the one shown (BELOW), a
wounded Marine is lifted into a medevac
Huey south of Da Nang. But the certain
knowledge that a medevac chopper would
appear if it was humanly possible acted as a
valuable morale-booster to the troops on
the ground. On average, a wounded man
would be in surgery less than I00 minutes
after being hit: the fact that the vast
majority of the wounded who arrived at a
hospital survived speaks volumes for the
bravery and skill of the medevac crews.
1
trees near the center of the LZ and
ordered Herren to start patrolling.
Within minutes, his 1st Platoon had
-·i captured an NV A deserter, who willingly
confirmed that the area was a .major
Communist base. As elements of Company A came in by the second lift, Moore
directed Herren to probe toward the
~1 mountain spur in the north.
)
. Company B went forward in textbook
fashion, with 1st Platoon on the left, 2d
Platoon on the right, and 3d Platoon
trailing in reserve. At 124 5 . hours, 1st
Platoon encountered an enemy force and;
--~ a firefight developed, called for aid.
~erren ordered the 2d Platoon, 27 men
i
~J
D
;
..
,
·.:·
·.·
..; .
57
�.THE lA ORANG CAMPAIGN/6
·~--~--------~--------~
u.s. Special Forces and the ClOGs
The American· Special Forces, known as the
Green Berets, played a unique and valuable
part in· the Vietnam; War. ·committed
throughout South Vietnam in 1962 after six
years of advisory involvement, their primary role was one of countering VC subversion and movement using ethnic minorities
such as the Montagnards. The Montagnards'
homeland in the Central Highlands straddled the border with Cambodia and Laos.
Beginning in the village of Buon Enao,
northeast of Ban Me Thuot, Special Forces
volunteers offered a mixture of military
protection together with civic action
("hearts and minds") in a determined
attempt to persuade the tribes to oppose
Communist activity.
The experiment worked well, and the
Montagnards, now given advantages they
felt were worth defending, willingly formed
a local militia, under U.S. or ARVN Special
Forces command. This initiative, known
officially as the Civilian Irregular Defense
Group (ClOG) program, was gradually
extended to other areas and different
ethnic minorities all along the borders of
South Vietnam. From late 1964, the ClOGs
came under MACV control through the 5th ·
Special Forces Group (Airborne), consolidated at Nha Trang.
But the ClOGs were more than just
a village guard unit. Exploiting the Montagnards' local knowledge of jungle survival
and local population support, Special Forces
teams transformed them into counterguerrilla groups, establishing camps in border
areas or astride infiltration routes to
monitor or even stop Communist move-
ment. At the same time, long range patrols
operated deep inside enemy territory,
gathering intelligence or, as mobile strike
("Mike") forces, attacking NVAfVC bases.
As long as the U.S. Special Forces were in
I
_j
~
j
~
,,J
J
A u.s. Special
Forces team poses
for the camera at a
camp In IICTZ In
1968.
patrol crosses a
.bridge near Dak
To In the Central
Highlands~·
·
.... ·.·.:··
'.'•· ..
58
.·.·:
command the advantages were high, but
when they withdrew in early 1971, leaving
the ClOGs to South Vietnamese who'dis.trusted ethnic minorities, the program
quickly collapsed.
�strong, tO move across to m~ke c~ntact. night of battle, they tried to mount
;\s the\· did so, they bumped mto a squad harassing attacks-but with Savage's pla. • . NV:-\ and s,tarted to pursue them, only toon finally relieved and more reinforcements flying in, the crisis had passed. At ·
.
, 0 . come under a hail of fire from their
right flank. In seconds, the platoon was I030 on November 16, Moore's battalion
surrounded. Herren responded by order- was relieved. By then, the Cavalry had
ing his 3d Platoon forward, but it soon lost 79 killed and I2I wounded; the conbecame obvious that he was up against a firmed number cf enemy dead was 634,
but the figure may have been over I ,ooo.
large, well-disciplined enemy force.
But the Ia Drang Campaign was not
~foore, monitoring these developments, called in airstrikes and artillery yet over. On November I7, LZ X-Ray
strikes before sending the newly arrived was abandoned (preparatory to B-5 2
Company A to reinforce Herren. As bombing strikes on the Chu Pong), and
Company A's lead platoon advanced . the units that had replaced _Moore's
across a drY creek bed to make contact, it, battalion-2f5th and 2/7th Cavalryroo, came ~nder heavy fire and, as NV A were ordered to pull back to LZs Colummortar rounds began to hit the LZ, bus and Albany to the east. The move to
Moore had to suspend helicopter ope- Columbus went without a hitch, but as
rations. Bv 144 5 hours, with fewer than 2/7th approached the clearing known as
three companies on the ground, he was in Albany, they triggered an NV A attack
a perilous situation. In response, Colonel that caught them squarely on the flank.
Brown assigned a company of 2/7th Company C bore the' brunt, losing 4I men
CaYalry to fly in from An Khe as soon as killed; the fighting went on through the
poss-ible; he then ordered 2/5 th Cavalry to afternoon and evening. Reinforcements
mo\·e ro LZ Victor, five miles to the were rushed in from Columbus and An
southeast of X-Ray, and to prepare to Khe, but the final NV A body count of 403
reinforce overland.
was overshadowed by an American loss
Fortunately for the Americans, enemy of I 5I killed and I2 I wounded.
fire slackened under the weight of air and
Despite this tragedy there could be no
lc;~ artillery attack, enabling the rest of I /7th doubt that the I st Cavalry had fought well
to be lifted into X-Ray at I5oo hours. This in the Ia Drang. Sweeps continued until
allowed l\foore to reorganize his defense, November 27, when the operation was
~Ying Companies C and D to hold the officially called off: in 33 days, Kinnard's
.Wz while A and the remains of B men, in a stunning display of airmobility,
regrouped for another attack to relieve had blunted a major NV A attack in the
the surrounded platoon. Behind a storm Central Highlands, killing a confirmed
of artillerv and rocket fire, the attack I,5I9 NVA, wounding an estimated
began at I.62o, only to be halted after an I,q8, and capturing 157· It had cost the
advance of less than I 5o yards. Moore had I stAir Cavalry Division 304 dead and 524
no choice but to pull his men back, wounded, but the NV A had, for the time
leaYing the trapped platoon, commanded being, ·been forced back over the border
by Sergeant Clyde E. Savage, to survive into Cambodia.
as best it could. By I9oo, Company B,
2/7th, had arrived, and Moore had set up a The Ist Brfgade, I0 Ist
Airborne Division
rudimentary perimeter.
The NV A spent the night trying to (Separate), arrived in
wipe out Savage's platoon-in the event, Vietnam on july 29,
three separate attacks were held otf-and 1965, and was
1
imm'ediately deployed
1
to move forces around to encircle the LZ. in 1/CTZ. In early 1966,
\. · Just after dawn on Novemper I 5, they the brigade was
struck from the south, inflicting heavy involved in clearing
casualties on Company C, I/7th, before Phu Yen province and,
repeating the process to the east against in the summer, saw
Company D. Fire swept the LZ, and it action near. Kontum.
was . not until 0900 hours that more
i ..! reinforcements could be helicoptered
in. By then, the 2/5 th Cavalry were ap.preaching from LZ Victor and the NV A
began to melt away .
.\Ioore ordered all his companies to
push out from the perimeter; searching
for American wounded · and NV A
ragglers. The latter were still capable
• , - causing casualties-during a second
.
...J
...
·:'
THE WAR YEARS
July 29,
1965
Sept. 14,
1965
Oct. IS,
1965
Ist Brigade, I0 Ist Airborne
Division (Separate) arrives at
Cam Rarih.
1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile)
arrives at An Khe.
At a protest rally in the U.S.,
David Millar becomes the first
man to burn his draft card. He is
arrested.
Oct. 15/16 Relatively minor antiwar
protests held in over 40 U.S.
cities and various western
Ei,Jropean capitals.
Oct. 20
NVA attack on Plei Me Special
Forces camp, Central Highlands.
Nov. 14,
If7th Cavalry assault LZ X-Ray,
Ia Orang valley.
1965
Nov·. 27
Dec. 25,
1965
Jan. 19,
1966
· Pentagon calls for a troop
buildup in Vietnam in 1966 to
nearly _400,000 men.
President Johnson suspends
Rolling Thunder air attacks on
the North to induce
·
negotiations. Bombing resumes
January 31, 1966.
President Johnson asks Congress
for an additional $12.8 billion for
the war in Vietnam.
Jan.24
Operation Masher/White Wing
begins in IICTZ (ends March 6).
Feb 6/8,
1966
Honolulu Conference: President
Johnson reaffirms U.S. support to
South Vietnam.
�Till' Slorm
1~(
Bailie I
95
people, hut something didn't look right. His uniform was khaki color
and he wasn't wearing a helmet.
"Before I even noticed the muzzle flashes, three holes appeared in
my ~·indshield. In my mind I was asking. 'Why is that bastard shooting
at me?' As fast as that man appeared. he disappeared. Then I' was off
the ground and banking to the right in a climb, and all the while red
streaks were following me. To that point not a word had been spoken
over the intercom. Before I could say a word. Pop Jekel keyed the
intercom and said: '1 flew thirty-one missions in B-24s in World War
II and that's the closest I've ever come to swallowing my halls.' That
was the last lift of troops I made into the LZ.''
Lombardo's Huey was so badly shot up it was barely able to limp
to Plei Me for patching and then back to Camp Holloway for further
repairs. Rick and Pop spent the rest of that afternoon listening to the
battle on the tactical radio and sucking down several beers.
First Lieutenant Roger K. Bean was flying a Huey in the second
wave of birds behind Crandall's. "When we landed I was flying on
Captain Ed Freeman's right wing. We were all taking fire and the
number four ship didn't look like he was going to make. it out of
X-Ray. I was in the pilot"s seat and Captain Gene Mesch was in the
left seat. I was looking over my shoulder at the number four ship when
we got hit by AK-47 fire. A round came through the door in front of
Gene, entered the back of my flight helmet. tore a hole in the side of
my head and came out through the front of the helmet. I was bleeding
like a stuck pig and my flight helmet was turned sideways on my head
with the earphone covering my eyes. At first I thought I was blind.
That concerned me because I was still flying. Gene took the controls
and the door gunner patched me up. I was X-rayed at the Special
·Forces camp and went back to the unit after they sewed me up.''
Several of the H ueys in the first wave of eight took hits, but none
crashed. none caught fire, none had to be abandoned in the landing
zone. I radioed orders for the other eight Hueys in the fifth lift to get
out of the area and wait until I got the landing zone cooled down and
under control. They headed back east to Plei Me where they landed,
off-loaded the troops, refueled, and shut down to wait.
Captain Ray Lefebvre now s'wung into action: Purely by chance. he
and several of his Delta Company men had run toward a critical
section of the perimeter, an uncovered gap on the left flank of Tony
Nadal"s embattled Alpha Company troops. Lefebvre recalls. "My executiveofficer and first sergeant didn't come in on that lift. so the only
�96
!'·
l
! :
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r
I
X-RAY
sergeant I had .was George Gonzales, a staff sergeant from the machine-gun platoon, and he had gone in another direction.
"There was no one between us and the, tree line; we had an unobstructed view forty yards to the front. Lieutenant Taboada was to my
left. I hollered to him saying I needed his radio and to stay where he
was~ He yelled back that he had been hit but was OK. When his radio
operator got over to me, I contacted Sergeant Gonzales and told him
to bring his machine guns to my location. He was about 150 yards to
my rear and said he was on the way. I called him three or four times
but we never got together."
Although it seemed that the North Vietnamese were attacking purposefully, the enemy commander, Lieutenant Colonel Nguyen Huu
An, was frustrated and angry. He says, "I ordered the 66th Regiment's
commander, Lieutenant Colonel La Ngoc Chau, to use his 7th Battalion to attack you constantly, to encircle you, and not to allow you to
withdraw by helicopter. In the first attacks [on the Bravo and Alpha
Company sectors] by the 9th Battalion and the 33rd Regiment. our
reconnaissance soldiers learned your positions-but the 7th Battalion
commander did not know where you were. I ordered him to keep
searching for you. I told him to move forward personally to the front
so he could control the situation and directly encircle you."
The People's Army 7th Battalion commander, Major Le Tien Hoa,
thought he had finally found the open door into Landing Zone X-Ray
on the southern side of the perimeter. and he swung his battalion in a
broad f:!ncircling maneuver around Tony Nadal's left flank toward the
south side of the clearing. But, thanks to Charlie Company, that open
door was closing fast.
Charlie Company's commander, Captain Bob Edwards, raced down
the line of newly arrived infantrymen, picking up those who belonged
to him and hurrying them into position with the rest of the company
on the south and southeast sides of the landing zone. Edwards sited his
machine gunners and riflemen along a thinly stretched blocking position that now ran for 120 yards.
No more than five minutes had passed when a huge wave of North
Vietnamese, the lead assault units of Major Hoa's 7th Battalion,
charged headlong into the thin line of 112 American riflemen. Added
to the din of battle in the Alpha and Bravo Company areas was the
sudden heavy firing in the woods where Charlie Company was located.
Captain Bob Edwards was on the radio to battalion instantly, shouting: "We are in heavy contact. Estimate a hundred and seventy-five to
two hundred enemy. Damn! These guys are good!"
Captain Edwar
landing zone, he;;
where the helicop:
Right after we gc
initial rush it tenc
ducks out there.·
Simultaneously
strong attack aga
forty-yard gap be·
pany's right flani
creekbed. Nadal'
Ladner and Rive:
panies with their
Company troope
in stemming the ·
Ray Lefebvre·:
edge of the clean
came out of the·
enemy up there c
enemy real close.
edge .of the LL
coming out into
M-16s, and we w
ammo at them ar
my right got hit..
my replacement::
told him: 'You g·
John Herren hei
and told him I r
John Herren:s
who was overhe:
an AK-47 just o:
operators. I fireci
pin holding the:
dropped off. Tli<
for his unit, drm
my one grenade
and bounced b:
whether the ene
enemy in the en
between my plai
�.e
Thl' Storm <J(Battlc /
CJ
7
Captain Edwards says. "The enemy were moving fast toward the
landing zone~ headed northwest. More tov.'ard the center of the LZ
where the helicopters were landing. They had to be surprised to hit us.
Right after we got into position there was a lo.t of fire. then after the
initial rush it tended to slack off. You could sec them. It was shooting
ducks out there.'' '
Simultaneously, the 9th Battalion of the 66th Regiment launched a
strong attack against Tony Nadal's Alpha Company. feeling for the
forty-yard gap between Alpha Company's left flank and-Charlie Company's right flank and desperately trying to seize control of that dry
creekbed. Nadal's brave machine gunners~Beck and Adams. and
Ladner and Rivera-were covering most of the gap between my companies with their deadly fire. Nov.·· a handful of newly arrived Delta
Company troopers led by Captain Lefebvre played their part as well
in stemming the enemy tide.
Ray Lefebvre had dropped into a fold in the ground in the western
edge of the clearing. just short of the tree line. ··captain John Herren
came out of the trees to my right and said: 'There's a hell of a lot of
enemy up there corning into our area.· Then I saw sixteen or seventeen
enemy real close. twenty yards. coming down the creekbed right at the
edge of the LZ. They didn't seem to know what th.ey were doing,
coming out into the landing zone. We had a machine gun [and] our
M -16s. and we were throwing grenades. I fired two magazines of M -16
ammo at them and then they just disap'J)eared. The machine gunner on
my right got hit. l think he was killed. About then I was hit also. as was
my replacement radio operator. l called Sergeant Gonzales again and
told him: 'You get up here quick as you can.· I was on the ground and
John Herren helped give me a tourniquet. l radioed Colonel Moore
and told him l had been hit.''
·
John Herren says. ''After finishing my latest report to Matt Dillon.
who was overhead. I looked up to see a North Vietnamese soldier with
an AK-47 just over the bank l was standing behind with my two radio
operators. 1 fired a burst from my M-16 which promptly fell apart. The
pin holding the trigger mechanism to the barrel had broken off or
dropped off. The North Vi~tnamese, who was obviously the lead man
for his unit, dropped down behind another embankment, so I grabbed
my one grenade and threw it toward him. It hit a branch above him
and bounced back just in· front of us and exploded. Not knowing
whether the enemy was dead or not. and fearing that there were more
enemy in the creekbed behind him. which meant that they had gotten
between my platoons. I moved out with my radio operators across the
�9
H
i
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.. 1
~
BRAVE AVIATORS
I knew wherever I was that you thought of me, and if I got in a
tight place you would come~if alive .
-William Tecumseh Sherman, in a letter to
I
Ulysses S. Grant
Over the twenty months of airmobile training, a bond had been welded
between the infantry and their rides, the Huey helicopter pilots and
crewmen. Now the strength of that bond would be tested in the hottest
of fires. If the air bridge failed, the embattled men of the I st Battalion,
7th Cavalry would certainly die in much the same way·9eorge Armstrong Custer's cavalrymen died at the Little Bighorn-cut off, surrounded by numerically superior forces, overrun, and butchered to the
last man.
I asked Bruce Crandall's brave aircrews of Alpha Company, the
229th Aviation Battalion, for the last measure of devotion, for service
far beyond the limits of duty and mission, and they came through as
I knew they would. This was the first, and in the view of many of us,
the toughest of many missions we would accomplish together in a long.
deadly combat tour. We desperately needed ammunition and water
and medical supplies-and Crandall's Hueys brought them to us. Our
wounded, screaming in pai'n or moaning quietly in shock, had to be
evacuated, or they would die where they lay, on their ponchos behind
the termite hill.
Hauling out the wounded was not the slick crews' job. Crandall's people were assault helicopter crews, trained to carry infantrymen into battle. Hauling the wounded off the battlefield was a medical-evacuation
helicopter mission. B
commanders had dec1
ing zones-or, in othe
needed, when they "
Crandall had already
done.
As his shot-up Hue
was thinking about t
Zone X-Ray. Crand;
take forever, althoug:
my mind during this
would not be because
the officers and men <
it was our time to p1
"Before 1 landed
needed ammunition:
point. My plan was ;
ammo would go bac
wounded. I felt we '
level. If we couldn't 1
· the Infantry would }
Crandall radioed
. sitting on the strip a
to Camp Holloway
Winkel dispatched 1:
(Chief Warrant Offi
trip plus loading: a:
Crandall now dr·
red dirt strip at Plei
met by medics .and
X-Ray. They remo'
act is engraved in m
tours in Vietnam. f
boots, hands bigge:
pick up one of the
his face and he ter
walked slowly fron
the man he picked 1
for a fallen comra
those who witness
· Crandall called l
�Rravc A via tors
I
10 7
helicopter mission. But this was early in the war, and the medevac
commanders had decreed that their birds would not land in hot landing zones-or. in other words. that they wo.uld not go where they were
needed. when they were needed most. Even before I asked. Bruce
Crandall had already decided to begin doing everything that had to be
done.
As his shot-up Huey. full of wounded, headed back cast. Old Snake
was thinking about the perilous situation on the ground at Landing
Zone X-Ray. Crandall recalls, "Getting· back to Plei Me seemed to
take forever. although we were flying as fast as it would go. I made up
my mind during this flight that if the 1st Battalion lost this fight it
would not be because of the failure of the helicopter support. We knev.·
the officers and men on the ground were the best in their business; now
it was our time to prove that we were their equals in the air.
'"Before I landed at Plei Me I had decided that Colonel Moore
needed ammunition more than he needed additional manpower at this
point. My plan was to change helicopters, then two of us loaded with
ammo would go back to X-Ray. Get the ammo in_and bring out the
wounded. I felt we could reach the LZ if we came in hard at treetop
level. If we couldn't get back out. at least the ammo would be there and
the Infantry would protect us if we could just reach the landing zone."
Crandall radioed Orange I Lead. Captain Paul Winkel, who was
sitting on the strip at Plei Me. and told him to send two of his Hueys
to Camp Holloway to load with all the ammunition they could carry.
Winkel dispatched his Orange3 and Orange 4 Hueys, piloted by CWO
(Chief Warrant Officer) Dallas Harper and CWO Ken Faba. Round
trip plus loading: about one hour.
Crandall now dropped his Huey. loaded with casualties. onto the
red dirt strip at Plei Me. "When we hit the ground at Plei Me we were
. met by medics and the Infantry troops still waiting to be lifted into
X-Ray. They removed the dead and wounded from my bird-and this
act i~ engraved in my mind deeper than any other experience in my two
tours in Vietnam. A huge bl~ck enlisted man, clad only in shorts and
boots. hands bigger than dinner plates, reached into my helicopter to
pick up one of the dead white .soldiers. He had tears streaming down
his face and he tenderly cradled that dead soldier to his chest as he.
walked slowly from the aircraft to the medical station. I never kne""· if
the man he picked up was his buddy or not. I suspect not. His grief was
for a fallen comrade and for the agony that violent death brings to
those who witness it.''
Crandall called his pilots together and briefly discussed the terrifying
�JON I X-RAY
situation on the ground in X-Ray. He outlined his plan to take back
into the LZ two ships loaded with ammunition and asked for volunteers. He says, "Captain Ed Freeman, my friend for a dozen years who
had been leading my second flight all morning, said he was taking that
flight. Big Ed misunderstood. I only wanted a volunteer crew for the
second bird. l intended to lead the flight myself. l planned to leave Ed
behind in charge of resuming the troop lift as. soon as Colonel Moore
opened the door to the LZ."
.
Captain Ed Freeman, thirty-six, fought on Pork Chop Hill in Korea.
as an enlisted man and won a battlefield commission there. At six feet
six· inches. Freeman was four inches taller than the maximum height
limit for Army pilots at the time he went to flight school, hence his
nickname: "Too Tall to Fly.'' Crandall and Freeman had been a close
team for years. sharing flying duties over some of the world's toughest
terrain. Together they had flown the Arctic, the deserts of the Middle
East and North. Africa. and the jungles of Central and South America
on mapping missions for the Army. The only thing the two of them
were ever known to argue about was which of them was the second-best
helicopter pilot in the world. Pop Jekel describes the Too Tall Ed of
that era as "a good old shit-kicker whose poker winnings could pay off
half the national debt. ..
Crandall understood how determined Freeman could be. "Big Ed
and l discussed the mission for a few seconds, and knowing that
arguing with him was a waste of time, l decided we both would fly the
mission."
Until the LZ went hot, Matt Dillon and Mickey Parrish had controlled all flights into X-Ray from the command chopper overhead. No
more. l took control because only l knew where my men were, where
the enemy ground fire was coming from, and where the safest spot to
land was at any given moment. From this point forward, every helicopter coming into X-Ray would radio me for landing instructions.
The Huey crews performed magnificently, running a gantlet of
enemy fire time and time again. They never refused to come when
called. In turn,· we did our best to call them in only when fire was
lightest, and we tried to have teams standing by to unload supplies arid
load the wounded in record time, to reduce the aircraft's exposure on
the ground.
·
Back on the dirt strip at Plei Me, Crandall and his copilot. Jon Mills,
shifted their gear from their crippled bird to another helicopter; the
new ship and Freeman's were soon filled with ammunition from the
remaining 7th Cavalry stocks at the strip. Crandall then assigned one
of his section leader~
been waved off at X
of Delta Company
Crandall says, ··~
picked up the radic
five minutes out I c
board, and he ack:
mandatory for us 1
the problem and g:
land. We started re
Ed and he calmly c
do about it, Snake
"Moore's people
over the trees into
the far end of the !
into the safest pos
and our crews am
aircraft as fast as
moved up and Joe:
Some of the we
febvre and Lieute
Company, which
One of the walkir.
intelligence office:
shoulder earlier i1
recalls, "We wer
helping me. Mets
'I'm hit.' He was
Crandall reme
wounded. While
officer onto my 1
was able to get fi
married and the
on arrival at Pie
Busy fighting
Metsker in the c.
development. It
side of the clear
Crandall now
some treetops \.\
almost didn't m
�Brave A l'iators I
-[
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10 9
of his section leaders to take command of the eight-ship flight that had
been waved ofT at X-Ray. He told them to stand by to bring in the rest
of Delta Company when I gave the word.
Crandall says, "Big Ed and I took off and headed for the LZ. We
picked up the radio traffic and knew things hadn't improved. About
five minutes out I contacted Colonel Moore, explained what 1 had on
board, and he acknowledged they needed the ammo: That made it
mandatory for us to go in, no matter the consequences. Moore knew
the problem and gave us instructibns on the approach and where to
land. We started receiving heavy fire on our approach. I notified Big
Ed and he calmly came back with: 'Roger. What do you want me to
do about it, Snake? I kind of thought this might happe11.'
"Moore's people laid down covering fire for us·, and as we broke
over the trees into the clearing I could see Hal Moore standing up at
the far end of the LZ. exposing himself to enemy fire in order to get us
into the safest position possible in the LZ. I landed where he. directed
and our crews and his people began pitching the ammo boxes off the
aircraft as fast as they could. At the same time, the wounded were
moved up and loaded aboard."
Some of the wounded being loaded aboard, including Captain Lefebvre and Lieutenant Taboada, were men of Ray Lefe~vre's Delta
Company, which Crandall had brought into X-Ray on his last trip.
One of the walking wounded, standing by to board, was the battalion
intelligence officer, Captain Tom Metsker, who had been shot in the
shoulder earlier in the creekbed fight with Alpha Company. Lefebvre
recalls, ''We were standing by the helicopter. I remember Metsker
helping me. Metsker helped shove me in. And about that time he said:
'I'm hit.' He was pulled aboard the chopper by the crew chief.'.'
Crandall remembers, "My bird carried out eight of the seriously
wounded. While we were in there a wounded captain helping another
officer onto my Huey was shot and killed. We took him out, too. Ed
was able to get five wounded out on his ship." Captain Tom Metsker,
married and the father of a seventeen-month-old daughter, was dead
on arrival at Plei Me.
B'usy fighting the battle, I did not see the shooting of Captain
Metsker in the clearing beside Crandall's Huey. but it was an ominous
development. It meant there were North Vietnamese on the eastern
side of the clearing. knocking at our unprotected back door.
Crandall noV..• powered his overloaded Huey out of X-Ray, hitting
some treetops with his main rotor blades on the ·way. He recalls. "We
almost didn't make it. In training sometimes we would deliberately hit
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the treetops with our skids, just to scare the shit out of the infantry.
especially ifthey were new guys. But hitting trees with the rotor blades
scared the shit out of me. Once we cleared the trees we again received
fire. When we got back to Plei Me I switched back to my first ship.
which had been checked out and refueled."
-1
At Plei Me. Captain Paul P. WinkeL thirty-four, of Cicero, Indiana,
West Point class of 1956, was waiting for his two Orange Flight choppers to return from Pleiku with more ammunition. "The infantry radio
channel sounded like an old war movie. Colonel Moore, Trojan 6,
came across calm and commanding. [His voice] rang.with courage and
sound judgment. It made men of boys in X-Ray that day. 'OK, understand your situation , .. keep steady ... we are going to drop artillery
all around you. Get your men ... all of them ... and walk together
slowly back as.the shells impact. Just walk back with the artilleryand
you will be OK. Hang in there.' "
·
CWO (Chief Warrant Officer) L~Jarid C. Komich radioed Winkel
that his ship and that of CWO Dallas:W. Harper were inbound from
Pleiku and asked for disposition of their cargo of ammunition. Winkel
replied, "Wait one," switched channels, contacted Bruce Crandall,
who was en route to Plei Me with his shipful of casualties, and relayed
the question. Old Snake's reply was brief: "LZ X-Ray."
Says Winkel: "l thought, good God, how am I going to get two ships
heavily loaded withammo into X-Ray. now surrounded by the enemy,
with air support, ARA support and artiller)· direct fire all going in
there. without getting hit and blowing up. I switched channels and
called Komich: 'Land at Plei Me immediately.' When the two ships
·dusted down. I ran to the ship, saw Lee Komich in the left seat, told
his copilot to unass [get out of] his ship. go to my aircraft, and fly with
my copilot. CWO Walter Schramm. l told Komich we were going to
X-Ray. Lee's eyes narrowed. l knew he was thinking what I was
thinking. [We were] loaded with ammo. one hot round could turn us
into a brilliant burst of sun shin~ followed by a dark puff of smoke over
the treetops of LZ X-Ray.
"I switched channels to Moore's frequency. 'Trojan 6, this is Orange
1, flight of two with arrirpo; en route to X-Ray 7 Directions for landing,
please, sir.' The battalion command ship broke in. Captain Vince
Panzitta's voice came over: 'Head generally 275 degrees for the
downed A-1 E, then make a sharp left turn and when you pick up fire,
say 10 seconds later, swing immediately right 90 degrees. You should
be heading directly to the center of the LZ.' Moore added: 'That's a
roger. We will have a panel waving where you should land. Do not
overshoot. I say aga1:
north and bug out fc
"We came to the :::-·
clip the treetops.' Lee
and right beside us th:
Lee, right! Watch for
below. There it is. D<:.
to the ground on tc.·
troopers lying prone:
about six feet aboveammo. Boxes flew. i
high, was the Chu E·.
at any moment. All c·
it seemed that it to·:
things.
"My crew chief ca:
Moore called: 'Ca~
wounded?' I said ye~
translational lift,* sc
north. Seconds later.
Harper followed. Wj
his engine from verr.
down, you're on fin:
the LZ and droppeci:
began a rapid down·
crippled bird. Moon
'I am returning to a
and pick up your ac
Dallas Harper, hi::
now loaded aboimi:::
wounded man hop;;
back drenched from
gunner: 'That man~r
back here. We are:r
out of here. Go gei
continued. Lee kept
"We loaded 15 or
fuel to let us ltft off
• An overloaded helicoptc:
gain altitude: forward spe
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overshoot. I say again: Do Not Overshoot. If you miss, turn directly
north and bug out for another try. Stay at treetop.'
"We came to the burning A-IE. I said: 'Now left! Hit 80 knots and
clip the treetops.' Lee's turn was precise. Then came the pop, pop, pop
and right beside us the bright flash of passing green tracers. 'Now right,
Lee, right! Watch for the [marker] panel!' I saw it directly in front and
below. There it is. Down now. Lee rolled us back just in time to flutter
to the ground on top of the panel man~ I looked out and saw our
troopers lying prone, hugging the ground. Lee and I sat in our seats
about six feet above the ground. My crew was quickly dumping the
ammo. Boxes flew. I stared straight forward. Directly ahead, looming
high, was the Chu Po_ng. I fully expected to receive a spray of bullets
at any moment. All of the color seemingjy drained from my vision and
it seemed that it took literally hours to unload. Fear does strange
things.
"My crew chief called out. 'OK. lefs get the hell out of here!' Then
· Moore called: 'Can you take a couple of prisoners and some
wounqed?' .I said yes. They boarded, Lee pulled pitch and we began
translaiio~allift, * so low we began clipping the treetops as we pointed
north. Seconds later I glanced over my left shoulder to see if Dallas
Harper followed. With disbelief, I saw white smoke burst forth along
his engine from vents that normally are not there. I yelled: 'Set her
down. you're on fire.' Harper reacted immediately. He was still over
the LZ and dropped into a clearing still within Moore's perimeter. Lee
began a rapid downward swing, then flared to land next to Harper's
crippled bird. Moore called out: 'What are your intentions?' I replied:
'I am returning to drop off these prisoners, pick up my downed crew
and pick up your additional wounded. Out.' Moore rogered."
Dallas Harper, his crew, and the wounded from their smoking Huey
now loaded aboard Paul Winkel's bird. Says Winkel: "I watched one
wounded man hop, limp and stumble toward the trees. I saw his entire
back drenched from neck to waist with red, red, blood. !.yelled to my
gunner: 'That man there! That wo~nded! Get somebbdy to get his ass
back here. W~ are not leaving until we get every one we were taking
out of here. Go get him!" Two crewmen ran for him. The pop-pop
continued. Lee kept the ship running full speed ready for takeoff.
"We loaded 15 or.l6 total on board. I hoped we had burned enough
fuel to Jet us lift off. Lee pulled pitch and the Huey lifted, the instru• An overloaded helicopter needs to reach a maximum forward speed before altempting to
gain altitude; forward speed translate~ to lift.
·,I,
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X-RAY
ment gauges wobbling a little before steadying. The second ship smoldered over on our left. Our maintenance officer later said that the
hydraulics and oil lines of that aircraft had been shot up so badly that
had it flown for five more minutes the engine would have frozen and
it would have crashed into the jungle at 120 knots. We would have lost
a brave crew of four, seven of Moore's wounded plus a passenger, an
Infantry captain. Who the hell was that guy? A quarter-century later
I learned that he was Captain Gordon P. Rozanski, the battalion
supply officer, who rode in and out of X-Ray all day helping unload
ammo and load the wounded.
"Our Huey skimmed the trees and headed north out of harm's way.
I lit up a cigarette, turned to my left and over my shoulder saw a very
bloody trooper laid out with his head in another trooper's lap. I passed
the cigarette back, lit another and stuck it in the bloody trooper's
mouth. At that moment the trooper with the. bloody back looked me
squarely in the eyes and gave me one ofthe most cherished thank you's
I have ever received. My windshield was now collecting splats of blood
blown by the wind whistling through the open doors. Roughly 30
minutes later we called Pleiku tower: 'Orange I inbound with 7
wounded. Need immediate assistance.' I told them to inform the medical unit there would be a lot more ships inbound this afternoon,
perhaps ~00 wounded. Call for additional medical support now. We
have got a bad fight out there. Do you read? .
"We landed, off-loaded the wounded, then -refueled with our engine
still turning. Harper and his copilot ran off to find another aircraft. We.
hovered for take'off and Lee said: 'As long as we're going back we can
carry some more ammo. 1 said, 'Roger, hover over there where the
battalion has its stores.' We sat down in the middle of the ammo dump
and our crew piled the boxes onto our ship. A captain ran up yelling:
'You can't do that. This belongs to the 3rd Brigade and it must be
accounted for on paper.' I didn't have time to give this yo-yo. an
explanation, just said: 'Lee, get us the hell out of here.' We left the
captain ranting in a cloud of red dirt."
Major Bruce Crandall and Big Ed Freeman made two more trips
into X-Ray with more ammunition. Crandall recalls, "I lost track of
time. Somewhere in the early afternoon I decided to try to get a pair
of the division medevac aircraft to go into the LZ. To show them the
safest way in and out, my two birds went in at low level, aided by
Colonel Moore. Although we were fired on in ·both directions,· we got
in and out OK. The medevacs didn't like the setup and particularly
didn't like the treetop-level approach. They decided to come in one at
a time from fifteen hundred feet in a normal approach. This. of course,
them a much greate
if they flew in back
"''ll.t;u..,..•J touched the grot
. second aircraft rep~rted i
"From· then on, mstez
to LZ Falcon, the artille.
much closer and we cou
the medevac helicopters 1
. several more flights bet"'
water in and wounded ot
·, rest of my company volt:
pitched right in and carr
On the ground, the bz
explosions of firing, nov
furiously probed for our·
to drive a wedge throug
zone. It was a fast-movi1
us; they hungered for ou
four different locations.
Never before had tht
American Army unit wit
born of the American e
enemy. We were locked
battle for survival, whici
commander in battle ha
support, now pouring ri
battlefield; and the use t
My reserve had come '
tor Bob Ouellette, and rr
would join Tony Nadal':
In preparation for that
from the wounded and f
up some extra grenades/
Although the eastern-_
the shooting there had:.~
the actions of Captain:!
air and artillery bombar
commander, Bob Edwat
platoons were holding.t.
resupply needs were me
concentrate on other is~
Edwards, knowing th:
�Bra l'l' A 1•i(Jf ors
.:
1I3
ave them a much greater exposure l(l enemy ground ;fire, hut I didn ·i
in backward· as long as they got there. One aircraft
actually touched the ground and two wounded were loaded before the
second aircraft reported being hit and both of them aborted the rescue.
•·from then on. instead of flying all the way back to Pleiku, I flew
to LZ Falcon, the artillery base supporting X-Ray. This location was
much closer and we could transfer the wounded from our aircraft to
the medevac helicopters for the fiight on 10 Camp Holloway. We macit:
several more flights between Falcon apd X-Ray, carrying ammo and
water in and wounded out. By the time ·we completed the third run, the
rest of my company volunteered to go in. so we set up a shuttle. They
~are if they flew
pit~iH;C: :icf.~ il·! ~ild
... ,
i
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cartie.d
th~ ·::;a~l. ··
On the ground, the battle had detonated into a series or'deafening
explosions of firing, now here. now there. as the enemy commander
furiously probed for our weak spot. the opening that would permit him
to drive a wedge through the thin line of men defending the landing
zone. It was a fast-moving bedlam of activity. They were eager to bll
us: they hungered for' our deaths. :!\ow they were slamming into us at
four different locations.
Never before had the Vietnamese. enemy carried the fight to an
America:1 Army unit with such tenacity. None of the common wisdom
horn of the American experience in Vietnam to date applied to this
enemy. We were locked into a sa\'age battle of. fire and maneuver. a·
battle for survivaL which only one side v.·ould be permitted to win. A
eommander in battle has three means of influencing the action: Fire
support, now pouring· down in torrents: his personal presence on the
battlefield; and the use of his reserve.
My reserve had comedown to Sergcani Major Plumley. radio operator Bob Ouellette, and myself. I decided that if it became necessary we
would join Tony Nadal's Alpha Company in the fight at the creel~bed.
In preparation for that contingency. I went to the pile of gear taken
from the wounded and filled my all!mo pouches and pockets. grabbed
up some extra grenades. and jacked a fresh magazine into my M-16.
Although the eastern part of the clearing was still under enemy fire,
the shooting there had slacked off some thanks to Charlie Company,
the actions ofCaptain Ray Lefebvre and his few men, and the heavy
air and artillery bombardment working that area. Cha.rlie Company·s
commander, Bob Edwards. was doin!! a !!reat job. Edwards savs. "Mv
platoons were holding their own and~. aside f;om en~uring fth~t) thci.r
resupply needs were met and coordinating fire support, I was able to
concentrate on other issues. My exposed left flank worried me ...
Edwards, knowing that Ray Lekbvrc had turned over comm::lld c1r
�114 I
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X-RAY
Delta Company to Sergeant Gonzales, found Gonzales and with my
approval directed the Delta Company men to his open left flank, tying
them in tightly around the southeastern edge of the landing zone. Then
Edwards, whose men had just stopped a North Vietnamese battalion
in its tracks, showed up at my command post looking for more work.
He asked if he could help get the mortars organized.
Edwards had discovered that the mortars atta.ched to each of the
three rifle companies; which should have been consolidated under
Delta Company control, were still operating independently because of
the wounding of both Delta Company officers. He rounded up the
rifle-company mortars in the area east of the command post: "I
brought them into the perimeter, told my mortar-section leader, Staff
Sergeant [Harold] Matos-Diaz, to assume control until a Delta Company officer arrived. Matos-Diaz got them set up and organized, and
by the time I got back to Charlie Company he had them on the
company radio frequency and ready to fire. We tried to get them
registered, but because of the great amount of dust, smoke, confusion
of battle, heavy undergrowth, and no prominent observation points,
we could not do this effectively."
Now Tim Brown, the brigade commander, was back on the radio
asking for a situation report. I told him we were heavily engaged,
outnumbered, and taking casualties; we had a hot landing zone and
had one platoon cut off, and I still did not have all my troops in. I told
Colonel Brown that this fight was going to go down to the wire and
that we could use another rifle company for reinforcements. He said he
would send one but we both knew it would be two or three hours
before thereinf~rcements reached X-Ray. Brown had already alerted
Br.avo Company of the 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry, and it was assembling at pickup points. ·
It was now near three P.M. Charlie Company's defeat of the North
Vietnamese assault stopped the enemy efforts to flank us on our left
and opened up an opportunity for me to bring in the rest of the
troopers. If we brought the H)Jeys in one or two at a time, and if the
pilots followed our directions, we stood a good chance of getting those
men in, and I needed them badly.
·
Still waiting back at Plei Me were a few more Charlie Company ·
troopers; the rest of Delta Company, including its acting comn:ander,
First Lieutenant James L. (Larry) Litton, and its first sergeant, Warren
E. Adams; and the battalion reconnaissance platoon. J radioed Dillon
in the Charlie-Charlie [command-and-control] ship and told him to get
them moving.
.. The last battalic
~rnrlniJlg this period
shot down. T
roy frequency a
at treetop level fr
clearing. He came
fast and too t
"''-·~•••"" western side
on the easter
· going where he w
gonna get hit! Yot
He thundered r
banked in a hard ri
Donald C. Estes. g
the trees just aero!
The chopper and c
Two of our sixteer
Estes, thirty, from
24, 1966.
One of the ship
over command of '
zales. I told him t ,
. mortar position se '
mortars from a si1
was toward Alpha
also have the missi
the east.
I also told LittOJ
James Rackstraw,
the right of the m
zone. The recon pi
the first time this d
and our rear was '
Bob Edwards's <
than an hour. Thf
could adjust artilll
overhead could see
could kill more eft
~nd southwest. dr
from the Charlie C
Company also sla'
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The last battalion troop lifts began arriving around 3:20P.M. It was
during this period that the second of the helicopters we lost in X-Ray
was shot down. The incident stands out in my mind: A pilot came up
on my frequency asking for landing instructions. I told him to come in
at treetop level from the cast and land on the eastern side of the
clearing. He came in through the smoke and I saw that he was flying
too fast and too high and would overshoot the eastern side into the
hotter western side toward the mountain. I told him to drop lower and
land on the eastern side. He flew right at me and obviously was not
gqing where he was directed. I yelled at him on the radio: 'You're
gonna get hit! You're gonna get hit!'
He thundered right over my head, fifty reet up, shuddered. and
banked in a hard right turn to the west and north. Then the pilot, CWO
Donald C. Estes, guided his dropping ship, rotor blade whapping, into
the trees just across the clearing from the termite-hill command post.
The chopper and crew were immediately secured by the nearest troops.
Two of our sixteen helicopters were now disabled in the landing zone.
Estes, thirty, from Auburn. Alabama. was later killed in action on June
24. 1966.
.
One of the ships brought in Larry Litton. who immediately took
over command of Delta Company from the wounded' Sergeant Gonzales. I told him to add the four Delta mortars to the consolidated
mortar position set up by Captain Edwards and to control all seven
mortars from a single fire-direction center. Principal direction of fire
was toward Alpha and Bravo companies, and the mortarmen would
also have the mission of defending our two-chopper landing zone from
the cast.
I also told Litton to spread out the recon platoon. led by Lieutenant
James Rackstraw. along the north and east fringes of the clearing to
the right of the mortar pits as further security for the little landing
zone. The recon platoon was also designated as battalion reserve. For
the first time this day. i now had a semblance of a complete perimeter.
and our rear was covered .
Bob Edwards's Charlie Company had fought off the enemy for more
than an hour. They had the advantage of more open ground. They
could adjust artillery and air strikes more accurately. and the pilots
overhead could see the enemy swarming in the elephant grass and thus
could kill more efficiently. Finally the stunned enemy fell back south
and_ southwest. dragging some of their casualties. As they withdrew
from the Charlie Company killing ground. their activity around Alpha
Company also slacked off.
�116 I X-RAY
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Cur!ously, the ~orth Vietnam:se forward of D~al, Devney, and
Marm s platoons did not press their advantage. Dunng this lull, many ·
of the Bravo and Alpha Company wounded and dead were carried
back to the battalion aid station. Alpha Company's Sergeant Hansen
says: "We were carrying out one rather heavy Alpha trooper, Specialist
Jerry Kirsch, in a poncho when the man on the left corner of the litter
was shot in the back. He went down immediately. He was Specialist
Scott Henry. The round that hit him was fired from very close. 1
comforted Henry; then we got Kirsch on out: Kirsch was gut-shot but
survived. When I got back to Henry, he was dead. I think about him
often, dying alone on that open field. He was an engineer attached to
our battalion."
·
Up the slope, Lieutenant Joe Marm was trying to evacuate his
casualties. "My weapons-squad leader, Staff Sergeant Robert L.
Parker, organized a party to get out th~ wounded. He came back about
twenty minutes later saying he could not get out because we were
surrounded. Whether we were or not is still a question to me; it may
have been friendly fire. But the enemy were maneuvering to our flanks.
I asked permission to withdraw with the wounded. We policed up the
dead. We had· quite a problem with all the wounded, but met little
resistance going back. When we reached the ditch which was our
forward line of departure, the wounded were evacuated back to the
clearing and we were resupplied with ammo. Water was in very short
supply.''
Among the wounded flowing into the command-post aid station
during this brief lull was Specialist 5 Calvin Bouknight, who was the
medic with Lieutenant Dennis Deal's 3rd Platoon. Bouknight had
been assigned to the battalion aid station for over eighteen months as
one of two medical assistants to the surgeon. By late October, our line
companies were short a total of eight platoon medics. We checked
battalion personnel records and found some soldiers who had previously served as medics. Some of them were pressed into service; othe!s
were given refresher training and were· designated reserve medics. Joe
Marm describes the situation in his platoon: "My platoon medic was
a short-timer and did not accompany us to Chu Pong. SFC [George]
McCulley, the platoon sergeant, carried the aid kit, and we planned to
use Staff Sergeant Thomas Tolliver as our medic when the need arose.
He had been a combat medic during the Korean War and was well
qualified."
Still, we did not have enough medics to go around, so we sent down
Specialist Bouknight and Specialist 5 Charles Lose, a senior medical-
as platoon m
still alive but mo
· blood-filled rubbt
Keeton, his friend
't dead. He was sh<
.. shoulders. He reaci
't make it.' We gl
iiilda!~e over his back ·
him on an evac si
greater love th.an
Calvin Boukmght
be was treatir
completely vulner
Up·on the line cantee
Din," writes:
But if it comes
You will do yc
An' you'll lick
Kipling had it right. 1
of every man in Landinf
canteens went for our v
·· four p.M. we had used a
they kept begging for ~
been terrible on the wou
C-rations to drink the li
ham and lima beans-f
liquid and got twice as ·
Deal was helping in
brought up short by a st:
things I regret most abcolumn, just a line of m
· my right flank in the sarr
and move in with our ca
them in my sights with a
to get their weapons u
namese. But it was just
Americans or North Vi
"There was also fear
. My men were now all k
�Brm•e A l'iators
uf Deal. Devney. and
. During this lull. many
· nd dead were carried
j._.ny's Sergeant Hansen
\lpha trooper, Specialist
left corner of the litter
__ ely. He was Specialist
ired from very close. I
'.irsch was gut-shot but
:ad. I think. about him
, an engineer attached to
,;)rying to evacuate his
1ff Sergeant Robert L.
· ·--' 4e came back about
because w~ were
a question to me; It may
- ':leuvering to our flanks.
ded. We policed up the
wounded, but met little
1..-;: ditch which was our
evacuated back to the
. Water was in very short
/~
1
-
·~
rw-
-~-·
et
nmand-post aid station
-·Bouknight. who was the
Platoon. Bouknight had
. bver eiahteen months as
I
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:-By late October, our me
oon medics. We checked
'soldiers who had previ,.esscd into service; others
rnated reserve medics. Joe
? \'·My platoon medic was .
_:::hu Pong. SFC [George]
aid kit. and we planned to .
:die when the need arose ..
well
orean War and was
eund. so w~ sent
\s Lose. a semor ntf~l._._,
-~~.::
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aid man.' as platoon medics to Bravo Company. Now Calvin Bouk.
.
· night. still alive but mortally wounded. was gently laid on the ground
in his blood-filled rubber poncho before the medical-platoon sergeant,
SFC Keeton, his friend and comrade of the last two years: ''Bouknight
wasn't dead. He was shot between the shoulders, right directly between
the shoulders. He reached up and took my hand and said: 'Sarge. I
didn't ma-ke iL' We got an IV started on him and put a pressure
bandage over his back wound. There was just no hope. We were able
to get him on an evac ship. but he died." The Scriptures say that there
is no greater love than to lay down your life for your friends. This is
what Calvin Bouknight did in that fire-filled jungle. He sheltered the
wounded he was treating with his own body. his back to the enemy
guns. completely vulnerable.
Up on the line canteens had run dry. Rudyard Kipling, in his poem
·'Gunga Din." writes:
·
But if it comes to slaughter
You will do your work on water.
An' you'lllick the bloomin' boots of 'im that's got it.
Kipling had it right. The heat. dust. smoke, and fear dried the mouth
of every man in Landing Zone X-Ray. The little bit of water left in our
canteens went for our wounded. Says Lieutenant Deal: "'By three or
four P.M. we had used all our water. mostly on our wounded because
they kept begging for water. We were horribly thirsty. It must have
been terrible on the wounded who had lost blood. Then we went to our
C-rations to drink the liquid out of them. I opened a can, and it was
ham and lima beans-thl! saltiest of all thl! C-rat meals. I drank the
liquid and got twice as thirsty. Incredibly dumb."
Deal was helping in the evacuation of casualties when he was
brought up short by a strange sight. "It was at this time that one of the
things I regret most about that battle occurred. I saw a line, not a
column, just a line of men, probably two hundred strong, moving ori
my right flank in the same direction as we were about to turn. the east,
and move in with our casualties. I immediately lifted my weapon. had
them in my sights with a clear shot. I started to call for those ncar me
to get their weapons up because I thought they were North Vietnamese. But it was just a little bit too far to distinguish if they were
Am ·
·
encans or North Vietnamese so I elected not to fire.
M"There was also fear ?f drawi~g attention to o~r depleted_ platoon._
· Y men were now all ktllcd or wounded except tor the cqutvalcnt ot
.
.
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two squads, about eighteen or so left. These -two hundred troops were
parallel to us, making their way to the landing zone. Marm, who had
been on my right, had already withdrawn. It turned out that they were
some. of the North Vietnamese we had to fight later that day, who
inflicted fearsome casualties on us. I only regret that we didn't stand
there and start shooting them."
No more than a hundred yards away from Deal, the Lost Platoon
clung doggedly to its tiny, tortured piece of earth. By now, Sergeant
Ernie Savage and his band of survivors from Henry Herrick's 2nd
Platoon had withstood four separate .enemy assaults. The enemy believed they had the Americans in a vise. Three North Vietnamese
clothed in camouflage uniforms walked directly into the perimeter
from the direction of X-Ray. All three were killed instantly. Galen
Bungum saw several enemy, no more than ten feet away, rise to their
feet, rifles slung o.ver their shoulders, laughing "like they were out for
·
a Sunday walk."
From their prone positions, bodies pressed tightly to the earth, the
Lost Platoon survivors banged away at a target-rich environment.
Ernie Savage rose to fire on three enemy soldiers only a few feet away
only to find that ·nis rifle was empty. Savage says: "I didn't know what
to do, so I just said ''Hi'' and smiled. All three looked at me in
confusion, but by then I had slipped in a fresh magazine and sprayed
them."
Dorman recalls: "They tried to crawl up on us. We put our guns fiat
on the ground and laid the fire into them two and three inches high.
We fired real low and we stopped them. All this time there were snipers
ten to fifteen yards away. If you stuck your head up they shot at it. But
we were killing them right and left. Every time they stuck a head up we
shot it."
It was now 3:45 P.M., and, except for the predicament of Sergeant
Savage and the cut-off platoon, I was feeling a good deal better about
the situation. We had all our men in: massive firepower had been
deployed; a company of reinforcements was on the way; our twochopper lifeline landing zone was secure; most .of our wounded were
either evacuated or awaiting evacuation; and we were holding tough.
I was determined to make one more attempt to rescue Sergeant Savage
and all his wounded and dead up on the slope. I ordered Alpha and
Bravo companies to evacuate their casualties, withdraw out of close
contact with the enemy under covering fires. and prepare to launch a
coordinated attack. supported by heavy preparaiory artillery fire, to
reach the cut-off platoon. I was tortured by the fate Of those men and
the need to rescue them.
FIX BAYONl
There are onlv
and AUDACITY:
Alpha and Bravo comt:
locked in violent battle
small number of casuair
operators, and had shm
manders, Tony Nadal ar
dead and wounded, to :
toons and designate nev.
tion and grenades. They
then heavy artillery fire ·
off one more attempt tc
rescue the survivors of .
Meanwhile, help was ·
in the tea plantation the
2nd Battalion, 7th Cav<
Bravo, was being detaCJ
force. On arrival in Xcome under my operau
Three platoons of E
guard duty around Co:
this afternoon, and wen
Brown cast about for:
companies were dispe~
much longer to ass~mo
troops won the toss, h:
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old trooper from_ Codes. South Carolina. Tanner was normally Sergeant Steve Hansen's radio operator. but they had gotten separated
and Tanner was tagging· along with the I st Platoon.
On the right flank of the Bravo line, Lieutenant Deal was now
rolling around on the ground desperately irying to dodge a valley of
machine-gun slugs cutting through the grass all around him. Suddenly,
twenty-five yards away, Deal saw an American get up and charge
forward while everyone around him was flat on his belly. Says Deal,
"I sav.· him throw a grenade behind an anthill and empty his weapon
into it. Then he fell to his knees. I .said to myself: 'Please, get up, don't
be hurt.' I didn't know who it was; I couldn't make out the form. There
was so much battlefield haze, dust, smoke."
It was Lieutenant Joe Marm. He had spotted an enemy machine gun
dug into a big termite hill; it was chewing up both the Bravo Company
platoons. After failing to knock it out with a LAW rocket and a
thrown grenade, he decided to deal with it directly. He charged
through the fire, tossed a hand grenade behind the hill, and then
cleaned up the survivors with his M-16 rifle. The following day. Lieutenant AI Devney found a dead North Vietnamese officer and eleven
enemy soldiers sprawled behind that termite mound. Says Deal, "Joe
Marm saved my life and the lives of many others ...
Lieutenant Marm staggered back to his platoon with a bullet wound
to his jaw and neck. He joined a growing stream of walking wounded
flowing back toward the battalion aid station. Sergeant Keeton treated
Marm 's wound, and one of Bruce Crandall's Hueys evacuated him to
the rear. Within days. Lieutenant Joe Marm was recuperating at Valley Forge Army Hospital near his home in Pennsylvania. In December
of 1966. Joe Marm reported to the Pentagon where the Secretary of the
Army, acting on behalf of President Lyndon Johnson, presented him
with the Medal of Honor. the nation ·s highest award for valor.
Here's how Lieutenant Joe Marm himself modestly describes what
happened: "I was located at the right flank of my platoon, with SFC
George McCulley on the left flank. On the right of me was Lieutenant
AI Devney's platoon. So I was in the center of the ·action. That bunker
was holding up the line and I first shot a LAW into it. There were no
apertures in the anthill and the fire was coming from the sides of the .
bunker. There was heavy tree covering around it which prevented hand
grenades from landing effectively. I thought it would be a· simple
matter to run up to the bunker and toss a grenade over the top. I tried
to motion what I wanted done to one of the troops. The noise of battle
was very high and the sergeant nearby thought I meant to throw it
1-1
~rom our
Job done a. '1ui
firing because
ately after sileu
Joe Marm·s J
the cut-off pl£1..
enty-five yardL,
platoon leaders
noncoms. Wof
ahead of the o __
dred enemy. Sor
brush, and tho-·
were we unable.now in danger o
It was the 1: ·
calls that mom
the cut-off plat.oc
and we were fla·
I remember saj
shooting at us. T
particular macr:.
had been recei\,
Sergeant Giliei
friendly fire . •n
drawal of h
sharp ears did not
Hurdle's M-60 .. ~
first used that gt·c·
troopers trying Ll
rick's men.
It was now m
in on final apprua
Myron Diduryk's
Ienius was aboa
smoke it was dift.~
ahead of us on Ch
were on the grot ·
the anthill area __
close. Captain Die
Sergeant John
ian, led the 2nd
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from our position. It landed short. In order to save time and get the
job done as quickly as possible, I told both companies to watch their
firing because I was going to rush the anthill. J was wounded immediately after silencing the bunker."
Joe Marm's heroic action unfortunately failed to open the door to
the cut-off platoon. Bravo Company had progressed only about seventy-five yards, Alpha Company a bit further. All !hree of Nadal's
platoon leaders were now either dead or wounded, as were many of his
noncoms. Worse yet, Alpha Company's 1st Platoon had gotten out
ahead of the other two and was heavily engaged with perhaps a hundred enemy. Some of the Alpha troopers bypassed the enemy in dense
brush, and those North Vietnamese had opened up on them. Not only·
were we unable to punch through to rescue Herrick's platoon, we were
now in danger of having another platoon cut off.
It was the 1st Platoon's tum. Platoo;n Sergeant Larry Gilreath recalls that moment: "They m4st have captured one of.our M-60s from
the cut-off platoon and turned it on us. We were behind a fallen tree
and we were flat pinned down by machine-gun fire and couldn't move.
I remember saying that Sergeant Hurdle must be mad at us 'cause he's
shooting at us. That was because of the difference in the sound of that
panicular machine-gun fire and the other automatic-weapons fire we
had been receiving."
Sergeant Gilreath and his men weren't really on the receiving end of
friendly fire. Sergeant Paul Hurdle had been killed covering the withdrawal of his buddies in Herrick's platoon. But Sergeant Gilreath's
sharp ears did not deceive him: The weapon he heard was, in fact, Paul
Hurdle's M-60. After Hurdle and his gunners were killed, the enemy
first used that gun on the cut-off platoon and then turned it against the
troopers trying to fight their way through to rescue Lieutenant Herrick's men.
It was now near five P.M. and Crandall was bringing thirteen Hueys
in on final approach to X-Ray. with the reinforcements from Captain
Myron Diduryk's Bravo Compariy 2nd Battalion. Specialist Jon Wallenius was aboard the first helicopter. "There was so much dust and
smoke it was difficult to s.ee very far off the LZ, but we could see tracers
ahead of us on Chu Pong and hear the sounds of small arms. Then we
were on the ground and running away from the chopper. I headed for
the anthill area because it was the only cover I could see and it was
close. Captain Diduryk ran up and. saluted the officer in charge."
Sergeant John Setelin, a slender twenty-two-year-old South Carolinian, led the 2nd Squad of the 2nd Platoon on the third Huey coming
�I
126 I
'...
'
X-RAY
into the landing zone. "The crew chief hollered: 'We are going into a
hot LZ and hover: get your men out fast and head to the right!' Then
from the air I saw what appeared to be soldiers in khaki. 1 thought we
must really be desperate if we're bringing in guys just back from Rand
R without giving them time to change into their fatigue uniforms. Then
I realized their rifles were pointed at us; that was the enemy! When we
jumped out. people were firing down on us. The gooks were up iri the
trees!"
Captain Diduryk ran up to me and shouted: "Garry Owen, sir!
Captain Diduryk and Bravo Company, 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry, a
hundred and twenty men strong, reporting for duty!" His eyes sparkled with excitement and the challenge of the situation. I told Diduryk
to assemble his men in a clump of trees thirty yards northwest of the
command post to act as battalion reserve for the time being. Another
unit came into X-Ray about that same time, unasked, unheralded,
and. in'fact,unnoticed by me. It was a Department of the Army Special
Photographic Office (DASPO) team of two sergeants, Jack Yamaguchi
and Thomas Schiro, armed with their 16mm silent movie cameras. It
would be a quarter-century before we unearthed their film from militarv archives and saw the eerie color images of ourselves in battle.
Up in the scrub brush. in the thick of. the fight to reach Herrick's
cut-off platoon, the Alpha Company commander, Captain Tony
Nadal, had come to a decision. He had one platoon pinned down in
a hail of enemy fire and he knew that the longer this went on the harder
it would be to get them out. It was 5:10P.M. Nadal ordered his reserve,
the 3rd Platoon. to move up on his left in an attempt to circle the
enemy forces. It didn't work. They ran into the same buzz saw that was
chewing up all the other platoons.
.
Over on· the right. Sergeant Larry Gilreath of Bravo Company
wasn't finding the going any easier. Captain John Herren asked Sergeant Gilreath if he knew of any other way that they had not tried.
Savs Gilreath. "Mv answer was 'No sir.'' Even without all our dead
and wounded that had to be taken care of. the time of day was ag~inst
us.
Captain Nadal says, "The fight continued for another twenty or
thirty minutes with neither side making headway. It was getting dark
and as the casualties mounted I decided we were not going to be able
to break through. I called Colonel Moore and asked for permission to
pull back." John Herren. who was monitoring the battalion net, heard
Nadal's request and quickly concurred. It was now 5:40P.M.; 1 ordered
both companies to withdraw to the creekbed under cover of heavy
supporting artillery fires.
With nir
1f
go into the uvU!
companies incar
The cut-off plat•
We had to pull
ammo and wate:
artillery and me
For Nadal an
with the enemy.
most difficult mi
calls for a dece·
mapped routes,
support and we
nor the time to
Captain Nad;
tor both dead,
battalion comm:
one was pulling ·
to cover my witr
me a smoke mi:
closer to us thai
smoke almost d
Nadal's requ,
relayed to the <
Whiteside
x
seconds the rep!
Korean War ex·
shells. They saic
The bursting ·
and spew out fr;
air. I reckoned
acquaintance of
Within a minuH
sions were insta
their guns.
Specialist Ra)
.radio operator.
wounded. We w
tain Nadal calle
informed artille1
shells came in. injured and we
�---~--
134 I
...
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X-RAY
the spot for a company medic." Galloway shifted to LZ Falcon and
there spotted ·Matt Dillon loading up the two resupply helicopters. He
·pleaded for a ride. Dillon said· he couldn't make that decision but
agreed to put it to me over the radio.J told Dillon that if Galloway was
that crazy .and there was room, he could bring him on ln.
During those walks in the sun around Plei Me I had gotten· acquainted with Galloway. He was different from most of the other
·reporters who flocked to the 1st Cavalry in those early days. He stuck
with a battalion through good and bad, rolling up ina poncho on the
ground and staying the night instead of scrambling on a supply Huey
and heading back to a warm bunk and a hot meal in the rear. During .
my time in Vietnam 1 met only two other reporters who displayed the·
same grit: Bob Poos of the Associated Press and Charlie Black of the
Co!umhus (Georgia) Ledger-Enquirer,
There was one other thing: ..1 had concluded that the American
people had a right to know what their sons were doing in this war, on ·
the ground, in the field. J welcomed visiting reporters to my battalion
and, later. to my brigade. !.told ·them they could go anywhere they ·
wanted with my troopers, with only two restrictions: Don't put out any
information that will endanger us. and don't interfere with operations.
1 never had cause to regret that openness.
Shortly .after nine P.M. Bruce Crandall came up on the Pathfinders
'-radio.* His message to me, via Lieutenan't Dick Tifft, a vigorous young
Californian who had brought in a team to run the helicopter landings,
was that he and Big Ed Freeman were five minutes out. two slicks
escorted by two gunships, bringing in Dillon and party plus more
ammo and water.
As the helicopters dropped in on the final approach, Matt Dillon
looked out toward Chu Pong. Plainly visible along the mountain
slopes were hundreds of small lights winking in the dark forests. He,
also spotted a blinking light just below the top of the mountain directly
above X-Ray, and a second blinking light on the northern slope of a
1,312-foot peak one mile due south. "1 am convinced that the blinking
lights I .saw were signal lights. From where they were located on the
mountains they could not .be seen in X-Ray," Dillon says.
But it was that other light show that mesmerized Dillon, Galloway,
and the others aboard the choppers: an elliptical northwest-southeast
stream of tiny, twinkling lights over half a mile long and three hundred
yards wide moving down the face of the massif. The moving lights were ·
no more than half a mile from our foxholes on the perimeter facing the
*Pathfinder~ served as combat mr-traffic controllers.·
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mountain. G
crates. was
moment he l
the two. helic
Dillon kn
Vietnamese,
toward the L
was called in
mountain to
explosion on
The Pathfi
ing lights in t
down throug
X-Ray. Old
ping the tops
party bailed
water jugs im
Galloway rec
bearings, anc
,came a voicf
'dead people
belonged to
I welcom
Dillon, Wh
contro1 1 ~"
1,
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b nng.
Jf
seen. The I
cut-off pla1
discussed · 1
leaned bac 1
It was a
Herren ar I
night wit} 1
of our str
day, and
rose at at
a better l
enemy h I
play. sti
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they CO' j
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mountain. Galloway. sitting atop a pile of grenade and ammunition
crates, was frozen by the twinkling lights. For one heart-stopping
moment he thought he was seeing the muzzle flashes of rifles firing at
the two helicopters.
Dillon knew better: ''These lights were being used by the North
Vietnamese. hundreds of them. as they moved down the mountain ·
toward the LZ to get in position for attacks in the morning. Artillery
\vas called in on these lights as well as the signal lights on the two
mountain tops. Sometime after midnight there was a large.secondary
explosion on an area on the mountain right over X-Ray."
The Pathfinders momentarily switched on their small, shielded landing lights in the little clearing while Tifft talked Crandall and Freeman
down through the thick curtain of dust and smoke hanging over
X-Ray. Old Snake and Big Ed powered down into the darkness, clipping the tops of some trees. and within seconds Dillon, Galloway, and
party bailed out and heaved the ammo boxes and five-gallon plastic
water jugs into the tall grass: then the two choppers were outbound.
Galloway recalls. "We crouched there in the darkness, tried to get our
bearings. and waited for someone to come get us. Out of. the darkness
came a voice: 'Follow me and watch where you step. Ttiere's lots of
dead people on the ground and they're all ours.' The voice, which
belonged to Sergeant Major Plumley. led us to the command post.''
l welcomed Galloway with· a quick handshake and then briefed
Dillon. Whiteside. and Charlie Hastings, tpe Air Force forward air
controller (F AC) while Joe listened. The first order of business was to
bring artillery and air down on the locations where the lights had been
seen. The second was to make sure that Sergeant Savage and the
cut-off platoon were getting all the artillery they needed. Dillon and I
discussed how to get to Savage's platoon. Galloway found a tree.
leaned back against his pack. and waited.
It was a restless night. All the units were on hundred"percent alert.
Herren and his Bravo Company troops were into their second straight
night without sleep. The enemy commander had at least a rough idea
of our strength if he had counted the helicopters coming in during the . ·
day. and he knew for a fact that he had whittled us down. A full moon
rose at around eleven P.M .. giving the enemy commander on Chu Pong
a better look at the perimeter. Dillon and I. although grateful that the
enemy had not brought any of their anti-aircraft machine guns into
play. still feared that they would do so. and soon. We had to keep
ariillery and air pounding the slopes to suppress those weapons before
they could be brought to bear.
Thirty-seven miles to the northeast. Bruce Crandall and· Big Ed
�136 I X-RAY
Freeman finally shut down their Hueys at a huge helicopter pad,
nicknamed the Turkey Farm, outside the wire at Camp Holloway,
near Pleiku. They had been flying nonstop since six A.M.; it was after
ten P.M. when Crandall shut down and tried to get out of the aircraft.
"That is when the day's activities caught up with me. My legs gave out
as l stepped on the skid, and I fell to the ground. For the next few
minutes I vomited. I was very embarrassed and it took some time to
regain my composure. Someone slipped a bottle of cognac into my
hand and I took a big slug. It was a ,waste of good booze. It came up
as fast as it went down.
·
"I finally quit shaking and made it to the operations tent to recap the
day and plan the next. The aviation unit had quite a day. We had not
suffered a single fatality and we had not left a mission undone. When
our infantry brothers called, we hauled. The standard for combat
assaults with helicopters had been set on this day. I wondered about
tomorrow. Would it be worse? I wasn't sure I could handle another
day like today. Then I thought again about the troops in X-Ray. The
choice was not mine to make."
Bruce Crandall was still steaming over the refusal of the medevac
pilots to return to X-Ray to haul out the wounded. "The officer commanding the medevacs looked me up to chew me out for having led his
people into a hot LZ, and warned me never to do it again. I couldn't
understand how he had the balls to face me when he was so reluctant
to face the enemy. If several of my pilots had not restrained me, that
officer would have earned a righteous Purple Heart that night. From
that day forward, I planned every mission in such a manner that the
infantry would never have to rely on anyone but my unit for evacuation of their wounded."
All of our wounded flown out of X-Ray by Crandall'~ Hueys ended
up at Charlie Company, 15th Medical Battalion, lst Cavalry Division,
which was temporarily set up in tents at Camp Holloway. The executive officer of "Charlie Med" was Captain George H. Kelling, twentyeight, from St. Louis, Missouri. Charlie Med's five surgeons tried to
stabilize the soldiers coming off the helicopters. "The treatment we
provided," says Kelling, "was designed to keep blood flowirl'g through
the patient's system until he could be gotten to a hospital which had
the personnel and equipment to perform definitive surgery." Charlie
Med's doctors tied off perforated blood vessels to stop the hemorrhaging, and then pumped in whole blood.
Kelling recalls that many of the casualties were rapidly bleeding to
death, so it was a race against time to get blood into the soldier faster·
~..·.
than he was losing
bleeders. "Wet
cut-downs [intrave
men squeezing the
for the patient to s
rapid transfusion o
him die."
Army Caribou
were standing by r
.to Army hospitals
surgical repairs the
in the Philippines,
expected to recove
Army hospitals in
nam and back in t.
In Landing Zon
probed forward of
southeast quadran
by artillery fire or
under strict orders
to give their locat:
Captain Bob E
forced by one of
section of the peri
. south and so,··' ~;:
and Delta Cc )
Says Edwards:
of Lieutenant Lar
to ten enemy. I ·th
weapons location
really did not knc
I expected anythi
hundred-percent
The fact. that C
had kept the trc
foxholes or cleari
had hastily dug :
prone. Now they
doing so by the :
Edwards, who c
American positic
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U.S. soldiers fought their first major battle·
in Vietnarn a quarter-centuryago. Its lessons
were ignored, forever changing the war
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7
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wen,ty-five years ago next .memo warning that even if the U.S. trimonth, America plunged into pled the number of troops it sent to
its first m:~jor battle of the Viet- Vietnam, it would have no better than a
nam War in a remote vallev of 50-50 chance of winning the war.. He
the Central Highlands. The American was ignored. After the Ia Drang, Vietreinforcements that Gen. William C. nam was. irreversibly, America's war.
. Westmoreland had so urgently sought
"la Orang ... was a milestone," wrote
to stave off disaster in South Vietnam, William P. Bundy, then assistant secrethe superbly equipped 1st Air Cavalry tary of state for East Asia, in an unpubDivision, and Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap's lished memoir for the State Department
brave foot soldiers of the 325-B Divi- archives in !972. "It appeared to confirm
sion of the People's Army of Vietnam the importance of ... search-and-defell upon each other in the eerie, un- strov ... and that American forces were
populated la Drang Valley. Outnum- especially effective in this role-a conbered 7 to 1, a battalion of the
trast that became more vivid
7th U.S. Cavalrv withstood a
when on November 28 a large
dozen human-wave attacks in
South Vietnamese unit was amthree davs and two nights at
bushed and cut to pieces in the
the kiiling ground they- called
Michelin plantation northwest
Landing Zone X-Rav.
of Saigon."
·
General Gi:~p knew better.
Before the North Vietnamesc retreated to Cambodia in
"After the Ia Drang battle we
late November, 1965. more thun
conCluded that we could fight
and win against .the cavalry
2.()00 VIetnamese and 234 ,. ·Colors of the
1st Cavalry
troops ..... the legendary Giap
Americans were killed. But the
. vktory pr9ved to be a f:llal one,
told U.S. NC'tl•s (see page 48).
· for it helped convince the generals in "We had a strategy of people's war. You
Saigon and the policymakers in Wash- had tactics, and it takes very decisive tacington that U.S. soldiers, using the air tics to win a strategic victory. You
cavalry's search-and-destroy tactics, planned to use the cavalry tactics as your
could hunt down the enemy, grind him strategy to win the war. If we could defeat
up :~nd win the war that America's South your tactics-your helicopters-then we
Vietnamese allies were losin!!. Four davs could defeat your strategy!'
after the la Orang fighting ended. WestGiap sent almost a million of his
moreland cabled Washin!!ton that he countrvmen to their deaths, but tim~:
now faced a conventionul 'war and that and the patience of the American peaonly American troops could stand up to pie ran out long before North Vietnam
th.z North Vietnamese.
ran out of soldiers. The victor.· in the Ia
Defense Secretarv Robert MeNu- Dram! Vallev d::t!l!nerat::d into a demara was less optimistic: After review- cade-of bloodY frustration that sent
.. im: the results of the Ia Drang battle he 58.000 Amerit:am: home in shinv :~lumisent President.Lyndon Johnson a secret num Army-issue caskets, ruined one.
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Death in the valley. Camlty troopers
ca~
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President. deeply scarred another and:
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turned the nation against itself.
The danger was \1sible at the time. to
those willint:: to see~ Defense Secretary
McNamara- and others were startled=
when Westmoreland told them that in
addition to the 220.000 U.S. troops in
Vietnam or on the wa,· in latt! 1965. he
would need 200.000 more in 1966 and
orobabh· anC'Ither 200.000 b,· carl\· 1967.~
· McNamara flew to Saieon NP,;embei
28 for an :~ftcr~action rcpon on the
Dran!!. In a secret memo to JLihnson,:
dated- November 30. he said Vietna~;
had reach~o·d a turning pl,int: ··wl! have.
but two option~. it sel!ms to mo.:. One is.
Ia
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.:·
·-·
to go no·~- for a compror::ise solution
and hold further fl:.s.] d.:~:oymcnts to
a minimum. Th.: other is to stick with
our stated objec:ives. and wi:!-1 the war,
and pro\ide what it takes ::. men and
materiel.'' He added a so::-:t-er and accurate forecast: "\\'e shou:.: be aware
that deployments of the kir..: I have recomme:1ded (600.000 by 19-5-:-j will not
!!uarantee success. l'.S. kil!::.:·in·action
can be expected to reach l.O•X a month
and the odds are even tb: we will be.
f::sced in earlv 1967 with a 'iio-decision·
atan ev-en hi'2her !eve!.''
·
StJnley Karnov.. in his boo~: 1-icrnam:
. A fiisrory. reports_ that at a s-=.:re: White
House conference in mid·December White House counsel at the time: .. McMcNamara again pressed hi$ point. Namara was still providing the Presi"What vou are savin!! is that no matter dent with an enormous amount of de·
what we do militarilv. there is no sure. tailed, optimistic ·information •.• that
victor\'? .. President- Johnson asked. this thing was working." Only at a farewell lunch in February, 1968, says
"That:s richt." said McNamara.
Bundv savs Mcl\amara·s alternative- McPherson, did McNamara tearfully
freezing the U.S. buildup and negotiat· talk of the "futilitv" of the war.
While McNamara kept his doubts to
ing a settlement- was never serious!\·
consider;! d. Th~ other option- a majo-r himself, the U.S. too often lost, covered
buildup in 1966 and ste;>ped-up bombing up or ignored the lessons of the Ia
oi the North- "was readily accepted by Dran!!-that the North Vietnamese sol·
the President. and . ·.. came to be under- dier was brave and tough, that it would , .
CO$! more American Jives than am-·one
,
stood as the basi~ ior all discussion ...
l
Mc!'iamara·s pessimism continued to believed to defeat him and that it \\:Ould
L
grow but. recalls Harry McPherson. .be impossible to crush th~ North Viet·
-- . ..::_ _, . . •. t: .S.~E\\-s·& ,(:0!~~!:~~w~ixJ_~~l~~~:if?;;!~~::;;,-."~'c,~··:~;;~~~~, :~._-:::'f:.'"::T,~:~~-?w~0i?,ii";:i:rr~ .,:._ ''?--: . -~. ·~·: -~:. ~~_., . :," --~-:~·"· T"n;~~~~~::
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�• SPECIAL REPORT
wounded or quit the A.!
in dise:ust.
namese Annv so Ion2 as it
"It mav be a terrible tt:
could escape· into Camboto say, but it might h
dia. The first lesson came
been better in the long ru
before the battle was over,
we had lost this first bat
when a 400-man battalion
as we did the first major t
was cut to pieces after it·
ties of World War· II ,
blundered into an ambush
Korea," says military a
in a place called Landing
Iyst Col. Harry G. Summ.
Zone Albanv.
Jr., who was an infar '
The White House wanted
company commander
a victory, not a lesson. "We
Vietnam. "Tnose first
were very concerned then
feats made us underst:
that if we got some signifithat we were in daneer
cant militarv demonstralosine the war and tha-t c
tion, something that would
centrated our efforts."
consolidate the home front,
The Ia Orang made he
that there was a feeling that
lines only briefly while
this thi.ngjust might workdecisions that shaped
that we could go for the long A muffled drum. McNamara warned LBJ of a Vietnam stalemate
war were made secretlv
haul," says Bundy.
Washineton and Hano(
Neither the military commanders in Iiam Bundy. "But there was a good deal TV cameras were on hand at Land
Vietnam nor the politicians in Washing~ more at stake. We were trying to preserve Zone X-Ray_-only one young war cor
ton were about to let a North Vietnamese a f9cade of Cambodian neutrality."
spondent with a 35-mm Nikon came
ambush deprive them of the victory they"'
That facade eventually crumbled, and two notebooks and an M-16 ritJe. (I
needed. The morning after the debacle at most of the other lessons of the Ia account of the battle begins on page 3
Landing Zone Albany, a briefing officer Orang -had to be learned more than
In November of 1965, few Americ:
laid a memorandum on the President's 550,000 times a year, every year. Presi- were thinking very deeply about d:
desk that said: "The press this morning is dent Johnson refused to declare a state country's slow-motion drift into· "'
reporting heavy U.S. casualties as a result of emergency or to extend ~nlistments Only the faintest early warn,ings o
of a Communist ambush of a unit of the and call up the Reserves. Instead, he coming earthquake registered on so1
1st Cavalry near Plei Me. The headquar- limited the Army tour of duty in Viet- seismographs. Martin Luther .King•.
ters of the 1st Cavalrv Division has sent in nam to 12 months (13 months for· Ma- marched at Selma, Ala., Watts burr
·an official report stating this is errone- rines), ensuring that the war would be and, on October 15, poet Allen Ginsbc
ous." In Saigon and Pleiku, stone-faced fought by an endless stream of newcom- led 10,000 protesters in an antiwar ma1
briefers denied there had been an am- ers. The enlistments of many Ia Orang in Berkeley. Republican Senator Ever
bush. It was, they insisted, "a meeting veterans expired with.in weeks; the rest M. Dirksen of Illinois said the sight "
engagement," and although 155 Ameri- were gone within six months, and their "enough to make any person loyal to t
cans had been killed, casualties had been training and experience went with country weep." "Doctor Zhivago" a
"moderate"· and the Americans victori- them.
·":The Sound of Music" packed the 1
Broken back.. The war was fed by a tion's movie houses. London contribUl
ous. Of a hundred such victories and a ,
thousand such lies, defeat was born.
·river-of half-trained draftees and shake· the miniskirt, bell-bottom pants and 1
After the "meeting engagement," the and-bake lieutenants- many of them Beatles' movie "Help!" The kids rod
North Vietnamese disappeared into fine soldiers but all of them condemned to "A Hard Day's Night" while their
Cambodia; and while Johnson was pre- to be dropped piecemeal Jnto .combat ders hummed "It Was a Very Gc
pared to make Vietnam America's war, units with no institutional memory of Year." America in 1965 was a lot clos
he was not ready to let American soldiers what had gone before and .no concern spiritually, to 1959 than it was to 19
pursue the enemy across an international for what would come a,fter. The back- Perhaps 1965 was a good year, but it "
~oundary. "I suppose from a strictly milibone of the Army, the career sergeants, the last good one for a long time.
tary point of view, going into Cambodia · were ordered back to Yietnam again
' .. BY jOSEPH L GALLOWAY.
would have been a net plus,'~. says Wil- . and. 'again;, :'u'niil:'they . were killed,.
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·*America's first battles · · •• Queenstoa 'Heigfrt$: ·Oct.7 13;· July t-£.·1898. ·Americans de-·
};if;:-:-· · . .
.· ·
1812. The British easily defeated ' 'feated· the ·Spanish in Cuba in
22;·19.4i The· American Ar.
was badly beaten by Romm1
meriea 's ·nine wars have· 'the New .yark militja· ~oilgSide ·these-two decisive.h~es: · · : · battle-~ardened Afrika ·Korj
t?een ·shaped by ·their ~the Niagara·River. :~!.:.,. ~~'" ··:· ::- ·• Cairtigny:May28-31,;1918. The: ·• Task Fo·rce Smith: July
~~ major ground battles, five· -•The J:Uo Grande: May 8-9,1846: · 'Americans beat 'tlie .Gerinans, 1950. North :Korean tar
.c:r,.V:icfories ·and five defeats .. The U.S. ea.Silywon
battles showi·ng··the importance of ripped through poorly
.M!fThere were two first battles in· agai~stMexici:>atPaloAltoand · ·keepinginfantrywithinrangeof U.S. unit outside Osan. · ·.:
:.~:'-?.World War II, one in North Resaca de la.Pa.Ima. · ·. ·. · ·
artillery support. · ' · · · .
·• Ia Drang VaDey: Nov. 14:·;/:Africa and one in the Pacific.) a First BuD Run: July 19, 1861 • Buna: November, 1942-Janu- 1965. American forces wor
.:,~'~'.11 Long Island: Aug. 27, 1776. The Federal· Army ·was ary, 1943. Americans and Aus- costly victory over North Vi
: · ·:-outnumbered by the British,· whipped bY" the· Confederates tralians defeated the Japane~ namese regulars.
..
on the coast of New Guinea. · USN&WR--csaa:-'sF'ntSoares:
. poorly trained colonial forces at Manassas,'Va: · :
'nn away from the enemy.
• San Juan HiD and EJ ·Caney: • Kasserine Pass: Jan. 30:::Feb. o..nes-anaw.u.....sta~~~
s
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�mSPECIAL REPORT
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:.. BY jOSEPH L. GALLOWAY
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As the sun rose on Nov .. I4, 1965, a clear, hot
Sunday, four U.S, Army helicopters flew, as unobtrusively as such machines can, across the rugged
· Ia Orang Valley in South Vietnam's Central High- .
lands. Below them was a wild and desolate place
that in normal times offered a living only to elephants, tigers and a few Montagriard tnbesmen. Lt. Col. Harold G. Moore scanned the terrain intently, scribbling notes and
marking his maps. He was about to lead the U.S. 7th Cavalry.. . A helicopter war. Specialist 4 Viizcenl Caiuu races to ,load
· on its most audacious charge'sirice Lt.'Col. George A. Custer
.• ,
led his.troopers to the Little Bighorn 89 years earlier.
·
tal. Sai12on arid Washin12ton feared that if the North Vic
Like Custer, Hal Moore had no use for timiditv or half
namese-overran Pleiku, Route 19 to Qui Nhon on the COc
measures. The lean; blond Kentuckian, a 43-year-oid gradu-.
would be wide open, and South Vietnam could be cu't in i
ate of West Point, Class of '45, demanded the best from his
But one of the North Vietnamese co.mmanders, Maj. C
men and gave the same in return. Behind his back, the 457
·Huon!! Minh Phuong. told 'L~S. News in a recent intervie
that the attack on Piei Me was launched onlv to' bait a tr~
officers and men of the 1st Battalion of the 7th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), sometimes called
for the inevitable South Vietnamese relief column. The i
Moore by Custer's nickname, "Yellow Hair." It was a solbush almost ccnainlv would have succeeded but for one r
and, for the North Vietnamese, very troubling developmen
dier's compliment, and Moore took it as such.
Moore was hunting. big game in the·tangle of ravines, tall
For vears, the U.S. Armv had sou!!ht to free foot soldic
elephant grass and termite hills around the base of Cbu
from the tyranny ofterrain.'Its solution was the helicoptc!i"..
Pong Massif, a 2.401-foot mountain whose forests stretched
uncainlv bumblebee that h<~d made a limited debut in Kor1
5 miles into Cambodia. A month earlier, the 2,200-man 33rd
Eq'Uippcd with the durable UH-ID Huey and its cargr
~
People's Army Regiment- part of the first full North Vietinc cousin. the Chinook. and bcarinc the colors of A 'I!
namese Armv division to take the field since the fall of Dien
Cavalr; Division. the first.sh tro,:pers had arrived in
Bie~ Phu in i954-had attacked the camp at Plei Me, a Vital
from Fort Benning. Ga:. in mid-September to make the baul
~.
listening post astride the road to Pleiku, the provincial capifield a three-dimensional pightmare for the enc:my.," .
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among our troops. You made it
very hard for our commanders to
keep up with the plan. Thev were
very anxious about the psychological effects of your helicopters and
artillery leapfrogging among
these green troops."
Hal Moore and his boss, brigade commander Col. Thomas
"Tim" Brown, had seen a red star
marking Chu Pone. Mountain 17
. miles northwest o(Plei Me o~ an
intelligence map at divisio~ headquarters. "What's that?" they had
asked. "A big enemy base camp,"
came the·reply. Their eyes lit up.
For four Iong.days, their men had
been beating the brush east ofPlei
Meand finding nothing but vicious red tree ants, thornv "wait a
minute" vines and jungle so dense
that, at times, a battalion was
lud:y to move 200 yards in an
hour. They persuaded their
bosses that it made more sense to
go where the enemy was.
Operating on what Brown later described as "strOn!! instincts
and flimsy intelligence~" Moore
was about to hit the jackpot. liis
battalion of 28 officers and 429
men- four officers and 199 men
short of full strength-was about
to attack two regiments of North
Vietnamese regulars, or more
than 3,000 very good soldiers.
Moore's target area contained
only three clearings where helicopters could land. One was so
small that only two could land at a
time; a second was filled with tree
stumps. That left a big clearing
that Moore designated Landing
Zone X-Ray. It could take eight
choppers, but it was located directly beneath Chu Pong Mountain. If the North Vietnamese
were occupying· the high ground,
Landing Zone X-Ray could be a
death trap. As. the battalion as.· ca!·a!ryman aboard.a . K·ai~~!tg Hucy. Choppcr~_J,·crc the troops' lifeline.
'"\·
sembled at pickup points around
Plei Me Camp, the word was that
So when the South Vietnamese ventured out to relieve Plei
X-Rav would be one more little walk in the sun and then home
1\le. thev had moved under an umbrella of howitzers lifted into . to· base camp for hot food and cold showers. The word, as
position by the Chinooks. When the North Vietnamese sprang
usuai. was wronc.
their ambush. the South Vietnamese had -uncharacteristicalAt lO:li, two batteries of 105-mm howitzers-12 guns that
lv- foucht like ·hell. The l'orth's
·had been deposited by Chinooks
commander, Gen. Chu HuY \tan.
· ·-. ·- in a clearing 6.2 miles east of Xwithdrew toward the Ia Drane..
U.S. N~ Senior Editor Joseph L. Galloway ~as the
Ray- began firing on X-Ray
sanctuarY so far from anY road 1 on{v ci~'ilian con-espondei!l at Landing Zone X-Ray.
and, as a diversion, the two other
that no·enemv had ever. dared
He hitched a heiicopter ride to the battlefield on the
clearings in the area. After 20
penetrate it. B-ut with the arrival
first night of the fight, riding atop crates of hand greminutes, the barrage stopped
of the air caYalry. no place was
nodes. One day past his 24th binhday, ·the young
and helicopter gunships poured
United Press Jmematior.al correspondent was savor.30-caliber machine-gun fire and
safe. It ferreted out North \'ietnamese food cache~. ur..:kring his only present, a front-row seat at the biggest
2.75-inch rockets into the woods
ground hospitals. even headcuarbarcle of the war. Galloway left Vr.emam in 1966,
nearby. At 10:48 the first eight
ters. ··You jumped all over. e\·en
VOI\'ln~ never 1(1 n:tum. bu: was Scllt back inl9il,
Hueys landed at X-Ray.
· 1973, J975 atid 1990. · ' ·
Moore jumped out of the first
into our rear area:· savs General
Phuong. "You created di$order
helicopter with Sgt. M, aj. Basil
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Herrick orden:d a river crossinl! without a safetv ronpiJfoon ·s senior man, Sgt. Carl-Palmer. had complai;
Herren: "Something has to be done about the lie· 1
Speo;'"" ' Bnb
ood '
I
Vietnamese interpreter close behir.J. Plu:niey, u laconic ., he'll get us all killed." Herrick was, in the word.n
!:
West Virginian, was on his third w:.~;. He was what young
classmate. "a balls-to-the-wall kind of guv-a ha-ar
I
paratroopers admiringly call "a four-jump ba~tard" -one oi 1
This time. Herrick charged too hard. As his platoon 1
I'
the few men who had survived all fo~,;~ World War 11 combat
up the finger of! and. the young lieutenant spotted a few
I'
parachute jumps made by the R2nd .~.i~horne Di\'ision. He
troops. The North Vietnamese fled and Herrick swung!
had jumped again in Korea with th~: i::\iih Airhorne.
men in hot pursuit. Within minutes, thev were more tii:The lead elements of Capt. John Herren's 119-man Bravo
yards to tl,'le ~ght_ofthe rest of Bravo Company. Second:
~
Company ran toward the tree line. firing their rifle~. while the
they ran stra1ght mto 150 North Vietnamese headed do
second wave of choppers landed. Mo0re now had nearly 100
mountain from the west. Herrick's platoon, which the he:
·men on the ground, but it would he 35 minutes before any of
writers wnuld name "the Lost Platoon," was quicklv sum
the 16 Hueys assigned to him could return with more troops. If
ed. With help from one of Nadal's platoons Jed 6" Li
I
the Iandini! zone came under attack. Herren was his mos<
"Joe" Marm. Herren pushed to within 75 yards of H(
experienced company commander. He had run Bra"ci'for 18
position before being driven back. Americans were drci~
months. and he knew his men and his business.
wounded and dead. in the dry grass all around.
i
Moore already was rewriting the rules of helicopter asBelow on X-Ray, .Moore urgently called for air, a·
·'
sault 1andings. Rather than spread hi~ men in a thin circle
and helicopter-gunship strikes on the North Vietnam
.;
around the clearing. he
tack routes down
kept most of Herren's
mountain and sent th
troops concealed in a
of Nadal's men up t
' ..
clump of trees near the
! ·'
force Herren. As
:,
center of the Iandini! zone,
moved toward Herren
ready to react
any
flank. he ran into 100 ·
threot, and he sent four six· North Vietnamese ~
I
man squads 100 yards in
ing down a dry cree~
..
"
evel)' direction. Within 30
a natural highway. th
"
minutes they captured a
off the mountain sfrai
prisoner. The straggler said
the heart of 'the.. r
.·.
· he was a deserter who had
zone. "They're i;:
...
been hiding in .the· brush
(People's Army of
:
for five days. His next
nam]," the'Vietnam
'
words
were
chilling:
. ..
an yelled . int• .·~
"There are three battalions
These were n
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on the mountain who want
rna guerrillas p rl,
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verv much to kill Amerithe mountain. Tqey
!~ ,.
't .:
cans but haven't been able
North Vietnamese r;
to find any."
Killed Wounded
1st Battalion/7th Cavalry
in khaki battle dres
By now the rest of Her"
27
69
People's Army of Vietnam
pith helmets camou
ren's men and the first men Lost platoon. Herrick's men arc cw off: Hcrrrn and Nadal are
with clumps of ele
..
from Capt. Ramon ANa- beaten back. Bob Ed1~·ards's C Company gets 011 line just in time
grass. Most were
;:f :
dal II's Alpha Company had
.
with Soviet-made Ai
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landed. Tony Nadal was a West Point classmate of Herren's
fles, and all carried big pouches full of wooden-hand!~.
tato masher'' hand grenades. They also had Maxim
and an Army brat, the son of Col. Ram or, A. Nadal, West Point
'•
'28. He had already served in Vietnam with the Special Forces,
machine guns and RPG-2 shoulder-fired rockets.
and when he had heard that the 1st Caval!'\' Division was
Bill Beck, a 22-year-old machine gunner from Har:
;I ;:
headed over. he had driven to Fort Benning and oleadcd for a
Pa., was in Nadal's company. "We were left of the di;
t .
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job. Hal Moore made Nadal his intcliic\!nce officer. and on the . bed, about 30 yards, and moving forward toward Chu I
-:··
voyage across the Pacific, Nadal hall i~ctured the battalion on·
he recalls. "I heard Bob Hazen, the rddio operator,.·
what was waiting for them. He got hi!' company in October.
about Lieutenant Taft being hit, that he was hit in tl
; •.
Moore believed what the prisoner was saying. He told
and bleeding to death. I could see Hazen leaning o~
.i
Herren to push his men toward the mountain. paying partie-· when North Vietnamese blasted him from behind.
'! !
ular attention to a finger of high ground that jutted out .to"
saw pis radio explode into pieces." A handsome f
i:
ward the landing zone. He told Nudui to l!et readv to move
from Highland Park,. IlL, 23-year-old Robert Taft ,
his Alpha Company toward the mountain- on Herren's left.
first young lieutenant to die in the Ia Drang Valley.
!
Out in the landing zone, the choppers were bringing
just as soon as enough of Capt. Robert Edwards's. Charlie
Company were on the ground to guard the landing zone. ·
. first men of Boh Edwards's Charlie Company. A n:.1
I'·
Trenton, NJ., Edwards had entered the Army straig
1
Lafayette College, where he had finished at the to1
ENGAGEMENT: Walking in Custer's footsteps,
ROTC class. He was, in Hal Moore's view, "a supc1
very pcrcepti\'e leader- aloof and strictly business."
By 1:30, Capt. John Herren's men were under
Moore was deeply worried about his left flank. Lie
attack by ahout 250 tnwps. and he radioed that
Herrick's charge far to the right seemed to have confc
. hi~ 2nd Platoon, on the right, was in danger of
enemv commander; the ·North Vietnamese attac~ :r
. . . hetng cut off. The platoon was commanded by Lt.
shifting to the left. and Moore had to shift with t
.I
.
.·
· · He~ry Herrick, a red-h;~ircd Californian fn::sh
inw th-e landing zone under heavy fire, grabbed d\l
out of qtncer Candidate School who h;~d joined the di\'ision
the helicopter door and "yelled at him to run his mcrL
.. al<mg.~_Jth_ a gaggle of other green lieutenants a month before
~
..--~--~·· .:.. _,: ___:__ --·~Jt s3i1Cd for Vietnam. In October. after a soldier. dro'"·ned ,,·hen . · the mountain. tic 'f,·=~~·r-::;1 i.:.J:~~,,,J
in with Nadars·company on the rie
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get ready to be attacked in stre:1gth." The young ca~tain sped
be zan using it on the Americans. Herrick was mortallv
wo-unded. Hi~ .Jast words to Savage were: "I'm glad I could
off in the direction Moore pointed, waving at his 106 men to
follow. Within a few minutes, thev had found cover or scraoed
give my life for my country."
Command of the 2nd Platoon passed to Sgt. Carl Palmer.
shallow holes in the woods just off the landing zone. A minute
or two later. a wave of more than 550 Nor.:h Vie:namese
Spe:ialist 4 Galen Bungum, who had left a dairy farm in
Hayfic::ld. Minn .. for the Army, says that on the way up th·!
slammed into the thin line of waitim: American riflemen.
Moore and Sergeant Major Plumley had been in constant
moun rain Sergeant Palmer said: "Bungum, I'll be 43 years old
motion on the battleground and the landing zone. shiiting
tomo;row. but I don't believe I'll live to see it." Within minutes
newly arriving troops to where they were needed mos:. Whe:1
of taking •y.:er. Palmer was shot in the head. Savage and the
a new flight arrived, Moore stood in the open. guiding tht:
other> laid him behind a log. Shortly afterward, an-American
hand grenade take:1 from the slain machine-gun crew sailed
helicopters to the safest landing spots. "After gi\'ir.g Edwards
his orders, I was walkine alone the line bv the cret'k b:!d when
O\·e~ the clearing and exploded beneath Palmer. He died
the firing around my -head -took on
distinc:Iy different
instantly. The mo.nar fqrward observer, Sgt. Robert Stokes,
sound -like a hell of a lot of bees, .. Moore remember5. "I felt
assumed it was h: turn to take charge, stood up and said:
a firm hand on my shoulder. It was Sergeant ~!ajor Plumley.
"We've got to get ,_.ut of here." He was shot through the head
shouting above the noise of th~: guns: 'Sir. if you don't find
and killed instant]\·.
some cover you're going to go dL>wn. and if you go down we all
Command of th.e Lost Platoon fell to Ernie Savage. A 21go down.'" Moore reluctantly moved to .the waist-' of the
vear-old buck sergeant from McCalla, Ala., he had b-een with
figure-8 clearing and set up his commanc ):'\>St behind a big
the battalion more than two years and was field smart and cool
termite hill.
under pressure. He grabbed
Landing Zone X-Raywas
Stokes's radio and called arnow, as the pilots put it,
tillery fire down in a very
"very, very hot.'' Maj. Bruce
tight circle. By then. eight of
Crandall was in charge of
the Lost Platoon's 27 men
the 16 helicopters assigned
were dead and D wounded.
to the mission. He and his 6Midaftemoon. Specialist 4 ·
Vincent Cantu of Refugio.
foot-6 sidekick, Capt. Ed
"Too Tall to Fly" Freeman,
Tex., had only 10 days left in
along with their wingmen,
the Armv when he landed in
brought reinforcements,
X-Ray.· The local draft
ammunition and precious
board had called him up the
water, and thev carried out
day before John Kennedy
the wounded. if Moore said
was assassinated, ending
it was O.I<. to land, they
Cantu's fling as lead guitarlanded. Crandall ftew two
ist and vocalist for the
choppers this day-his first
Rockin' Dominoes, a loc:11·
w;;s crippled when it hit a
band whose theme song was
line of trees hauling wound"Born to Lose." Now an 81ec out of the battle. Cranmm mortar gunner, Cantu
dall vividly recalls. one
was riveted bv the deadlv
flight: "I saw a North Viet- Moving out. Tire hear and iire dust made 1\'0r in,the scntb brush
drama around him. "Vie
na-mese firing at us from just and elephant grass of the Ia Orang hellish and dead(\·
were so close our mortar
outside my rotor blades [20
.
.tubes were pointing almost
feet away]. After taking on wounded, I pulled pitch [lifted out J
straight up. The pleas O\;er the radio were desperate. We could
in a hurry.! had three dead and three wounded, inciuding my
all ·hear Ser!:e:;mt Slakes, our forward observer, with the
crew chief, who was shot in the throat."
·
·
trapped platoon. By 2:30 or 3 p.ni., it seemed like half the
Hanoi's Gen. Vo Ngtiyen Giap says his soldiers learned how
. battalion was either dead or wounded. I remember rolling this
to fight the U.S. helicopters in the Ia Drang, and perhaps they
dead soldier in a poncho. He was face down and when I turned
did; But they'did not have the weapons on hand to apply those
him, over, I. saw the lieutenant's bars on him. I snapped. I
lessons-the Chinese-made heavv antiaircraft machine !!uns
thought:, These rounds don't have any regard."
.
that, if they had been deployed ori Chu Pong. Mountain. could
By now, Capt. Ray LeFeb\Te's Delta Company was arriving
have closed Land_ing Zone X-Ray. With their rifles and lif!ht
at Landin~:: Zone X-Rav. LeFebvre had served an earlier tour
machine guns; the. North Vietnamese took a toll of American
and v.:as ffuent in Vieu1amese. Because of that, he had been
aviators, but during three days of battle only two of Crandall's
tapped for a staff job in civil affairS at di..ision headquarters.
helicopters were disabled- and both were put back in service
Like Ton,· Nadal, he had turned up on Hal Moore's doorstep
after the fight. Later in the war, however. the lessons the North
begging for a. rifle company. "Something's going to happen.''
Vietnamese learned at X-Rav would t::ke a hea··" toll.
LeFeb~re had said. "I want to be in on it.'' He got his wish...I
Up on the mountain, Henry Herrick's Lost Platoon was
started to unhook mv seat belt when I felt a round crease the
desperately clinging to a 25-yard circle atop a slifht rise.
back of my neck," LeFebvre remembers. "I turned to my right
The North Vietnamese overran one of the American~· two
and saw that my radio operator had been hit in the left side of
M-60 machine guns. Sgt. Ernie Savage says. ··1 .heard Serhis head. I crabbed his radio and jumped out ... I fired two
geant Hurdle down there cursing. e\'en over the noise of
magazines of M-16 ammo at the enemy, then I was hit.''
the firefieht. He was famous for that. •rvtotherf···-·. S0nofaLeFeb\'re was in action approximately 10 minutes; in that time,
he and four men around him killed 25 North Vietnamese.
bitch. Sonofabitch.'· I heard him holler. And th.:r. the\·
threw grenades in ori hiin.'' Set. Paul Hurdle. the platoon.-s
Out near the drY creek bed, machine runner Bill Beck was
weapons-squad leader, had survived tht: retreat. from the
doing double! duiy while his best friend, Russell Adams,
Chasin Reservoir in Korea and had blown ·the last bric.:e
poured fire on the enemy. Beck alternated between patching
· '·
behind the x:etreating ~{arines, but he did not sur\'i\'e .tbi$ , . ..up .wougded Americans and fir:ing at. t~e. No~h Vietnamese
_ .. · . . _ ;.,;-~ay.-~e;.e_nemy~ttif11~q·-Hurdle's machine gun-aro.ut:~d· and~.,.. ~.,..-.,v,it_h.a,J1otqrJ.o.uslyjna_c.c.u.nn.e••:4.~.:<;~.ljp~r a_ytoin~ti~ pistol. He
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a SPECIAL REPORT
trachc:otomy. M:mn survived to receive the Medal of Honor.
!\ada! says. ··sy this time. all my platoon leaders had been
spotted Captain Lefebvre. "moaning. hi~ har.c blown a pan . killed or wounded and a number of my squad leaders killed."
and his thigh equally bad.'' Bc:ck bandaged hirr. ;.:;:'and yelled
Herren's men gained only about 100 yards: Nadal's
for a medic. Lefebvre was hauled back w the !<:ndin~ zone.
forward 150. It was now 5:40, and Moore reluctantlv
.
where the battalion intelligence officer, Caot. T,Jm ~.fetsker.
them to pull back apin. The artillery batteries had ~o sinoke
wounded in the shoulder, helped him onto wc::,ing hdicopshell~ but offced to su~stitute white-phosphorus shells-the
ter. Metsker was hit again and kilkd at ·the ch,~::-iler door.
k:mome "Willie Peter"' rounds that scattered tiny flaming
fragment~ and laid down a choking cloud o~ white smoke. Back·on the line, Beck heard someone scree.~.: ''Adams is
hit." He ran forward to find his fellow Penr.s-_·;-_·anian lvin~
Down on the critical left flank, Edwards's Charlie Company
was relatively unhurt but the field in front of it was littered with
beside his silent machine gun. "The side cif his he.ad was a mesS:
He was trving to talk to me but nothinl! was corr:ing out. His
North Vietnamese bodies. Delta Company had joined the thin
helmet
in front of me with a builet hole in it. :;~d I turned it
line, and the reinforcements that Moore had requested- UO
over. It seemed like' Adams's entire br:.:in fell C.L:t in front of
men of Bra\·o Company of-the 2nd Battalion of the 7th Cavalry
under Capt. Myron Diduryk- began arriving shortly after 5
rrie. I was horrified. I screamed over and over ic: the medic.''
Beck took over his friend's m:.1chine gun., ne was now
p.m. Sgt. John Setelin,a 21-year-old Virginian, was with them:
"A!' the chopper dropped in, I caught a glimpse of men in
holding the battalion's left flank, directly In tl::.:· path of the
enemy .. Aione. mumbling every prayer he co~.:;.: remember.
khaki. and I thought we must really be desperate if we are
Beck stopped them. "They were shooting at rr.;:. bullels hit·
bring!nl; in guys without giving them time to change into their
ting. the ground beside me
·
·
faticue unifonns. Then Ireand cracking above my
·
aliz-ed their rifles were
head. I was firing as fast as I
pointed at us: that was the
could in lone bursts."
enc:ny. When we jumped
LandincZoneX-Ravwas
out; people were firing
shrouded- in thick smoke
down on us; the gooks were
and dust. "It was a bedlam
up in the trees."
of men veiling and screamNight'..ime. By 7 o'clock.,
Moore had his men digging
ing in English, Vietnamese
and Spanish, a constant roar
in. For the first time, the
of rifle and machine-gun ·
Americans encircled the enfire punctuated by the
tire landing zone. Until
. shocking explosions of
now, Moore had thrown evbombs,. artillery shells and
en: man he had into a broad
rockets," Moore says. He
semicircle facing the mour
was on the radio to the 3rd
tain. The back si.de of )A
Brieade commander, Col.
R:Jy had been wide opeW'
Tim Brown, asking for reinbut, fortunately, no one bad
forcements. Brown bad a
come knocking.
·
.
company on alert.
The wounded got imme·
Late afternoon. At about
diate attention from med3:45, Moore ordered Na- Th~ boys in khaki. Few prisoners were taken: General Giap's
ics, inore from the battalion ·~
dal's and Herren's compa- peasant soldiers s:ood and died in the American fircstomr
surgeon's men at Moore's
·
nies to pull back, to evacucommand post, then were
· ·ate their wounded and dead and to prepare for an attack,
flown as quickly as possible to a clearing station at Camp
preceded by air and artiller)· barrages . .to res:~e the Lost
Holloway in Plciku set up by C Company of the 15th Medical .
Platoon. It began at 4:20. But the enemv ha~ :-:1oved forward
Battalion- "Charlie Me d." Capt. George Kelling, who ran
and dug shallow foxholes; snipers had climbi:d into the treeCharlie Med. recalls: "It was often a race against time to get
tops ....We stood up, got out of the trench and the whole world
blood into the soldier faster than he was losing it, while the
~e?'Pioded," recalls Lt. Dennis Deal. one of He~:-en's platoon
sur!!eons tied off the bleeders. We threw caution to the wind
·'·J~'aders. "Men we~edropping all over the pbc::. The assault: . and often gave a· patient four intravenous cut-downs-with.
'line first went to their knees, and the'n to a craw!ing position.four corpsmen squeezing the blood bags as hard as they
, Deal's platoon was pinned down hy mJchinc-pn fire from a
could. It was not unusual' for the patient·to· go into convul- , ,
termite hill when suddenly Deal saw "somt!or:;;· get up and
sions as a reaction to the rapid infusion of so much cold ·-~
charge, just like in a John Wayne movie." D~al :Jdds: "He ran
blood. But the alternative was to let him die."
25 yards across the open ground while all of us w.::-e crawlingBv dark, all the wounded had been evacuated and the dead
the firing was so intense. I saw .him throw a gre:-:adc bef!ind a
collected at Moore'scommand post; ammunition and water
termite hill, wait for it to go off. movt! around tc :he rear of the.
had been di~tributed: mortars and artillerv had been calibrattermite hill and empty his rifle. Then he fell to hi~ knees. I said
ed to fire on a tight ring just 25 yards outside the American
to myself: Please get up, whoever you are, don't be hurt."
lines.' Moore now made the rounds. "Morale was high," he
It was Lt. Joe Mann, another Pennsvlvani<ln who was Naremembers. "We knew we were facing a tough enemy. We
dars favorite junior officer, another
the b~tch of green
had lost a lot of good men, but we had stopped them."
hlieudtefinants '!'dho had Jk'oined the battalion that s~,;mmcr. Marm
Up on the slopes of Chu Pong, the Lost Platoon wads on its
a
rst tne to ta ·e out thl.! encm\· mad:ir:e gun with a
own: Sergc3nt Sav3ge had been told that there wou 1 be no .
shoulder-fired light antitank (LA\\') n).:ket. Later~ he said he
rescu:· toni!!ht. He and his men could hear the North Vietnam- i
charged the machine-gun nest simply "to get th;; job done and
. esc talking. -and took some comfort from radioing instructic
~-,
sa~e time." He destroyed the gun and killed :! dozen North
that brought artillery fire down on the voices. During the nigA
V1etnamese operating and protecting it: !A.~ he i::0ppcd up tho.:
with the wounded pressed into service, too, Savage's plata. .
last of the e.~«7!flY· a sniper round_ 5m<t~hcd intC' his face and'
withstood three_ North Vietnamese attacks, i?cluding one
.:· 8¥,t,,~hfO.~.~~;.~?f1~~?a.t:)·,~e"~e~!.-=~··.pcrfor~c::: 1 a. b_a.~tl.~~·~l.d: -~ Jaun_ched by ee:•e bugl_e calls from. the·.I1l~:>Unt~m a~ove..
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1;-~~~:=c. :~;r:t;:~;B'!:.)-"*"~:~7" "'""~·;~.,"~~~~~.&:;>~6·~~-'·Xf.fj?:f~~~~~lf~OCTOB.,;.._;,., 0
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SPECIAL REPORT
er. they counted more than 100 enemy dead in front of
m~chine gun. Parish was awarded the Silver Stu for valo
After 10, Crandall and Free:nan fin2.lh shut dow~ :~eir
By now Captain Edwards was urgently calline for re
helicopters at.the Turkey Farm. a tempo raT)· chopper pa: ::;:;ar
force:nems. _As Na~al sent one of his platoons to help E
Pleiku. 37 miles northeast of X-R:~v. Thev and their iellow
w~rds, th~ North VIetnamese ~harg~d Nadal's own positi
I.
pilots had fio..,..-n nonstop since 6 a.m:."Whe.n 1 tried tog::: out
Tne landtng zone was now bemg hit from three sides. l'v
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of the aircraft, it .caught up with me- rr.y legs gave out. and I
chine-gun fire swept over the landing zone and throu
fell to the ground vomiting anc sh:~kin~:." Crandall recalls. ''It
Moore's command post. The colonel's radio operator. B
took 15 gallons of water to-wash the blood out of myfirs: ship,
Ou!lettt. a bespectac_led young French Canadian, slumF
more for the second one I flew that da,·." Moore's bat:alion
over. The crusty medtcal-platoon sergeant, Thomas H. K,
had lost 27 dead and 69 wounded.lea,·in~ it with G offic:::~s and
r
to~·· walked <?ver: "I th?ught he'd ~one to sleep. I kicked
326 men. The artillen·men at Landin!! Zone Falcon had fired
hell out of htm, t?ld htm to. get on his ass and help us 1c
.1;
4,000 rounds in support of Moore's men at X-R:1y.
.the wounded. I ptcked up h1s helmet and a bullet fell out
II·.··
it. It had knocked him cold."
i -:
Moore asked for more reinforcements; brigade comma:
FlX BAYONETS: Holding the thin green line
I''
er Col. Tim Brown had Alpha Companv of the 2nd Battal
I •
By first light, at 6:30, Moore ordered his co:npa-·
of the ith Cavalry on alert.
•
~ :
The North Vietnamese were pressing their attack aea:
nies to send out scouts to check for enem'-· infiitrators and snipers who might havr. crawie2 up to
Edwards's Charlie Company. "I stood -up to observe be·
the American
·
·
and saw the North V
lines durine
namese at a distance of
the nieht. The scouts from
vards, a verv large fore
Charlie Company 'ran into
Edwards' recalls. - .. 1 sa•
trouble barely 100 yards forcouple of them in hand-;
nade range mO'I.ing to""
ward of the line, on the left.
Some 300 North Vietus. 1 threw a grenade
namese, heavily camouwas shot under the arm
flaged and c:-awling on
in the back. I didn't
hands and knees, attacked.
consciousness: but
The scouts were taking capost couldn't stand up;" The
sualties as they tried to pull
·badly wounded, Edw
back. Sgt. Robert Jemison
remained in command:
of Columbus, Ga., recalls:
more hours, until the at
. '.
"The patrols sent out early
was finally beaten off.']
I
saved us from being surhis radio operator, E
! .
.,I.:
. prised. They came running
ZJII3:!l1st Battafion/ 71h taValry ~ Paolone, who was
back, yelling. 'They're com[31!11 2nd Battalion/71h Cavalry ..· wounded, dragged hi1
ing. Sarge, they're coming.
~ 2 nd Battalion/Sth Cavalry
the aid station. Tne 1st
Lots of 'em.' Our machine
Killed Wounoe:l
~
toon commander, Lt.
25
46
~People's Army of Vtetnam
Kroger, 24, was found
guns and rifles cut them
· down."
Hand-to-ilarid combat. Edwards ·s men hold. The Lost Platoon is
in his foxhole, surrou
Pfc. Willie Godboldt was rescued and D Company's nine machine gw1s do a deadly job
by four North Vietna
hit and yelled for help. Jehe had killed v.ith his·
mison was leaving his hole when the platoon commander, Lt.
net. A fifth, strangled-to death, was in the hole with him
John Geoghegan, stood up, saying. "I'll go." Geoghegan was
Kroger's hands locked around his neck.
shot in the head and killed. He was an honors 2raduate of
At around 8, with the North Vietnamese pressing
Pennsvlvania Militarv College. He had deferred his Arm,.
attacks against Edwards's Charlie Company and Nadal
commitment for two vears to-earn a master's des:ree from the
ph a Company, the Delta Company antitank platoon. ·
Universi~ of Pennsylvania, arid in 196~ had r:1arried his colleg::-' · had traded in its unneeded antitank weapons for si.x .30-c
sweetheart. John and Barbara Geoghegan spent the next ye~r
M-60 machine guns-each with a full four-man crew and
working for Catholic Relief Services in Tan:~nia. Their daughthe usual load of ammunition-came under heavy attac:
I
:ter, Camille. was born two months before he lefi for Vietnam.
three M-60 machine guns of the reconnaissance platoo
At 7:15, Delta Company had come under heavy attack. and
had been added to that sector of the line. "They pick•
'
X-Ray was under pressure from two sides. "Hand grenades
wrong place,'' Moore says. "Adams's machine guns c:
:
! ..
were exploding all around us:· recalls Sgt. Warren E. Adams.
them up; they were killing guys 700 or 800 yards out."
"One fell in the mortar guys· hole. Sergeant Niemeyer threw a
But Landing Zone X-Ray was in grave danger of •
leg over it and his leg was blown off. Nobody else was hurt. I
overrun. The mortarmen; set up in pits near Moore':
mand post, were firing both their 81-mm mortars anc
decided the grenades were com in~ from an anthill nearby. so I
;•,
grabbed my radio operator and took off with a grenade in each
rifles and were taking heavy enemy fire. One mortar •
hand and we cleaned up six or eight Vietnamese."
and knocked out. At least two others grew so hot fror.
Specialist 4 Willard Parish, :4, of Bristow. Okla., was a
firing. that there was danger of a shell cooking off -eXI
Charlie Company mortarman. but this morning he manned a
before it left the tube. Water was scarce. so the sereea:
machine gun. "1 looked tO the front. and it seemed like the
their I!Unners StoOd and urinated on the mortars tO COO
North Vietnamese were l!rowinc out of the .... eed~:· he reMoore now ordered the.reconnaissance platoon.
members. "The· training took o,:Cr. I just fired that wcapor..
reserve. to counterattack into the Charlie and Delta Cc
.. tota,lly u~aware of the time. the conditions. I rernerr.t';;:r a lot
sectors. and he called in the helicopters carrying. the
........ ,,,'
· ., ...... C?[!l9i~~,!llot .Q.f.yelling. air strikes. Then quiet. •: When he ran : . ,Cqmpany~ 2nd Battalion,. reinforcements. He then pu:
..
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· ·· our of-machine~gu·n~·iin1nfifriition Parish'stoodcup..witli; a·;A::'-.. don~k' arid one ·of his platoons;back into reserve~· on
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·caliber automatic pistot in each hand ar.ct kcp: shoot in~. 't;·;::-:: :·:r.ei~foi'ce;#ly'.~~c.~i9n~9f:the~l~nl=~tbat.'~mbled.: F · ·
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Moore called for all his unit~ to mar): t~eir !oc:nion~ ior the ! to whee Ht:nry .Ht:rrick was lying dead," Lieutenant Deal
ro::ca:b. ··It secmcd ~o unnatural for mv friend to be lving
pilots overhead and the anillcry oh,..:r. <:~::, ry rr.:-:•wir.~ Cl'il'•<:::i
smoke grenades. Air Force Lt. Charli_<: i-l.astin~s. the: for., ;;rc
stt1r.:a-::1 Jo11 :c .,.,.ith his face in the red dust. I looked awav· i did
air controller, savs. "On the sl!cond mo~:1in£. ! :.Jscd :h..: -:ode
not WJ·n: to r~ mt:mbcr him that wa~:. But I have." Sc·r~ea·~
word for an Ame.rican unit in trouhie Jnc ~ecei1ed all a'aii:Jbk
Savag~ had not lost a single man after taking comman~
despite a long night and day of attacks. When Herren's men
aircraft in South Vietnam for -:lost: air St.;:-:oor:. We hJd :.~ir.:r:ltt
stacked at LOOO-foot intervals frum '7.L''~ .. ·~ ic:::: tll ~:'.OlJ\1 ie.:t.
toid th-:m that it was sa fl.! to get up. not one of them moved for 5
each waiting to receive a tan:..:! ... Two :;;o~..: b::t::.:-ies of 10:'·
minut~s. "Thl!y just st;tred at us in disbelief.'' Deal savs.
Nightfall. With ·his reinforcements, Moore beefed 'up the
mm howitze-rs were deposited in L:.~ndir:; Zor...: Columhu~. : ..:'
miles from X-Ray, putting. a tot:J! of :..: artiiic:; pi.:c:::-; in
lincs. Hi~ t:.~lly shuwed that on Day Two his battalion had
support of Moore. As all that blc~~ed re:ief iained down; ar..
lost two officers and 44 men killed, three officers and 22
·accident came perilously close to 1\ipir.; out \:norc ad hi~
nien wounded: the four line companies were down to eight
· command post. An Air Force f. IOU Sup::~ Saor;: je: mi;;t~!t~.:r:l:
officer~ and :~,·.1 ml!r.. Charlie Company had started the dav
dropped two canisters of napalm into :!1.: aie:i. Moor;.· \1 a~
with fi1·e offic>:~s :1nd 102 men and ended it with no officers
shouting at Hastings, the air cc:mollc. to ca!! otr thL' F-i\I(J
and 4:' men. A bright moon rose in a clear sl.:v before mid. nig.ht and lighted tiie battlefield.
':
pilot's ~ingman, who was about to rekas.: hi' napalm. too.
Set. George Nve of the 8th En!!in.:e~ B~Htaiion had com;: in
with a small demolition team to helo ~k.on:·s buttaliun. "Two·
CHECKMATE: Driving off the enemy
of my people,Pfc. Jimmy D. Nakay~m:: and Spcciaiist 5 James
Clark, were a few vards
At 4:22. an e~awav. and Colond l'viocre
t '\
timated 300
wa~· hollering something
North Vietabout a wing man and I
namese
at. looked up." Nye rec:.~lls.
tacked Capt.
"There were two planes,
Myron Diduryk's sector
and one had alreadv.
from the southeast. Didropped his napalm. Then
duryk, 27, a native of the
evervthinc was on fire. NaUkraine who had emigratkayama was all black and
ed to the United States at
Clark was all burned and
age 12, was,
Moo.re's
bleeding." Nakayama died.
v.;ords, "the best battlefield
Three davs later, Nve
company commander I've ~~
learned th.at Nakavam:i's
ever known;·including n:tYwife had given· birth. to a
self in Korea."
baby girl on the day her husDiduryk had prepa.
band was killed. Soon afterfor t_he possibility of a ni
ward, orders came throuch
attack. His men were due in
deeply, two to a foxhole,
approving Nakayama's
·.· ·'1
and the holes were spaced
serve commission as a secand lieutenant.·
... to provide interlocking sup- .
Just after 9 a.m., with the Chow and ammunition . .4 wowtdcd trooper uwai:.~ cmc uarion amid port .. Before nightfall DiAlpha Company reinforce- tlu: stockpiled S!l,.'?plic:s cfwrcrins Moores comnwnd pusr
duryk and his anillery ob- .
ments arriving; Moore shift~ . .
server, Lt. William Lund;·
ed Didurvk's men into the battered lir:.: hc!c rv what was left of
h:.~d registered the artillery ranges so the 105-mm howitzers at .
Edwards:s Charlie Company. Se:g·~~!r',t Se:.e!in rcmemr-e~s
Landin!! Zone~ Falcon and Columbus could fire instantlv.
Now. b~· the light of parachute flares kicked out of an Air
crawling along that line finding. foxhoie after foxhole fi!lcd
with dead Americans. Bv 10, ttie enem1 ;m:.:ck had been be:Hen
Force C-123 overhead. Diduryk's men poured rifle and rnaoff. Edwards and his men had h.c!d. .
chine-gun fire on the attackinc North Vietnamese while Di:': '·':4::. Afternoon.- Three hours later. rvtoore ordcn:c all four comdun·k ~md Lund directed artillerv fire back and fonh across
·· panies on the line to move out 30(1 ·.-:.:n.b IL' the front and
th.: ·killing zone. The North Vietnamese broke and ran.
Nine nl'inutes after the first attack, thev tried a cain, this time
police the battleground. Dead North. Vietnamese and tht:ir
weapons littered the area. Some en.:r.~\· dead were n..:a:l\·
with abllUI 200 men. A!!ain, American 'artillen·-and rifle fire
stacked behind the termite hills: thi..:i.; tr~ib of blood marked
chewed them up. The attack shifted to the sOuthwest. The
where others had been drag!!ed awa\. i\torc than 40 dead·
l'iorth Vietnamese were thrown back a third time.
Americans were recovered
evacu.ated. What was left of
"I heard bugles blowing." says Specialist 4 Pat Selleck, a 24Charlie Company was pulled out of th..: line.
year-old rifleman Tram New York City. "lsaw, in the light of
Earlier in the day, the brigade comm:1nder. Colonel Brown.
the flares. waves of the encmv comi:lg down off the mountain
had moved the 2nd Battalion of the 5th Cavalrv.led bv Lt. Col.
in a straight line. The compa~y was s-hooting them like ducks
Robert Tully, to Landin!! Zone Victm. 2 m'i!'esfron", x~R:~v.
in a pond." Twicl.! during the attacks, Moore's reeonnaissance·
and told them to reinforc-e Moor.:. B\ nl 10n. thcv were closin!!
pl:ltoon had carried huge loads of ammunition out to Didurin on Moore's position. and what ·th;;\· saw siunnl!d them~.
vk's men. Less than 2 hours later, at 6:27, the Nonh VietnamSergeant Adams was on the line when the firs; of Tulh·'s men
~se att:.~cked al!ain. this time directlv at Didurvk's comin<md
marched in. "My God, ther(; ·~ enc:;-,1 bocie~ all o~·cr thi>
post. Now. in less than 15 minutes, the attacker.; were drag·
valley." the newcomer shouted. "Forth~ b~t :-n minute~. we've
ging off thi.:ir d~.::1d. Diduryk had only six men light!)' wound·:
been walking around and O\'er and thmu!!h (Jodie~...
1 cd. hut th~ field in front of him was piled with enemy dr ·t ...
Moore now ordered a f\\•o-pron!.!ed att,;ck- hv two compaDidurvk would rl.!t urn to Vietnam for another tour o f .
nies of, Tully's men across thl.! sior.: of Chu Pong and hy
with the 1st C:1valn·. In the sprin!! of 1970, in another ian u!'
: . Her:e~sBravo.Co~pan~: to re~cl.IC th.: Lost Platoon. H::rr~n·~
zone. he was killed hy a sniper.. ·
~!
;. ,;;;·· · ' •. ;· m~~:f~<J,c:;~~9 ~-~-~ .~.!19H.at~_,:IO: ·,~\hen 1 !!Ot th~rc I walk..:d o.n:r· ., . Mnur~.: nt,.'\ invented something that would be widelv useJ...
1
Iii
in
re-
:...:;::·
...
and
I
....
.
;.i;:~ ;~~~~~:~i~~~~~~~t~~i~i,&~~;~J~{:~~ii,: ~~. ·~~- ~ ;· r ,.::~; ;J_:y~ ~~}·;::;;~:}: ... ~--;·~:.!:~:;:·· ~-+2~·. ;:~ ~: ~l?i s~
1
.
.-;·::,
., · .:,,.
(
f!· .·
-
-··-·- -----~---
tJ
�r
...
B
,
;·
•
SPECL\L REPORT
~.
Moore unslung his M-16 rifle and laid it across the bar; Crandall and Mills sighed and pulled ou: ·heir .38-caliber pistols.
"You've got exactly 30 seconds to g.e: some drinks on this bar
or I"m going to clean house." Moore said through clenched
tee:h~ They drank, and when it dawned on the crowd who
the:.- unwashed and unwanted guest was, t~ey drank for free.
To this point, the Ia Drang Campaign had been a magnificent feat for the cavalry. But before the fighting ended another 155 Americans would die in the Ia Drang Valley.
for the rest of the Vietnam \Var. Finding that his companies
had plenty of ammunition, he ordered every man on the line.
on a signal at 6:55. to shoot anvthinc in front of t:·..2ir lines that
worried them. When this "Mad Minute .. of r;::Jdom firin2
began, 50 Nonh Vietnamese leapt up !50 yards forv.:ard of
Alpha Company of the 2nd Batt.Jiion of the 7th Ca"alry. The
Nonh Vietnamese had been sneakinc uo and assumed the
firing meant they had been spotted. Th~y were shot down.
Elsewhere alone the line. the "reconnaissance tw fire·· killed
AMBUSH: Blundering into disaster
si.."< other Nonh Vietnamese, including rwo snipers shot out of
the trees. A third sniper was spotted an hour later trying to
On the morning after Moore's battalion left Xclimb down and get away. He, too, was killed.
Ray, with another massive B-52 raid planned on
At 9:55, Moore ordered the .nine comoanies now on the
Chu Pong, the two battalions that had relieved
Moore's men- Bob McDade's 2nd Battalion of
line to move forward 500 vards. Within· the first 50 vards.
Di9uryk's men came under hea\'y fire. rvtoore pulled· them
the 7th Cavalry and Bob Tully's 2nd Battalion of
back and called in artillerv and air bombardm~nt that killed
the 5th Cavalry-were ordered to march to two nearby landing
another 27 of the ene:n\·: The rest oi the 2nd Battalion of
zones. The brigade commander intended to continue maneuthe 7th Cavalry, under Lt.
vering to block the enemy's.
retreat and to destroy him.
Col. Robert McDade. now
be!.!an arriving at X-Rav
Tully, an experienced
fro-m Landing Zone Victor.
commander, marched his
Specialist 4 Jack Smith, now
men out of X-Ray the
an ABC-TV corresponsame way they had arrived:
dent, later wrote: "The 1st
Two companies abreast
Battalion had been fighting
with artillery fire pounding
continuousiv for three or
the brush ahead of them.
four days, and I had never
In less than 2 hours,, his
seen such filthy troops.
men covered the 2•1z miles
They all had that look of
to Landing Zone Columshock. They said little, just
bus. But McDade, who.
looked around with dartin!!,
· onlv three weeks before
nervous eves. Whenever -I
· had been the division's perheard a shell coming close,
sonnel officer, had not
I'd ·duck but they kept
commanded troops in 10
t:!:l3:!] 1st Battafion/7th cavalry :
years. Staff officers needed
standing. There must have
been about 1,000 rotting
!:!3!1 2nd.BattaHon/ 7th Cavalry
a battalion command in orbodies out there, starting at
r.::!J3!l 2nd Battalion/Sth Cavalry
der to make colonel, and
~ People'sArmyofVietnam
M aJ. G en. H arry W . 0 .
·
a b out ., 0 ~
.. teet, surroun d'In!!
the giant circle of foxholes." Myron Diduryk's moment. Delta Company easi(1• beat off the
Kinnard had given MeMcDade's and Tullv's enemy's lust attacks. Hal Moore ham!:; 0\'Cr a nOK' sil£'111 battlefield Dade his battalion, but not
battalions were to relieve
without reservations. He
Moore's men at X-Ray, but Moore did not hand over his
had sent his personal aide, Maj. Frank Henry, to serve as
position until every company had accounted for every one of
McDade's second-in-command and to "keep things going ttl!
its men. Long ago, at Fort Benning. he had promised his · McDade could get his feet wet."
battalion that he would never leave a man on the battlefield, · · As Tully, who had left first, neared his objective at Land. never permit one man to be carried as "missing in action." ·
in!! Zone Columbus. he radioed McDade and offered to
In three days and tv.·o nights, his hattalion and attached
ha'\·e his artillery specialist relay the correct coordinates to
units had lost 79 killed and 121 woun~:Jc.:d. The encmv had.Jost ·· .. McDaqc's artillt:ry man· so that McDade's men would have
an estimated 1;300 dead. Approximately 400 Americ<m air .. ·. th~
protection on the way out of X-Ray. McDade said
sorties had been flown in close. support, the artillerymen at
it ...;-asn't necessarv and moved out.
Landing Zones Falcon and Columbus had fired some 18,000
McDade's lead· unit, Alpha Company, was deployed in a
wedge formation, and the rear guard- a company borrowed
shells, and helicopter gunships had fired 3,000 2.75-inch
rockets. Before Moore's men left, thev were treated to one
from the 1st Battalion of the 5th Cavalry-was also properly
last spectacular. Shortly after noon, Chu Pong erupted as.24
deployed, but those in between marched sirigle file with !ittle
Guam-based B-52 strategic bombers. for the first time in
regard for security. Some men had gone two days and mghts
histc;>ry. bombed in close support of troops on the ground.
without sleep, and during their frequent stops they sprawled,
Fmally, Moore gave the O.K., and the helicopters began
exhausted, in the grass.
lifting his men out of the vallev. Hal Moore the first man-on
The 8th Battalion of the 66th People's Army Regiment
the ground, was the last man of his b:~ttalio~ to leave. In the
was taking a rice break at midday along the Ia Orang River
cockpit of the helicopter that carried him awav were his old
when scouts reported that the Americans were approachpilot buddies Bruce Crandall and Jon Mil!~. After thev landed
ing. l\1cDadc's lead unit captured two prisoners, and the
at Camp Holloway in Pleiku, Moore checked to make certain
Ame:-icans halted for 20 minutes while they were interrohis men were being taken care of and then rejoined the pilots.
gated. That permitted the enemy commander time to set up
"Where cari we get a drink around here'? .. he asked. Crandall
a hasty L-shaped ambush. The North Vietnamese planted
and Mills pointed to a small officers· cluh ne:~rhv. Inside, thev ·
their machine guns atop the termite hills and raced through
ordered gin and tonic. but the hartendcr refused to serve
the jungle, drawing the long leg of the L alongside the
. -~~em, ~"•' 1 /l"I'C:i"'-',.1..~ .'.• disdainfully at Moore: ·'He's too dirt~·.:: t •• Americans. ··-~·! ···--·•·- -·•.-• "'"" ~ •• .,_ ..... ·"~· '" ··,,..,..·
~ointing :i•,•tl.:,-i:f·:'. I
•.
· ··
·:
~'"'~•,
.
,.
-··· .. l~·-:·:··'"·:·
.
• ,f:. - •
same
I
1~
\~ I
I,
·;
U:S.N£\.\"S'&;'wowfREroRT. OcTOBER ~'!1. !~•·
47 .
�e;• A8&5 e
-!·: =:;
l
.
.
'
wounded on !'iovemher 1'7. pi:Jyed dead whik the ene~y executd othe~~ near him and then c~awled off to a creek ~ed. On
the third d<.:'. the last m<.:n in a suu~d of :\orth Vietn:Jmese
· troops passing by spotted B ravebo~· lying in the brush against
the bank and turned. raising hi~.~··-+~ rifle ro finish him off.
Braveboy lifted his shatte~e-d left hand in supplication. shaking his heJd. ''He was so young. jus; a boy. not more than 16 or
F, .. Br:l\ etJoy recall.ed afte:--.v<Jrd. "He walked away."
.
\ ..
i.
EPILOGUE: Deiivering the sac news
The cuns were silent at last. But C.OOO miles awav. in Columtl'Us. Ga .. the sleepy S•.'uthern town outside Fort Benning. the tragedy was just b-:ginning to uniold. It was early in
the war; and the Armv had not vet formed the casualtvno:ification teams that iarer delivered and tried to soften the
terrible G·:·ws. The telegrams were simply handed over to taxi
6 p"
8
6&¥
s
t.:
dri,·e:-s to deli\·er. Some women collapsed at the sight of a
<::Jb. pulling up outside; others huddled inside. refusing to
z.nswe:- the knod: .
Lt. Col. Hal .\loore and his men had done their duty in
Ia Drang Valley. Now Julia Compton Moore-the daught
of an Armv colonel. the wife of a future Armv 2.eneral and the
mothe:- of two sons who would follow the(r 'i'ather to West
Point -would do hers. Julie Moore knocked on too manv
door; in the flimsy thin-walled apartment complexes and
tiaiier parks around Columbus-grieving \vith the women,
. comioninc the children and wonderinc when the taxicab
might come to her door. She never forgot one very young,
Hispanic widow, pregnant wi.rh a baby who ·would come into
this wodd fatherless. Julie ·Moore attended the funerals of all
he~ husband's men who were buried at Fort Benninc.
.. If .you want to know the true cost of victory in the Ia
Drang. ask Julie Moore.
•
!
might ask
S ornethese years.whv haven't ·
I forgotten about Vietnam
after all
Every night
I
I
i.
,.
i.
II
Tony Nadal. An Army b=:zt
Joe Marm. Medal oj Honor
Galen Bungo..1m. Farm life
George Nye. Finding peace
:e::hes physic:.! and earth sciences at Venice (Calif,) High
School and lives in Lawndale. ··
D Ronert Edwan:ls, 52, re.tired
a colonel ir: 1983. He is the assis• '
tant borough manaf;'!r of Dublin. Pa.
· · · r. , ,..}·' •,
• Dennis Deal, 48; left t..'le Aimy.
as a captain in Dec:mber,l967.
He is an accountant and lives in·
Pittsburgh. Pa.
II Camille
Geoghegan, the
dau!!hter of Lt. John Geochegan: turned 25 this year. -She
WOiks for a bank in \Vashington,
D. C.. and belongs to. In Touch,
ar: organization that helps
friends and relatives of the
SS.OIJO wh,. died in Vietnam
contact each other.
as
.: ueorge Nye, 50. served 4 vears, Ur.iversitv of. Austria in InnsS months and 10 davs in ·Viet- . bruck and a Ph.D. in psychology
nam. most in the Special Forces. from Munich University. He
He was evacuated with "-'OUnds owns a property management
ori Jan. 5, 19i0. and· sp~nt 18 firm· ir. Tampa. Fla.
~ months in Army hospitals. Nye
• Robert Jemison, Jr., 59, retired
·; retired as a ser!!e:mt in June, as a sers:eant first class in 1976,
1975. and lives .in Bangor, Me. after : . (years s~rvice. He spent
1-i:: spends his days hiking and , 32. months in the hospital refishing the . Maine woods ! cove:in!!. from wounds suffered
"where I find some peace.''
in the Drane. Jemison works
• Warren Adams, 60, retired as part time as a security guard in
the best-educated command Columbus, Ges., and says,
se:-£eant major in .the Army in "E3ch nicht I co back to Viet196;3. Assigned tO spy ori stu- nam to ftght ihat sam~ battle
de:m in Europe in the !at~ 194(Js over and over.··
anc early 1Y50s. he earned a
Ti:~· r.amcs of 23.J men killed
bachelor's dct:rec from the Uni- in the rr. Orang arc engnn·~d 011
ve:-sirv of Au~tria in Vienna a Pan.:! .'-Eo( tlu: l'ic!l!um Vetermast;~·~ degree in history ut the ans ,\f<-mortai in 1-FashingtcHL ·
Ia
I rub a towel over all my scars
and see them in the mirror. I
think of all those guys killed in
action, wounded in action and
their friends, their relatives and
all those altered lives. How
could I forget?
In a way, I never feel as bad
as when I'm feeling good. I may
hear a beautiful song or see a
bird or some beautiful scenery,
and 1think of all the g'Jys who
aren't here to
·
enjoy those
things. They
never owned a
microwave
oven, never
saw man walk
on the moon.
It's not so
much what we
went through
as it is knowing what the other
guys went through: They di~
· dirty. They died hot hungry and
exhausted; Some died trying to
hold in their intestines. They
died thinking that their loved
ones would never know how
they died. They died a'mong
ants, scorpions and snakes.
They hadn't fain on a mattress
in two or three months or even
had a cold drink.
I'm so proud to have been
there and so proud of the guys
who were there with me. I
fought for this country and now
I own and farm 120 acres ofr'ny
country. To me that seems
proper, and just, and so right
.
\
�..
.
... :
~.-;1!
t
\
'
'
The photo on the front cover is of a rescue operation in ''Happy
Val1ey" in Central Vietnam in 1966. It is pertinent to this subject
·because it is the first and only time that Ed Freeman (Ancient
Serpent 1-6) and Bruce Crandal1 (Ancient Serpent 6} shared a
. cockpit in Vietnam. This was Big Ed's last flight and only came
about because Frank Moreno (Ed's co-pilot for most of 1965-66)
was out on a mission without Ed and was downed. Frank is the
individual in the lower right running to help others, or so he
claimed. I've always felt he saw Big Ed in the cockpit and was
looking for a way out.
There is no place to land due to trees, stumps, large rocks
and the downed helicopter. The wounded loading on the same
side of the helicopter while at a hover tested the skill limit of the
pilot Note that Big Ed is in the right seat (see the high knees in
the window). The left (the Command seat) was occupied by Snake
6, as it should be! Skill and rank win out every time.
This photo was blown up to a 10 X 16 foot photograph and
. used ~ a background at the Aviation and Space Writers Helicopter
Heroism, Award dinner on May 15, 1967 at Cea<;ar's Pa.lacc Hotel
in
Vegas. It was, at that time, the largest single piece
photograph ever made .
1:as
.This award recommendation packet was lovingly
assembled with great honor and respect for Ed W.
Freenw.n, a soldiers soldier, an aviators aviator, a fine
hunw.n being and a great and valued friend of over 45
years by Arlene and Bruce.CrandalL
���
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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[Freeman] Medal of Honor [binder] [4]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-005-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/28de26b416736cf770e1fffec404e097.pdf
5c74e310f0eaa17e84c17c13f64f0fa5
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008~0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
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administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
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Folder Title:
Iraq Op-ed [ 1]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
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Section:
Shelf:
Position:
48
~
8
3
Stack:
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
SUBJECTrriTLE
DATE
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n.d.
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
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IraqOp-Ed [I]
2008-0703-F
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b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
PI
P2
PJ
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
��~
04/13/00
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~001
United States Department ofState
Washington, D. C. 20520
April 13, 2000
FAX COVER SHEET
TO:
Ken Pollack ·
FAJ(: 202~456-9120
PHONE: 202-456-9121
FROM:
Rebecca King, Iraq Desk
FAJ(:
202-736~4464
202-647-5692
PHONE:
SUBJECT:
PD info
PAGES:
_21_ including cover sheet' .. _.
i •~
MESSAGE:
-Ken:
per your message, ~ttached are: Cunningham's speech at the,UN, two items USUN handed
out to the press on the same day, and a list of questions we gave to Congressman Hall for
·
his trip (the latter is close-hold, please). These are our jumping off points.
Call me if you want to discuss, or if you need something else.
Talk to you later.
.f:
�04/13/00
THU 16.:52 FAX 202 736 4464
~ 002
NEA/NGA ·
... :Statement in the Security Cc;mncil on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24,200 Page 1 of 14
Ambassador James B. Cuimingham
Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations
.
.
Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq
March 24, 2000
USUN PRESS RELEASE # 41 (00)
Marth 24, 2000
As Prepared for Delivery
Statement by James B. Cunningham, United States Deputy Permanent Representative to the
United Nations, on the Report o[the Secretary-General* pursuant to paragraphs 28 and 30
ofresolution 1284 (1999) and paragraph 5 ofresolution 1281 (1999), Security Council,
March 24, 2000
·
MR. PRESIDENT,
THE COUNCIL HAS THREE GOALS BEFORE US TODAY:. TO REVIEW THE
SANCTIONS ON IRAQ, TO EXAMINE THE STATE.OF I~Q'S OIL PRODUCTION
· CAPACITY AND LOOK TO ALLOCATIONS IN THAJ FIE.I!.D, Al'{D TO ASSESS
PROGRESS ON.THE HUMANITARIAN SECTIONSQ:f:.RESOLJ.[fJON.l284. TAKING A
COMPREHENSIVE b00K AT THE HUMANITARI~.SI'r1.JA11Q~ IN IRAQ TO
FOCUS IMPROVEMENTS EVEN MORE SHARPLY IS ALSO A PROCESS ·· .
ENVISAGED IN 1284. TODAY, MY DELEGATION INTENDS TO~OFFER~ .
, ... ,
CONSTRUCTIVE IDEAS IN ALL OF THESE AREAS·.·
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INTRODUCTION: SANCTIONS ARE THE LEVER FOR COMPLIANCE
TO ACCOMPLISH OUR FIRST GOAL -ASSESSING IRAQI SANCTIONS, IT WOULD
BE USEFUL TO RECALL HOW WE GOT HERE. IN 1990 AND 1991, IRAQ
ATIEMPTED TO ANNIHILATE ITS
NEIGHBOR, STRIP IT OF ITS PROPERTY AND RESOURCES, AND SEIZE ITS OIL.
THE SECURITY COUNCIL AND A STRONG INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE
PREVENTED IRAQ FROM SUCCEEDING IN TillS. FOLLOWING THE CONFLICT,
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY DECIDED IT HAD TO DISARM IRAQ OF ~
WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION AND ENSURE THAT IT WOULD NEVER ~
,_ AGAIN BECOME A THREAT TO INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND STABILITY.
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MR. PRESIDENT,
I TRUST NO ONE HERE TODAY WILL SUGGEST THAT GOAL HAS BEEN
ACIDEVED. IRAQ
REMAINS A THREAT. UNANSWERED QUESTIONS REMAIN IN THE AREAS OF
NUCLEAR,
·.
.
CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS AND THE MISSILES TO DELIVER
THEM. AND, GIVEN THE LONG PATIERN OF UNACCEPTABLE IRAQI BEHAVIOR,
INCLUDING PUBLIC
PRONOUNCEMENTS REJECTING RESOLUTION 1284, THERE WILL BE A NEED TO
MONITOR
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141 003
... :Statement in; the Security Council on the. Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24,200 Page 2 of 14
IRAQ'S WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION (WMD) CAPABILITY FOR A LONG
TIME TO COME. IN THE MEANTIME, SANCTIONS ARE THE LEVE~G~Fo
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY HAS TO GEI THE GOVERNMENTOF iRAQ TQ
"" COMPLY. THAT IS THE GOAL.
AS LONG AS IRAQ IS NOT MEETING ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER SECURITY
COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS. SANCTIONS REMAIN ESSENTIAL TO PREVENT THE
IRAQI REGIME FROM OBTAINING EQUIPMENT AND MATERIALS NEEDED TO
• FULFILL liS AMBI'llON TO DEVELOP WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION. _
- CLEARLY, IRAQ MOST COMPLY FULLY WITH ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER UN
SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS BEFORE THOSE SANCTIONS CAN BE ·
LIFTED.
.
.
.
IRAQ'S RESPONSIBIUTY_
AS THE SECRETARY-GENERAL'S REPORT MAKES CLEAR, OIL-FOR-FOOD WILL·
NEVER SUPPLANT THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ TO
PROVIDE FOR THE NEEDS OF ITS PEOPLE. IT WAS DESIGNED TO ALLEVIATE
-THE IMPACT OF SANCTIONS ON THE IRAQI PEOPLE. BECAUSE IRAQ
.
CONTINUES TO EVADE ITS DISARMAMENT OBLIGATIONS, SANCTIONS HAVE
CONTINUED FOR A PERIOD UNIMAGINED. AT THE SAME TIME, THE REFUSAL
OVER TIME OF THE IRAQI REGIME TO FULFILL ITS RESPONSIBILI~IES TO CARE
AND FEED FOR ITS OWN PEOPLE ALSO HAS BEEN UNIMAGINED AND STILL
REMAINS HARD TO COMPREHEND.
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A COUNTRY THAT ONCE SPENT A BILLION DOLLARS ON EDUCAffiON ,~. . ·.
SUSTAINS A BLOATED'·MILITARY INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX INSTEAD~ IRAQ HAS
· CONSISTENTL YUND:ER;SPENi··.ON'EDUCATION; AND HAS C~QSEN T02~UILD
,.
,
PALACES OVER SCHOOLS. EVEN NOW; SEVEN PHASES INTO THE PROGRAM, . @ .• . . ·
,
,IR!\Q'~~NSISTENTI.:.Y·UNDER!:ORDERS FOQDSruFF$ 1\NP I:IAS·.N<£VER'ME't T:HE <.· ... ,t'J _ .. ~r.~- · _,. ,:
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'MINIMUM CALORIE AND PROTEIN TARGETS SET BY THE·SECRETARY·. -· 1 • ~T ,; ,. · ,. ·
.., . 'GENERAL, DESPITE RECORD SETTiNG''REVENUES UNDER THE OIL-FOR-F00D ... , -·
··
PROGRAM (SEE VISUAL AID I: "OIL-FOR-FOOD REVENUES AND FOOD
PURCHASE.")
-
NO ONE DEMES TIIAT IRAQ'S POOR OIL FIELD MANAGEMENT PRACTICES AND
LACK OF SPARE PARTS HAVE RESULTED IN CRITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES FOR
ITS OIL PRODUCTION CAPACITY. YET, ATTHE SAME TIME, IRAQ HAS.
CONVERTED CONTAINER PORTS INTO OIL DEPOTS AND HAS BROUGHT ONLINE
NEW FACILITES TO EXPORT PETROLEUM PRODUCTS, IN ORDER TO STEAL .
MONEY VIA SMUGGLING THAT OTHERWISE WOULD HAVE BEEN DESTINED TO
THE ESCROW ACCOUNT AND THE IRAQI PEOPLE. .
11/{,/(\(\
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WHILE IRAQ WAS ASKING FOR NEEDED INTERNATION
ASSISTANCE, WHERE DID IT GET THE RESOURCES NEE
HE
SOUTHERN AMARA AND HAMMAR MARSHES - CAUSING ENVIRONMENTAL
DAMAGE OF HISTORIC PROPORTIONS AND DESTROYING ENTIRE VILLAGES?
HOW WAS SADDAM ABLE TO BUILD THE PRIVATE LAKES AROUND HIS
PALACES AND AMUSEMENT PARKS FOR THE ELITE? (SEE VISUAL AID II: "ABU
GHURA YAB PRESIDENTIAL GROUND~, IRAQ")
141004
1-·
THE WAREHOUSING OF SUPPLIES, THE WILLFUL NEGLECT OF SPECIFIC
HUMANITARIAN SECTORS LIKE THE FOOD BASKET, THE UNDER-ORDERING OF
MEDICINES AND NUTRITIONAL SUPPLEMENTS, TilE SIPHONING OFF OF GOODS
TO AGENTS OF THE REGIME, THE ILLEGAL l,ffiEXPORTATION OF
.
HUMANITARIAN SUPPLIES, THE ESTABLISHMENT OF FRONT COMPANIES AND
THE PAYMENT OF KICKBACKS TO MANIPULATE AND GAIN FROM OIL-FORFOOD CONTRACTS- THESE AND OTHER PRACTICES ARE WELL-DOCUMENTED.
SUCH ABUSES EBB AND FLOW AT fiE WillMS OF IRAQ'S LEADERSHIP.
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MANY OF OUR FRIENDS HAVE PRIVAiELY COMPLAINED ABOUT IRAQ'S
SUBTLE AND NOT-SO-SUBTLE INTIMIDATION OF COMPANIES THAT HAVE
FILED CLAIMS WITH THE COMPENSATION COMMISSION. AGENTS OF THE
REGIME HAVE PRESSURED THEM TO DROP THOSE CLAIMS IN ORDER TO BE
CONSIDERED FOR CONTRACTS IN THE OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAM. AN
INFORMAL SYSTEM OF ECONOMIC REWARD AND PUNISHMENT, BOTH INSIDE
IRAQ AND OUT, IS METED OU11 TO COMPANIES AND NATIONS IN EXCHANGE
FOR PERCEIVED POLITICAL SUI?PORT.
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041.htm
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141 005
... : Statem~nt in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24, 200 Page 4 of 14
RESIDENTS" OF THE PLACES WHERE THEY HAVE BEEN BANISHED TO.
MR. PRESIDENT, LET US BE CLEAR: SANCTIONS BY IHEMSELYES ARE NQT 1JW
PROBLEM. THE SANCTIONS ON IRAQ HAVE NEVER TARGETED THE IRAQI ·
"PEOPLE AND HAVE NEVER LIMITED THE IMPORT OF FOOD AND MEDICINE.
WHERE THERE HAS BEEN DEPRIVATION IN IRAQ, TilE IRAQI REGIME IS
RESPONSIBLE, DUE TO BOTH ITS FAlLURE TO MEET ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER
SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS AND ITS CYNICAL MANIPULATION OF
CIVILIAN SUFFERING IN AN EFFORT TO OBTAIN THE LIFTING OF SANCTIONS
. WITHOUT COMPLIANCE.
I HAVE ALREADY MENTIONED THE CONCERNS ADDRESSED BY TWO OF THE
SPECIAL ASSESSMENT PANELS CREATED BY THE COUNCIL EARLY LAST YEAR,
AND THIS IS A GOOD TIME TO MENTION THE THIRD-,- THE PEOPLE OF KUWAIT.
IF OUR HUMANITARIAN REGARD IS GENUINE, WE CANNOT FORGET OR
NEGLECT THE FAMILIES 0F .THOSE WHO REMAIN MISSING SINCE IRAQ'S '· .~ ·
INVASION AND OCCUPATION·OF THEIR COUNTRY. WE MUSTNOT FORGET:.,
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WE MUSTNOTFORGE'f;THA,T<lTHK\UCTIMS OE;IRAQI 1\.GGRESSION
WERE NOT ONLY KUWArTIS. THOUSANDS OF'tNDIVIDUALS -- FROM EGYPT,
JORDAN, BANGLADESH, PAKISTAN AND';A SCQRE OF OTHER NATIONS-- LOST .;.;
PROPERTY, SAVINGS OR LIVELIHOOD. THEY ARE JUSTLY RECOUPING A SHARE
OF THEIR LOSSES THROUGH THE OBJECTIVE AND EFFICIENT MECHANISM OF
THE UN COMPENSATION COMMISSION. MORE THAN FIVE BILLION DOLLARS
Hi\VE BEEN DISBURSED TO DATE TO CLAIMANTS IN DOZENS OF COUNTRIES.
'"
EFFORTS TO IMPROVE OIL-FOR-FOOD; .NORTHVS. SOUTH
HAD THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ NOT WAITED FIVE YEARS TO DECIDE TO
. ACCEPT THE OIL-FOR-FOOD AGREEMENT PROPOSED AS EARLY AS 1991, ·
MILLIONS OF INNOCENT PEOPLE WOULD HAVE AVOIDED SERIOUS AND .
PROLONGED SUFFERING. EVEN WHEN BAGHDAD ACCEPTED THE OIL-FORFOOD PROGRAM, IT HAS CUT OFF THE FLOW OF OIL ON SEVERAL OCCASIONS,
TAKING MILLIONS OF DOLLARS AWAY FROM THE PROGRAM, MOST
RECENTLY IN DECEMBER OF 1999. WE TRUST IRAQ WILL NOT WAIT FIVE
YEARS TO ACCEPT RESOLUTION 1284, WITH ITS IMPORTANT MEANS.TO
EXPAND HUMANITARIAN SUPPORT. BUT, THERE IS ALSO LITTLE WE CAN DO
OUT IRAQ'S CYNICAL MANIPULATION OF ITS OIL EXPORTS AND IT:J.
OPLE.
,/ .
UR CHALLENGE IS HOW TO IMPROVE THE HUMANITARIAN SITUATION
·«"
SPITE IRAQI OBSTRUCTION.
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THE OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAM IS THE LARGEST HUMANITARIAN PROGRAM IN
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... : Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian ·situation in Iraq , March 24, 200 ·Page 5 of 14
UN HISTORY. WHILE THERE HAVE BEEN GROWING PAINS, LOOK AT THE
.. NOTABLE SUCCESSES IN ITS THREE YEARS OF EXISTENCE: 13 MILLION TONS
OF FOOD HAVE BEEN DELIVERED TO THE IRAQI PEOPLE, AND FOOD IMPORTS
ARE NOW NEARL~ REACHING PRE-WAR LID'j:LS (,SEE VISUAL AID III: "FOOD
lMPuRT§, 1986-19 9"). SUCCESSFUL VETERINARYVACCINATIONPROGRAMS
HAVE CONTROLLED LIVESTOCK EPIDEMICS AND EXPANDED PRODUCTION OF·
POULTRY AND EGGS. $1 BILLION WORTII OF HEALTH COMMODITIES HAVE
BEEN APPROVED BY THE 661 * CO:MMITTEE, AND 90% OF THE DRUG NEEDS OF
HOSPITAL PATIENTS ARE BEING MET.
·
!
·. OVER A BILLION DOLLARS WORTH OF INPUTS TO OTHER SECTORS HAVE
ALREADY ARRIVED IN IRAQ. AN ADDITIONAL ONE AND ONE HALF BILLION
DOLLARS WORTH OF GOODS HAVE BEEN APPROVED BY THE COMMITTEE BUT
HAVE NOT YET ARRIVED ~IRAQ. THESE NUMBERS WILL CONTINUE TO RISE.
THESE NUMBERS ARE, OF COURSE, COMPOSITE FIGURES FOR THE WHOLE
· COUNTRY. ALTHOUGH ALL OF IRAQ IS UNDER THE SAME SANCTIONS REGIME
AND USES THE SAME OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAM, THE SECRETARY-GENERAL'S
· REPORT HIGHLIGHTS SOME UNFORTUNATE DIFFERENCES IN THE
HUMANITARIAN SITUATION IN THE NORTII AND IN THE REST OF IRAQ. WHERE ·
BAGHDAD IS IN CHARGE OF DISTRIBUTION, THE FULL BENEFITS OF OIL-FORFOOD ARE NOT BEING ACHIEVED. ·PERHAPS THERE ARE LESSONS TO BE
. ··
LEARNED HERE. ALL OF YQU AREFAMILIAR WITH TfJE RECENT UNICEF .
· , ' ; ~: . STUDY WHICH FOUND THATINTHJ;: NORTH CHILD MORTALITY WAS ~ELOW . . .
~ : :± ' 'PRE-WAR LEVELS, WHILE IN THE REST OF IRAQ THE FIGURES WERE
. ! : ,: ~~ . t::· .
" · TRAGICALLYHIGHER. THESECRETARY-GENERAL'SREPORTNOTESTHAT'IN ... ·
. ~ '~ :- \:!THE NORTH, THE'BENEFICIARIES OF Sl;J'PtPLEMENTARY FEEDING PROGRAMS ,; ; ·,,
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OPPED FROM A QUARTER.'.MIL~JON TO fEWER THAN 80,0 , . TI:It: , /.:\;
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THE EFFECTIVENEss:·oFTI:Ik:n PROGRAM. WIJEN.
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· P T W. ·s PUBLISHED, BAGHDAD, STUNG BY £RITICISM OF I · . :. :· ··:
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. . SECRETARY-GENERAL HAS NOW HIGHLIGHTED BAGHDAD'S REFUSAL TO .
OPERATE SUPPLEMENTARY FEEDING PROGRAMS WHICH THE UN HAS BE~N
ADVOCATING FOR YEARS. WE HOPE ALL THOSE EXPRESSING CONCERNS
\I{\~\ ABOUT THE PEOPLE OF IRAQ WILL PRESS THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ TO . ·
~ \
PROVIDE THESE CRITICALLY NEEDED PROGRAMS.
.
.
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IN THE NORTH, FULL COURSES OF DRUG TREATMENT ARE NOW BEING
PROVIDED TO THOSE SUFFERING FROM CHRONIC ILLNESSES. IN THE REST OF
IRAQ, CITIZENS WITH THESE DISEASES ARE NOT BEING PROPERLY TREATED
BECAUSE OF ERRATIC, UNCOORDINATED ARRIVALS OF NEEDED
MEDICATIONS. THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ SHOULD REMEDY THIS
IMMEDIATELY.
IN THE AREA OF VACCINATIONS, THERE HAS JUST BEEN AN
OVERWHELMINGLYSUCCESSFULPOLIO VACCINATION CAMPAIGNIN THE
NORTH. WHERE THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ HAS BEEN IN CHARGE, THERE IS
POORER COVERAGE IN CERTAIN VACCINATION CATEGORIES THAN IN 1994.
WE HAVE HEARD THE THEORY IN TillS COUNCIL THAT CONDITIONS IN THE
NORTH ARE BETTER THAN IN THE GOVERNMENT-CONTROLLED AREAS OF THE
SOUTH BECAUSE THE NORTH RECEIVES MORE ASSISTANCE PER CAPITA THAN
THE SOUTH AND MORE ATTENTION FROM NGOS. BUT, THE THREE NORTHERN
GOVERNORATES, THROUGHOUT THE RULE OF SADDAM HUSSEIN, BAVE BEEN ·
THE VICTIMS OF GOVERNMENT POLICIES RANGING FROM SYSTEMATIC
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24, 200 Page 6 of 14
NEGLECT TO SYSTEMATIC EFFORTS AT GENOCIDE. AT THE CLOSE OF THE
J
GULF WAR, A BRUTAL CAMPAIGN BY IRAQ•s MILITARY FORCES DISPLACED.
.
APPROXIMATELY ONE MILLION CITIZENS IN THE NORTH. SURELY SOME IN
TillS ROOM RECALL THE HORRIFIC ORDEAL OF TENS OF THOUSANDS,
INCLUDING WOMEN, CHILDREN, AND THE INFIRM, CLINGING TO BARREN
MOUNTAINSIDES IN THE DEAD OF WINTER. IN SHORT, THE NORTH HAD A
LONG WAY TO GO WHEN THE UN ARRIVED. AND IF THERE IS MORE NGO
ACTIVITY IN THE NORTH, IT IS BECAUSE NGOS ARE WELCOME TO OPERATE IN
THE NORTH, UNLIKE IN SOUTH/CENTRAL IRAQ WHERE THE GOVERNMENT IS
OPENLY HOSTILE TO EXTENSIVE NGO OPERATIONS.
THEREFORE, MR. PRESIDENT, MY DELEGATION WOULD LIKE TO OFFER THE
FOLLOWING'PROPOSAL: IF THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ IS UNABLETO
MANAGE OIL-FOR-FOOD TO ITS MAXIMUM BENEFIT, WE BELIEVE THAT UN
AGENCIES ACTIVE IN THE NORTH SHOULD BE EMPOWERED TO DO SIMILAR
PROGRAMS IN THE SOUTH AND CENTER. THE BOTTOM LINE IS THAT THE OILFOR-FOOD PROGRAM, WHILE NOT PERFECT, WORKS FOR THE IRAQI PEOPLE;
THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ DOES NOT. THE UNITED NATIONS WORKS FOR
THE IRAQI PEOPLE; THE GOVERNMENT DOES NOT. NGO'S WORK FOR THE .
IRAQI PEOPLE; THE GOVERNMENT DOES NOT.
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ASSESSMENT OF THE OIL SECTOR
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.• -,, } ~: ~ r~' . .tN6W I WOULD LIKE TO C0fv!ME$"T ~N.ri-iE FINDINGS OF.THE SECRETARY{ :.· 1;·, V · 7 ·
.,,,~ .· -'{. : .· :~ '··'·.!GENERAL WITH REGARD TO\UIE OIV SE~TOR. THE .COUNCIL IS RESPONSIBLE; ::i.) . . ". .
. · .• ·· "~: ~~ ·; ;.>MR. PRESIDENT,
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>\ ·~ '~ ~"'FOR BAL~CING THE NEEDS_;OF TfJE'igAQfQIL SECTOR AGAINSTTH$'.NEEDS .\ W
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IN OTHER SECTORS SUCH AS'FOOO AND MEDICINE.· .
· ··
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~,·<::. LJ,.. ~:~) ·~ ~;.}',:~-{~~'J 1) ( :1:(; -t : .,~~.(:_ r.. ,-r, ·'~,-~ :t. ~.7:f·s:.;~'?:
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WE QBS~RVE WITH SOME DISAPPOINTMENTTH}\T TH~ SECRETARY.:..
GENERAL'S REPORT DID NOT FOLLOW MORE CLOSELY THE P:ATTERN LAID
OUT IN IDS FEBRUARY 1998 REPORT, WHICH OUTLINED NEEDS ACROSS
VARIOUS SECTORS AND THE FUNDING NECESSARY TO MEET THESE NEEDS.
BASED ON SUCH AN APPROACH, THE COUNCIL ASKED THE SECRETARYGENERAL TO INSTRUCTS~ YBOLT TOLAY OUT A COMPREHENSIVE, MULTIPHASE PLAN FOR ATTAINING NEEDED REVENUES. THE PLAN MORE THAN
SUCCEEDED IN THE LAST PHASE OF OIL-FOR-FOOD, WHEN THE $5.2 aiLLION
CAP WAS EXCEEDED. THE OFFICE OF THE IRAQ PROGRAM (OIP), SAYBOLT
THE COUNCIL SHOULD RECOGNIZE THAT EFFORT AS A JOB WELL DONE. WE
SHOULD NOT LOSE SIGHT OF THE FACT THAT IRAQI OIL EXPORTS ARE AT
ABOUT PRE-WAR LEVEL, A TREMENDOUS INCREASE FROM WHERE THEY
WERE LESS THAN A YEAR AGO. (SEE VISUAL AID IV: 1'IRAQI OIL EXPORT
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UNFORTUNATELY, A COMPREHENSIVE PLAN FOR THE FUTURE IS NOT
OUTLINED IN THE CURRENT REPORT. THE REPORT DOES RECOMMEND, ·
HOWEVER, AN ADDITIONAL $300 MILLION ALLOCATION FOR THE OIL SECTOR
FOR PHASES VI AND VII, AND WE ARE PREPARED TO SUPPORT THAT
RECOMMENDATION.
·
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RESOLUTION THAT WOULD DO ruST TH
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008
... : Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq , March 24, 200 Page 7 of 14
MR. PRESIDENT,
I HAVE ANOTHER BRIEF OBSERVATION RELATING TO THE OIL SECTOR:
CLEARLY BAGHDAD DOES NOT WANT THE EMBARRASSING FACTS OF THE .
. EXTENT OF ITS GAS OIL SMUGGLING LAID BARE. A SIMPLE SAYBOLT
ANALYSIS OF REFINERY PRODUCTION, WHICH IRAQ REFUSES, WOULD SHOW
THE EXTENT TO WHICH IRAQ IS KEEPING REVENUES FROM THE OIL-FOR-FOO
..
PROGRAM.
AS COUNCIL DELEGATIONS HEARD' IN THE MULTINATIONAL INTERCEPTION
FORCE (MIF) BRIEFING TO THE SANCTIONS COMMITTEE YESTERDAY,
HUNDREDS OF MILLIONS OF DOLLARS WORTII OF GASOIL IS BEING
SMUGGLED OUT OF IRAQ~ WITII THE PROCEEDS GOING NOT FOR OIL·:FORFOOD HUMANITARIAN IMPORTS BUT TO REGIME CRONIES. NO ONE HAS SEEN
EVIDENCE THAT ANY OF THIS MONEY HAS BEEN SPENT FOR HUMANITARIAN
RELIEF. . .
·1.,.
1
QUITE THE CONTRARY, SMUGGLING STEALS MONEY FROM THE OIL-FORFOOD PROGRAM. (SEE VISUAL AID V: 11 ILLICITOIL EXPORTs••).
0r::::::~T
IDSTORIC LEVELS. WEBELffiVE THECOUNffi SHOULD ACT
-<~ :t~· \(;TO DESIGNATE AUTHORIZED ROUTES FOR REFINED PRODUCT. WE PROPOSE ·... ·~.
~ ~e:.<? .· ';ff!A!T AL FAW, AN EXPORT FACILITY IN:THE GULF ABOUT TO BECOME · .
' -~
""-"·oJ,~ .. <OBERATIONAL,ANDABUFLUS,AFACILITY . CURRENILYUSEDFOR
· .;·· :. . . . · ,;,.
~"""4 .. r'f ·.SMUGGLIN.G OIL AND CAPABLE OF EXfPRT~G.AT LEAST 100,000 BARREL. ~.OF·. 'U .! {)c . · •. ·
...
...
~'\. o~'i~-, :.·;OIL ·PEROAY, BE DESIGNATED FOR UN.,MQNITORED EXPORT.OF REFINED f ·' ·. !-~' ;·. ·. ·~.
"
~~~:·.~ ;,, :;)iflRQD.WCT>.SUCH A SJ:EP WO~LD~ffi\VE;~jiffii.NQblti9NM VAL,UE OF :•! ,;; ~)·' .:i, ~,, ~i
~'.'' ''
S'? /(~.< :.. ~R:pSTRICTING ANY POTENTIAL USE OF l'HESE;,FACILITIES .FORSMUGGLING: AS ;,' . ·
.,;
'<-+:.· ~e:~ ~P- .• WE HAVEi;CQNSlSTE~~~Y PRQ~OSEDI~ TIIE.P:AS"F; rris;;riME:?:T(i)~BRn'JP 1ALirOF~~· tl: : d'-:1 · '( :;
~~v- .t(tJ o';:A'IRAQ'S PETROLEUM AND PETROLEUM PRODUCT REVENUES UNDER THE OIL· . · · ·.
.. ,, ... •
'< &' vy ~ · FOR-FOODJPR:OGRAM·so THAT THE FULL POTENTIJ.\.1/0F THE PROGRAM CAN.
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BE MET. ANOTHER USD 500 TO 800'MILLION ANNUALLY ADDED TO THE
~~ U'o .ESCROW ACCOUNT WOULD PROVIDE AN EVEN MORE ROBUST PROGRAM IN
~ rf ~
ALL SECTORS.
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MR. PRESIDENT,
THERE IS ALWAYS ROOM FOR IMPROVEMENT, HOWEVER. WE WILL WORK IN
THE SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE 661 COMMITTEE TO PUT INTO ACTION
WHAT WORKS BEST. WE HAVE A NUMBER OF IDEAS ON WHICH WE ARE
ALREADY WORKING AND WILL SUGGESTTODAY..
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24, 200 Page 8 of 14
WE THANK OIP FOR THE WORK IT HAS DONETO BOTH IMPROVE THE QUALITY
OF CONTRACT SUBMISSIONS AND TO HIGHLIGHT HOLDS OF PARTICULAR
CONCERN AS WAS DONE DURING THE DROUGHT AND WITH REGARD TO FOOT ·
AND MOUTH DISEASE. AS A RESULT, THE UNITED STATES RELEASED A
NUMBER OF HOLDS IN BOTH AREAS. IN HIS REPORT THE SECRETARYGENERAL ·cALLED FOR THE REMOVAL OFA HOLD ON A CRITICAL DREDGING
CONTRACT FOR THE PORT OF UMM QASR. WE HAVE DONE SO.
LET ME DESCRIBE OUR POLICY ON REVIEWING AND APPROVING OlL-FORFOOD CONTRACTS. THE UNITED STATES REVIEW OF CONTRACTS IS GUIDED
BY TWO PRINCIPLES WHICH ARE FUNDAMENTAL TO THE SECURITY
COUNCIL'S CONSIDERATION OF IRAQ: PREVENTING IRAQ FROM ACQUIRING
TI:IE MEANS TO AGAIN THREATEij" REGIONAL STABILITY, AND IMPROVING
THE. IRAQI PEOPLE'S HUMANITARIAN SITUATION. MAINTAINING A JUDICIOUS
BALANCE BETWEEN THESE TWO OBJECTIVES IS A SERIOUS RESPONSIBILITY
FROM WHICH THE UNITED STATES WILL NOT SHRINK.
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IN FACT, THE GREAT PREPONDERANCE OF ALL GOODS REQUESTED HAS BEEN
APPROVED SINCE THE'OIL·FOR-FOOD PROGRAM BEGAN. COMPLAINTS ABOUT
U.S. HOLDS ARE FOCUSED ON A SMALL PERCENTAGE OF CONTRACTS
PRESENTED TO THE SANCTIONS COMMITTEE. OUR RESPONSIBILITY TO THE .
SECURITY COUNCIL, AND TO THE REGION,LED l]S TO TAKE THIS PROCESS
· VERY SERIOUSLY. DECISIONS ON CONTRACT HOLDS AND RELEASES OF_
_
. ·_ .. · , -~I:IO~DS BY THE U.S. ARE TAKEN AFTER1CAREFUL, TECHNICAL SCRUTINY._, .·. :- ·)/ ... : :
' . , FOUITICAL PRIORITIES PLAY NO ROLE."WHILE WE RECOGNIZE THAT NOT ALL ~- k ··
_"
·:_fMEMBERSTATESHAVETHERESOURCES·TOASSESS.THOROUGHLY ALL:· ;: __ ;:.::,
- ;. ,; ·~ fC_QNJRACTS, ITIS CLEAR THANSOME,¥E~ER.STATES WHICH-COULD DO A-·1 ~ /S.i._,~:. :',.
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i(· ,;THOROUGH REVIEW HAVE NOT. :~. ; ;,~: \ ; '; .;-,J-i~>- .
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. , -.·-·~·:;LET us TA'KEAcLEARLooKAT'Tiffi~IfoLDsnruiJ.s. HAs. WE:HAvEABobr.~ .:; ~ ·· . . ··,;:~ - ,.
·.~'~ t'. 1 :·;·'.L'•; f~ooo~ebNJM'C~S ON l'IO~IfOF;ta,E·0VER 1-0;000 GON~tT~J~EC~~YEJ;) BY -'I.-f. ~ :' ·c~·';. -~- 1'
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THE SECRETARlXT. FOR OVER ONE THIRD OF THESEtONTRACTS,·WE ARE
·
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AWAITING REQUESTED INFORMATION FROM THE;SUPPLIER'ABOUT EITHER .
'• ,.,
THE GOODS OR THE END-USE OR END-USER. AS THE SECRETARIAT NOTED IN
ITS RECENT PAPER ON HOLDS, "SOME FIFTY PER CENT OF HOLDS CQUL:b
·EITHER BE AVOIDED ENTIRELY; OR THE AMOUNT OF TIME INVOLVED
SUBSTANTIALLY REDUCED, IF ALL CONCERNED PUT MORE EFFORT INTO THE
·PROVISION OF APPROPRIATE AND TIMELY INFORMATION." THESE ARE
.. CALLED "U.S. HOLDS," BUT THEY ARE REM-LY HOLDS CAUSED BY THE
FAILURE TO PREPARE AN ADEQUATE SUBMISSION.
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WE ASK ALL MEMBER STATES WHO ARE PRESENTING CONTRACTS TO THE 661
COMMITIEE TO ENSURE THAT CONTRACT INFORMATION IS AS COMPLETE AS
POSSIBLE WHEN THE CONTRACT IS ORIGINALLY SUBMITTED. FOR EXAMPLE,
IF ONE OF YOUR FIRMS WANTS TO SELL PUMPS TO IRAQ, YOU SHOULD.BE
AWARE THAT SOME PUMPS ARE ON TH'E1051 LIST (I.E., THE SECURITY
COUNCIL'S AGREED LIST OF DUAL-USE PRODUCTS). WE HAVE TO KNOW THE
MATERIALS USED IN THEIR CONSTRUCTI:ON TO DETERMINE WHETHER THEY
ARE DUAL-USE. IF THAT INFORMATION IS NOT IN THE CONTRACT, WE HAVE
TO PUT THE CONTRACT ON HOLD WHILETHE QUESTION IS BEING ANSWERED.
VAGUE TERMS', SUCH AS "SPARE PARTS AND ACCESSORIES" OR
"LABORATORY EQUIPMENT" WILL AGAIN DRAW QUESTIONS. THEREFORE, IT
WOULD EXPEDITE THE PROCESS AND BE'·MUCH EASIER FOR EVERYONE IF WE
HAD THE INFORMATION IN THE ORIGINAL CONTRACT SUBMISSION. .
SO, LET'S PUT THAT ONE-THIRD PLUS OF,THE HOLDS OFF TO THE SIDE. ·
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24,200 Page 9 of 14
NEARLY FOUR HUNDRED OF THE HOLDS ARE ON CONTRACTS WHICH POSE
1051 OR OTHER DUAL-USE CONCERNS. ONNON-1051 DUAL-USE ITEMS, MANY
TIMES THE CONCERNS OF OUR EXPERTS CAN BE SATISIFIED THROUGH
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION OR MONITORING ARRANGEMENTS. BUT, WE ARE .
NOT PREPARED TO ACT IMPRUDENTLY IN PROVIDING WMD-RELATED ITEMS,
ESPECIALLY IN THE ABSENCE OF MONITORING AND DISARMAMENT IN IRAQ. .
WE PLACE A HEAVY EMPHASIS ON ENSURING THAT DUAL-USE ITEMS SUCH AS
·THOSE ON THE 1051 LIST ARE NOT PEIU4ITIED INTO IRAQ. UNTIL UNMOVIC
AND IAEA ARE ABLE TO RESUME THEIR RESPONSffiiLITIES IN IRAQ,
INCLUDING MONITORING OF 1051 GOODS, OUR VIEW IS THAT IT WOULD BE
INAPPROPRIATE AND DANGEROUS TO APPROVE CONTRACTS FOR MOST SUCH
GOODS. WE BELIEVE EVERY MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL SHOULD HOLD ON
SUCH GOODS, PARTICULARLY NOW-THAT-CONTRACTS ARE BEING MARKED
AS CONTAINING 1051 ITEMS.
THIS COUNCIL AGREED THAT ITEMS ON THE 1051 LIST WERE SERIOUS
ENOUGH INPUTS INTO WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION TO REQUIRE
MONITORING BY UNSCOM OR IAEA IF EXPORTED TO IRAQ. YET SOME
MEMBERS ARE NOT ONLY APPROVING THESE CONTRACTS, BUT THEY ARE
COMPLAINING ABOUT U.S. HOLDS ON 1051 ITEMS. WE WOULD MOST
. APPRECIATE AN EXPLANATION FROM OTHER MEMBERS, PARTICULARLY
... UIOSE MOST CRITICAL OF OUR HOLDS ON DUAL-USE GOODS, TO.PROVIDE ..·. · _· ;lj •
. :.: INFORMATION ON THEIR OWN CRITERIA·F.QR REVIEWING AND APPROVING _'!' t . ·.·~~- ~ ;.: J.·· ·
· CONTRACTS WITH 1051 ITEMS AND:OTHERDUAL-USE ITEMS. WHYAREYOU .... •·''t.' . .··~--:.~ . :_
" AP.PR0~ING ITEMS WHICH COULD ENHANCE nJE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ'S
. ·t ;t · .r ;J, ··." . · f ·
:. · .AB~~l:J?Yi TO OBTAIN, MAKE, OR UTlliiZE WEAR(}NS_ OF MASS DESTRUCTION? i: . ~. ·: .':':?~ . ·.'
,, \,'. · 'WEARE'.SURPRISEDTHATTHESECRETAR¥-6ENER.AL'SREPORTDIDNOT' ;_~·'.: \·l..'n:Wiii--",•t·
,.~. coMMENT FAvo~L vON THE coUNci~-~s pEC·iSION·THAT _wEAP.oNs ~
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1 339 CONTRACTS
ARE ON HOLD BECAUSE WE HAVE NOT REVIEWED
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION THAT WE HAVE RECEIVED. FOR THESE, THE BALL
; IS CLEARLY IN OUR COURT. TillS CATEGORY IS CONSTANTLY IN FLUX, AS
HOLDS ARE CLEARED OUT ON THE BASIS OF ADDITIONAL INFORMATION AND
NEW CONTRACTS ARE PLACED ON HOLD BECAUSE OF INADEQUATE
INFORMATION. OUR STAFFING OF THESE REVIEWS HAS NOT KEPT PACE WITH
THE RECENT SHARP INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF CONTRACTS PRESENTED
AND 11IE NEW REQUIREMENT TO REVIEW. CONTRACTS WITHIN A TARGET OF
TWO DAYS. WE ADMIT THAT IT IS INAPPROPRIATE TO KEEP CONTRACTORS
WAITING FOR LENGTHY PERIODS FOR RESPONSES TO THEIR ADDITIONAL
INFORMATION, AND WE ARE TIGHTENING OUR PROCEDURES WITH A GOAL OF
MUCH QUICKER RESPONSE TIMES.
!
WE ARE ALSO EXAMINING OUR REVIEW CRITERIA WITH THE GOAL OF
CONCENTRATING OUR HOLDS ON THE ITEMS OF MOST SERIOUS CONCERN. WE
BEGAN A PROCESS THIS WEEK TO RE-EXAMINE CONTRACTS ON HOLD
AGAINST THESE CRITERIA. ABOUT 90 CONTRACTS WERE REVIEWED; OF
.THESE, ABOUT 70 WILL BE TAKEN OFF HOLD TODAY. WHILE I MUST ADMIT WE
BEGAN THIS PROCESS BY LOOKING AT HOLDS WHICH WE FOUND THE MOST
QUESTIONABLE UNDER OUR CURRENTSTANDARDS, AND FUTURE MEETINGS
MAY NQT YIELD SUCH A HIGH PERCENTAGE OF HOLDS REMOVED, WE ARE
REEVALUATING HOLDS IN LIGHT OF CURRENT CIRCUMSTANCES. I WILL BE
httn://www.un.intlusa/00 04 Lhtm .
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24,20 Page 10 of 14
TALKING MORE LATER ABOUT MONITORING OF OIL-FOR-FOOD GOODS, AND
HOW TIDS CAN HELP REDUCE HOLDS.
.
OTHER REASONS FOR HOLDS
WE PUT ON HOLD FOURTEEN OIL-FOR-FOOD CONTRACTS CONTAINING ITEMS
DESTINED FOR THE UNAUTHORIZED EXPORT FACILITY KHOR AL-AMAYA.
WHEN THERE ARE SO MANY URGENT NEEDS IN IRAQ, IT IS UNCONSCIONABLE
FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ TO DIVERT PRECIOUS RESOURCES TO A
FACILITY WIDCH THE COUNCIL HAS NOT DECIDED IRAQ MAY USE. WE HAVE
REPEATEDLY URGED OIP TO WITHDRAW THESE CONTRACTS IN ORDER TO
RELEASE FUNDS FOR NEEDED OIL SPARE PARTS AND EQUIPMENT.
WE ARE HOLDING ON 55 CONTRACTS FOR GOODS DESTINED FOR THE BASRAH
REFINERY, FROM WHICH IRAQ PRODUCES GASOIL WHICH IT SMUGGLES OUT
OF IRAQ IN VIOLATION OF SANCTIONS. TilE 'PROFITS FROM TIDS 'ILLICIT
TRADE ARE USED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ TO PROCURE ITEMS
PROHIBITED BY SANCTIONS, INCLUDING LUXURlES FOR MEMBERS OF
SADDAM'S INNER CIRCLE. THE MULTINATIONAL INTERCEPTION FORCE
REPORTED YESTERDAY TO THE COMMITTEE THE FACTS ON GULF ·
SMUGGLING.
.. WE A.LSO HAVE 166 CONTRACTS. ON HOED BECAUSE THEY ARE LINKED TO . . ·.
;:~.
...
:G@MPANIES THAT HAVE OPERATED-ORI.\RE.OPERATING IN VIOLATI()N·OF ·' ;: _'(; J>·.~.··. · •
· ··.:SAN9TIONS. SOME OF THESE COMPANIE.S ARE IRAQI FRONTS; OPERATING · ·\ :Y·t', .-:· . ::1
·.-- · ~!I!-IfE(lf\LVY, WHICH FUNNEL OIL-FOR-FQOpJP~OGRAM REVENUES DIRECTLY... ~ } \t. 1:*; :·fi ... · i . ·
·
, 'c ;· -~I9(J;',H)t:~I(JHESTLEVELSOFTHEIRAQLREQJN1J3._1NFORMATIONABOUT0l]R, ,_'·r:·:: . :'-i\l~f ·
·,.
'·. ::' <'-· -~ .\ ''CONCERNS~IS PROVIDED TO THE CO'l:JN)(RY~C;AfiT•ALS SUBMIUING THESE.-.~:·:\ ~;'tJW'1j~,;': 11 .~;·
·.' '.( ·coNTR:ACTS. WE:A.SKSUBMITTINGSTA.TESTOiMAKEEVERYEFFORTTO :. •.':<·~ ·~ ·. !1
-~
;i':' (l· ,., ,:·: d'ENSURE~TI:INf A,L.L,COMPAN{ES Sl)BMirJJ!ING CONfR'l,\C;r',$ TO [jf~ 66I.<..: ·
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COMMITTEE ARE· M3IDING BY SANCTIONS.·
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A SMALL NUMBER OF CONTRACTS (16) WITH IRREGULAR FINANCIAL TERMS
HAVE BEEN PLACED ON HOLD. WE REGRET THAT TO DATE THE SANCTIONS
COMMITTEE HAS BEEN UNABLE TO REACH CONSENSUS ON THE
APPROPRIATENESS OF THESE TERMS ...
MR. PRESIDENT,
ANTICIPATING IRAQI ATIEMPTS TO A:riusETHE HUMANITARIAN PROGRAM, .
THE SECURITY COUNCIL WISELY MANDATED A RIGOROUS REVIEW PROCESS.·
A RELATIVELY SMALL NUMBER OF PROBLEMATIC CONTRACTS HAVE NOT
BEEN IMPLEMENTED, BUT THE VAST MAJORITY OF CONTRACTS HAVE BEEN
~PROVED. AS THE OFFICE OF THE IRAQ PROGRAM (OIP) REPORTED IN ITS
ANALYSIS OF HOLDS, "IN MOST SECTORS, HOLDS HAVE CAUSED RELATIVELY
MINORSHORTAGES."
.
· IN REVIEWING OIL-FOR-FOOD CONTRACTS,: THE UNITED STATES HAS ACTED,
AND WILL CONTINUE TO ACT, STRICTLYMID OBJECTIVELY IN ACCORDANCE
WITH THE ARMS CONTROL POLICIES DEFINED BY THIS COUNCIL IN ITS
RESOLUTIONS. OUR HOLDS ARE NOT PO~IT;ICALLY MOTIVATED, NOR ARE
THEY DRIVEN BY CALCULATIONS OF COMMERCIAL GAIN. NOT ALL CRITICS
OF OUR HOLDS POLICY CAN SAY THE SAME.
.
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... :Statement In the Security Council on the Humanit.ari~'Situation in Iraq~ March 24, 20 Page ll of 14
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NEED FOR UN· MONITORING AND REPORTING
THE. BEST WAY To REDUCE THE NUMBER OF HOLDS Is To PROViDESOME
SORT OF GUARANTEE THAT CONTRACTED GOODS GO TO APPROVED , ·
PURPOSES. THE.BEST WAY TO ACHIEVE THIS IS TIIROUGH BETTER
MONITORING ARRANGEMENTS, 'BUILDING·ON ARRANGEMENTS ALREADY IN
PLACE. ··
"
.OF COURSE; THE ABSENCE OF UNMOVIC ANP IAEA MONITORS SIGNIFICANTLY
· COMPLICATES THE MONITORING PICTIJRE. BUT LET US FOR THE MOMENT
FOCUS ON OTHER ASPECTS OF UN MONITORrnG...
·~N THE OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAM B:E;GAN, REVENUE PER PHASE WAS . · . . . . ·.
.;?
~- . ABOUT $2 BILLION AND MOST PURCHASES. WERE OF FOOD AND MEDICINE.
. · .. ~~
7
DURING THE MOST RECENT SIX-MONTH PHASE, REVENUES WERE OVER $7
o. , ,
ILLION, AND MOST LIKELY_WILL BE STILL ~GHE~ IN THE CURRENT PHASE.. -~QY \'? r-7
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THE GROWTH IN OIL-FOR-FOOD PURGHASE~ HAS NOT BEEN IN FOOD AND
i ""oc<"~
MEDICINE BUT IN SECTORS SUCH AS ELECTRICITY, WATER AND SANITATION, 0~ C.?~ 6AND OIL PRODUCTION .. WHILE FOOD AND Mf:DICINE GENERALLY DO NOT
~ ·· . JV< \~7
RAISE DUAL USE CONCERNS, THESE QTHER SECTORS MAY.
' ~- : ..r-~,p
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. DESPITE THIS ENORMOUS GROWTH AND INGREASED COMJ>LEXItY,·THE · .
· · · NUMJ3ER.OF UN MONITORS IN IRAQ HAS·REMAIN~D THE SAME, -WITH THE t1--.//·.r. ·~ ,..
EXCEPTION OF SAYBOLT AND COTECNAMONIT0RS, SINCE THE PROGRAM .> (x-0. i :'t ,._ ·
· ., BE.Q~~ WE APPLAUD THE DILIGENCE OF-~ M9NITORS IN IRAQ, BUT .
, .. :: . ''·\L · · . . .·
. · INCREASED UN MONITORING CLEARLY IS ESSENTIAL TO KEEP PACE WITH ·
. {pRQGRAM-iGROWTH. WHILE WE WELCOMEl\NY.iSt!JGGESTIONSIN THIS ·_ ··· · .. ·.
.,, :., -JtEG~RI(w.E WpULD LIKE TO POINT TGii~i.{ SAYBOLT MODEL AS ·oNE WHICH :.. ·
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. BEARS EXAMINING: .THE UN HAS CONTRA:€1'ED WITH SAYBOI.T TO DO
1 '~ ' ~, } '~ · :':' t:ASSESSMEN'I'S~OF .TlffiJRA,Qr:OI,L.;SEOT(i)R AND T0'PROVIDE~Ql~-F0R~EOQ1): i '·~.:· t'
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• ~''MONITORS WITH SECTORAL 'EXPERTISE. COULD TillS MODEVBE USED IN'
OTHER SECTORS SUCH AS ELECTRICITY? wE WOULD LlKE"TO'EXP:tORE THIS
POSSIBILITY WITH OIP AND WITH OTHER MEMBER STATES.
WE
IN ADDITION TO NUMBERS OF MONITORS,
ARE' CONCERNED ABOUT
'•
TECHNICAL EXPERTISE AND A BETTER BALANCE BETWEEN TECHNICAL
. EXPERTS AND HUMANITARIAN WORKERS llil THE MONITORING STAFF. THE ·
APPOINTMENT OF QUALIFIED SECTORAL MONITORS WOULD ADDRESS THIS
CONCERN.
·\.
A THIRD AREA OF CONCERN IS REPORTING ~ACK TOTHE COMMITtEE ON
MONITORING EFFORTS: AGAIN, WE CALL A TIENTION TO THE SAYBOLT
MODEL. THE COMMITTEE SHOULD RECEIVEjMORE INFORMATION ON A
REGULAR BASIS CONCERNING THE NATURE AND FINDINGS ON SPECIFIC
MONITORING DONE AT MEMBER STATES' REQUEST.
THE UNITED STATESIS ALREADY CONSULTtNG WITH OIP ON THE MEASURES .
. OUTLINED ABOVE, AND WE ASK OTHERS IN!THE COUNCIL TO LEND THEIR·
·SUPPORT. LET ME BE CLEAR: IF THERE WERE MORE MONITORS, WITH
STRONGER TECHNICAL QUALIFICATIONS, !¢PORTING MORE FREQUENTLY
AND IN GREATER DETAIL TO THE COMMITTEE,THE-UNITED STATES WOULD
BE PLACING FEWER HOLDS ON ITEMS BECAJUSE IT WOULD HAVE GREATER
·•
ASSURANCE CONCERNING THE PROPER MONITORING OF OIL-FLOW FOOD
. INPUTS. LET'S DO. THIS QUICKLY:, · .
.
.
·· .. ·.
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 24, 20 Page 12 of 14
FULL IMPLEMENTATION OF UNSCR 1284
MR. PRESIDENT,
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WE VIEW 1284 AS A VEIDCLE FOR ROBUST IMPROVEMENT OF THE ..
HUMANITARIAN SITUATION IN IRAQ AND ARE EAGER TO SEE ALLASPECTS OF
T IMPLEMENTED AS RAPIDLY AS POSSIBLE. ALL OF THE HUMANITARIAN
ROVISIONS OF RESOLUTION 1284 REQuiRING ACTION BY THE COUNCIL . OR
COMMITTEE HAVE BEEN COMPLETED OR ARE IN PROGRESS. I NOTE IN
ARTICULAR THAT THE SANCTIONS COMMITTEE AND ·oiP HAVE COMPLETED.
WORK ON THE INITIAL LISTS OF PRE-APPROVED ITEMS FOR FOOD, FOOD
HANDLING, HEALTH SUPPLIES, EDUCATION AND AGRICULTURE. WE EXPECT
HESE LISTS TO BE DYNAMIC, NOT STATIC, AS NEW ITEMS ARE ADDED TO
THE PRE-APPROVED LISTS. ALSO, AS CALLED FOR IN PARAGRAPH 26 OF JHE
RESOLUTION, THE COUNCIL APPROVED A PLAN TO ALLOW IRAQI PILGRIMS TO
PERFORM THE HAJJ. BAGHDAD'S REFUSAL TO ACCEPT TIDS PLAN WAS
INEXPLICABLE AND EXTREMELY DISAPPOINTING.
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THE SANCTIONS COMMITTEE HAS ALSO MADE SUBSTANTIAL PROGRESS ON
·IMPLEMENTATION OF PARAGRAPH 18, WHICH .WOULD SET UP A PANEL OF OIL .
EXPERTS TO REVIEW OIL SECTOR CONTRACTS. WE EXPECT THIS PARAGRAPH
TQ~E OPERATIONAL VERY SOON.
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·. <cdDNcn. AND THE SANCTIONS COMMITIEE:i:It\VE WORKED EXTREMELY · · . ,.,. ..
. . :DILiGENTLY TO IMPLEMENT THE HUMANi'tAIUAN; THE DISARMAMENT, AND. . ::. -~,.. :~L: ·: : :-,
: . :\': nfij ~-q)VAIJ1 PRbPERTY/POW ASPECT~ ()f..~J:~f.t{ESOLYTION, THE . .. }', · * {.: , ·:. <VIf .·_ ..
. · ·. \ .:;. <;JOMERM4ENT OF IRAQ ijAS DONE:NOTIIJ.N:GoBWill,~PEAK OHREJE~TION, AND,::.:>·\ ·~~·~·,1··~. ii'·-~~t~ ·, ,; lk
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MUST ALSO NOTE THATTHERE ARE OTHER CRITICAL''f\.SPECTS ·OF 1284 THAT
ARE ALSO HUMANITARIAN IN NATURE- DISARMAMENT AND THE KUWAITI ·
POW AND PROPERTYISSUES. THE COUNCIL MUST REMAIN UNITED IN ITS
EFFORTS TO PERSUADE IRAQ TO ACCEPT ALL ASPECTS OF 1284 IMMEDIATELY.
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RESPONSffiiLITIES OF THE GOVERNM~NT OF IRAQ
MR. PRESIDENT, IN CONCLUDING TillS LONG, BUT IMPORTANT, REVIEW, IT
CANNOT BE OVER-EMPHASIZED THAT THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ BEARS THE
PRIMARY RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WELFARE OF ITS PEOPLE.
I MUST FRANKLY STATE MY DISAPPOINTMENT THAT THE SECRETARYGENERAL, IN HIS REPORTS, HAS NOT REPORTED IN DETAIL· ON IRAQI
PROGRESS IN MEETING ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER PARAGRAPH 27 OF UNSCR
1284.1 WOULD LIKE TO ASK THE SECRETARY-GENERAL AND WHOMEVER HE
LL APPOINT TO HEAD UN PROGRAMS IN IRAQ (AN APPOINTMENT WHICH WE
HOPE IS COMING SOON) TO BE MUCH MORE VIGOROUS IN REMINDING THE
GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ OF ITS OBLIGATIONS, AND TO REPORT REGULARLY TO
THE CQUNCIL IN THAT REGARD.
WHAT IS THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ CONTRIBUTING TO THE EDUCATION OF
ITS CHILDREN? TO BETTER HEALTH CARE FOR ITS CITIZENS? WE ARE
CONSTANTLY TOLD BY BAGHDAD THAT OIL-FOR-FOOD ISN'T DOING ENOUGH,
BUT WHAT HAS THE IRAQI REGIME DONE?
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the Hurnanitari~ Situation in Iraq, March 24, 20 Page 13 of 14
ANOTHER TASK FOR THE NEW HEAD OF THE UN PROGRAM IN IRAQ (UNOHCI)
SHOULD BE TO DRAW UP A PLAN FOR' ASSISTING VULNERABLE GROUPS,
PERHAPS IN CONSULTATION WITH THE ICRC. tHis PLAN SHOULD INCLUDE AN
INVITATION TO HUMANITARIAN ORGANIZATibNS TO DESCRIBE PROJECTS
THEY WOULD BE WILLING TO UNDERTAKE INJSOUTII AND CENTRAL IRAQ. IN
NORTHERN IRAQ, UN AGENCIES AND NGOS AaE IMPROVING THE LIVES OF
IRAQIS. THERE IS NO REASON IRAQIS THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY SHOULD
NOT HAVE ACCESS TO SUCH ASSISTANCE.
:
REPORTING ON DISTRIBUTION OF SUPPLIES BY SECTOR IS GREATLY
. APPRECIATED. THESE REPORTS CONTINUE TO SHOW THAT CRITICAL OIL-FORFOOD INPUTS ARE NOT BEING DISTRIBUIED IN A TIMELY MANNER WE
REQUEST THAT THE NEW UNOHCI HEAD, ,AS QNE OF HIS FIRST. TASKS, BE
CHARGED WITH DRAFTING A COMPREHENSIVE PLAN FOR ELIMINATING
BACKLOGS IN DISTRIBUTION ACROSS ALL SECTORS, nJST AS WE ARE DOING
ONHOLDS.
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WE SUPPORT THE EFFORTS OF THE SECRET~Y-GENERAL AND OIP TO ENSURE
THAT CONTRACTS ARE SUBMITTED BY IRAQ 4\.T A SMOOTH PACE, NOT
BUNCHED TOGETIIER AT THE END OF A PHASE. WE WOULD ALSO SUPPORT
MORE .CLARITY IN THE DISTRIBUTION PLAN. J
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:THE. ~E(ZRETARIAT TO INFORM THE'COQNC~~O.f...THE DATE THEY
. . SHOULilEXPECT TO RECEIVE THE PRIORITIZED I;;IST OF HUMANITARIAN
APPLI~AliO~S CAI;-LED FOR IN 12.84.
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\\MONTH~,~SI11E:NCE,~EfPRE l,.U;.GEIYJNG::ASSJSJ,'ANCE~:,SURE~ y :!TIS ~:AI~
~ . :, .
0 DENY THESE NEEDY. FAMILIES THE MOST BASIC, LIFESUSTAINING ·, ;;· ·. . ·;.,
. ASSISTANCE. WE W0Ul;D··WELCOME OIP REPORTING ON THIS MATTER."
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FINALLY, MY DELEGATION WOULD LIKE TO ~OW .WHAT IS THE PROSPECT.
FOR INITIATING DE-MINING IN OTHER PARTS .l. . IRAQ?
OF
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IMMEDIATE NEXT STEPS
TO SUM UP, MR. PRESIDENT,
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WE HOPE THAT.ALL OF OUR CONSTRUCTIVE SUGGESTIONS CAN AND WILL BE
PUT INTO EFFECT AS SOON AS POSSIBLE.
CALL ON IRAQ TO IMPLEMENT
THE RECOMMENDATIONS MADE BY :niE i SECRETARY GENERAL IN HIS
REPORT. THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ ~ST !¥MEDIATELY:
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A) USE A PROJECT-BASED APPROACH T<j> CONTRACTS;
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B) SHARE BASELINE DATA OR ' CO~LABORATE WITH OIP TO
COLLECT IT WHERE NONE IS AVAILABL~;
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C) SHARE DATA ON THE NORTHERN ELE~TRICAL GRID;
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D) CONSIDER EMPLOYING PRE-SHIPME~T INSPECTION AGENTS AND
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... :Statement in the Security Council on the H~anitariaJ, Situation in iraq, March 24,20 Page 14 of 14
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USE BETTER SUPPLIERS;
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E) STRENGTHEN COOPERATION WITH M<i>NITORS~
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F) ENSURE REGULAR DISTRIBUTION <:pF A FULL FOOD BASKET,
IMPLEMENT A SUPPLEMENTARY FEED:Il'JG PROGRAM AND, UNTIL IT
CAN BE SURPASSED, MEET TARGET QJt 2,463 CALORIES/DAY (SEE
· VISUAL AID VI: "OIL-FOR-FOOD MONTimYFOOD RATIONS"); ·
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G) ESTABLISH EFFICIENT DISTRIBUTIONINETWORDS FOR TARGETED
NUTRITION AND SUPPLEMENTARY FEEdiNG PROGRAMS;
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H) ENSURE ADEQUATE FUNDING FOR B~SIC PUBLIC HEALTH CARE;
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I) IMPROVE DELIVERY AND ADMINISTRATION OF DRUGS FOR
CHRONIC ILLNESSES.
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WITH REGARD TO THE SECRETARY-ENERAL~'S RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE
661 COMMITTEE, WE WELCOME FURTHE
DISCUSSION ON CONTRACT
PAYMENT MECHANISMS AND OIL OVERSEE .. AS I NOTED EARLIER, WE ARE
WORKING TO MAKE OUR CONTRACT REVIEW PROCEDURES MORE RAPID AND
TRANSPARENT.
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IWOULD.<LONCLUDEMYREhlARKSBYUNDEksc@RINGHOWCONFIDENTIAM
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..tTHAT1RESOLUTION 1284 HOLDS THE KEY Tb REALIZING MORE· FULLY THE ...• · . ·· ·,.. ~- ~~ ;:-.
.. POTENt{$~ ~,OIL-FOR-FOOD PROGRAM..'-qi{S .i~:-~HE fiRST TIME SUCH A - ' 1
·
MASSNE.: :· PRQ§R.AM-. HAS BEEN. ·.UNDERTA.KE'NI· ~.a)1; TH~. UN, AND THE
• ..
SQ<;CE"S~~$,QF,:;IJ;Hp:;PROGMM T.O DATE •. ~\~~;,f~QRMOJJS· TRII}UTE TO THE .. : !.·· , -~
9f
ARD-::'WORKING' MEN'_ AND WOMEN:l':orr ,'~THE:· "'~UN 'WHOSE VISION
. \'f.~-:·~
DETERMINATioN,· AND·.,.DEDICAlJON HAV* ·/.MADE 2Tiffi ..PROGRAM,4·.rH£.. · · ··.,~--~·,."· , .
; '~t; ~: ~r :i: ,· ENbR"Moosl'·suctEssi!T ts ToDAY. -wirLooK!FbR.wARfftd . A:N EYEN 'sETTER"· (:. if··':~.)· ,.
. , ~' . . , PROGRAM AS RESok;tinp~ f28~is IMPLEMENjrED.
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141016
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. 20·Ideas to Improve the Oi~~For-Food Program
The United States advocates the following steps tni order to enhance and expedite the
delivery of humanitarian goods and services to th~ people of Iraq under the Oil-ForFood Program. Of course, no improvements to th~ Program can replace the
responsibility of the Government ofIraq to provide for the needs of its own people.
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UN agencies overseeing the implementation otthe Oil-For-Food Program in the north
oflraq should be empowered to.manage the sa,'me programs in ihe rest of the country,
given the Iraqi Government's terrible record irt providing for vulnerable populations.
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2. The UN-managed escrow account should be hbused in more than one financial
institution to minimize risk to the fund and .inq~ease potential interest revenues.
3. The Security Council should adopt immediate~y a U.S.-sponsored·technical resolution
to increase the allotment of oil spare parts undbr the Oil-For-Food Program to $600
million, as recommended in the reports ofSayholt and~ the Secretary-General.
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· 4. · Me~bet ·state.s ~mpli~it in J)muggling should !end practices:_i!lla~ support sanctions
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The~~:~IiJu(<i1.1J~}~5(re~tri¢tionsl'on Saybolt's.oh iTidusthHn§~~tiri~i~f;'·s~ybolt should
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. . t,~e ~now~ toJnspe,i;;tl~'s r~fineiy t!n"Qughp~t_anywh,er6,in ~e c~~~:t~ in~uie'
show the extent to whicb,Jraq,is keeping revenues from the Oil-For-Food,, Program,
and could lead to a way to recoup those funds1
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6. As foreseen by resolution 1284, the Security Council should designate new
authorized routes for Iraqi refined petroleum product. We propose that the Security
Col.mcil allow Abu Flus and Al Faw to go on tine for this purpose, deploying UN oil
overseers there to ensure the end of smugglin~ifrom these ports. This could bring .
some $500-800 million back into the :escrow aecount.
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7. Governments that present Oil-For-Food contr~cts on behalf of companies should take
the responsibility to ensti.re that submitted contracts contain adequate information to
I
expedite processing and minimize the chance~ of contract "holds."
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8. Submitting states of Oil-For-Food co11tracts s~ould also make every effort to ensure
that all companies proffering contracts to the ~61 (Iraq sanctions) Committee are
·
abiding by sanctions.
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9.
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The best way to reduce the number of coritra~t holds is to provide a guarantee that
contracted goods go to the Iraqi people.. The ~est way to achieve this is through
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monitoii.ng.
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~017
10. Just as the UN has contracted with Saybolt to do assessments of the Iraqi oil sector
and has provided Oil-For-Food moriitors with sectoral expertise, the UN should
employ this model in other sectors, such as electricity.
I
11. Given the increased complexity dfthe .Oil-For-Food Program, there should be a
better balance of technical expert~ over hut:nanitarian workers in the UN monitoring
staff.
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12. The 661 Committee should recei~e more :information on a regular basis concerning
· the nature and findings of specifid monitoring done at member stat~s· request.
13. The 661 immediately should begip discussing implementation of an Oil-For-Food
cash component and local purcha$e provisions (as called for in paragraph 24 of
resolution 1284), on which we un(jerstand that UN Operations (UNOPS) is currently
working.
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14. The new bead of UN Programs· iri Iraq (UNOHCI), once appointed, .should be more
vigorous in pressing the Government of Iraq to fulfill its humanitarian ol?ligations,
and should report r~~lady to the:Seculity Council on the results.ofthosel~fforts ..
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15: Another task for the new~UNbif<ti head should be to draw up a phmlot¥a$sistj.ng
vulnerable groups, perh~ps in. bq~su1tation with the ICRC. This pl;pi.sh~J.{ld_irt~lude·
.,_ .a:n invitation to h~a.pit~~ pt~¥U?:ations iq describe projects t~ey,;wQ.~Idi~.e~ w}iH~g, :... . ...
. ·· . , to undertake in south ai}ct(C:ehtt~tlraq~ .In northern Iraq, UN agehci~s:~d~~ffGOs''are ~ .:: ·.
· ';, :o
im~{q¥~ngJ't?e liye~?.:~"Ur,1qi~. !~.~x:e i~ np ~~~o:n lr~q}~·.-~1oug,h?J-I\!h,e pg).111try, s~ppld;.
· " ; ·~··
. >?. be depnved 'of such ass1stance.
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16. The new UNOHCI head, as one ~fhislher first tasks, should draft a comprehensive
plan for eliminating backlogs in qistrihution across all sectors.
17. We support the efforts ofthe Sectetary~General and the Office ofthe Iraq Program .
(OIP) to ensure that contracts submitted by Iraq arrive at a smoother pace, not
bunched together at the. end of a phase: We should also have more clarity in the OilFor-Food Distribution Plan.
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18. The OIP should report on the eff~cts of the Government of Iraq's reqwrement that
. those internally displaced within ~raqmust establish a six-month residency
requirement before receiving ass.stan,ce. The international community must ensure
that basic,.life-sustaining assistartce is not denied by the regime to the most needy of
the Iraqi people.
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. 19. UNOPs should conduct
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d~-mini~g throughoutlraq.
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20. Additionally, the Government
o~ ~aq·:must i~ediately:
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-- use a project-based approach to co~tfaats; •
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-,. share baseline data or collaborate w~'th OIP to collect it;
-- share data on the Northern electric~i!grid;
.
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-- consider employing pre-shipment ih~pection agents and using better suppliers.;
-- cooperate more constructively wi~ 'ijjN monitor~;
-- ensure regular distribution of a full[ (bod basket, implement a supplementary feeding
program, and, until it can be surpasse4J :qieet'the target of 2,463 calories per person per
.
day·,
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-- ensure adequate funding for basic ~elalth care; .
-- improve delivery and administrati~~~of drugs for chronic illnesses .
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~019
ABciUT
FACTS
SANCTIONS AND
THE UN'S Oit-FPR-FOOD PROGRAM
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Background: Until Iraq complies with its ob,ligations under United Nations 'security Council
Resolutions, the sanctions regime remains in:effect. The task before.the United $tates and the
international community is. to make the sanctlions regime more effective.
.
.
The Oil-For-Food program..:_ which was sponsored by the U.S. and initially introduced in 1991, but not
accepted by the Iraqi government until 1996 ;_ provides the Iraqi people with basic civilian goods and
humanitarian services while denying the gov~ment access to items which could be used for military
purposes. Therefore, Oil-For-Food serves both htlplamtarian interests and regional security.
The U.S. government continues to look for ways to streamline and improve the Oil-For-Food program
·while maintaining high standards in preventi11g the delivery of items that could be used fo! military·
purposes.
)
In just three years, the Oil-for-Food Program, which is the largest humanitarian operation:in UN history,
has accorriplished the following:
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13 million tons of food delivered to the Iraqtipeople;
Food imports· are at pre-Gulf War levels;
.::-> ..
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• Successful Veterinary Vaccination prog¢ms have s~~vedloff iivesloc~_~p~demics and increased
..: . ··..
poultry andieggs production;
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• $.1 bh~i?!l V{4rt~ ~-~*ealth commodities_ ?aye:~i%-n approvf!d_by~l~e .~ ~anct~ons Committee ..·: .
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(mclu~mg.~e 4,eJ~r~.ry of9,0% of~<>..§Ptjil,drug.nee?s);
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• M~~7 -d~.P.~~~Ir' :pi,l.jorL1\Vort~, oqnputsto the w~ter, san!Utl\~n~ ~%7tri~9~t\~~~d agric,utwr~l sectors. have. . ' ,~ _;\ ·;_;·_, \ .~.1:. :~_;:
amve m ~q; ·
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~ l Anoth~r. $·i;.~ b'illior('w.orth of goods in' the w:ater an,d ~an,tatiop,;_el~ctric.al; edl;lcatiol}, and agr.ic~l~ral.~ ,, ., .,c. ' ",~, ;
sectoi~ ha\,e"'been approved arid
'On their ·Y'ay to.Iniq;!
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1;300 calories to more than 2,000 calories'since. ,the
• Iraqi per capita daily'iiltaKe has risen
T, . •
program took effect.
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ate
from
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UN Security UN Security Council resol\ltion 1284, adopted in December 1999, expands and
improves the oil-for-food program. Th~ resolution:
-~ allows Iraq to export as much oil as required to mee(humanitarian needs;·
-:-calls for-the establishment o~lists; of humanitarian items which will be_"pre-approved" and not
require approval by the UN Sanctions Committee;.
·
--requires the UN Sanctions Com~ittee to review contracts for goods under the oil-for-food
program within a target.oftwo[day~;
-- authorizes the use of oil-for-food ifuncis for the purchase of locally-produced Iraqi goods, once
appropriate procedures are in place;
-- allows oil-for-food funds to be s~ent on services, such as installation and training, associated
with the supply of oil-for-food! goo~s; .
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-- exempts flights for the hajj pilgrimage from sanctions, requiringonly that Iraq not{fY the UN of
the flights;
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-- calls upon the government of Ii-ab to ensure timely and equitable distribution of humanitarian
goods; to address the needs of vuln~rable groups such as children and pregnant women; ·and to
prioritize its purchases.
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14]020
Questions to Ask
How much of the GOI's own r~sources (from taxes, reserves,
smuggling, oil-for-food contract kickbacks) are spent on
education and health care? i How much on the military? How much .
I
on palace construction?
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Why does Baghdad-consi~tent~y under-order foodstuffs? Why has
it never allocated sufficieht foodstuffs to meet the minimum
calorie and protein targets! recotnmended by the UN?
I
Child mortality rates in thte ~orth are below pre_:War levels.
There has long been a suppllementary ·feeding program in the
North. Due to the program'is success, the SYG' s report notes
that those in n~ed have drqpped.from a quarter million to under
80., 000. Why has Baghad ret!used to implement the SYG' s
recommendation for a sirnil~r program· in the south/center?
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Why won't the GOI .allow NGd's to operate in the south/center as
they do in the north?
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The Special Rapporteur·: for !Human Rights. told .ttle .UN -in 1999 that
landmines plated ~~. ~q~- re9ime betwe_en 1992 and 1~9,7 ': l).ii~e ~aused
.·~
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more than 15,000 .c'a~~?l}-'::tie~, of which 15% were{'ch.:jHdr~·n,(.:~; . Wlfy .
\ ~:;:t0~.'i: .,. ~ )/ ;. :. · doesn~ t Baghd~~; \I?_e·-~m~·t"'/qein~?ing)wor~ in the~ !39B:~h/~Gr~-~'~·B.'·a;:> l'is .. ,
do~e ln the North?,; 'Why • do~s Baghdad· oppose dernl.nl:ng .1.n :. the
.
·
" · {. \ . ·:; :t'lqrtfu :;:"('whe''r,e:"' 's~gniffcant'' ptogr:ei;s. · h~-s''•pe.el) ~·rnadel;·i!);,;, a'g~:Leul tu;:e ·~, ,,1 If
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. and reforestation thanks t<!>·.- succe'ssflil deinining) .
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'~' ., ··woul'ct Iraq permit addition~;:i QN 'rnorU.i:.ors in Iraq to ensure 'Oif:..:
for-food inputs are being *sed appropriately? If not, why not?
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Why did the GOI refuse a v~~a~to th~ new UN ~pecial Rapporteur
for Human Rights? Will th~.G:OI·allow him entry in the future?
Why did it consistently re~us~ ~ntry to former Special
Rapporteur Max Vander Sto~l (save for one visit in 1992)?
;·
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During the drought Iraq isi currently experiencing, how was
Saddarn able to build the p~ivate lakes and water works around
his palaces and Thar-Thar ~illage?
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ent~y
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High~Level
Why did the GOI reiuse
to
UN's new
Coordinator for Kuwait-Issjues Yuliy Vorontsov?
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The Human Rights Rapporte~r points out that in Iraq "there is no
freedom of speech or actidn ~ince the mere suggestion that
someone is not a supporte~ ot the president carries the prospect
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�04/13/00
THU 17:09 FAX 202 736 4464
NEA/NGA
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In sue~ a situation, is your source's
of the death penalty."
assessment credible?
Why wouldn't the GOI allow Say~olt (oil industry analysts.on
contract to the UN) conduct a.~tudy on foreign·investment in the
oil sector (one of the recomme~dations of the Amorim
humanitarian pan.el adopted in: UNSCR 1284)?
Why has Iraq banned any inquir~ by Saybolt into refinery
needs?
{The vast majority of ~muggling involves gasoil, a
refined petroleum product.)
,.
Where do the new cars on the s~reets of Baghdad come from?
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Prepared by the U.S. Department of State
September 1999
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�EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Sadltam Hussein\
...
Iraq
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,
SUMMARY
I
The purpose of this report
is to present the facts
concerning Iraq under
Saddam Hussein.
There are a wealth of charges and countercharges concerning actions undertaken by
Saddam and by the international community
towards Iraq.
Based on publicly available information, the
(ads contained in this report demonstrate that
under the regime of Saddam Hussein, Iraq
continues to repress its people, threaten the
region, and obstruct international efforts to
provide humanitarian relief.
We are helping the Iraqi people in their efforts
to bring about a regime that is committed to
living in peace with its neighbors and respecting
the rights of its citizens.
We want to see Iraq return as a respected
and prosperous member of the international
· community, and as the evidence shows, this is
unlikely to happen as long as Saddam Hussein
is in power.
As long as Saddam Hussein is in power, we are
determined to contain the Iraqi regime and
prevent it from threatening the region or its
own people. We will also continue our efforts to
increase humanitarian relief for the people of
Iraq, over the obstructions of the regime.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
�IMPACT OF SANCTIONS
Saddam Hussein's
I~
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~f'~
SUMMARY
. Sanctions were imposed on Iraq by
the international community in the
wake of Iraq's brutal invasion of
Kuwait. They are intended to
prevent the Iraqi regime
access to resources that it would
use to reconstitute weapons of
· mass destruction. Sanctions can
only be lifted when Iraq complies
fully with all relevant UN Security
Council resolutions.
Impact of Sanctions
Sanctions are not intended to harm the people of Iraq.
That is why the sanctions regime has always specifically exempted food and medicine. The Iraqi regime has
always been free to import as much of these goods .as
possible. It refuses to do so, even though it claims it
wants to relieve the suffering of the people of Iraq.
The international community, not
the regime of Saddam Hussein, is'
working to relieve the impact of
sanctions on ordinary Iraqis.
Iraq is actually exporting food, even though it says
its people are malnourished. Coalition ships enforcing the UN sanctions against Iraq recently diverted
the ship M IV MINIMARE containing 2, 000 metric
tons of rice and other material being exported from
Iraq for hard currency instead of being used to support the Iraqi people.
•
Saddam Hussein's regime remains a
threat to its people and its
neighbors, and has not met any of
its obligations to the UN that would
allow the UN to lift sanctions.
•
Baby milk sold to Iraq through the oil-for-food program has been found in markets throughout the
Gulf, demonstrating that the Iraqi regime is depriving its people of much-needed goods in order to
make an illicit profit.
•
Kuwaiti authorities recently seized a shipment coming out of Iraq carrying, among other items, baby
powder, baby bottles, and other nursing materials
for resale overseas (see photo 1).
Saddam Hussein's priorities are clear. If given control
oflraq's resources, Saddam Hussein would use them to
rearm and threaten the region, not to improve the lot of
the Iraqi people.
There is ample proof that lifting sanctions would offer
the Iraqi people no relief from neglect at the hands of
their government
•
Sanctions prevent Saddam from spending money on
rearmament, but do not stop him from spending
money on food and medicine for Iraqis.
•
Saddarn s priorities are clear: palaces for himself,
prisons for his people, and weapons to destroy Iraqs
citizens and its neighbors. He has built 48 palaces
for himself since the Gulf War. He would not use
Iraqs resources to improve the lives of Iraqis.
Saddam Hussein would use them to rearm and
threaten the region.
IMPACT OF SANCTIONS
�·,
Photo I: Kuwait authorities recently seized a shipment coming out of Iraq carrying,
among other items, baby powder, baby bottles, and other nursing materials for resale overseas.
IMPACT OF SANCTIONS
�--
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IRAQI OBSTRUCTION I ~~
OF OIL~F~~-FOO~___L__I•_J_~~
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SUMMAR)'
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Thanks to the oil-for-food program,
the people of Iraq, especially
those in the north, are getting
needed foods and medicines.·
Oil-for-Food Program Helps Iraqis
Iraqi oil exports are now at near pre-war levels and
revenues are above what Iraq was receiving during
the Iran-Iraq ww: For the six-month period JuneNovember 1999, Iraqi oil exports are projected to
exceed $6 billion.
•
Previously Iraq had said it was unable to produce
enough oil to meet oil-for-food ceilings because the
UN refused to approve contracts for spare parts for
its petroleum industry. The facts demonstrate otherwtse.
•
In the two and a half years that the oil-for-food program has been functioning, Iraq has been able to
sell over $14.9 billion in oil. Iraqi oil exports are
near pre-war levels, and rising world oil prices are
allowing more oil-for-food goods to be purchased. '
•
The oil-for-food program has delivered $3. 7 billion
worth of food, $691 million worth of medicine, and
more than $500 million worth of supplies for electrical, water I sanitation, agricultural, education, oil
industry, settlement rehabilitation and demining
projects.
•
The program would be even
more effective if the Iraqi regime
were cooperating. Iraqi obstruction
of the oil-for-food program,
not United Nations sanctions,
is the primary r.eason the Iraqi
people are suffering.
•
Despite Iraqi obstructionism, oil-for-food has raised
by 50% the daily caloric value of the ration basket
and has steadily improved health care for Iraqis.
Infrastructure repair in areas such as agriculture,
electricity, and water and sanitation is being undertaf:wn.
·---··--·----·--·-·--
Iraqi Oil Export Revenue and
Oil-for-Food Purchasesa
Billion US$
5
-
Oil eutpDrt I"CIYOnue
llliii!iJ Food pUr<hUGt
Iraq has claimed it was unable to produce enough oil to
meet oil-for-food ceilings because the UN refused to
approve contrac;ts for spare parts for its petroleum
industry. The fact is that hundreds of millions of dollars of.spare parts have been delivered and Iraqi oil
production is expected to exceed pre-Gulf war levels.
•
Since the start of the oil-for-food program, of the
7,560 contracts received, 5,901, or 78.1%, have been
approved. Their total value is $7. 7 billion.
•
The 448 contracts on hold as of August 1999 include
requests fo1· items that can be used to mal~e chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. Many of these
0~----r----~------+------r----~
Phase I
Phase 5
Phase 2
Phase 3
Phase 4
Chart I: Revenues from oil sales continue to increase
under the oil-for-food program, yet the Iraqi regime
refuses to use them to buy food for its people.
IRAQI OBSTRUCTION OF OIL-FOR,FOOD
�PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
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~tems are on the list described in UNSCR 1051, the
llist of goods which must be notified to and inspectbd RY. UNSCOM and the IAEA. As Iraq is not per/mitting either organization to perform its UN-mandated functions, there can be no assurance that Iraq
would not divert these dual-use items.
/
of resou;~~-;~e~y-nic~l effortsto sacr1fiue-th~aqi people's welfare in order to bring an end to UN sanctions
without complying with its obligations.
•
The UN has reported that, despite Iraqi claims of
infant malnutrition, the government of Iraq has
ordered only a fraction of the nutrition supplies for
vulnerable children and pregnant and nursing
mothers recommended by -the UN and for which
money has been set aside under the oil-for-food program. Only $1.7 million of $25 million set aside for
nutrittonal supplements has been spent by Iraq. In
the past eighteen months, Iraq has ordered no nutritional supplements.
•
The United Nations has reported that $200 million
worth of medicines and medical supplies sit undistributed in Iraqi" warehouses. This is about half the
value of all the medical supplies that have arrived
in Iraq since the start of the oil-for-food program.
Saddam can move his troops and missiles around
the country, but claims that he doesn't have enough
transportation to distribute these medicines, even as
he alleges that children are dying due to sanctions.
•
Despite a 50% increase in oil revenues, Iraq has.
increased the amount earmarlwd for food purchases
by only 15.6%.
-Jqi O.bstruction, not Sanctions,
HinCiers Effectiveness
For five years, Iraq resisted international efforts to
establish the oil-for-food program.
•
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[
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Concerned about the welfare of the Iraqi people, the
Security Council attempted to create an oil-for-food
program in 1991 that would allow Iraqi oil to be
sold, with proceeds deposited in a UN-controlled
account and used to purchase humanitarian goods
for the Iraqi people. Iraq rejected the Security
Council's original proposal.
In 1995,-over Iraq's protests-the Security Council
adopted another oil-for-food resolution. Again, Iraq
refused to accept it. It was only after another year
. and a half of Iraqi delays and international pressure that the Iraq regime agreed to accept oil-for·
.
food.
The August 1999 UNICEF Report on Child Health
demonstrates that Iraqi mismanagement, - if not also
deliberate policy - not sanctions, is responsible for
malnutrition and deaths.
•
•
•
Baghdad has reduced from $8 million to $6 million
the amount allocated to the supplemental nutritional support program for malnourished children and
pregnant and lactating mothers.
In Northern Iraq, where the UN adminis- ----- ----------------------------------------------ters humanitarian assistance, child mortal- Under-Five Mortality Rates in Iraq, 1984-98
ity rates.,,hdve fallen below pre-Gulf War
levels. Rates rose in the period before oil- Deaths per I000 live births
No.them l•aq
c.....usouthe•n l..q .
for-food, but with the introduction of the
140
program the trend reversed, and now those
Iraqi children are better off than before the
120
war.
100
Child mortality figures have more than
doubled in the south and center of the country, where the Iraqi government - rather
than the UN - controls the program. If a
turn-around on child mortality can be
made in the north, which is under the same
sanctions as the rest of the country, there is
no reason it can,not be done in the south and
center.
40
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20
The fact of the matter is, however, that the government of Iraq does not share the international community's concern about the welfare ofits
people. Baghdad's refusal to cooperate with the Chart 2: In Northem Iraq_ where the UN administers humanltarlari
assistance, child mortality rates have declined.
�items are on the list described in UNSCR 1051, the
list of goods which must be notified to and inspected by UNSCOM and the IAEA. As Iraq is not permitting either organization to perform its UN-mandated functions, there can be no assurance that Iraq
would not divert these dual-use items.
of resources are cynical efforts to sacr1fi~~aqi people's welfare in order to bring an end to UN sanctions
without complying with its obligations.
•
The UN has reported that, despite Iraqi claims of
infant malnutrition, the government of Iraq has
ordered only a fraction of the nutrition supplies for
vulnerable children and pregnant and nursing
mothers recommended by the UN and for which
money has been set aside under the oil-for-food program. Only $1.7 million of $25 million set aside for
nutritional supplements has been spent by Iraq. In
the past eighteen months, Iraq has ordered no nutritional supplements.
•
The United Nations has reported that $200 million
worth of medicines and medical supplies sit undistributed in Iraqi warehouses. This is about half the
value of all the medical supplies that have arrived
in Iraq since the start of the oil-for-food program..
Saddam can move his troops and missiles around
the country, but claims that he doesn't have enough
transportation to distribute these medicines, even as
he alleges that children are dying due to sanctions.
•
Despite a 50% increase in oil revenues, Iraq has.
increased the amount earmarked for food purchases
by only 15.6%.
•
Baghdad has reduced from $8 million to $6 million
the amount allocated to the supplemental nutritional support program for malnourished children and
pregnant and lactating mothers.
Iraqi "Obstruction, not Sanctions,
HinC:ters Effectiveness
For five years, Iraq resisted international efforts to
establish the oil-for-food program.
•
Concerned about the welfare of the Iraqi people, the
Security Council attempted to create an oil-for-food
program in 1991 that would allow Iraqi oil to be
sold, with proceeds deposited in a UN-controlled
account and used to purchase humanitarian goods
for the Iraqi people. Iraq rejected the Security
Councils- original proposal.
In 1995,-over Iraq's protests-the Security Council
adopted another oil-for-food resolution. Again, Iraq
refused to accept it. It was only after another year
and a half of Iraqi delays and international pressure that the Iraq regime agreed to accept oil-forfood.
The August 1999 UNICEF Report on Child Health
demonstrates that Iraqi mismanagement, - if not also
deliberate policy - not sanctions, is responsible for
malnutrition and deaths.
•
•
In Northern Iraq, where the UN administers humanitarian assistance, child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf War
levels. Rates rose in the period before oilfor-food, but with the introduction of the
program the trend reversed, and now those
Iraqi children are better off than before the
war.
Child mortality figures have more than
doubled in the south and center of the country, where the Iraqi gove1·nment - rather
than the UN - controls the program. If a
turn-around on child mortality can be
made in the north, which is under the same
sanctions as the rest of the country, there is
no reason it cannot be done in the south and
center.
Under-Five Mortality Rates in Iraq, 1984-98
Deaths per I000 live births
-Northern Iraq
-
Central/Southern Iraq .
140
120
100
40
20
The fact of the matter is, however, that the government oflraq does not share the international community's concern about the welfare of its
people. Baghdad's refusal to cooperate with the Chart 2: In Northem Iraq where the UN administers humanitarian
as~istance, child mortality rates have declined.
oil-for-food program and its deliberate misuse In central and Southern Iraq where the Iraqi government controls the
program rates have more than doubled.
IRAQI OBSTRUCTION OF OIL-FOR-FOOD
�Oil-fof'\oFood Goods Remaining Undistributed in Iraq
E
70
Central/Southern Iraq
~
-
Northern Iraq
~60
0
o-
e
-
30
20
10
0
Food
Medicine
-
~
Water and
Sanitation
Agriculture
Electricity
Education
As of 30 April 1999
Chart J:The Iraqi Government has refused to diStribute to the people of Iraq billions of dollars worth of supplies delivered
by the oil-fo,..food program.
IRAQI OBSTRUCTION OF OIL-FOR-FOOD
�---------·-----------------1
Iraqi Food Imports, 1980-98a
Million US$
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0
a Represeri(s
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96 97a 98a
f~~d imported under oil-for-food program
Chart 4: Under the oil-for-food program, Iraq's imports of food have returned to pre-GulfWar levels. (Iraq rejected the oilfor-food program from 1991 to 1996. The first deliveries under oil-for-food began in 1997).
IRAQI OBSTRUCTION OF OIL-FOR-FOOD
�MISUSE OF RESOURCES
BY THE REGIME
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SUMM~RY
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Slddan Klain\
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Rather than spend money
to help its people, Iraq's leaders
enrich themselves.
Mismanagement
With Iraqi oil revenues burgeoning, it's hard to understand why the people of Iraq aren't better off. The reason is because the government of Iraq is mismanaging
the oil-for-food program, either deliberately or through
incompetence.
•
Despite reports of widespread health problems, the
government has still not spent the full $200 million
for medical supplies allocated under phase five of
the oil-for-food prograin (which ended in May). Only
40% of the money was used to purchase medicines
for primary care, while 60% was used to buy medical equipment .
•
While the average Iraqi needs basic medicines and
medical care, the government of Iraq spent $6 million on a gammalmife, an instrument used for complicated neurosurgery that requires extremely
advanced training to use. Another several million
was spent on a MRI machine, used for high-resolution imaging. Such exotic treat11_1.ent is reserved for
regime bodyguards and other members of the elite.
This total of $10 million could instead liave benefited thousands of Iraqi children if it had been spent
on vaccines, antibiotics, and the chemotherapeutics
necessary to treat the large numbers of children that
are allegedly dying due to lach of medicine,
.....-·
Personal Enrichment
Pt,JOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
While the people of Iraq go wanting, their leaders
enrich themselves.
•
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In July 1999, Forbes Magazine estimated Saddam
Hussein s personal wealth at $6 billion, acquired
primarily fro.rn oil and smuggling.
Medicines received through the oil-for-food program
are sold by the regime to private hospitals at exorbitant prices.
· <I Members of the government and top military and
security officials are provided with extra. monthly
food rations, Mercedes automobiles, and monthly
stipends in the thousands of dollars. By comparison, the average monthly government salary is
6, 500 dinars, or about $3. 50.
1
MISUSE OF RESOURCES BY THE REGIME
�MISUSE OF RESOURCES
BY THE REGIME
.
•
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Sadltam Hussefn\
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Jf~
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SUMMARY
i
Rather than spend money
to help its people, Iraq's leaders
enrich themselves.
Mismanagement
With Iraqi oil revenues burgeoning, it's hard to understand why the people of Iraq aren't better off. The reason is because the government of Iraq is mismanaging
the oil-for-food program, either deliberately or through
incompetence.
•
Despite reports of widespread health problems, the
government has still not spent the full $200 million
for medical supplies allocated under phase five of
the oil-for-food program (which ended in May). Only
40% of the money was used to purchase medicines
for primary care, while 60% was used to buy medical equipment.
•
While the average Iraqi needs basic medicines and
medical care, the government of Iraq spent $6 million on a gamma knife, an instrument used for complicated neurosurgery that requires extremely
advanced training to use. Another several million
was spent on a MRI machine, used for high-resolution imaging. Such exotic treatment is reserved for
regime bodyguards and other m~rnbers of the elite.
This total of $10 million could instead have benefited thousands of Iraqi children if it had been spent
on vaccines, antibiotics, and the chemotherapeutics
necessary to treat the large numbers of children that
are allegedly dying due to lack of medicine;
Personal Enrichment
While the people of Iraq go wanting, their leaders
enrich themselves.
•
In July 1999, Forbes Magazine estimated Saddarn
Hussein s personal wealth at $6 billion, acquired
primarily from oil and smuggling.
•
Medicines received through the oil-for-food program
are sold by the regime to private hospitals at exorbitant prices.
•
Members of the government and top military and
security officials are provided with extra monthly
food rations, Mercedes automobiles, and monthly
stipends in the thousands of dollars. By comparison, the average monthly government salary is
6,500 dinars, or about $3.50.
MISUSE OF RESOURCES BY THE REGIME
�Saddam's Excesses
In addition to the revenues generated under the oil-forfood program, the government of Iraq earns money
from other sources which it controls. Rather than spend
these funds to help the people oflraq, Saddam Hussein
chooses to build monuments to himself. In addition, he
deprives those in need of water and other scarce
resources in order to favor elites and other supporters
of the regime.
•
•
Saddam celebrated his birthday this year by building a resort complex for regime loyalists. Since the
Gulf Wa1; Saddam has spent over $2 billion on presidential palaces. Some of these palaces boast goldplated faucets and man-made lakes and waterfalls,
which use pumping equipment that could have been
used to address civilian water and sanitation needs.
In April1999, Iraqi officials inaugurated Saddamiat
al Tharthar: Located 85 miles west of Baghdad, this
sprawling lakeside vacation resort contains stadiums, an amusement park, hospitals, parks, and 625
homes to be used by government officials. This project cost hundreds of millions of dollars. There is no
clearer example of the government's lack of concern
for the needs of its people than Saddamiat al
Tharthar (see photo 2).
•
In July, Baghdad increased taxes on vehicle ownership and marriage dowries, after earlier increases
in taxes, fees, and fuel and electricity price{>. This is
in part what pays for Saddam 's palaces. Saddam
also uses food rations, medical care, and other state
resources to buy the loyalty of his inner circle and
security forces.
•
Iraq is facing its worst drought in 50 years. As a
result, the government is restricting the planting of
rice and told fanners not to plant summer crops
without permission from the Ministry of Irrigation.
The water levels of the reservoirs supplying Saddam
Hussein's region of Tikrit, however, were at normal
seasonal levels, while the flow of water to the southern cities was dramatically lower than during the
previous two years. Saddam is diverting water to
serve his political objectives, at the expense of the
general population.
Photo 2: Saddamiat al Tharthar, Iraq, resort city built for Regime Vip's, April 1999
MISUSE OF RESOURCES BY THE REGIME
�REPRESSION OF
THE IRAQI PEOPLE
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SaiMmn Hussem\
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Iraq
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SUMMARY:
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·.. Saddam Hussein's repression
of the Iraqi people has not stopped.
He is draining the southern
marshes, causing grave
environmental damage and forcible
relocation of civilians in an attempt
to eliminate opposition to the
regime.
He is murdering Shi'a clerics.
UNSC Resolution 688
In Resolution 688 (1991), the UN Security Council condemned the Government of Iraq's repression of the
Iraqi civilian population, which it concluded threatened
international peace and security in the region.
The Council demanded that Iraq immediately end
this repression and allow immediate access by international humanitarian organizations to all those in need
of assistance in all parts of Iraq.
Iraq has neither ended the repression of its civilian
population nor allowed outside organizations access to
help those in need. The government of Iraq uses military force to repress civilian populations throughout
the country, resulting in the deaths of thousands and
the destruction of entire villages.
•
Iraq has refused to allow the UN's Special
Rapporteur for Human Rights to return to Iraq
since his first visit in 1992. The government of Iraq ~~
has refused to allow the stationing of human rights
monitors as required by the resolutions of the UN «.
General Assembly and the UN Commission on
Human Rights. The regime expelled UN personnel
and NGOs who, until 1992, ensured the delivery of ,
humanitarian relief services throughout the country.
•
Iraqi authorities routinely practice extrajudicial,
summary or arbitrary executions throughout those
parts of the country still under regime control. The
total number of prisoners believed to have been executed since autl!mn 1997 exceeds 2,500. This
includes hundreds of arbitrary executions in the last
months of 1998 at Abu Ghraib and Radwaniyah
prisons near Baghdad.
•
In the 1970s and 1980s, the Iraqi regime destroyed
over 3, 000 Kurdish villages. The destruction of
Kurdish and Turlwmen homes is still going on in
Iraqi-controlled areas of northern Iraq, as evidenced the destruction by Iraqi forces of civilian
homes in the citadel of Kirkuk (see Photo 3 & 4).
•
In northern Iraq, the government is continuing its [
campaign of forcibly deporting Kurdish and
Turkomen families to southern governorates. As a I
result of these forced deportations, approximately ·
900,000., citizens are internally displaced throughout Iraq. Local officials in the south have ordered
He is destroying villages and forcibly
relocating people in both the north
and the south and destroying
villages in the south.
International human rights groups
and others are gathering
evidence and working to establish ·
an international criminal court to
try Saddam and his senior aides
for war crimes and crimes against
humanity.
•'I"
He has used chemic~l weapons
against his own people.
1
REPRESSION OFTHE IRAQI PEOPLE
�ution of food and medicine to the detriment of the
Shi'a. Iraqi troops killed fourteen villagers, arrested
more than a hundred more, and destroyed forty
homes. On June 29, the Supreme Council for the
Islamic Resistance in Iraq reported that 160 homes
in the Abul Khaseeb district near Basra were
destroyed (see photo 8).
the arrest of any official or citizen who provides
employment, food or shelter to newly arriving
Kurds.
,-.
•
•
Iraq's 1988-89 Anfal campaign subjected the
Kurdish people in northern Iraq to the most widespread attack of chemical weapons ever used
against a civilian population. The Iraqi military
attacked a number of towns and villages in northern Iraq
with chemical weapons. In the town of Halahja alone,
an estimated 5,000 civilians were killed and more than
10,000 were injured (see photo 5).
.The scale and severity of Iraqi attacks on Shi'a civilians in the south of Iraq have been increasing
steadily. The Human Rights Organization in Iraq
(HROI) reports that 1,093 persons were arrested in
June 1999 in Basrah alone. Tanks from the
Ham.nwurabi Republican Guardspivision attacked
the towns of Rumaitha and Khudur on June 26,
after residents protested the systematic maldistrib-
REPRESSION OF THE IRAQI PEOPLE
•
In March 1999, the regime gunned down Grand
Ayatollah al- Sayyid Mohammad Sadiq al Sadr, the
most senior Shi'a religious leader in Iraq. Since
1991, dozens of senior Shi'a clerics and hundreds of
their followers have either been murdered or arrested by the authorities,and their whereabouts remain
unknown.
•
In the southern marshes, government forces have
burned houses and fields, demolished houses with
bul~e~and undertaken a deliberate campaign
to drain and poison the marshes. Villages belonging
to the al Juwaibiri, al Shumaish, al Musa and al
�Rahma tribes were entirely destroyed and the
inhabitants forcibly expelled. Government troops
expelled the population of other areas at gunpoint
and also forced them to relocate by cutting off their
water supply (see photo 6 & 7).
War Crimes
The nature and magnitude of the crimes committed by
Saddam Hussein and his regime since 1980 demand
that all efforts be made to hold those individuals
accountable for their crimes. y.le believe that Saddam
Hussein and key members of his regime should be
brought to justice for their past and current crimes.
Photo 5: Chemical-gas victim,
Mahnaz Moharn from Halabja.
REPRESSION OF THE IRAQI PEOPLE
�Photo 6: Southern Marshes before attack by the Iraqi Government.
REPRESSION OF THE IRAQI PEOPLE
�Photo 7: Southern Marshes after attack by the Iraqi Government.
REPRESSION OF THE IRAQI PEOPLE
�Photo 8: On june 29, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Resi~tance in Iraq
reported that 160 homes in the Abul Khaseeb district near Basra were destroyed.
REPRESSION OF THE IRAQI PEOPLE
�~--------------------
EVADING U.N. RESOLUTIONS
AND FAILURE TO DISARM
.,,
.
·
,
:
Saddam Hussein\
I~
Jl~
~f·~
I
: SUMMARY
,
.
r
I.
What Disarmament Means
While its repression of the Iraqi
people continues, the Iraqi regime
still is far from complying with its
obligations under United Nations
Security Council resolutions.
It has not fully complied with
a single resolution.
UNSCR 687 and related resolutions 707, 715, and 1051
stipulate that Iraq must provide full, final and complete disclosure of all aspects of its nuclear, chemical,
biological, and long-range missile weapons programs;
allow unconditional inspection access by international
monitors; cease any attempt to conceal, move, or
destroy any material or equipment related to these programs; and cooperate with UN monitoring of relevant
Iraqi facilities and trade activities.
It has not fully declared and
destroyed its WMD programs. It has
not ceased concealment of ots
WMD.It has not responded fully to
questions from UNSCOM and the
IAEA. (UNSCRs 687, 707, 715, IOS I)
When these resolutions were passed, it was expected
that compliance would require no more than 90 days,
Instead, nine years later, sanctions remain in place
because Iraq has decided to (1) hide weapons and major
components 'of these programs, (2) secretly destroy
older, less-capable weapons and equipment, and (3)
give UN inspectors fraudulent declarations to mask
weapons and equipment that are still hidden,
It has not returned Kuwaiti and
Third Country POWs and Missing
Persons (UNSCRs 686 and 687).·
605 Kuwaiti POW/MIAs and 34
Saudis remain unaccounted for.
What Iraq Has Done
•
Iraq began playing hide-and-seek with UN inspectors in 1991. In December 1998, Sad&tm stopped
all cooperation with the UN, refusing to let any
weapons inspectors into the country.
•
In July 1998, Iraq seized from. the hands of
UNSCOM inspectors an Iraqi Air Force document
indicating that Iraq had misrepresented the expenditure of over 6,000 bombs which may have contained over 700 tons of chemical agent. Iraq continues to refuse to provide this document to the UN.
•
Iraq continues to deny weaponizing VX nerve agent,
despite the fact that UNSCOM found VX nerve
agent residues on Iraqi SCUD missile warhead
fragments. Based on its investigations, international experts concluded that "Iraq has the !mow-how
and process equipment, and may possess precursors
to manufacture as much as 200 tons of VX . . . The
retention of a VX capability by Iraq cannot be
excluded by the UNSCOM international expert
team."
•
Iraq has refused to credibly account for 500 tons of
SCUD propellant, over 40 SCUD biological and
conventional warheads, 7 Iraqi-produced SCUDs,
,.
lt"has not returned all stolen
Kuwaiti property (UNSCR 686). In
fact, some is still deployed with Iraqi
military units
It has not stopped repressing its
civilian population (UNSCR 688).
EVADING U.N. RESOLUTIONS AND FAILURE TO DISARM
�and truckloads of SCUD components.
•
Iraq refuses to allow inspection of thousands of
Ministry of Defense and Military Industries
Commission documents relating to biological and
chemical weapons and long-range missiles.
•
In ]995, Iraqis who conducted field trials of R-400
bombs filled with biological agents described the
tests 'to UNSCOM experts in considerable detail,
including the use of many animals. These field trials were reflected in Iraq's June 1996 biological
weapons declaration. Tht, amazingly, Iraq now
denies that any such trials were conducted at all.
•
In September 1995, Iraq finally declared the existence of two projects to disseminate biological agents
from. Mirage F-1 and MiG-21 aircraft, yet there is no
evidence that the prototype weapons and aircraft
were ever destroyed. There is also no evidence that
the 12 Iraqi helicopter-borne aerosol generators for
biological weapon delivery were ever destroyed.
•
Apart from one document referring to a single year,
no Iraqi biological weapon production records have
been given to the UN- no records of storage, of fill-
ing into
or of destruction. This is why
UNSCOM refers to Iraq's biological weapons program - which deployed SCUD missile warheads
filled with anthrax and botulinum toxin to be ready
for use against Coalition forces - as a "blacl?- hole."
•
•
,.
EVADING U.N. RESOLUTIONS AND FAILURE TO DISARM
The Iraqis have repeatedly changed their story
about their biological weapons warheads. Iraq has
revised several times its declarations regarding the
precise locations of warhead destruction and the fill
of warheads. The movements of concealed warheads
prior to unilateral destruction, claimed by Iraq,
have been proven to be false.
At the request of the UNSC, Brazilian Ambassador
Amorim led a review of the mechanisms designed to
ensure Iraqi disarmament. His 7 April 1999 report
affirmed that future work "should be based on the
full implementation of the plans for ongoing nwnitoring and verification approved by Security
Council Resolution 715 (1991)" and called for Iraq
to provide UNSCOM and IAEA inspectors with all
the rights called for by UNSC resolutions 687, 707,
and 1051." Rather than do so, Saddam has refused
to allow weapons inspectors into Iraq.
�IRAQ IS A REGIONAL THREAT
Sdamlfusseln\
~
J~
~f·~
,·· Iraq under Saddam Hussein
remains dangerous,
unreconstructed, and defiant.
It has not disarmed. It has never
apologized or expressed
regret for the invasion of Kuwait.
It continues to repress its people.
History of Aggression
Far from apologizing for its invasion of Kuwait, Iraq
continues to assert that its actions were justified.
On this year's ninth anniversary of the invasion of
Kuwait, the government newspaper Babel - owned
by Saddam 's son Uday - stated "We still believe
that what we did on August 2, 1990, was the right
response to foil a large and abortive conspiracy."
•
This is a dangerous regime that
threatens its neighbors, has a long
history of aggression, has ambitions
to dominate the Gulf by force, and
retains the capability to do so.
•
In an editorial on August 2, 1999, al Thawra, the
regime's mouthpiece, referred to Iraq's invasion of
Kuwait as, "the ~onorable day of the call."
•
In 1994, Saddam attempted to blaclunail the UN
Security Council into lifting sanctions by massing
his forces for another invasion of Kuwait. In
response, the UNSC passed Resolution 949, ordering Ira.q to withdraw its Republican Guard forces
from. southern Iraq.
Not only does Baghdad consider its invasion of Kuwait
"honorable," but Saddam Hussein has gone so far as to
call for the overthrow of fellow Arab leaaers and to
attempt to murder the Emir of Kuwait and former president George Bush.
•
In Saddam 's Army Day speech of January 6, 1999,
he said: "Release your anger and rebel against the
defiled ones who are playing with your fate and the
fate of the nation .... Rebel against those who are
proud of the friendship of the United States, those
who are proud of being U.S. protegees ... "
•
In 1993, Iraq organized an attempt to assassinate
former U.S. President George Bush and the Emir of
Kuwait.
•
In August 1996, the regime's forces attacked the
Kurdish-held city of Irbil. Within hours, Iraqi secret
police had swarmed over the city, arresting hundreds and killing scores of suspected oppositionists
•
Baghdad continues to harbor the Muhjahideen eKhalq (MEK), Iranian dissents who conduct a widespread terrorist campaign to support their political
agenda. In the past, the MEK has been responsible
for attacks on Americans, (including participating
IRAQ IS A REGIONAL THREAT
�in the seizure of the US embassy in Tehran in 1979),
Iraqis, Iranians, and Europeans.
•
•
Saddam continues to attack coalition aircraft
enforcing the no-fly zones, which were established to
prevent Saddam from attacking Kurdish and Shi'a
civilians, in violation of UNSC Resolutions 688 and
949,
Iraq is capable of assembling its prohibited AlHussein long-range missiles with key parts known
to have been stripped from destroyed imported
SCUDs.
•
Iraq has refused to account for precursor chemicals
capable of making as much as 200 tons of VX nerve
agent. Iraq has the know-how and equipment to
weaponize VX, despite its continuing denials.
•
Iraq loaded VX, anthrax, botulism toxin, and other
chemical and biological agents into Al-Hussein missile warheads and deployed them. during the Gulf
War.
•
Iraq loaded thousands of munitions such as aerial
bombs, tactical rockets, and artillery shells with a
variety of chemical and biological agents similar to
those used against Iran and against Iraqi civilians.
WMD Capability
Saddam retains the capability to inflict significant
damage upon Iraq's neighbors and its own civilian population.
•
Since December 1998, Saddam. Hussein has prevented UN weapons inspectors from even entering Iraq.
We do not know for sure what he is doing under the
roofs of the weapons factories they routinely monitored. So, in addition to the weapons he has worked
so hard to hide since 1991, Saddam may well have
his experts making chemical and biological
weapons; and pursuing nuclear weapon designs.
,.
IRAQ IS A REGIONAL THREAT
Without sanctions, Saddam would be free to use his
resources to rearm and make good on his threats
against Kuwait and ..the region.
�U.S. POLICY
Saddam HussrJn\
I~
Jf~
~f·~
SUMMARY
The United States wants to
see Iraq return as a respected and
· prosperous member of the
international community.
As long as Saddam Hussein is in
power, however, we don't believe
that that's going to happen.
Containment
Given Saddam Hussein's long record of aggression
against his neighbors and repression of his own people,
and absent any proof that he has in fact disarmed, it is
important that the international community remain
united in containing this dangerous regime.
•
Sanctions will remain in place until UNSC requirements are fully met.
•
Only a robust, fully empowered inspection regime
can determine if Iraq is fully disarmed. A weak
inspection regime will not be effective.
•
No-fly zones will be enforced to prevent Saddam
from using his air force and helicopters to slaughter
his people, as he has repeatedly done in the past.
No-fly zones also contain Saddarn Hussein s ability
to threaten his neighbors.
•
The United States will use force if Saddam threatens Iraqs neighbors or coalition forces, reconstitutes
or deploys WMD, or moves against the Kurds.
Humanitarian Relief
At the same time, we are working to relieve the suffering of the Iraqi people by:
•
Expanding Iraqi .oil sales making more money
available for oil-for-food.
•
Working to get Iraq to order more food, especially
nutritional supplements for children and lactating
mothers, which it has until now refused to do.
•
Expediting approval of contracts under oil-for-food.
•
Supporting a draft UNSC resolution which proposes lifting the oil-for-food ceiling on oil sales.
'
The international community, not Saddam Hussein, is
caring for the Iraqi people.
Regime Change
Saddam's record over the past 10 years, however,
demonstrates that he will never comply with UN resoU.S. POLICY
�lutions and that he will continue to repress his own
people and threaten his neighbors. That is why we
believe that the only way to address the security needs
of the international community and the needs of the
people of Iraq is through a new government in
Baghdad, one that is committed to living in peace with
its neighbors and respecting the rights of its citizens.
Iraq, the region, and the world would be better off with
a new government in Iraq.
•
We support the territorial integrity of Iraq. One
nation, whole and free. Saddam Hussein is not
what's holding Iraq together; he's what's breaking it
apart.
•
The United States believes that if there is to be
change, it must come from within Iraq, led by
Iraqis. We do not seek to impose an American solution or a foreign opposition on the people of Iraq.
•
In a post-Saddam Iraq, the United States will take
the lead to foster economic development, restore
Iraqi civil society, rebuild the middle class, and
restore Iraq's health and education sectors.
This document is also available:
http:!lv::wyy~~;~sia.gov/regional/nea/nea.htm
U.S. POLICY
��Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
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n.d.
RESTRICTION
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Iraq Op-Ed [I]
2008-0703-F
·ml82
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Copyright 1999 International Herald Tribune
International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France)
October 20, 1999, Wednesday
SECTION: Opinion; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 936 words
HEADLINE: The Iraqis Are Victims ofSaddam, Not of the Outside World
BYLINE: By Samuel R. Berger; International Herald Tribune
.DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
Various diplomats attending the recent UN opening session chided proponents of continued sanctions against Iraq
for being insensitive to the plight of the Iraqi people. The people oflraq are indeed suffering today, but the cause is not
sanctions. It is the policies of Saddam Hussein.
·
When the United Nations first imposed sanctions against Iraq, immediately after the invasion of Kuwait, it
exempted food, medicine and other humanitarian supplies. Soon after the Gulf War, the United States took the lead in
proposing that Iraq be allowed to sell controlled quantities of its oil to pay for these critical humanitarian needs.
For five long years, Saddam refused to do so, hoping· to manipulate international opinion by perpetuating the misery
of his people .
. Now that the oil-for-food program is finally being implemented, it is making a real difference in the lives of the
people. This year oil-for-food is expected to generate nearly $7 billion for use by Iraq to purchase food, medicine and
humanitarian goods. The food supply in Iraq has grown, providing the average citizen with approximately 2,030
calories a day, an amount exceeding the UN-recommended daily minimum.
In fact, the amount of food and medicine that Iraq has been able to purchase under this program is greater than all of
the humanitarian aid that the United Nations has provided to all the other countries in the world in the last three years.
Despite a 50 percent increase in oil revenues, Iraq has increased the amount earmarked for food purchases by just 16
percent. Despite infant malnutrition, Iraq has spent less than 40 percent Of the $25 million that has been set aside for
nutritional supplies, and until just a few weeks ago had gone more than 18 months without ordering a single nutritional
supplement.
Not only is Saddam depriving his people of food, he is selling it illicitly for his own profit. Baby milk sold to Iraq
through the oil-for-food program has been found in markets throughout the Gulf region.
Recently, Kuwaiti authorities stopped a shipment coming out oflraq that included baby powder, baby bottles and
other nursing materials for resale overseas. And the Kuwaiti Coast Guard has seized three cargo·vessels that were trying
to smuggle more than 600 tons of food and foodstuffs out oflraq.
We know where that money is going. Since the end of the Gulf War, Saddam has built 48 grand palaces, complete
with gold-plated faucets and man-made lakes and waterfalls.
�J
Five months ago, Iraqi officials inaugurated Saddamiat al Tharthar, a lakeside resort for high government officials
that contains stadiums, an amusement park, hospitals, parks, and new homes, at a cost of hundreds of millions o.f
dollars.
Top military officials are provided with extra monthly food rations, a Mercedes and stipends in the thousands of
dollars, while most Iraqis are forced to live on less than$3.50 a month
· .
All of this is obscene.
It's telling that, according to Unicef, in northern Iraq, which is .under the same sanctions as the rest of Iraq but
where the United Nations directly administers humanitarian assistance, child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf
War levels, and chi~dren are living better lives. In southern and central Iraq, where the government controls the
program, child mortality rates have more than doubled.
Opponents of current policy need to consider the alternative. Under sanctions, Saddam must sell the commodity he
values most to meet the needs of those he values least, the peopl.e of his country. If sanctions were lifted, he could
spend his oil wealth on anything he wanted. Oil for food would likely become oil for tanks. Iraq's people could well
/--=->
have less to eat. Iraq's neighbors would certainly have more to fear.
Saddam's priorities are clear: palaces for himself, perks for his cronies, prisons for his people, and weapons to
destroy Iraq's citizens and neighbors.
Meanwhile, the UN Security Council is unanimous in its judgment that Iraq has not fulfilled its obligations to the
international community. It has not disarmed. It has not forsworn the development of weapons of mass destruction. It
has not renounced the use of chemical and biological weapons. It does not respect the international border with Kuwait,
and has not accounted for Kuwaiti prisoners of war.
It has not stopped the repression, torture and abuse of its own people, from Kurds in the north to Shiites in the south.
There is no conflict here between the demands of sensitivity and security, no trade-off between feeding the people of
Iraq and freeing the Gulf region from fear. In fact, the only realistic way to achieve both goals is to encourage a new
regime in Iraq that will meet the needs of its people and its obligations to the world. ·
When that new regime emerges, the United States is prepared to do its part to help foster economic development,
restore Iraqi civil society, replenish the middle class, rebuild Iraq's health and education sectors, and welcome Iraq
back into the community of nations.
·
We should work together, with patience and determination, until that day when we can not only lift sanctions but
truly lift the lives of the Iraqi people.
The writer is the U.S. national security adviser. He contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October20, 1999
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�Berger Op-ed
Rosshirt
[Checking on accuracy] This spring in Baghdad, in the midst of the worst drought in fifty years,
word has gone out to Iraqi farmers to cut back on rice planting, and not to plant summer crops
without permission from the Ministry oflrrigation. As the farmers forego their planting, -water
has been found to fill Sad dam's the man-made lakes, his VIP \Vater parks, that surround
Sad dam's palaces and the reservoirs in his hometown of Tikrit. Meanwhile, the Iraqi
government blames hunger on UN sanctions.
· By obstructing UN relief efforts, refusing to order ·nutritional supplements, even smuggling baby
formula out of the country for hard currency to build his palaces- Saddam has carefully stagemanaged the humanitarian suffering of his people, and used the spectacle of their hardship as
·
diplomatic leverage to seek the removal of sanctions.
Yet ending sanctions on Iraq would not ease the suffering of the Iraqi people. The UN sanctions
regime does not outlaw exports from Iraq; it encourages them. It does not block deliveries of
food and medicine to the Iraqi people; it facilitates them. It is not designed to inflict suffering on
the Iraqi people; it is designed to limit Saddam's ability to inflict suffering on his people and
their neighbors -by denying him the revenues he needs to rebuild his military and reconstitute
his weapons of mass destruction.
Sanctions were imposed on Iraq by the UN Security Cm,mcil at the close of the Gulf War to hold
Saddam to his commitment to disarm and to keep him from rebuilding his military. Soon after
the Gulf War, the United States took the lead in proposing the oil-for-food program, which
i allows Iraq to export oil, channel the revenues· in to a UN escrow account, and draw from the
.:ff account for purchases of food, medicine and other humanitarian supplies. That has been the
distinguishing feature of this sanctions regime: it prohibits Saddam from spending the revenues
on what he cares about most about rebuilding his military- and limits him to spending it on
what he cares about least abottt--- food and medicine and humanitarian supplies for the Iraqi
people.
Saddam rejected the oil for food program for five long years. But now- three years after the
Iraqi regime acquiesced and the program began, Iraqi oil exports and food imports are_reaching
pre-war levels. With oil prices rising, revenues are surging, and the Iraqi government has record
resources for the purchase of food and medi ·.~e. InEleEJd,.,to..date,rthe.,oil;:;;I;O_~,;:.,§IDed"l.fi:O"gfarri''has._,_
delivered 1'3 miH-i~oTIS ot~te..i,J;· .
C>rts
· ·re=@cr·l'ft'WaT"'te-;'oi<S'!l"
/Accordin to th UN 90 . rcent of the dru needs ofira i hos ital Jatients are beina met. Over
"fEillion dollars orth of in uts to other ci ilian sectors.Jlave alreac arrived in Ira , and
contracts wmih another $1.5 billion have bedn approved out have not yet arrived in lraq.
So why are the Iraqi people still suffering? Because Baghdad has worked to obstruct oil for
food, undermine relief efforts, and preserve as a diplomatic bargaining chip the humanitarian
suffering of its people.
�2
The Iraqi regime imports food and medicine only grudgingly, and never orders as much as it
could. We are now halfway through Phase Seven of the Oil for Food program. During the six
months of this phase, Iraqi oil revenues are expected to reach $8 billion dollars~ for the six month
period (compare to pre war revenues).-A~nd yet the Iraqi government has placed orders only for
$1.7 billion dollars of food, medicine and humanitarian supplies. Altogether, Iraq is expected to
eam $15-16 billion from oil revenues in the year 2000, as compared to only $10 billion in 1989.
And there is no particular reason that these higher oil revenues cannot be spent on food and
medicine: in 1989, t~1e Ira~i regime spent roughly $1~ billion on its.n~ilitary,.but l.a~t year
because of the sanctwns, 1twas able to spend only a little over $1 b1lhon on Its m1htary.
V
This is part of a continuing pattern of neglect. The Iraqi government has never met the minimum
calorie and protein targets set by the Secretary General, despite record settingthe tremendous
growth in revenues in-from oil for food. The Iraqi government has ordered only fraction fthe
nutritional supplies available for pregnant and nursing mothers, despite Iraqi claims of infant
malnutrition. And the recent Secretary General's report highlighted the Iraqi government's
refusal to operate supplementary feeding programs that the UN has been advocating for years.
Even food and medicine that the government does purchase can end up squandered or smuggled.
According to the United Nations, one-third of all the medicine that has arrived in Iraq since the
start of the Oil for Food program sits undistributed in Iraqi warehouses. And baby milk sold to
Iraq through the oil-for-food program·has been found in markets throughout the Gulf, smuggled
out- along with other foodstuffs- to gain hard currency for Saddam's cronies. The coalition (
navies in the Gulf continue to intercept Iraqi ships smuggUng food out of Iraq: just last month,
the Kuwaiti Coast Guard stopped an Iraqi ship carrying 358 tons of dates out oflraq. Why aren't
these dates being used to feed the starving children of Iraq?
(
Dates aren't the only thing stcldam is smuggling. He is also smuggling oil because by
smuggling it, the revenues1go into his pocket and not the UN accounts that pay for the food,
medicine, and other hum~nitarian goods needed by the Iraqi people. If the price of oil remains
constant and the intemational communit -and articular! the Ira ·· ns throuah whose watcirs
much o~f11m-oit-SfR.U.:r linu asses- is unable to curb this roblem · addan-t=Sta-Hds..to ma e
15i~iLsnmauled oil ti11S'vc-ar. hat is $1 billion that will not be usee
'
~ o and
· medicine for the sufferingcliilclfeil' of Iraq. Instead it will be used to build new palaces, fund
terrorist organizations, secure the loyalty of his power base, and bolster his military.
Some Iraqi government purchases are just obscenely inappropriate to the needs of the Iraqi
people. In one case, the government spent $6 million on a gamma knife, an instrument used in
extremely complicated neurosurgery, and several million more on an MRI machine, used for
high resolution imaging, for the use of Saddam's elite. Meanwhile, the Iraqi government blames
public health problems on UN sanctions.
UNICEF's report on Child Health, issued last year, notes that in Northern Iraq, where the UN
administers humanitarian assistance, child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf War levels.
In the rest of the country- where the Iraqi government administers humanitarian assistance child mortality has more than doubled.
r
�3
So what would happen if we lifted sanctions? There would be no improvement in Iraq's ability
to export oil; it can export now all it wants. There would be no improvement in Iraq's ability to
import food and medicine; it can import now all it needs. Oil revenues would no longer go to a
UN escrow account; they would go to Saddam. They would no longer be restricted to
humanitarian supplies, they could be spent on rebuilding the militarySaddam's priorities:
lu)fttries fm hiH1selfeftcl his family Ewresse for his cronies, and w~~~ 8Hffit.-Qi.L(or
food could quickly become oil for tanks. The Iraqi people might well have less to eat. Iraq's
neighbors would certainly have more to fear.
1
We should remember that Saddam has· attacked Iran, gassed the Kurds, invaded Kuwait and
never retreated one step from his aggressive, bellicose stand. He has called for the overthrow of _ /'
moderate Arab leaders. He organized an effort to assassinate U.S. President Bush and the Emir
of Kuwait._ And on the last anniversary oflraq's invasion ofKuwait, the government
mo~thpiece still called t.~e invas.io_n. "the right response/' evei~wt11engh-tl'lG<'~~SC..res.o.lnti_m~ ..
demand,.thla:t--,J.l;aq..n~:Go.gH.!ZcJ(uwm t.,_...
Meanwhile, Saddam continues the vicious repression of his people. He is deporting Kurds from
the North to the South- where local officials have ordered the arrest of anyone who provides
them food, shelter, or employment. He is increasing his attacks on Shi'ite Moslems -last year~
assassinating the most senior Shi'ite religious leader in Iraq. And his forces have been-nearly 1
finished draining and poisoning the marshes in ,the South that sustain the life and culture of the
Marsh Arabs.
/
f
For two decades, Saddam Hussein has been a source of suffering to millions of people within his
borders and beyond. It is hard to imagine a sensible approach to reducing human suffering that
gives Saddam more money, and fewer restrictions on the use of that money.
}-
~
But as brutal as Saddam is, he is not impervious to international pressure: it convinced him,
finally, to accept the oil-for-food program. It convinced him, finally, to order nutritional
supplements for children, mothers, and babies. It can convince him, I believe, to stqp. resis~ing
intemational efforts to easeallow oil-for-food to work properly to relieve the suffering of his
people. But we need to make him answer for his actions. We need to ask him .bluntly and
repeatedly:
'-------
vf.
The international community has asked some hard questions of the United States and its policy
of placing holds on oil-for-food contracts. They were right to do so. We listened to our
·
colleagues in the Securitv Council, and we are now in the midst of an extensive review\ of our
holds policy.l]:s a result; over the past month we have already released our holds on contracts
worth $200 million and we continue to refine our criterion. The intemational community also
needs to ask some hard questions of the Iraqi regime to understand why it is that Iraqi children
are still suffering when so much food and medicine and other supplies have been made available
to Iraq.
Here arc some questions that we think the international community should be asking Saddam
Hussein bluntly and repeatedly:
tJ
){
~
~
.')..
~
�4
Why don't you tell the world how much of Iraq's smuggled gains you allocate for education,
nutrition, health care? How much for the military? How much for your palaces and your
personal fortune?
Why won't you allow the United Nations and humanitarian organizations free access to evaluate
humanitarian conditions for your people?
Why won't you allow UN personnel and NGOs to operate throughout Iraq as they do in the
North?
Why have you never allocated sufficient foodstuffs to meet the minimum calorie and protein
targets recommended by the UN?
Why have you refused to ensure the timely and equitable distribution of all humanitarian goods,
in particular medical supplies?
Why won't you give up your pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, for the good of your
people?
Instead of insisting the UN should end sanctions on Saddam- friends of the Iraqi people should
insist that Saddam end his restrictions on UN monitors, and NGOs, and feeding programs, and
all other international efforts to benefit those who have been punished by his policies.
Friends of the Iraqi people should recognize that there is no conflict here between the demands
of sensitivity and security, no trade off between feeding the innocent and freeing the Gulf region
from fear. In fact, the only realistic way to achieve both goals is to encourage a new regime in
Iraq that will meet the needs of its people and its obligations to the world. When that day comes,
the United States will do our part- with the Iraqi peopl~, its new government, and the
international community- to foster economic development, restore Iraqi civil society, replenish
its middle class, rebuild its health and education sectors, and welcome Iraq back into the
community of nations. We should look forward to that day when we can not only lift sanctions,
but do so in a way that truly lifts the lives of the Iraqi people.
�Samuel R. Berger Remarks at the National Press Club, February 13, 1998
Page 1 of5
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
February 13, 1998
For Immediate Release
As Prepared for Delivery
REMARKS BY SAMUEL R. BERGER
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
NATIONAL PRESS CLUB
WASHINGTON, D.C.
FEBRUARY 13, 1998
My challenge today is to resist the tyranny of the news cycle and put-the current crisis
with Iraq ~n context. I want to make clear the danger Saddam Hussein poses to his
people, his neighbors, America and the world. I want to explain what we're doing about
it -- in terms of the current crisis over Iraq's weapons of mass destruction program. And I
want to lay out our long term strategy for dealing with the chronic problem that is
Saddam Hussein.
Throughout his time in power, Saddam has demonstrated again and again utter contempt
for his people, the peace of his region and the security of the world. He pursued a
horrific, decade-long war of attrition against Iran, costing at least half a million lives. He
repeatedly unleashed chemical weapons against Iran's soldiers and fired SCUDs into its
cities. In 1988, he gassed Kurdish civilians in Northern Iraq. In 1990, his troops invaded
Kuwait, executing those who resisted, looting the country, setting fire to 600 oil wells,
spilling tens of millions of gallons of oil into the Gulf, firing SCUD missiles at Tel Aviv,
Riyadh and Manama [mah-NAH-mah]. At war's end, he brutally put down in his own
country the Kurds and Shia Arabs who rose up in revolt against him. He ordered an
attempt on the life of former President Bush. Once again in f994, he massed his army
along the Kuwaiti border. He forcefully occupied lrbil in Northern Iraq in 1996. And
throughout the last two decades, Saddam has worked to develop, maintain and conceal
the most terrible weapons known to humanity -- nuclear, chemical and biological -- and
the missiles to deliver them.
·
The u'nited States h<:J.s actively and consistently opposed Saddam because he has
demonstrated the intent to threaten the stability of a region vital to our interest . A stable
Middle East means we can better protect the free flow of oil, fight terrorism and build
support for a comprehensive Middle East peace. There is no greater challenge to the
,, region's stability -- and to America's security in that region -- than Saddam's reckless
pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. As President Clinton has said, the spread of
these weapons to outlaw states, and from them to terrorists and international criminals, is
one of the most dangerous security threats our people will face over the next gener ·
Other countries have weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. With Saddam
Hussein, there is one big difference: he has used them. Not once, but repeatedly. Not
only against combatants, but against civilians. Not only against a foreign adversary, but
against his own people. And I have no doubt he will use them again if his capacity to
rebuild his arsenal.is left unchecked.
For the better part of this decade, the international community has worked to discover
and dismantle Iraq's WMD program. At the end of the Gulf~ar, Iraq was given 15 days
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�SamuelR. Berger Remarks at the National Press Club, February 13, 1998
Page 2 of5
to inventory and prepare for the destruction of its nuclear, chemical and biological
weapons and the missiles to deliver them. The U.N. set up a special commission of
international experts, called UNSCOM, to make sure that the job got done-- and to
monitor the situation so that Iraq did not reconstitute its program.
Ever since, Iraq's WMD compliance record had been a litany of lies, deceit and-runarounds. The full disclosure docliment on missiles Baghdad was required to produce in
fifteen days, it delivered -- in five years. When UNSCOM and the International Atomic
Energy Agency uncovered facts that proved Iraq's biological, chemical and nuclear
weapons reports to.be grossly inaccurate, Baghdad simply amended the reports. When
Hussein Kamel [ka-MEL] -- Saddam's son-in-law and the architect oflraq's WMD
program-- defected to Jordan in 1995, Baghdad was forced to reveal additional weapons
stockpiles and production capacity it had insisted it did not have. Throughout, Baghdad·
has engaged the UNSCOM inspectors in a high stakes game of cat-and-mouse -- lying to
· them, harassing them, delaying their access to sites, flagrantly destroying evidence in
plain view of the inspectors.
Yet despite Iraq's best efforts, the inspectors have done a remarkable job. They have
found and destroyed more of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capacity than was
destroyed during the G11lfWar itself. This includes nearly 40,000 chemical weapons,
more than 100,000 gallons of chemical weapons agents, 48 operational missiles, 30
warheads specially fitted for chemical and biological weapons, and a massive biological
weapons factory at Al-Hakim equipped to produce deadly anthrax and botulinum.
But UNSCOM's job is not yet done. Stockpiles of chemical and biological munitions and
a small force of Scud-type missiles remain unaccounted for. And most importantly, Iraq
still has the capacity to rebuild its production program for biological and chemical
weapons and the missiles to deliver them. As UNSCOM has come closer and closer to
ferreting out Iraq's remaining weapons capacity, Saddam has become increasingly
determined in his efforts to block the inspectors and end the inspection regime.
:Which brings us to the current crisis. Over the last three months, Saddam has sought to
end UNSCOM by any and every ruse. First he demanded that American inspectors be
removed from the inspection teams. Then he tried to dictate a change in the teams'
composition. Now he is denying UNSCOM the free and full access it must have to all
sites by designating some of them Presidential sites or otherwise restricting the
inspectors' access. But as the charts behind me show, some of his presidential
compounds are literally city-sized -- one almost as large as the district of Columbia -with dozens of separate buildings.
At the same time, Saddam is seeking to end the economic sanctions imposed by the
United Nations after the Gulf War-- and which should not be lifted until Iraq complies
with all U.N. resolutions, including those on WMD. His gambit is clear and presents a
stark danger to our national interests. Compromise UNSCOM's integrity by imposing
debilitating conditions on the inspectors and Saddam keeps his remaining weapons of
mass destruction and the capacity to produce many more of them. Lift the sanctions and
Saddam gets the money he needs to rebuild his military.
It is a situation we cannot tolerate. If Saddam defies international controls here with
impunity, he will roll on, as he has before, energized by the conclusion that the
international community lost its will. Only our will has stopped him before. The will of
President Bush to lead the Gulf War coalition that ejected Iraq from Kuwait and imposed
tough conditions for the cease-fire. The will of President Clinton to strike hard at Iraqi
intelligence headquarters in 1993 after its agents plotted to assassinate former President
Bush. The will immediately to deploy our troops, ships and planes to the region, as
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�Samuel R. Berger Remarks at the National Press Club, February 13, 1998
Page 3 of5
President Clinton did in 1994 when Saddam threatened to repeat his walkover of Kuwait.
The will to take out Iraqi air defenses and extend the No Fly Zone when Saddam
forcefully occupied Irbil in northern Iraq.
Now, once again, we must summon the will to respond firmly to Saddam's challenge to
UNSCOM and establish a safe haven for programs to develop weapons of mass
destruction. That is exactly what we are doing. From Europe to the Persian Gulf, there is
widespread consensus that Iraq must meet all its obligations to the United Nations, that
UNSCOM must be allowed to do its job effectively, and that, if diplomacy fails, Saddam
Hussein will bear responsibility for the consequences.
Many of our friends and allies would prefer a diplomatic solution. So would we. The
UNSCOM system works-- that's why Saddam is so desperate to end it. We will spare no
diplomatic effort to gain unfettered access for UNSCOM and to assure it can do its job ·
effectively. We will not accept any proposal that would weaken UNSCOM's
effectiveness.
·
·
·
In pursuit of these objectives, President Clinton has been in contact with his counterparts
nearly every day over the past few weeks. He dispatched Secretary Albright and
Secretary Cohen to Europe and the Middle East -- and Ambassador Richardson literally
around the world. If there is a peaceful way to convince Saddam to let UNSCOM
complete its mission; we will pursue it until the end.
But if Iraq continues to tie UNSCOM's hands, as Chairman Butler has said, it doesn't
much matter if the inspectors are holed up in a hotel in Baghdad, or in Bahrain, or in
Boston. If they are not allowed to do their job unhindered, we must be prepared to deal
directly with the threat posed by Iraq's weapons of mass destruction -- with force if
necessary. Either Saddam Hussein acts-- or we must be prepared to do so.
For the past several weeks, the United States has built up its forces in the Gulf. As I
speak, two American carrier battle groups and over 300 aircraft are in the region. They
are joined by the British aircraft carrier Invincible. And we continue to receive support
for action, should it prove necessary. Our force posture in the region would not be
possible without the support of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, the GCC states, and
Turkey. And many friends and allies-- including the United Kingdom, Germany, Spain,
Portugal, Denmark, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Australia, New Zealand and
Canada -- are prepared to provide forces, bases or logistical support. That list is growing
every day.
Should such a mission prove necessary, its purpose is clear: to deliver a serious blow that
will significantly diminish Saddam's weapons of mass destruction threat, and reduce his
ability to threaten his neighbors. That is the objective we can and must meet to protect
our vital national interests.
The most difficult decision any President has to make is to put our troops in harms' way.
No military mission is without risk and cost. Even the best prepared, best equipped
forces will suffer losses. But should force become necessary, the safety of our men and
women in uniform will be President Clinton's top priority. And let me say, too, that, if
military action becomes necessary, we will do what we can to avoid civilian casualties.
If, in the aftermath of force, Iraq allows UNSCOM back in, so much the better. Unless it
does so, there is no prospect for ending economic sanctions. But if it does not, here's how
the world will look to Saddam in the weeks and months after force is used.
First, as I noted a minute ago, Iraq's weapons of mass destruction threat and capacity to
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�Samuel R. Berger Remarks at the National Press Club, February 13, 1998
Page 4 of5
lash out at its neighbors will be significantly diminished. We cannot destroy everything. ·
But we can have a real impact.
Second, Saddam will know, by our actions and our warning, that we will be prepared to
act again if we have evidence he is trying to rebuild his weapons of mass destruction
capabilities~ We will closely monitor Iraq's activities with our own intelligence methods.
I have full confidence in our ability to detect significant cheating. The demonstrated
certainty that he will pay a heavy price for his conduct will need to become part of
Saddam's calculus in the future. The United States will not go away.
Third, sanctions cannot be lifted so long as UNSCOM is unable to complete its mission.
Sanctions hurt the Iraqi regime. The proof can be found in Saddam's desperate attempts
to lift them. They severely restrict the amount of oil Iraq can sell and give the United
Nations control over Iraq's primary source of revenue. To date, sanctions have cost Iraq
$110 billion in oil sales. Imagine the armed force Saddam would have today.had he
· invested even a fraction ofthis.money in rehabilitating his military.
Sanctions are aimed at the Iraqi regime, not the Iraqi people. From the start, we
exempted food and medicine. To help Iraq generate revenue to pay for such food and
medicine, the United States in 1991 proposed U.N. Security Council Resolutions 706,
712 and later 986. They would have allowed Iraq to sell limited amounts of oil and use
the proceeds for humanitarian supplies-- subject to U.N. monitoring. Saddam rejected
that offer for five years, in effect taking the needs of his own people hostage -- while
spending what resources he had on Italian marble for 48 new palaces and expensive
automobiles for his cronies.
In 1996 Saddam finally and grudgingly accepted U.N. Security Council Resolution 986.
Since then, more than 3 million tons of food have been delivered to the Iraqi people. But
to this day, Saddam hinders the program's operation and deploys his people as human
shields around suspected weapons sites -- while appealing to international public opinion
to lift the sanctions with images of starving Iraqi children and patients suffering from a
lack of vital medicines. This is the mother of cruel deceptions.
Despite Saddam's cynical efforts to manipulate the plight of his people for political ends,
we are determined to do all we can to make oil-for-food work better. We welcome the
u:N. Secretary General's recommendation to increase the program. The more Iraqi oil
goes to feeding the Iraqi people, the less Saddam can spend on cirms.
Fourth, in the weeks and months ahead Saddam will know that we will strictly enforce
the No Fly Zones in southern and northern Iraq. Already, our airforce controls the skies
from the southern suburbs of Baghdad to the Kuwaiti border and over northern Iraq -severely reducing the threat Iraq poses to the Gulf countries and Turkey. We have flown
more sorties to enforce these No Fly Zones than in all of Desert Storm. And our forces in
the Gulf are ready to respond to Iraqi aggression quickly and decisively -- countering any
threat in a matter of days instead of the months it took in 1990.
There are alternatives to our approach. I do not think they best serve America's national
interests.
·
Some suggest we should meet Saddam half way by agreeing to close our eyes to
Presidential or sensitive sites or to render UNSCOM ineffective. Such a stunning
reversal of the U.N. Resolutions imposed on and accepted by Iraq after the Gulf War
would be unacceptable-- and pose a serious threat to our security.
Others suggest thaNhe only effective solution is for U.S. ground forces to remove
'
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�Samuel R. Berger Remarks at the National Press Club, February 13, 1998
Page 5 of5
Saddam from power. But the costs and risks associated with such a venture are high and
not essential to achieving our strategic interests -- containing the threat Iraq poses to the
region. It would require a major land campaign and risk large losses of our soldiers.
There is no question that Iraq and the world would be better off if Saddam were out of
power. As Secretary Albright said in March, we would gladly work with a successor
regime ready to live at peace with its neighbors and resume its rightful place in the
community of nations. The Iraqi people deserve no less. In the meantime, we have
worked with Iraqi opposition groups-- and we will continue to do so.
But as long as Saddam Hussein is in power, we must be prepared to respond firmly to his
reckless actions. When the international community weakens in the face of his threats,
Saddam simply is emboldened. When we stand as one, Saddam is thwarted. That is the
timeless lesson to apply to dangerous tyrants. Sustaining our policy will require constant
vigilance. It will from time to time cause tension with our friends and allies. And it will
require that we sustain the will to act each time Saddam seriously challenges the
international community. We are on the right course. Staying with it offers the best
prospects for protecting our interests and preserving our stability in a vital part of the
world.
Read our Privacy Policy
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04/19/2000
�Berger Op-ed
Rosshirt
Tuesday 11 :40 pm
This spring in Baghdad, in the midst of the worst drought in fifty years, word has gone out to
Iraqi farmers to cut back on rice planting, and not to plant summer crops without permission
from the Ministry of Irrigation. Meanwhile, as the farmers forego their planting, and Iraq
blames hunger on UN sanctions, water has been found to fill Saddam's man-made lakes, his VIP
water parks, and the reservoirs in his hometown of Tikrit.
By obstructing UN relief efforts, refusing to order nutritional supplements, even smuggling baby
formula out of the country for hard currency to build his palaces- Saddam has carefully stagemanaged the humanitarian suffering of his people, and used the spectacle of their hardship as
diplomatic leverage to seek the removal of sanctions.
Yet ending sanctions on Iraq will not ease the suffering of the Iraqi people. The UN sanctions
regime does not outlaw exports from Iraq; it encourages them. It does not block deliveries of
food and medicine to the Iraqi people; it facilitates them. It is not designed to inflict suffering on
the Iraqi people; it is designed to limit Saddam's ability to inflict suffering on his people and
their neighbors- by denying him the revenues he needs to rebuild his military and reconstitute
his weapons of mass destruction.
The United Stat~s is as eager as anyone to ease human suffering in Iraq. But we have to be clear
about the cause of the suffering: about why sanctions were imposed in the first place, how they
target Saddam, but spare his people; and what could be the consequences of lifting therri. Let me
address each in turn.
Sanctions were imposed on Iraq by the UN Security Council at the close of the Gulf War to urge
Saddam disarm and to keep him from rebuilding his military. Of course, the UN never intended
to punish the Iraqi people for the actions of Saddam. That is why the United States took the lead
in sponsoring the oil-for-food program- the largest humanitarian program iri UN history- that
allows Iraq to export oil, channel the revenues in to a UN escrow account, and draw from the
account for purchases of food, medicine and other humanitarian supplies. That has been the
distinguishing feature of this sanctions regime: it prohibits Saddam from spending the revenues
on what he cares most about- rebuilding his military- and limits him to spending it on what he
cares least about -- food and medicine and humanitarian supplies for the Iraqi people.
Saddam rejected the oil for food program for five long years.:..._ preferring to deny his people the
food and medicine it made available. But now- three years after the Iraqi regime acquiesced to
oil for food -- Iraqi oil exports and food imports are 'now reaching pre-war levels. With oil
prices rising, revenues are surging, and oil for food has dramatically increased the availability of
medicines and raised the food supply well above the UN recommended minimum.
So why are the Iraqi people still suffering? Because Baghdad has worked to obstruct oil for
food, undermine relief efforts, and preserve as a diplomatic bargaining chip the humanitarian
suffering of its people.
·
�2
Medicines have sat undistributed in warehouses, medical supplies are seized by government
officials and sold at exorbitant prices, and despite Iraqi claims of infant malnutrition, the
government of Iraq has ordered only a fraction of the nutritional supplies available for pregnant
and nursing mothers. At the same time, Iraq is actually exporting food, and baby milk sold to
Iraq through the oil-for-food program has been found in. markets throughout the Gulf. Out of
the mouths ofbabes, Saddam has been stealing food that helps finance his 48 palaces and new
VIP playgrounds.
The suffering of Iraqi citizens is the fault ofthe Iraqi government. UNICEF's report on Child
Health, issued last year, notes that in Northern Iraq, where the UN administers humanitarian
· assistance, child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf War levels, In the rest of the
country- where the Iraqi government administers humanitarian assistance- child mortality has
more than doubled.
From child mortality, to supplementary feeding programs, to medical treatment and vaccination
campaigns, citizens in the North of Iraq are by many measures better offthan before sanctions,
while their fellow citizens in central and South oflraq continue to suffer.
.
'
.
So why lift sanctions? There would be no improvement in Iraq's ability to export oil; it can
export now all it wants. There would be no improvement in Iraq's ability to import food and
medicine; it can import now all it needs. Oil revenues would no longer go to a UN escrow
account; they would go to Saddam. They would no longer be restricted to humanitarian supplies,
they could be spent on rebuilding the military. Oil for food could quickly become oil for tanks.
Iraqi people might well have less to eat and more to fear.
We have to remember who we're dealing with.· The year after Saddam seized power, he started
an 8-year war with Iran, where he used chemical weapons. He launched an ethnic campaign
against the Kurds, destroyed more than 3,000 villages, and- in one of the worst single mass ·
killings in a half century- dropped chemical weapons on his own people in Halabja, killing .
5,000 people.
Saddam tried to annihilate Kuwait, strip its property, and seize its oil. In the midst of Desert
Storm, Iraq fired 41 Scud missiles into Israel -trying desperately to draw Israel into the conflict,
create chaos in the coalition, and ignite a wider war.
Saddam has never retreated one step from his aggressive, bellicose approach. He has called for
the overthrow of moderate Arab leaders. He organized an effort to assassinate President Bush . ·
and the Emir of Kuwait. And on the last anniversary oflraq's invasion of Kuwait, the
government mouthpiece called the invasion "the right response."
Meanwhile, Saddam continues the vicious repression of his people. He is deporting Kurds from
the North to the South- where local officials have ordered the arrest of anyone who provides
them food, shelter, or employment. He is increasing his attacks on Shi'ite Moslems -last year
assassinating the most senior Shi'ite religious leader in Iraq. And his forces have begun a
�. 3
campaign to drain and poison the marshes in the South that sustain the life and culture of the
Marsh Arabs.
~
For two decades, Saddam Hussein has been a source of suffering to millions of people within his
borders and beyond. It is hard to imagine a sensible ·approach to reducing human sufferingpthat
~
. gives Saddam more money, and fewer restrictions on the use of that money.
. ~~.A
l~ ~
.
U)
~J,q;ut ~
The right way to ease the suffering on the Iraqi people is not to call for the end of
to call on Saddam to meet the needs of his people. As brutal as Saddam is, he is not impervious
.
~
to international pressure: it convinced him, finally, to accept the oil-for-food program. It
coiwinced him, finally, to order nutritional supplem. ents for children, mothers, and babies. It can ~·
convince him, I believ~, to curb his complicity in the suffering of his people. But we need to
~0 r;
make him answer for his actions 1 posing questions bluntly and repeatedly:
1\y
~ w-u-V\J
.
Why don't you r~ow much of your budget you allocate for education, nutrition, health
care? How mu&fo~e military? How much for palaces?
.
.
<Ull
Why won't you allow free access by United Nations and humanitarian organizations throughout
. Iraq for evaluation of the humanitarian condition of your people?
Why won't you allow UN personnel and NGOs to operate in the rest of the country as they do in
·the North?
Why have you never allocated sufficient foodstuffs to meet the minimum calorie and protein
targets recommended by the UN?
Why have you refused to ensure the timely and equitable distribution of all humanitarian goods,
in particular medical supplies?
Why won't you give up your pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, for the good of your
·
·
·
p~ople?
Friends of Saddam should be forced to face these questions. And friends of the Iraqi people -instead of insisting the UN should end sanctions on Saddam -- should insist that Saddam end his
restrictions on UN monitors, and NGOs, and feeding programs, and all other international efforts
to benefit the people who have been so punished by his policies.
We are determined to provide humanitarian reliefto the people oflraq, in spite ofthe
obstructions of the government oflraq. But we are realistic. We know there is a limit to the
relief the Iraqi people will experience until they are relieved of the Iraqi leader. We look forward
to that day, and when it arrives, the United States is prepared to do our part- with the Iraqi
people, its new government, and the international community- to welcome Iraq back into the
community of nations and move quickly to advance the peace, stability, Jnd prosperity of the
country and the region.
.AJJ.~:c
\I ~()ore/J ~·
JvAt/) ''
�You can almost see the veil g~in in Baghdad.
Saddam's .ten-year
effort to manipulate public 9Pinion·against UN sanctions on Iraq
seems to be gaining a bit of traction\
l.
By obstructing .UN relief efforts, he had managed to increase the
suffering of his people - to ~se them as public relations pawns
~nd diplo~atic.barga~hing chips)to pu~h the message: if only.
· the sanctlons were llfted, .the sufferlng would cease.
·
The suffering he has c6ntinually nurtuied is not only a p~
for sanctions relief, but it distracts attention from his·
efforts to reconstitute WMD and rebuild his military.
s~tint
There is suffering in Iraq, b~t the fact that the s~ffering is
so uneven, and the fact that the means are there to address the
suffering both undercuts the assumptions that sanctions are the
cause of the suffering, and if lift~d would end the suffering.
�-.·
2
Stats on Oil for Food sins of Saddam.
U.S. role - we always exempted food and medicine.
When money
was lacking, we created oil for food, when oil infrastructure
decayed, we.called for spare parts.
Cone:
the notion that the government of Iraq is desperately
trying to help its people, but its 'efforts are undercut by
sanctions is shockingly naive.
The government of Iraq has an
unbroken record of inhumanity reaching back more than a decade - toward its o~n citizens and its neighbors.
The sanctions have
denied Saddam the tools he has to inflict great suffering, while
leaving him the means to meet the immediate humanitarian needs
of his people.
That a man who once used human shields should
decide.instead to use his people as pawns in a public relations
effort to recover his wmd programs should not be surprising.
What is surprising is that anyone should fall for it.
If those .arguging that the sanctions be lifted agree ~ith us
that Saddam.should be denied unfettered access to oil revenue to
' reconstitute WMD and rebuild his military, and their key concern
is not empowering Saddam but relieving the suffering of his
people, then the right response is not to call for lifting of
sanctions- which.will help Saddam, hurt his stability, and
likely leave his citizens no better off than before, but instead
to demand that Saddam (fill in constituent letter and other
infor from 1284 and Cunningham testimony and questions.
It is not clear how giving Saddam 15 billion more dollars a
year, and removing the strings attached to existing revenues
will help the,people of Iraq.
Since he's been doing his best
since 1991 keep the Iraqi people in a state of suffering so he
can use them as diplomatic bargaining chips.
We are determined to provide humanitarian relief to the people
6f Iraq, in spi~e of the obstructions of the government of Iraq.
Insert all info from rapporteur, especially the one that cast
doubt on all data on suffering.
Iraq is actually exporting food, smuggling out what came in
through oil for food:
add this to the list of demands, request,
questions at the end.
�j:.----- ---------3
How much money is sittign idle in the UN escrow account
back to comparison of increase in oil revenues and lack of
increase in food orders.
go
~aq has claimed it was unable to prouoce enougth oild to meet
oll for food ceiling beacue the UN refus:ed to approve contractx
for spare parts for its petroleum industrfy. The fact is that
hundred of millionsof dollars of spare parts have been delivered
and Ir,ai oil production is expected to exceed pre-Gulf war
levels. The only difference - the revenues will go to a UN~
escrow account, not to Saddam; and they can be spent on food,
medicine, and other humanitarian needs, not on rebuilding the ~
military, and reconstituting weapons of mass destruction.
It is not a good prescription to lessen suffering by giving the
only man ever to use chemical weapons against his people - more
money and fewer re~trictions on his use of that money.
detail war crimes and crimes against his citizens. now people
are suggesting the way to lessen suffering in Ira~ is to give
Saddam more money, and fewer restrictions on how he uses it.
~
eighborthe
only purpose Instead of insisted that the sanctions
e lifted, they should insist that Saddam's restrictions on UN
onitors be lifted.
.
His rationale is the same as any hostage-taker: he is using his
stony-hearted indifference, and the world's compassion- to try
to get his hands on the money he needs to reconstitute his
military and his WMD.
ot increased suffering, the sanctions - and the no-fly zones have limited the tools Saddam has to inflict suffering.
1. Saddam's sins against his neighbors.
2. The purpose of san~tions; conditions for l{fting them.
3. conditions in Iraq- economy and public health
4. calls for lifting sanctions "sanctions aren't working."
5. assumptions of anti-sanctions position
�4
6. likely consequences of lifting sanctions
7. Saddam purposefully withholding food and medicine from his
people, corrupting the program.
8. U.S. humanitarian response
9. Conclusion/summary:
�c;.
��
Dublin Core
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Iraq Op-ed [1]
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Thomas Rosshirt
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Box 2
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/31b2f8b0a081deb07bb4c31890d14100.pdf
eda8d96e10d0cf2a33021bc9360fe70d
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FOIA
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative markter by the Clinton Presidential
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Folder Title:
Iraq Op-ed [2]
.
c
Staff Office ..Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
.
I
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48 .
~
8
3
v
�......
,.
~ ~~~X'~
Clintonian themes in State of the Union and Inaugural Addresses
1993 inaugural:
there is no longer division between what is foreign and what i.s domestic- the world economy,
the world environment, the world IDS crisis, the world arms race - they affect us all.
,.
S~S.
our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.
1994 SOTU
Ultimately, the best strategy to en]s re our security and to build a durable peace is to support the
· advance of democracy elsewhere. .
We must remember as these natio , s chart their own futures ... how much more secure and more
prosperous our own people will bd if democratic and market reform succeed all across the former
communist bloc. ...
That is why I went to Europe earli er this month- to work with our European partners, to help
1
integrate all the former communist countries into a Europe that has a possibility of becoming
unified for the first time in its enti~e history- its entire history- based on the simple
commitments of all nations in Eutope to democracy, to free markets and to respect for existing
borders ....
1995 SOTU
The financial crisis is Mexico is a! case in point. I know it's not popular to say it tonight, but we
1
have to act. Not for the Mexicant eople, but for the sake of the millions of Americans whose
livelihoods are tied to Mexico's ell-being. If we want to secure American jobs, preserve
American exports, safeguard Am rica's borders, then we must pass the stabilization program and
.
help to put Mexico back on trackJ
1996 SOTU
We can't be everywhere. We caft do everything. But where our interests and our values are at
stake - and where we can make a difference - America must lead.
-·
�2..
1997 Inaugural
America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation.
·
... where it can stand up for our valjes and interests in the world ...
not less.
governin~nt should do more,
The divide ofrace has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives
new tartest to old prejudices. PrejJdice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or
political conviction are no differen~. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past.
They plague us still. They fuel the/fanaticism of terror. And the torment the lives of millions in
fractured nations all around the world.
The world is no longer divided intl two hostile camps. · Instead, now we are building bonds with
nations that once were our adversahes. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a
chance to lift the fortunes and spir~ts of people the world over. And for the very first time in all
of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.
SOTU 1997
Now, we stand at another moment of change and choice-- and another time to be farsighted, to
bring America 50 more years of security and prosperity. In this endeavor, our first task is to help
to build, for the first time, an unditided, democratic Europe. When Europe is stable, prosperous
. .
I
an d at peace, A menca 1s more secure.
.
·
a Europe in which all democraciJ define their future not in terms of what they can do to each
other, but in terms of what they cati do together for the good of all -- that kind of Europe is good
for America.
I will go to China, and I have invited China's President to come here, not because we agree on
everything, but because engaging Jchina is the best way to work on our common challenges like
ending nuclear testing, and to deai frankly with our fundamental differences like human rights.
But this is about more than econoLics. By expanding trade, we can advance the cause of
I
freedom and democracy around tie world.
.
We should all be proud that America led the effort to rescue our neighbor, Mexico, from its
economic crises. And we should Jtn be proud that last month Mexico repaid the United States -three full years ahead of scheduld -- with half a billion dollar profit to us.
~erica must continue to be an Jnrelenti~g force for peace --- from the Middle East to Haiti,
from Northern Ireland to Africa. faking reasonable risks for peace keeps us from being drawn
into far more costly conflicts later.
·
. .
de~ocracy, to stopping the spread
Every dollar we devote to preveJting conflicts, to promoting
of disease and starvation, brings ~ sure return in security and savings.
�3
All over the world, people are bein tom asunder by racial, ethnic, and religious conflicts that
fuel fanaticism and terror. We are t~e world's most diverse democracy, and the world looks to us
to show that it is possible to live and advance together across those kinds of differences.
1998 SOTU
I think we should seek to advance 'Yorker and environmental standards around the world. I have
made it abundantly clear that it should be a: part of our trade agenda. But we cannot influence
other countdes' decisions if we sena them a message that we're backing away from trade with
them.
Now, why should Americans be concerned about this (financial crisis)? First, these countries are
our customers. If they sink into reckssion, they won't be able to buy the goods wy:d like to sell
them. Second, they're also our combetitors. So if their currencies lose their value and go down,
then the price of their goods will d~op, flooding our market and others with much cheaper goods,
which makes it a lot tougher for o4 people. to compete. And, finally, they are our strategic
partners. Their stability bolsters our security.
Our policy is clear: No nation can Lcover if it does not reform itself. But when nations are
willing to undertake serious econofuic reform, we should help them do it.
To meet these challenges, we are Jelping to write international rules of the road for the 21st
century, protecting those who join /the family of nations and isolating those who do not. Within
days, I will ask the Senate for its aavice and consent to make Hungary, Poland, and the Czech
I
Republic the newest members ofNATO.
·
In the months ahead, I will pursue jour security strategy with old allies in Asia and Europe, and
new partners from Africa to India knd Pakistan, from South America to China. And from Belfast,
to Korea to the Middle East, Ameriica will continue to stand with those who stand for peace.
SOTU 1999
Today, much of the world is in recession, with Asia hit especially hard. This is the most serious
I
financial crisis in half a century. 1:/·o meet it, the United States and other nations have reduced
interest rates and strengthened the International Monetary Fund. And while the turmoil is not
over, we have worked very hard with other nations to contain it. At the same time, we have to
continue to work on the long-term) project, building a global financial system for the 21st century
that promotes prosperity and tames the cycle ofboom and bust that has engulfed so much of
Asia.
But at the same time, we must ensure that ordinary citizens in all countries actually benefit from
I
trade-- a trade that promotes the dignity of work, and the rights ofworkers, and protects the
I
environment. We must insist that ~ntemational trade organizations be more open to public
�4
scrutiny, instead of mysterious, sec~et things subject to wild criticism. When you come right
down to it, now that the world economy is becoming more and more integrated, we have to do in
I
. .
the world what we spent the better P,art of this century doing here at home. We have got to put a
human face on the global economy.
In China, last year, I said to the leaders and the people what I'd like to say again tonight: Stability
can no longer be bought at the expehse of liberty. But I'd also like to say again to the American
people: It's important not to isolate phina. The more we bring China into the world, the more the
world will bring change and freedom to China.
SOTU 2000
To realize the full possibilities of tqis economy, we must reach beyond our own borders, to shape
the revolution that is tearing down barriers and building new networks among nations and
individuals, and economies and cultures: globalization. It's the central reality of our time. Of
.
I
course, change this profound is both liberating and threatening to people. But there's no turning
back. And our open, creative socie~ stands to benefit more than any other-- if we understand,
and act on, the realities of interdepdndence. We have to be. at the center of every vital global
network, as a good neighbor and a kood partner. We have to recognize that we cannot build our
future without helping others to butld theirs.
·
.
But others must recognize that opel markets and rule-based trade are the best engines we know
of for raising living standards, redJcing global poverty anci environmental destruction, and
·
assuring the free flow of ideas.
we must continue to encourage our1former adversaries, Russia and China, to emerge as stable,
prosperous, democratic nations ... <Df course, no one, not a single person in this chamber tonight,
can know for sure what direction th.ese great nations will take. But we do know for sure that we
can choose what we do. And we sHould do everything in our power to increase the chance that
they will choose wisely, to be consjlructive members of our global community.
[We must] protect our own security from conflicts that pose the risk of wider war and threaten
our common humanity.
We have ... to keep this inexorable march of technology from giving terrorists and potentially ·
hostile nations the means to undeTine our defenses. .
I predict to you, when most of us are long gone, but some time in the next 10 to 20 years, the
major security threat this country Jrill face will come from the enemies of the nation state: the
narco-traffickers and the terrorists land the organized criminals, who will be organized together,
working together, with increasing access to ever-more sophisticated chemical and biological
weapons.
I hope we can also have a constructive effort to meet the challenge that is presented to our planet
by the huge gulf between rich and poor..
�-
'
.
5
In a world where over a billion people live on less than a dollar a day, we also have got to do our
part in the global endeavor to redude the debts of the poorest countries, so they can invest in
education, health care and econom1c growth.
.
·
I also want to say that America must help more nations to break the bonds of disease.
I want to tell you that I am very grLeful for many things as President. But one of the things I'm
grateful for is the opportunity that ~he Vice President and I have had to finally put to rest the
bogus idea that you cannot grow t 1 economy and protect the environment at the same time.
e
�Dear Representative Duncan:
,
I
Thank you for your letter concerning sanctions on Iraq.
Like you, my AdministraJion has always believed that our Iraq
policy should focus on Saddam Hussein and not the Iraqi people.
We continue to work wittl others on the UN Security Council to
ensure that the pressurJ of sanctions is felt by the government
of Iraq.
For this reason, food, medicine, and other humanitarian goods
have always been exemptjfrom the sanctions on Iraq. Moreover,
the United States has c0nsistently advocated allowing Iraq to
sell oil to finance humJnitarian imports, as reaffirmed in our
sponsorship of Security!council Resolution 986 -- the oil-forfood deal -- in 1995. $addam refused to accept oil-for-food
until 1996, but since t~en the program has made a major
difference in the lives of ordinary Iraqis.
The oil-for-food
program enabled Iraq to sell over $20 billion worth of oil used
to import over $4 billi0n worth of food~ nearly $750 million
worth of medicine, and ~ver $700 million worth of other
humanitarian supplies. jAnother $2 billion worth of food,
medicine and other humanitarian goods have been approved by the
UN Sanctions Committee ~nd will be delivered in coming months.
tate last year, the Secbrity Council passed Resolution 1284, to
further improve the oil-,lfor-food program in a variety of ways,
(iricluding allowing Iraq to export an unlimited volume of
~~etroleum to enable it to import required humanitarian goods.
)~
0
·.
(
-
The greatest problem thi people of Iraq face today is .that
.
I
Baghdad systematically limits the distribution of humanitariJ
goods to preserve the sbffering of its own people as a
· ·
dip!Omatic asset. UN sEatistics since. 1996 make clear that
o ems o malnourishmknt and disease are abating much faster
northe n Iraq -- whete the UN controls distribution of food
�I
..
,t·
2
and medicine -- than in central and southern Iraq where the
has squandered Iraq's resources on weapons of mass destruction,
grandiose palaces, a neJ city bearing his name, and other
monuments to his own a~ition.
It is for this reason that we
remain committed to the/oil-for-food program as the best way to
relieve the suffering of the Iraqi people. Only by ensuring
that the UN controls hoJ Iraq can spend its money and oversees·
I
the distribution of food and medicine inside Iraq can we have
any expectation that IrAqi revenues will go to feed the Iraqi
people rather than SaddAm's war machine and his ego.·
Although we are working to limit the impact of sanctions on the
Iraqi people, sanctions continue to be essential to contain the
Iraqi regime, constrain Saddam from rebuilding his military,
deny him the cash that ~ave him broad influence in the Middle
East before the Gulf 0a!, and limit his ability to disrupt
regional stability. Netertheless, Resolution 1284 creates a
mechanism for suspendin~ the economic sanctions on Iraq if Iraq
fulfills key, longstanding disarmament requirements.
The
military sanctions woul~ remain in place, and the UN would
maintain strict financi1l controls to ensure that Iraqi revenue
goes to the Iraqi peopl~, rather than to finance Saddam's
I
palaces and WMD programs.
·
I.
·
·
·
lS
Agaln, t h an k you. f or wr1tlng an d f or s h arlng your Vlews on t h'
difficult issue.
Sincerely;
The Honorable John J. D ncan, Jr.
House of RepresentativeF
Washington, D.C.
20515-4202
�.
-
~-
nn'llrl<YnT
1999 International Herald Tribune
Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France)
SECTION: Opinion; Pg. 8·
LENGTH: 936 words
HEADLINE: The Iraqis Are Victims of ~adldatn, Not of the Outside World
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
Various diplomats attending the recent UN '-'11'"'"'1-!. session chided proponents of continued sanctions against Iraq
for being insensitive to the plight of the Iraqi
The people oflraq.are indeed suffering today, but the cause is not ·
sanctions. It is the policies ofSaddam
When the United Nations first imposed .,a ..,)!.- . .' " " " against Iraq, immediately after the invasion of Kuwait, it
exempted food, medicine and other
supplies. Soon after the Gulf War, the United States took the lead in
proposing that Iraq be allowed to sell
quantities of its oil to pay for tpese critical humanitarian needs.
so, hoping to manipulate international opinion by perpetuating the misery
For five long years, Saddam refused to·
of his people.
Now that the oil-for-food program is
being implemented, it is making a real difference in the lives of the
people. This year oil-for-food is expected to opn,pr,.tP nearly $7 billion for use by Iraq to purchase food, medicine and
humanitarian goods. The food supply in
has grown, providing the average citizen with approximately 2,030
calories a day, an amount exceeding the
daily minimum.
In fact, the amount of food and medicine
the humanitarian aid that the United Nations
Iraq has been able to purchase under this program is greater than all of
provided to all the other countries in the world in the last three years.
Even so, Saddam continues to hinder the rirnur,.,m and deprive all his people of its benefits. Today, according to the
United Nations, one-third of all the
that has arrived in Iraq since the start of the oil-for- food program sits
undistributed in Iraqi warehouses.
Iraq has increased the amount earmarked for food purchases by just 16
spent less than 40 percent of the $25 million that has been set aside for
ago had gone more than 18 months without ordering a single nutritional
Despite a 50 percent increase in oil
percent. Despite infant malnutrition, Iraq
nutritional supplies, and until just a few
supplement.
Not only is Saddam depriving his people
through the oil-for-food program has been
I
food, he is selling it illicitly for his own profit. Baby milk sold to Iraq
in markets throughout the Gulf region.
Recently, Kuwaiti authorities stopped a "'"Ill'"""' coming out of Iraq that included baby powder, baby bottles and
other nursing materials for resale overseas.
the Kuwaiti Coast Guard has seized t9ree cargo vessels that were trying
to smuggle more than 600 tons of food and
out of Iraq.
We know where that money is going.
with gold-plated faucets and man-made
the end of the Gulf War, Saddam has built 48 grand palaces, complete
and waterfalls.
�a!
Five months ago, Iraqi officials inaugurated addamiat Tharthar~ a lakeside resort for high government officials
that contains stadiums, an amusement park, ho1pitals, parks, and new homes, at a cost of hundreds of millions of
dollars.
.
·
"
"
l
Top military officials are provided with extra monthly food rations, a Mercedes and stipends in the thousands of
I
'
dollars, while most Iraqis are forced to live on less than$3.50 a month
·
All of this is obscene.
It's telling that, according to Unicef, in north rn Iraq, which is under the same sanctions as the rest of Iraq but
where the United Nations directly administers ~umanitarian assistance, child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf
War levels, and children are living better lives. lin southern and central Iraq, where the government controls the
program, child mortality rates have more than doubled.
Opponents of current policy need to considJ the alternative. Under sanctions, Saddam must sell the commodity he
values most to meet the needs of those he vaiuJs least, the people of his country. If sanctions were lifted, he could
I
spend his oil wealth on anything he wanted. Oil for food would likely become oil for tanks. Iraq's people could well
have less to eat. Iraq's neighbors would certairlly have more to fear.
.
Saddam's priorities are clear: palaces for hijself, perks for his cronies, prisons for his people, and weapons to
destroy Iraq's citizens and neighbors.
1
·
Meanwhile, the UN Security Council is una imous in its judgment that Iraq has not fulfilled its obligations to the
international community. It has not disarmed. ~t has not forsworn the development of weapons of mass destruction. It
has not renounced the use of chemical and biolpgical weapons. It does not respect the international border with Kuwait,
and has not accounted for Kuwaiti prisoners·o~war.
It has not
st~pped the repression, torture anJ abuse of its own people, from Kurds in the north to Shiites in the south.
There is no conflict here between the deman!ds of sensitivity and security, no trade-off between feeding the people of
Iraq and freeing the Gulf region from fear. In fact, the only realistic way to achieve both goals is to encourage a new
regime in Iraq that will meet the needs of its pbople and its obligations to the world.
.
.
I
.
When that new regime emerges, the United tates is prepared to do its part to help foster economic development,
restore Iraqi civil society, replenish the middle class, rebuild Iraq's health and education sectors, and welcome Iraq
back into the community of nations.
We should work together, with patience and determination, until that day when we can not only lift sanctions but
truly lift the lives of the Iraqi people.
·
The writer is the U.S. national security advi er. He contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 20, 1999
�Copyrigh 1998 International Herald Tribune
International H~rald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France)
March 2, 1998, Monday
SECTION: Opinion; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 1210 words
HEADLINE: U.S. Will Hit Hard If Saddam Reneges on Agreement
.
I
.
BYLINE: By Samuel R. Berger; The Washington Post
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
Although it may fail to satisfy those who want to use force against Iraq regardless of the context, Saddam Hussein's
agreement to open all Iraqi sites to internation~l weapons inspectors advances America's strategic objectives, either in
the event that he complies with it - or that he dbesn't.
·
.
.
If Iraq follows through on its commitment, !he inspectors will for the first time have unrestricted, unconditional
access to all suspect sites- including sites that fhe Iraqi government previously had declared off-limits. lflraq reneges,
we will respond powerfully, from a position o~maximum strength internationally.
From the beginning of this crisis, the president has made clear that the best outcome for the international community
was for Unscom inspectors to be given access to all locations in the country, including presidential sites and other
.
security related installations from which they Had been blocked.
The reason was simple: Despite continualAarassment and deception by the Iraqi regime over the years, Unscom has
been remarkably effective in locating and destfoying Saddam Hussein's nuclear, biological, chemical and missile
capabilities and establishing a long-term monitoring system that makes it far more difficult for the Iraqi regime to
rebuild that capacity.
The president also made crystal clear that if Saddam Hussein failed to let Unscom do its work, he would use
overwhelming force to seriously diminish Iraq's weapons of mass destruction threat and its ability to strike its
neighbors.
He sent Secretaries Madeleine Albright and William Cohen and Ambassador Bill Richardson around the world, not
to seek approval but to explain to others our position in unmistakable terms. As a result, Saddam knew that he would be
hit, and hit hard, if he did not comply..
I
.
Backed by two American and two British aircraft carriers in the Gulf, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan went to
Baghdad. We had made clear to him our two ~ottom lines: total, unfettered access for Unscom and the ability of
Unscom to do its work in a professional and expert manner.
,
co~plies-
and I offer no odds- it will be a significant step in the
Saddam unequivocally committed to the firlt. If he
1
long process of disarming Iraq's weapons of{ ass destruction capability.
As for the second, clarifications provided i discussions between Mr. Annan and the determined chairman of
Unscom, Richard Butler, have led Mr. Butler o conclude that Unscom will have operational control over all inspections
and that the arrangements are "entirely satisfadtory" to his organization.
.
I .
.
The Special Group for the eight presidential sites will answer to Mr. Butler; Unscom procedures will apply; the
�inspection team leader will come from Unscom; the diplomats who accompany the inspection will be observers only,
I
and for all other sites, including those previously blocked, existing Unscom practices will apply.
Ulti~ately, however, as the president also Jade clear, "the proof is in the testing."
In the days and weeks ahead, Unscom will ttt Iraq's commitment. We will keep our forces in the region at a high
state of readiness. Failure to allow the inspectors to go where they want, when they want, will result in the use of
serious force. After two crises provoked by Iraq in four months, the time for diplomacy will be over.
The consternation of some that the guns are lsi lent for now in part reflects an important debate about our strategic
objectives in Iraq. Since 1991, the Bush and Clinton administrations have pursued a policy of containing Saddam stopping him from threatening a region of straiegic importance to the United States.
.
I
.
This policy has been successful. For example, when Saddam moved toward Kuwait again in 1994, we immediately
deployed forces to the region and warned him ~o move back. He did. So long as we have the national will to sustain that
policy, it serves our national interests. It is strategically sound, even if aesthetically displeasing. Saddam's threat is
blocked, even if he still blights the landscape.
Two alternative approaches have been suggested. Some countries want to pursue essentially a narrow disarmament
strategy- "inspect and lift": Let Unscom finis~ its work (and hurry up while you're at it), then lift sanct_ions (which
deprive Saddam and his military machine of$15 billion a year) and reintegrate him into the international community.
But given Saddam's record, there is good reason to believe that this approach - which fails to require him to
demonstrate his "peaceful intentions" by comJ.lying with all UN resolutions - would simply allow him to refinance his
territorial ambitions.
I
..
Some here in the United States argue that our strategic objective should be to remove Saddam Hussein from power.
I
There is no doubt that the Iraqi people would pe better for it. We would gladly work with a successor regime that
respects its neighbors and returns Iraq to its rightful place in the family of nations.
·
But this also is a course with substantial rise and costs. A military campaign to remove Saddam would require a
major commitment of ground troops, risk lar~e numbers of casualties and cost tens of billions of dollars. We would
pursue it alone. Once we fought our way to Baghdad, it is unlikely Saddam would be waiting at the airport. I am
convinced the costs - in blood, treasure and pblitical isolation - are not justified.
thJt
Alternatively, we could seek to achieve
result by proxy- through support oflraqi opposition groups. We have
worked with the Iraqi opposition in the past ahd we can do so more effectively in the future. But before we embrace
lofty goals, we must be sure this time that we/are prepared for the ride. From Budapest in 1956 to the Bay of Pigs in
1961 to postwar Iraq in 1991, we have leamJd the dangers of starting something we were not prepared to finish.
This discussion about strategic objectives )s healthy. It forces us to challenge our thinking and assumptions. But
unless we are prepared either to invade unde~ current circumstances or to dismiss the threat Saddam poses - two options
I reject- Sad.dam will be with us for some tilljle. In the meanwhile, we must maintainthe resolve, alone if necessary, to
prevent him from threatening the region - in bther words, to contain him.
There are four pillars to this policy. MaintLn sanctions. Continue to enforce a no-fly zone over the north and south
of his country to reduce the threat Saddam p~ses to his neighbors and his people. Insist that Unscom be permitted to do
its work without conditions. Be prepared to rbinforce each of these undertakings with military force.
·
It also means permitting the Iraqi governjent to sell some.of its oil to buy food. and medicine for the Iraqi people
under strict UN supervision. Starvation is nola card we wish to play, nor to permit Saddam to play against us.
That is the policy we are pursuing. For seLn years it has held in check the Gulfs most disruptive.and dangerous
threat and helped maintain stability in a regi~n vital to our national interest. But, as President Bill Clinton said last
�..
week, whether that continues to be our strateg)'i will be affected in no small measure by whether this agreement is
honored.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 2, 1998
�'~
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*
*
The purpose of sancti0nsi conditions for lifting them.
"If
conditions in Iraq - lconomy and public health
I ·
·
·
"sanct1ons aren't wor k 1ng.n
*
·
ca 11 s f or 1 l · f t1ng
*
assumptions of anti-Jnctions position
*
likely consequences of lifting sanctions
*
Saddam purposefully withholding food and medicine from his
people, corrupting tlhe program}' 'S (A,(,~ f0 ~v7....:
san~t1ons
{f:J::i:l':t'.:t::J'!;J;:!t~;.~)
v-t '({.., ~ ·t
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*
I
.
.
.
U . S . h uman1tar1an response
1,
*
Conclusion/summary:
-9zrf
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M
�15. Authorizes States,
1thstanding the provisions of paragraphs 3 (a), 3 (b) and 4 of
resolution 661 (1990) and subsequent relevant resolutions, to permit the import of any
vglume of petroleum and petroleum products originating in Ira~. including financial and
other essential transactions directly relating thereto, as required for the purposes and on
the conditions set out in paragraph 1 (a) and (b) and subsequent provisions of
resolution 986 (1995) and related resolutions;
16. Underlines, in this cont , its intention to take further actioo.,Jn ,luding permitting the
use of additional export routes
roieum and petroleum products, under appropriate
conditions otherwise consistent with the purpose and provisions of resolution 986
(1995) and related resolutions;
17. Directs the Committee established by resolution 661 (1990) to approve, on the basis
of proposals from the Secretary-General, lists of humanitarian items, including
foodstuffs, pharmaceutical and medical supplies, as well as basic or standard medical
and agricultural equipment and basic or standard educational items, decides,
notwithstanding para
ph 3 of.J:eSOlut~
nd ara raph 20 of resolution
687 (1991)
at-su lies of these items will not be submitted for approva
Committee, except for items subject to the prov1s1ons o reso u 1on
996), and will
be notified to the Secretary-General and financed in accordance with the provisions of
paragraph 8 (a) and 8 (b) of resolution 986 (1995), and requests the Secretary-General
to inform the Committee in a timely manner of all such notifications received and actions
taken;
18. Requests the Committee established by resolution 661 (1990) to appoint, in
accordance with resolutions 1175 (1998) and 1210 (1998), a group of experts, including
independent inspection agents appointed by the Secretary-General in accordance with
paragraph 6 Qf resolution 986 (1995), decides that this rou will be mandated to
approve speedily contracts for the parts· and the ·equipments necessary to en a e Iraq to
Increase its exports of petroleum and petroleum products, according to hsts of parts and
eqUipments approved by that Committee for each mdividual proJect, and requests the .
Secretary-General to continue to provide for the monitoring of these parts and
equipments inside Iraq;
20. Decides to suspend, for an initial period of six months from the date of the adoption
of this resolution and subject to review, the implementation of paragraph 8 (g) of
resolution 986 (1995);
21. Requests the Secretary-General to take steps to maximize, drawing as necessary
on the advice of specialists, including representatives of international humanitarian
�2
organiza~e effectjvenessofthe arrangementsset out in reso~1995)
~-
and related resolutions induding the humanitarian benefit to the Iraqi population in all
areas of the country, and further requests the Secretary-General to continue...to enhance
as necessary the United Nations observation process in Iraq, ensuring that all supplies
under the humanitarian programme are utilized as authorized, to bring to the attention of
the Council any circumstances preventing or impeding effective and equitable
distribution and to keep the Council informed of the steps taken towards the
·
implementation of this paragraph;
22 . .Requests also the Secretary-General to minimize the cost of the United Nations
activities associated with the implementation of resolution 986 (1 995) as well as the cost
of the independent inspection agents and the certified public accountants appointed by
him, in accordance with paragraphs 6 and 7 of resolution 986 (1 995);
23. Requests further the Secretary-General to provide Iraq and the Committee
established by resolution 661 (1 990) with a daily statement of the status of the escrow
account established by paragraph 7 of resolution 986 (1995);
·
24. Requests the Secretary-General to make the necessary arrangements, subject to
Security Council approval, to allow funds deposited in the escrow account established
oduced oods d o
by resolution 986 1995 6
e
e ocal cost for essential civilian needs which have been funded in ace..~
with the provisrons of resolutron 996 (1995) and related resolutions, including, where
appropriate, the cost of installation and training services; ·
25. Directs ttie Committee established by resolution 661 (1990) to take a decision on all
applications in respect of humanitarian and essential civilian needs within a target of two
working days of receipt of these applications from the Secretary-General, and to ensure
that all approval and notification letters issued by the Committee stipulate delivery within
a specified time, according to the nature of the items to be supplied, and requests the
Secretary-General to notify the Committee of all applications for humanitarian items
which are included in the list to which the export/import mechanism approved by
resolution 1051 (1996) applies;
f
26. Decides that Hajj pilgrimage flights which do not transport cargo into or out of Iraq
are exempt from the provisions of paragraph 3 of resolution 661 (1 990) and resolution
670 (1 990), provided timely notification of each flight is made to the Committee
established by resolution 661 (1 990), and re uests the Secreta -General to m e the
necessary arrangements, for ap roval· the Security Council, to provide for reasonable
expenses related to the Hajj pilgrimage to be met by tunas mthe e crow account
established by resolution 986 (1995);
27. Calls upon the Government of Iraq:
�~----
I
(i) to take all steps to ensure the timely and equitable distribution of all humanitarian
goods, in particular medical supplies, and to remove and avoid delays at its
warehouses;
(ii) to address effectively the needs of vulnerable groups, including children, pregnant
women, the disabled, the elderly and the mentally ill among others, and to allow freer
(
access, without any discrimination including on the basis of religion or nationalit
y_
Umte
a 1ons agencies and humanitaria~ orgamzat1ons to all areas and sections of the
population for evaluation of their m1tritianaJ and humanitarian condition:
J).
(iii) to prioritize applications for humanitarian goods under. the arrangements set out in
resolution 986 (1995) and related resolutions;
/.0
( ,'
(iv) to ensure that those involuntarily displaced receive humanitarian assistance without
the need to demonstrate that they have resided for six months in their places
temporary residence;
·
·
of
(v) to extend full cooperation to the United Nations Office for Project Services mineclearance programme in the three northern Governorates of Iraq and to consider the
initiation of the demining efforts in other Governorates;
11'~)
...
( :.
�04/14/00
FRI 11:14 FAX 202 736 4464
~ ~002 ~
NEA/NGA
...
WAR CRIMES
Saddarn Hussein's
Iraq
Jl_r-:
~,.~~
,·
SUMMARY
I
•
I
Saddam Hussein and his closest War Crimes and
Crimes Against Humanity
aides have committed a long list of; Saddam Hussein seized power in 1979. The list of war
criminal violations of internationat' crimes· and crimes against humanity committed by
humanitarian law and the laws a 1 Saddam Hussein and his regime is a long one. · It
includes:
customs of war. Sad dam Hussein
and his closest aides should b
investigated, indicted, and
prosecuted for these crimes.
The goa~ of the United State
is to see· Saddam indicted by a
international tribunal. We are
gathering our own evidence against .
Crint!fs,~airL!>~ humanity
Saddam and providing ~upport to ., ~· ..·of Iraq's 1990-91 inua.sionand. war crimes arising OLI-l ·
.
a.nd occLtpation of Kuwait:
groups working ·on Iraqi wa
Crimes against hwna.nit:y and poss£bly genocide
crimes issue
against Iraqi Kurds in:northem Iraq. This includes
'A
•
,•
...
the destruction of ouer 3,000 uillagefl. The Iraqi gouernment'i! .campaign of forced deportations ol
Kurdish and Thrkomen families to southern Ira.
has created approxr.mately 900,000 internally displaced citizens throughout the country.
•
Crim.es ~a~id.l<AJ"--L.i-.J4l.t~
again t Marsh Arabs a
Iraq. Entire popu tions o UL ages haue been
forcibly expelled. Government forces have bun}!_d
their houses and fields, demolLshed houses with
bulldozers, and ttndertaken a deliberate canwaign
to drain and poison the marshes. Thou.sands of
cimlians have been summarily executed.
Possible crimes against hr.unanity for killings, ostensibly against political opponen~s, within Iraq.
Holding Saddam Accountable
The United States wants to see Saddam and his close
aides investigated,' indicted, and if possible, prosecuted
by an international tribunal. The Yugoslav war crimes
· tribunal's May 1999 indictment of Slobodan Milosevic
for crimes against the Muslim Kosovar Albanian people
WAR CRIMES
\.
'
-.:
.:
~-
'
i,i
.
::
�04/14/00
FRI 11:15 FAX 202 736 4464
NEA/NGA
~003
VILLAGE RJ\ZED NEAR AL IVIASHA
SIDA VILLAGE D"ESTROYKD IN SOUT.f:IIHtN
..
'·
As this" photo shows, the destruction of villages in southern
Iraq has continued into 1999. Iraqi forces have intensified
their leveling of the village of aJ Masha.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - ·······------
also now being indexed and computerized. The
originals themselves will be returned to Kuwait and
computerized copies will be made available to
human rights groups, scholars, investigators and
prosecutors.
shows that when crimes are committed on the scale
that Saddam Hussein has committed them, justice
should be done not just in the name of the victims, but
in the name of all humanity.
The United States is helping international efforts to
gather evidence.
•
•
The. U.S. Government helped human rights and
opposition groups collect 5.5 million pages of captured Iraqi documents from the "Anfal'' campaign
against the Iraqi Kurds in the 1980's. These documents show the routine nature of the atrocities and
abuses committed by Sad dam Hussein's regime
against the Iraqi people. These documents are
being catalogued, indexed, and electronically transcribed for use by investigators and prosecutors.
Tens of thousands of pages of Iraqi documents cap-·
tured during.Operation Desert Storm in 1991 are
WAR CRIMES
• · The U.S. has large amounts of information on Iraq's
campaign to destroy the Southern Marshes and
repression of the people of southern Iraq.
•
We are preserving videotapes of Iraqi war crimes
thai. can be used for eventual prosecution of Iraqi
war crimes. The United States also has classified
documents, some of which can be declassified and
shared with an international tribunal or commission.
Saddam Hussein's Iraq i.s a brutal police state and so
the collection of evidence of the crimes of the regime is
difficult to obtain. Opposition groups work with great
�04/14/00
FRI 11:18 FAX 202 736 4464
NEA/NGA
•·
cou:rage to bring this news to the world. We are working with Iraqi opposition and human rights groups in
support of their efforts to collect additional eviqence of
Saddam's war crimes. Opposition and human rightS
groups' efforts include:
·
•
•
~.004
able ori the Internet, and taking steps to preserve written, visual and testimonial evidence of the crimes committed.bySadd~m Hussein's regime.
International efforts to draw attention to the war
crimes record of the. Iraqi regime has already begun:
Locating witnesses to Iraqi war crimes and help
build evidence that could be used to justify the arrest
of senior Iraqi officials traveling outside the country.
0
Efforts were made to . arrest Izzat Ibrahim, Vice
Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council,
while he was visiting Austria in August of 1999.
Helping analyze captured Iraqi documents and
translate them so that the world can be educated
about Iraqi war crimes.
D
A few weeks later, Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister
Tariq Aziz decided not to travel to Italy to attend a
conference entitled, "Peace, Prosperity, and an End
to War." As one human rights group said, "The only
suitable venue for Tariq Aziz to express his opinions
is that of a courtroom where we will all have a
chance to hear about his government's record on
peace, prosperity and war."
The U.S. Government is providing grants to a number
of NGO's working on Iraqi war crimes issues. Grants
have been provided for gathering evidence, translating
captured Iraqi documents written in Arabic into other
languages, making evidence of Iraqi war crimes avail-
. .
... ' ..
. ·="
'
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•
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This document is also available:
http://www.usia.gov/regional/nea/nea.htm
WAR CRIMES
'
.:
(,
.
�.
.~,
Copyright 1998 International Herald Tribune
International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France)
March 2, 1998, Monday
SECTION: Opinion; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 1210 words
HEADLINE: U.S. Will Hit Hard If Saddam Reneges on Agreement
BYLINE: By Samuel R. Berger; The Washington Post
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
Although it may fail to satisfy those who want to use force against Iraq regardless of the context, Saddam Hussein's
agreement to open all Iraqi sites to international weapons inspectors advances America's strategic objectives, either in
the event that he complies with it - or that he doesn't.
If Iraq follows through on its commitment, tlie inspectors will for the first time' have unrestricted, unconditional
access to all suspect sites - including sites that the Iraqi government previously had declared off-limits. If Iraq reneges,
we will respond powerfully, from a position of maximum strength internationally.
From the beginning of this crisis, the president has made clear that the best outcome for the international community
was for Unscom inspectors to be given access to all locations in the country, including presidential sites and other
security related installations from which they had been blocked.
The reason was simple: Despite continual harassment and deception by the Iraqi regime over the years, Unscom has
been remarkably effective in locating and destroying Saddam Hussein's nuclear, biological, chemical and missile
.
capabilities and est~blishing a long-term monitoring system that makes it far more difficult for the Iraqi regime to
rebuild that capacity.
The president also made crystal clear that if Saddam Hussein failed to let Uriscom do its work, he would use
overwhelming force to seriously diminish Iraq's weapons of mass destruction threat and its ability to strike its
neighbors.
He sent Secretaries Madeleine Albright and William Cohen and Ambassador Bill Richardson around the world, not
to seek approval but to explain to others our position in unmistakable tenris. As a result, Saddam knew that he would be
hit, and hit hard, if he did not comply.
Backed by two American and two British aircraft carriers in the Gulf, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan went to
Baghdad. We had made clear to him our two bottom lines: total, unfettered access for Unscom and the ability of
Unscom to do its work in a professional and expert manner.
Saddam unequivocally committed to the first. If he complies- and I offer no odds- it will be a significant step in the
long process of disarming Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capability.
As for the second, clarifications provided in discussions between Mr. Annan and the determined chairman of
Unscom, Richard Butler, have led Mr. Butler to conclude that Unscom will have operational control over all inspections
and. that the arrangements are "entirely satisfactory" to his organization.
The Special Group for the eight presidential sites will answer to Mr. Butler; Unscom procedures will apply; the
�inspection team leader will come from Unscom; the diplomats who accompany the inspection will be observers only,
and for all other sites, including those previously blocked, existing Unscom practices will apply.
Ultimately, however, as the president also made clear, "the proof is in the testing."
In the days and weeks ahead, Unscom will test Iraq's commitment. We will keep our forces in the region at a high
state of readiness. Failure to allow the inspectors to go where they want, when they want, will result in the use of
serious force. After two crises provoked by Iraq in four months, the time for diplomacy will be over.
The consternation of some that the guns are silent for now in part reflects an important debate about our strategic
objectives in Iraq. Since 1991, the Bush and Clinton administrations have pursued a policy of containing Saddam stopping him from threatening a region of strategic importance to the United States.
This policy has been successful. For example, when Saddam moved toward Kuwait again in 1994, we immediately
deployed forces to the region and warned him to move back. He did. So long as we have the national will to sustain that
policy, it serves our national interests. It is strategically sound, even if aesthetically displeasing. Saddam's threat is
blocked, even if he still blights the landscape.
But giVen a am s recor ,
eason o e 1eve that this approach - which fails to require him to
demonstrate his "peaceful intentions" by complying with all UN resolutions - would simply allow him to refinance his
territorial ambitions.
Some here in the United States argue that our strategic objective should be to remove Saddam Hussein from power.
There is no doubt that the Iraqi people would be better for it. We would gladly work with a successor regime that.
respects its neighbors and returns Iraq to its rightful place in the family of nations.
But this also is a course with substantial risks and costs. A military campaign to remove Saddam would require a
major commitment of ground troops, risk large numbers of casualties and cost tens of billions of dollars. We would
pursue it alone. Once we fought our way to Baghdad, it is unlikely Saddam would be waiting at the airport. I am
convinced the costs - in blood, treasure and political isolation - are not justified.
Alternatively, we could seek to achieve that result by proxy- through support oflraqi opposition groups. We have
worked with the Iraqi opposition in the past and we can do so more effectively in the future. But before we embrace
lofty goals, we must be sure this time that we are prepared for the ride. From Budapest in 1956 to the Bay of Pigs in
1961 to postwar Iraq in 1991, we have learned the dangers of starting something we were not prepared to finish.
This discussion about strategic objectives is healthy. It forces us to challenge our thinking and assumptions. But
unless we are prepared either to invade under current circumstances or to dismiss the threat Saddam poses - two options
I reject - Saddam will be with us for some time. In the meanwhile, we must maintain the resolve, alone if necessary, to
prevent him from threatening the region - in other words, to contain him.
There are four pillars to this policy. Maintain sanctions. Continue to enforce a no-fly zone over the north and south
of his country to reduce the threat Saddam poses to his neighbors and his people. Insist that Unscom be permitted to do
its work without conditions. Be prepared to reinforce each of these undertakings with military force.
It also means permitting the Iraqi government to sell some of its oil to buy food and medicine for the Iraqi people
under strict UN supervision. Starvation is not a card we wish to play, nor to permit Saddam to play against us.
That is the policy we are pursuing. For seven years it has held in check the Gulfs most disruptive and dangerous
threat and helped maintain stability in a region vital to our national interest. But, as President Bill Clinton said last
�,
week, whether that continues to be our strategy will be affected in no small measure by whether this agreement is
honored.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 2, 1998
�•
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Questions to Ask
How much of the GOI's own resources (from taxes, reserves,
sm~__o· -food contract kickbacks) are spent on
r-edllcation and health care? How much on the military? How much
on:palace construction?
Why does Baghdad consistent
under-order foodstu~ Why has
it never allocated sufficient foodstuffs to meet the minimum
calorie and protein targets recommended by the UN?
Child mortality rates in the North are below pre~War levels.
There has long been a supplementary feeding program in the
North.
Due to the program's success, the SYG's report notes
that those in need have dropped from a quarter million to under
80,000.
Why has Baghad refused to implement the SYG's
recommendation for a similar program ln the south/center?
c)
Why won't the ~I allow NGO' s to operate in the south/center a5::::::>
they do in the north?
The Special Rapporteur for Human Rights told the.UN in 1999 that
landmines placed by the regime between 1992 and 1997 have caused
more than 15,000 casualties, of which 15% were children~
Why
doesn't Baghdad permit demining work in the south/center as is
done in the North? Why does Baghdad oppose demining in. the
North (where significant progress has been made in agriculture
~and reforestation thanks to successful demining) .
Would Iraq permit additional UN monitors in Iraq to ensure oilfor-food inputs are being used appropriately? If not, why not?
th~efuse
~ew
Why did
a visa to
UN Special Rapporteur
for Human Rights?__Ni.ll-t=-fr
low him entry in the future?
Why did it~tently refuse entr·
o former Special
Rapporteur
Stoe
one visit in 1992)?
his palaces
the private lakes
Thar-Thar village?
U ·' s new High-Level
Vorontsov?
The Human Rights Rapporteur points out that in Iraq "there is no
frestlom of speech or action since the mere suggestion that
someone is not a supporter of the president carries the prospect
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assessment credible?
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In such a situation, is your source's
Why wouldn't the GOI allow Saybolt (oil industry analysts on
contract to the UN) conduct a study on foreign investment in the
oil sector (one of the recommendations of the Amorim
humanitarian panel adopted in UNSCR 1284)?
Why has Iraq banned any inquiry by Saybolt into refinery
needs?
(The vast majority of smuggling involves gasoil, a
refined petroleum product.)
Where do the new cars on the streets of Baghdad come from?
~; ~
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The UN just is~uedia report on the hu~anit~rian situation in
Iraq.
It comparesiwhat the Secretary-General recommended.in
his February 1998 Supplementary Report and what the GOI has
done since.
"The Supplernentary.Report'recomrnended to increase the.
nutritional valu
t to 2,463 calories
per day. "~~~~~~~~~~i~n~r~e~v~e~n=u=e·:s~ Iraq is s t i 11 n_ot
there;
s to improve the ration basket.
Still,~
substantially increased calories ·per day
than the
era.
"The health sector, which includes the targeted nutrition
program, despite having been given, the largest additional
,secto:;-al allocation in the Supplementary Report, was in fact
fundediin .Phase IV \at a level less than Phase III, and only
ma.rginally hi
e I II level in phases v and VI."
In contras , in
'food, health repairs (?) and
nutrition" were
level comparable to what the SYG
recommended.
Targeted nutrition: Supplementary ·~eport proposed· $58.~
million per phase, ~argeting over a million Iraqi children
and mother$.
"Alth6ugh funds were allocated starting with
Phase IV, the majority of contracts' ... were submitted,
starting with phase: VI." . At the·:~I1d, o:f· last year, only $22·
million worth
s had be'en presented..
··
In contrast in the North,
he programs have· b~en fully
implemented.
.. .
a quarter million' chitdren· started oht in
the program~ now only 80,000 need this assistance. Child
mortality lower than pre-war and.droppin~ .
. Report fre.quently cites %k-G-f-I'e~ country-wide da~
to draw conclusioris•aDout the impact of OFF in various
sectors.
SYG plan called for'education funding tb be spent on general
educa~d i ncluq.ed~b.i.l~t.a~~ ls.
GOI spent
abou~O% of available funds on higher educatio land.none on
reha
l at~on o
school infrastructure.
Other points:
Distribution plan includes lu~ury busses for VI~s, musical
door chimes. ·Committee just approved a contract for
decorated ceramic tiles.
Nothing wrong with tiles, but it
does show an intere~ting sense of priorities. ·
OPTIONAL FORM 99 (7-90)
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While UN is working hard at getting Iraq t;~istribute
goods, and improvements have been made, more needs to.be
done.
Slow ordering: thi~ is hard to do in simple terms. When a
Phase ends, ordering against revenue earned in that phase
continues until the money is spent. We are now in phase VII
(Dec. 9.9-June 00 l , phase VI T..Tas May-Nov 99, Phase V was Nov.
98-May 99, Phase IV was May-Nov. 98. We are still seeing a
t. rickle ot l:'Oa~ contracts. Iraq has not spent all the $
· earned in 1~
~~t contract ito spend Phase VII $ was not presented
until two months a~ter the Phase started. Contracts for
Phase VII are only !just beginning to trickle in.
'
Despite all the ta~k ubout holds, roughly 90% of what is
requested is approved. If Iraq would accept weapons
inspectors to watc~ 1051 goods, more could be ~pproved.
Many holds are placed because poorly prepared contracts do
not provide sufiici~nt information on possible dual-u~e
items. When additibnal information is" received, dual'_;_,use
.
.,..,.
concerns can often be re~solved. In M-a:rch 2000, the U''.S.
released holds on o111er $200 million wr)ri:h'·of goods via this
process.
•••
!,
U.S. t:rack record: created idea· of OFF pr~~g'~arn· in .1991.
Iraq refus~d to ·accispt until De~. :'1996:;~~ :fii.~t OFF deliveries
in Mar~h 19~7- Not' all problems ~n ari economy devast~te~~y .~.
caused· by years of w·ar an'd then :sanctions have be'em':
· ·· ·
·
addressed, but there have been great :i.mprovements·'·in 'the' two
.ears of OFF.
Early phases Iraq e~ported about $2 bil'lion worth of oil per
phase. Last phase exported,$7.4 billion. Slow orderfng and
distribution ""' no immediate impact of this revenue, but over
time situation will~ im rov
...
-·
d
ter rhe. ··U.S. has ~upporte~ ~ouncil steps to broaden and dee~~n 6FF,
allowing greater le~els of exports and using th~ expanded
funding to mov~ OFF ito sectors beyond j O.st food. and , ..
medicine.
I
Understanding that the oil sector is key, U.S. has supported
first a special allq>cation\.in OFF funds for that sector;
U.S. recently led s~ccessfu~ effort to double. that
allocation.
!
1284: U.S. was acti~e supporter. Streamlines ordering and
approval processes, i allows for local purchases, lifts
ceiling on exports tied to humanitarian purchases. These
improvements plus enhanced revenues will make abig
difference in the humanitarian situation. GOI is also
called upon to take !a number of steps - will they?
0
'
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.
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-
---· .-,-··
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'
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don-~t ·work~
~~4--
.
....
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----
Almost' ten yeais of them have left Iraqis desperate-and Saddam Hussein as
defiant as ever
.
'
•• -··.··
<
c
TSEEMS a suicidalact: to climb intq one of
Baghdad's ancient taxis and ii'riilounce
Ithat you are an American. The odd5; are that
the driver has lost a comfortable desk-job
and is now hunting fares, in a vehicle held
together with duct tape and cardboard, to
make ends meet. It is likely that a close relative has died during either the Gulf war or
the nine subsequent years of sanctions, or ·
that American jets have just bombed some
corner of Iraq. Your driver has no reason to
love the United States.
·Yet most of Baghdad's taxi drivers seem
more puzzled than angry.After ask"
ing for help to emigrate to· Detroit, ·
they invariably want to know how'
America, to their minds the embodi- .
ment of prosperity and opportu- .
nity, can wilfully reduce the people .
oflraq to such misery.
··
In the corridors of the Pentagon
and the State DepartJ11ent, American
officials show equal bewilderment. After all,
the yillain of the- pl'ece is not Airieric_a, but
Saddam Hussein, Iraq'sdictatorial president.
He could, they point out, bring the saga to~
end tomorrow by surrendering his stash of
illicit arms or accountmg for their disappearanc-e:--:vertl1eyaCI<I1owledge that !!!_e United
Naftons' trade embargo, w1llch: was .intended tO pressure him to do so, has not had '
that effect.I~t~Oiiiliii.CS:
ofiirdinary Iraqis. Nor, they concede, has the
humanitarian scheme that was designed. to
soften sanctions: don,e as much good as had
been hoped.
The embargo was imposed by the Security Council when the Iraqi army occupied.
Kuwait iri 19<)0. It was meant to reduce Iraq to
su.ch riiiriJhat.]\1r Hussem would pave no
choice but to withdraw .his forces. Before
matters got to that stage, the American~led
coalition expelled Iraqi troops from Kuwait.
, Since Mr Hussein still possessed weapons of ·
mass destruction, the sancttons were to be
-Kept in lace until he a reed to et rid of
--1 ose weaP-QOS.and show UN insgectors that
· he had done so.
Inspections were, at first, hugely success~
ful:. Mr Hussein was forced to scrap his nuc
clear. programme. -When the UN inspectors
.
I
THE ECONOMIST APRIL 8TH :Z.OOO
. <': ·!
began closing in on the remains of his industrial~sized biological-weapons prograrhrrie,,
however;.Mr Husseip'dug fits heels m.After
America aridBntam 5ombed Iraq in 1998, he,
refused t() readmit the inspectors or make
ariy concession over his nastiest. we~ pons.
the collapse. Every sector of the Iraqi economyaepencfe'd to some extent on imports.
The simplest of textile mills could not function without foreign-made parts; farmers
needed imported pumps to run their irrigation systems; and the government could not
mend the war-damaged telephone, electricity, road,waterand seweragenetworks without material from abroad. The impact of
sanctions 'tvas intensified because Iraq's in. frastructu~e hq_g J!lH~<!dy suff!'!r~d. qamage
and neglect during the country's eight-year
wa·r: _with Iran; and. because Mr Hussein,
when he got money, preferred to spend it on
defericearid magnificence.
Factories and businesses began shutting
down, pushing people out of work. Govern~
rhent employees remained on
the· job,· but inflation. reduced
their salaries to a pittance. To
this day, civil servants earn
. about s,ooo Iraqi dinars a
month~$z.so at the present exchange rate. Engineers, scientists and academics have abandoned _.their professions to
hawk cigarettes, drive taxis or
, ·fish for a livirig. Prostitution and
crime have increased so dramatically that th,.e government
has instituted the death penalty
for pimping, solicitation and
many categories of theft.
Every . Iraqi town now
::·ooasts ... :m:arharkets where
· ·di::iwn-i:it~heel members of the
··middle class· cim sell off the
trappings of their former lives:
· dog;eared copies of Life magazine, broken transistor radios,
j~wellery, watclw~f'-ev_en ile>or
J<nbl;>s, plurp.bing· -fixtUres and
.·'·W.lring stripped · from· their
. -homes,Nihe cars in ten have a
·ti~cked ·. ~indscreeri, ·bt:cause
nbcine can afford to n!place the
gla~s:
· · · ·
·..
·• ;Sal).ctions impinge on th_e
. of all Iraqis ~very moment
.
. .
day. Iri Basra, Iraq's second
':Yitjl th~ Security Cqi.mcil, split·- . . . . .
.
. . .. ori and ?ffunph~~ictably
q_ori_e_~~,tlu: -~~n~tioh:s~elll~iiied in place. ....... i~ ~~e ~_ot,trs_i~:i,~ a~ai!¥ble. ltcap_t~ke te_n rlfin:~ •J1i.e. ,onguial ~eiTII~- _of the ,~IJ!~~-~?. ·.l;lte,~. to,ge_t~a}w~.-f~~:r)ocal,H:l~p~~re ..c_~'!:
~~~ne~ ~II tr~~e With r.r~_q anq froz,e all, ~~RCJ ~ ; ;~~9ke. fi:o~ Je.{ty-;~~~~d g~~e.w.~~~ arK~ Vf~
asse.~sov~rseas. II)- theqry,'fqo(apd me<k .'.P!~!es h,.(ll')gsoy:~r the tow!'IIJ,l !l thtck cl()UO.
cine w~re e.l'en}pt; bufwith6t1f ¢xport e.a91< l-'ii]:i~t.aP.:,water causes diarrhoea, out few Ciih
ings,'Iraq could rioLpayJ6fi.rripoits,~?o tl;le • ;:tfh;>rg:ithe bottledsort:·B~cai:is(the sewers
gestt\re' was rrieanir}gless. Trade' (th-¢_-siHi,i pf' . _hav~. IJto.~en '9~X'fn~ po_olii;pf:st\nk_ing m!ick
exp<?rt} ~nd imports) wa~ e,citi!yal!'!'i:lt tQ .4_4%.'" . ~av~'le?~~e~"ti:Ir()~g? ~0 th~_ syrfa~~ ~ll-ov~r
ofGJ:?~.1~1989.-}n1991, accotdm to,tlje lfy).f, :.. \t?wn. TI),~t ~fflu~nt, _ c8mbu~~-d yvttp. P?!l~~
!rag's econom s_ tan_ _ •· .·· _ . ·.· . , ·:' tton upstrea,m~. h~s ktlle,d l'l,l?~t q(the fis_h m
'Even that figure under$tates the scale-at"- the Shatt ai-Anib river arid 'has left the re-
PHOTOCOPY
· PRESERVATION
23
�IRAO AND THE WEST
mai~de~· uns~fe to. eat. The goyernment ~an suit of the embargo. But the more cautious eiy six months to cover humanitarian imno longer spray for sand-flies or mosquitoes, studies offoreign researchers show horrific ports. Large as the sum sounds, it. provided
so insects have proliferated;'aiCmg ~it~ tpe rises in infant mortality, malnutrition and little more than a dollar a modtfi to cover
disea,se~ tpeycarry.
·
·
disease. An analysis of NGO health surveys fOOd and medicine for each l~agi;nono
Most'of the once-elaborate array of gov- conducted by Richard Garfield, a public- mention repan:s to infrastructure, "The cumernment services have vanished. The ar- health expert at Columbia University~d bersome Bureaucracy imposed by the counchaeological service has taken to burying th3-t at least 10o,ooo (and.Jlrobably as many cil and the inefficiency and recalcitrance of
painstakingly excavated ruins ..for ·want.of as 227,ooo) childr.en under five had died be- Iraqi officials made the system even less efthe proper: preservative chemicals. The gov- tween 1991 and 1998 as a result of1fieG.ulf fective. Once oil started flowing, it took over
ernment-maintained irrigation and drain- war and sanctions. That works out at be- three months for the first shipment of food
age network has crumbled, leaving much of tWeen.z6 and 60 deaths every day among in- to arrive in Iraq.
Iraq's prime agriculturaHai'ia either too dry fants alone.A recent Unicefreportestimated
~fil998:faced with such obvious shortor too salty to cultivate: Sheep and ca'ttle, no that, over the same period, some soo,ooo un- comings,the council raised the limit on
longer shielded by government vaccination der-fives had died.
humanitarian purchases to $3.4 billion. The
programmes, have succumbed to pests and
At· times, American officials have de- s1tuatton. scarcely 1m proved. Iraq's oil
diseases- by the hundreds qf, thousands. dared that such deaths are a regrettable but ·pumps and pipelines had fallen iiltO'Si:ien
Many teachers in the· state-run schools do necessary feature of the effort to get Mr Hus- disrepair that it could not export enou@i>il
. r- not bother to show up. for work a'riy· more. sein to behave. It is because he will not budge tb meet its new. ·allowance, despite having
Those who do must teach listless, riialnour- that his people have to suffer: But more often the ·worlo's second-largest reserves. AlisheCicnilaren; often Wltlmi.rtotriefit of ,(ffierica~'alortg"wftlithe-other ~embers of though the couricil eventually allowed the·
bo6Ks,aesks or even blackboards.··
the Security Council, has acknowiedged the import of spare parts to improve capacity,
.
need to relieve the burden innocent Iraqis bringing these in proved even slower and
No sutures, no disinfectant
bear for their leader's intransigence. As early more bureaucratic than importing food.
Hospitals display the effects of the embargo
· Council
Iraq reached its export target in late 1999,
thanks largely to rising oil prices. But the oil,... ·at the1unost trag1c.lraq's health serv!C~S, liKe(··:..·.;~··.·:~~~::;;:,~~~~:;,~~~+~~~?-~;~
its schools, were once the best in th(region.:- · ·
for-foodprogramme is not out of the woods
Now most hospital lifts have ceased .to fun<:~
yet. Since last December the flow of oil has
tion, so trauma patients have to be carriedi.tp .
fallen, at least in part because the oil-indusand down thestairs.Cieaningstaffoftenla'(:k ·
try's hardware has deteriorated further. At
disinfectant to wash the floors. The di~ectot
the urging of Kofi Annan, the UN secretaryof Basra's largest hospital says he: D1li.st dd:
g~neral, the Security Council has just agreed
without sutures and blood for transfusions··
.. . . . . t().dquble Iraq'S budget for s12are..parts.
for weeks at a time. Medicine, tb~;,i~.'+~~
!}~· .l:l,llll9li}';VIIO[lth of oil ey~;· '< '~ven When a decent amount of money is
tioned. Whole wards of children With ~~~ ~+--~~7--7-'f~~~:S-:~77---:,-:,;~'-+i· · cor!ling in, oil-for-food does not work as well
kaemia 0 unattended, smce the chfte~~nt
:. as i,tshould. Goods take ages to get to Iraq; so
drugs needed to treat them are rare avai- .
· fari only about half of what has been or- l
able at the same time ..The senior gyriaecolo- , .
· ; .dered has arrived (see chart). Then there are ·
a·h~~~':::?,,\"<1 del~ys in distribution. The past two heads of ·
· --gist explains that 90% of the piegn~-llJ... "'
women he cares for are anaemic because of-'·:
the uN's humanitarian illiSsiOri:inJxaq:hav:e
malnutrition. Diseases such as cholera ~nd·: ·· ·.
resigned, along with several of theiL.juniot.
typhoid, whidfhaa been eradicat~d before '. •·
cOlleagues; complaining that the pr..o1990, have reappea'red. '· · ...
. ... ' : ·.' ..' ·
gramme 1s hopelessly ineffective.
• ·the Iraqt authorities, doubtless \Vith arf..
Whosefai.tlt?-~-:'-·: ·------- ---- .. ·
eye to the headlines, recently clairi#l. ~h~t
more than a 'million people had ·
· ~.re3'
Ame;ica '):ii~..r!i~~. ~Uj~e_se failures on Iraq,
and: -with' some reason. · Mr Hussein has
fl1?1).ip_~,~l~t~~-~he .PrQgi~iTime; ·welcoming
the fact tha(if mq11_ey_ (o.rJ9_Qq ~!19 mediCine
comes in· from outside, Q.e no longer ne~<:ls to
spend his own government's money 00 such
things=divertingirinsteadto·ro-ckererigifies,
or fo comforts for himself. and his hench, men. Under the programme, Iraqi officials
place th.e orders: in. one in.stance they did not)
bother to order nu61tional sup lements for
children an pre nant mot ers, although
rrrijneyliR:fbeen set as1ae fillthem. Some of.
the items oraerea (such aS an MRI machme; a
high-tech ·seam-ier used in medicine) are
scandalous in a country thiH is short of aspi. rin and swabs.
·
However, uN officials insist that the
glitches result· not from malice as rTII,ICh as
bureaucratic.incompetence=and that they
are sometimes deliberately misinterpreted.
The State Department claims, for example,
that the Iraqi regime left some $zoom-worth
of oil-for-food medicine simply sitting in
y
24
THE ECONOMIST APRIL 8TH 2000
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
..
. . ' . . .,
�.
-
IRAO AND THE WEST
,
_ . trytct
ers
· out Iraqi oil
Butthe Umted States has made
to
stop the illegal tradewith turkey, m thehope
·. of assuaging .. Ttir~is.h ·misgivings ab9ut
.', .Amerifa'~ policy on Iraq. In peed, to Turkey's
.. great satisfaction, the Security Council re. centl)rscrapped an Anglo-Dutch scheme to
'th.is. lqophole. How can such):!C>.~¢~a. aoout what actually eriteis Iraq be
... :'squared\vith such zeal tc)dissect ~ach con. ::tiactthatpCJsses,through th~i.ir\r's sarictions
cot:nrrit!(!~?
.. .
.
.
America has also resisted change's to the
regulations that would allow the UN to
spend cash in Iraq. At the inoment, all oilfor-food goods come from outside the country, to avoid putting money in Mr Hussein's
hands~ But that ilis6 means that uN food imwarehouses. But ~he uN's, publiC reports tary-gen~·r~l, t() htliry .· cShtr~cts a_l~ng,. the ports, for. example, 't:mderci.tt Iraqi farmers,
clearly state that this had either just 'arrived, value of goods placed on hold has nsen smce driving mariy' of them to abandon their
or had failed quality-control ~ests, or could the beginning of the year.. Some items, such fielps and so exacerbating the short~ge of
not be used because of lack of <::oinple- as bulldozers and crop-dusters, 'certainly food. The u·N also cannot spend rrioney
mentary items. The Iraqi ·authorities held .. could be pu(to ~efarious use. But instead of training Itaqi ddctdr~ or~ teachers:....:.an obstal
back only 15% oflfietr usable 'stock as· a banning tht:iri outright, u~ qffiCials argue, cle no amount of imported medicines or
~.
15uffer, rather than the 25% recommended by America could settle for a monitoring textbooks i:an make up for.
. To the exterlt that it ~oiks; the oil-forthe vyorld Hea.Ith Organisation~a risky tac- scheme to guard against misuse. uN inspectic, since oil-for-food is plagued by such fre- tors already .oversee the distribution of food food scheme has turned Iraq into a massive
quentdelays. '
.
and medicine and check to make sure that welfare scheme. the UN su ervises the
The State Department also cites the p<;>or Iraq is using the spare' parts for its oil ihdu~~ pumpipg ofi~aq's ()il ar1,d the. dis'ti-ibutton o
performance of the oil-for-food programme try as intende,d.Th~.samesysteiTI COllldeasc t~ _proceeas,whue. s.uspenalng-illl-uther
in the part ofiraq under Mr Huss~in's con- ily be extended to other su'spect items. Since etclnOmic aCtivity. Even Wltlilifiilllessre=trol, compared with its succe~s in the Kurd- Iraq foots the bill for such supefvision out pf · soifrCesarid no interference from outside, a
ish-run areas in the north of the country. itsoilsales,wpn~yi~n~qbj('!f.tiJ3.llt.J\merica:s btlffcfiofUN burea.ttcriHs IS no substituteEor
American officials quoteuN figures that representatives ori the SecuritY COuncil a'fe a working ecorioq]y . ,
show infant mortal.ity declining in the north dragging their feet ·
'·
The_ jxograrrim,e has worked, up to a
point. It has stoppea Iraqis starying to death
since th(! impleme.ntation of oil-for-food,
. or succumbing· to epidemics. To improve the
but continuing to rise in the government's Gaping loopholes
terri'tory. For this discrepa'ncy, ·~hciugh, uN Although, in theory, 1\0 goods should leave hi.ttnariltarian situatlmi beyond that basic
staff provide a host of reasonable explana- or enter Iraq without the Security Council's level, oil-for-food's administriHors have had
tions: the north has a healthier economy approvCJl, th~ l!N has notsetupmachiperyto to beg(l1t.he )llUC~ more contiuve~sial work
thanks to wl<;iespread smuggling; receives monitorwllatcrossesitsborder~.Sotheiraqi of rep,aii"iflg Iraq's infrastructure. That has
more aid from NG()S, gets more oil for food authorities are able to ship out tankers of oil brought thein into conflict not only with the
per person ar1d does not depefld, as the thr()ugh Turkeya~d Iran and. import what· more hawkish rnewbers of th(! Security
south does, on a crumbling irrigation system. they like with the proceeds, unhindered by Council, b~;~t also with th~. very aim ,of the
Even if Iraqi officials are d~liberately committeesorii1spectors'ofary~nd.f'or,ev- embargo. The i.JN's own sanctions re ime
gumming up the oil-for-food programme, so. ery legitimate loa~ entering Iraq fr<;>m Tur- runs counter to the tJN's
anitaria.ll.R[Q::_
are their N,nerican and British counterparts, key, CJS ipany aszo.o pass ,:VVitho'-'t p,ellllis- gramme to rebuild Iraq.,.
.
by abusing their power to blo<;k suspicious sion, This cl~n.de_stin~ ,tr~de 111ay .~ot be,
As Hap~ von Spon(!ck, the just-departed
imports. Oil-for-food contracts worth $1.7 enough to raise the livingsti:mdardsofordir1- head of the UN'S humanitarian programme
billion-more than w%of ali oi-ders placed- ary In1qis,but it certainly put~'sciap·a~d tyres in Iraq, points out, ~he basic problem lies
are currently in limbo, mainly because the within Mr Hus.seln's r~ach, ~otto.ff\ention with tying ordinary Iraqis' well-being to
goods in question might be used formilitary more luxurious or sinister items.
questiops of disaiTilamerlt. nie Security
rather thap humanitarian purposes. There Indeed, whilt: his country is in desperate Council has implic\tly acknowledged the inis, ofcourse, no reason to trust Mr Hussein an straits,. Mr Hussein shows' no eagerness tQ..., justice of that link by creating the oiHorinch; he ~ould not hesitate to.smuggl~ dual- spena on fits own people the mqneY.,he gets • food p~ogr,amme to mitigate its worst effects.
use items through the oil-for-foq,d.screme. trolnilTiett ml exports. Insteaa, ~asbliilt . Sanctions remain the world's only leverBut among such supposedly threatening several new palaces for himself. He has also age over a ruthless'and bellicose tyrant. Yet
purchases was a shipment of ambulances, acquired, for. his police force, a· fleetof spapk- almost !en years into the embargo, they have
held up by Americ!l for feqr t~~- ariTieCif'or.ces ing new Hyllridai Piltrql cqrs th~t c~rta,il',lly not budged him. I9_stead ofcljl1ging .to the
might appr<;>priate them. Many cop tracts for did riot come in under oil-for-fooct Friends forlorn· hope thatj\1fHusseiji will live up to
pumps, tyres and even soap remain frozen of the regilJie have plenty of m()pey to spen~ his legal and moral re~ponsibilities, perhaps
to this gay~ Other restrictions seem hope- on computers with the latest Pentium m .America and Britain need to rethink a policy
lessly arbitrary: spare parts allowed at one chips, which a~e sold at prohibitive prices in that has so embittered and impoverished his
several shops in Baghg_ag, _x:eCunder:-sa'ift;:,::- people.
oilfield are banned at another.
,
Despite countless pleas from the secre- tions, iio computers with a Pentium chtp o1
.
_______________________________
. 25
THE ECONOMIST APRIL 8TH 2000
PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
···
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How ... '
. Economic Fre~'doin ·
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Drives ·Pro~peritf ./.
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pr_ opercy,
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erty
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.
veiltion iir the economy constricdhe overall
economic growth: As Professor
.-~· ~y do sohie ~conomies' flourish,
:. . '
e~onoiniC freedbrri oftheir·p~~ple: . .
of Harv~rd 'i.J nJversity exj:ihii~ed: ;'If property
·. ~bile I ti'th.e~s lag?' Although many
' Monetary Policy. When a government's.
rights are insecure- for example, because of
.
th~ories' e~ist, the 'findings of the
nioneta'ry policy facilitates m~rke(pricing, . high 'c~ime r~tes Of high I;ates Of taXation or
i~divid·u.als in tliat cou'ntry enjo'y greater
high cha~ces of gbve~rime~t exp~op~iation recentiy _: r~leased 2ooo lndex'oj Economi~
Freedom ~uggestth~t high rates of ec.~nomic
economic' freedom. I~fl~tio~. Asign/if mi~guidpeople tend to w6rk.less ~nci invest little:·
gro~h ai1'd 'pr6spericy can be traced to high .. ed..:Iho~~tarY-i>olicy, ... not-~only. c~n'fiscates
Reguiation. Governn.;ent re'gulations that
.
'
wealth: italso.distorts prices,_misallocatt~s res:
impose ari undue burden on busi~ess through
levels .of eco~oinic freedom.
Siri~e 1995, the lndex ~I Economic Free:
ources, undennines a fr'~e societY arid th;,vaits
stringent licensing requirements, excessive
dom has offered the inte~national corr!munity
economic freedom..
labour reguihtions, arid oppressive erivi~onmenari 'arinuai· in-d~pth e~amination of the factors
tal reguhitlons limit economic fre~dOm and
A .well~irine,tiP,ill11g l!{g~l_. .
hampe~ econo~ic growth. .
that contribute most directly to economic
f1:eedom ~n·d 'prosperity. Economic fre~dom
systerp_ !ldh~_;ing_ 'i~ t_.he ·
Black Markets. The presence of a black
is d~firie'd 'as the ab'senc~ of governtn.'ent
market iridic'aies an activity which is heavily
rule
law and 'respect
taxed;overiy regulated, 'or 'simpiy:outlawed by
coercio'n or' constra'int'o'n the production,
distfibution';·or'c~~sumptiori of: goods:ahd ser·
.·
. ' . ..
.
'...
'
govei'riment. The inore vig~rous. a country's
vic~s b~yond.the extent nei:essary'fof-cTtfrens
for private property,
black market, the lower the Ie've'i of economic
to piot~ct arid 'rh~iritain lib~rtY itseif:::.:-~ ·_··_·:
' . inCluding' in (elleetual
freedom.
.
By examining ten key measures-Of econAccording to our research, over the past
omic fi:eeclom, rhy c~-ll~agues and I have been
property, create the
year, n'early twice as many countries expanded
able to document a~d ;substintlate.the r~lationindispensable foriqc:lations
economic freedom as ccnitracted it: Of the 161
~hi(J betv.ieeri econo;nic fre-edom and economiC
countries rated, 57 granted their citizens more
pr:ospe~ity. Oti~ re~ear~h demonstrat~·s that
for ecoiwmic growth.
ecoriornic liberty,: while 34 imposed new
gove~nrrients whi·c~ pu~~ue policies that
restriCtions. ' '
expand eco!lo~i~ freedd~ systeinatlcall{p~O'
. ·. Capital Floivs'aizd Foreign !~Vestment PolIt is no accident that natioris with high
du'ce· higher r'ates of economic grdwth and.
icy. Goverrffi!ent 'restriction's on fo~eign iiwestlevels of economic freedom experience higher
nihre" overall pr.ospericy' 'than 'goverri~ents
nient lirnlt'the iriflow of capital and thus haniper
rates bf gr~wth, while those countries that
which curb economic liberty. .
.
economfc fr'eedofh. By ·con'trast,.\ittle or iw
restrict economic freedom are mired in poverty.
restriction on for~igh investmerlt enhances
Interesting!{ oiir rese~r~h found little or no
. Tak~n together: these ten k~y mea'sures
economic .freedom.
. .. .
correlation oet:Ween the leVel of foreign aid and
represent a ··road map for political leaders. striving fo·fo~ter a. more prosperous ~conomy for
. B~nking: i'h most countries, ba~ks p~ovide
the level of economic groWth, despite the good
esse'ntfal finai-12ial' services .that. facilitate'
intentions of dorior states. The evidence sugtheir citizens. The ten fai::to'rs:are: ~-_.: __ ..
' T;ade Policy. Government deterrents to
economic growth. 'Wheri governirients exert
gests that no amount of foreign aid cim comthe free flow of trade, such as tariffs or import
high lev~! ofcbntrol over J)'ank~. fimlriciai instipensate for a lack of economic freedom.
tutions 'are restricted from allocating credit and
At the dawn of the new century, it is
quotas, have a direct.:. and 'adverse- impact on
economic freedom'. High ba~riers to' tr~de,
providing other ser'vices that enhance groMh.
critical that our leaders remember one of the
most important lessons of the old century:
Therefore, the inore a government restricts
which inhibit the exchange of goods between
banking a~ti~icy, the lower the ievei of economic
Economic freedom is the cornerstone of
nations, limit economic freedom, while low barriers to tr~de enhance economic freedom.
freedom.
·
· economic prosperity.
Fiscal Burden
Government. The
Wagl!_~naPrice .Controls. Ina market econ·
Dr. o'iJrisi:ou ifvuector dtthe center for international
greater the g~vernme~t's overali burderi on . omy, the price system allochtes resources to
Trade and, Ecdrio;;,ics at ihe HeritBge Foundation in
the economy -·measured by the level of taxes
their highest a~d most productive uses:GoverriWashington: v:c. TI,/;, es.Say is adapted /Tom The 2000
and 'government expenditures .:. the lower the
ment !him dates on wages· and r:irkes restrict
Index of &on~in;c Freedom: ·which he co'authored With
n~tion's econdmic freedorh.
econoniic aCtivity' ahd curtail economic freedom: . Kim R; Holrrie~ and Melanie Kirkpatrick.. To obtain a
Government Intervention in' the Economy.
' Property Right;. A Well~functionirig legal
COf>Y· ple~se ~;;, th~ Hel1tl.ge,web~ite ai Www.h~ritage.org
Governments with high rates· of consumption
system adhering to the rule of law and respect
or call+ 202/546-4400.
By Gerald P_, Driscoli,.Jr, Phf!·;.
.
of
a
of
PFIZER FORUM
IS~~ ADVERTI~I~;
SERIES SPONSORED IN TH.E INTEREST Of
EN~OURAGING
PUBLIC DISCUSSION ON POLIC.Y QUESTIONS AND FEATURING A WIDE VARIETY Of VIEWS
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• •. •
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.
LEADING POLICY EXPERTS. PFIZER IS A RESEARCH BASED, GLOBAL PHARMACEUTICAL CO~PANY. PFIZER INC, 235 EAST 42ND STREET, NEW YORK 10017·5755 USA. HTTP://WWW. PFIZER. COM
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�Op-Ed Response to French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine ·
on Oil-for-Food in Iraq ·
Recently, various diplomats attending the UN opening session chided proponents of continued
sanctions against Iraq for being insensitive to the plight of the Iraqi people. The people oflraq
are indeed suffering today. But the cause is not sanctions. It is the policies of Saddam Hussein,
who seems to have a standing order to let his people suffer. Be·c.Iear about the purpose of the
sanctions-:- and the conditions for lifting the sanctions.
Assumptions of those who want to end sanctions; consequences of ending sanctions. When the
UN first imposed sanctions against Iraq, immediately after its invasion of Kuwait, it exempted
food, medicine, and other humanitarian supplies. Soon after the Gulf War, the United States
took the lead in proposing that Iraq be allowed to sell controlled quantities of.its oil to pay for
these.critical humanitarian needs. For five long years, Saddam refused to do so, hoping to
manipulate international opinion by perpetuating the misery of his people.
Now that the oil-for-food program is finally being implemented, it is rriaking a real difference in
the lives
oft~e
Iraqi people. This year, oil-for-food is expected to generate nearly $7 billion for
use by Iraq to purchase food, medicine, and humanitarian goods. The food supply in Iraq has
grown, providing the average Iraqi citizen with approximately 2,030 calories a day, an amount
exceeding the UN recommended daily minimum. In fact, the amount of food and medicine Iraq
has been able to purchase under this program is greater than all of the humanitarian aid the UN
has provided to all the other countries in the world over the last three years - combined.
')
Even so, Saddam continues to hinder the program and deprive all his people of its benefits. find
more facts of this sort. Today, according to the UN, one third of all the medicine that has arrived
in Iraq since the start of the oil-for-food program- more than $200 million' worth- sits
undistributed
~n
Iraqi warehouses. -Despite a 50 percent increase in oil revenues, Iraq has
increased the amount earmarked for food purchases by just 16 percent. Despite infant
�2
malnutrition, Iraq has spent less than 40 percen,t of the $25 million that has been set aside for
nutritional supplies - and until just a few weeks ago, had gone more than 18 months without
ordering a single nutritional supplement.
very powerful: ''buys less than he can; then smuggles it out of his countn, and out ofthe mouths
of babes, to acquire more money to buy the loyalty of his corrupt coterie of aids. Not only is
Saddam depriving his own people of food, he is selling it illicitly for his own profit. Baby milk
sold to Iraq through the oil-for-foodprogram has been found in markets throughout the Gulf
region. Recently, Kuwaiti authorities stopped a shipment coming out of Iraq that included baby
powder, baby bottles, and other nursing materials for resale overseas. And just last week, the
Kuwaiti Coast Guard seized three cargo vessels that were trying to smuggle more than 600
tons of food and foodstuffs out oflraq.
And we know where that money isgoing. Since the end ofthe GulfWar, Saddam has built 48
grand palaces -complete with gold-plated faucets and man-made lakes and waterfalls- for
himself. Five months ago, Iraqi officials inaugurated "Saddamiat al Tharthar"- a sprawling
lakeside resort for high government officials that contains stadiums, an amusement park,
hospitals, parks, and new homes, at a cost of hundreds of millions of dollars. Top military
officials are provided with extra monthly food rations, a Mercedes, and stipends in the thousands
of dollars- while most Iraqis are forced to live on less than $3.50 a month. Iraq has even spent
$10 million on two pieces of equipment -- an MRI machine and a gamma knife, which is used
for complicated neurosurgery- solely for use by Saddam's elite. All of this is obscene.
very powerful: It's telling that, according to UNICEF, in Northern Iraq- which is under the
same sanctions as the rest of Iraq, but where the UN directly administers humanitarian assistance
-child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf War levels, and children are living better lives.
�3
But in southern and central Iraq- where the Iraqi government controls the program- child
mortality rates have more than doubled.
Opponents of our current policy need to consider the alternative. Under sanctions, Saddam must
sell the commodity he values most- Iraq's oil- to meet the needs of those he values least- the
people of his country. If sanctions were lifted, Saddam could spend his oil wealth on anything
he wanted. Oil for food would likely become oil for tanks. Iraq's people could well have less to
eat. Iraq's neighbors would certainly have more to fear.
Saddam's priorities are clear: palaces for himself, perks for his cronies, prisons for his people,
and weapons to destroy Iraq's citizens and neighbors. Meanwhile, the United Nations Security
Council is unanimous in its judgment that Iraq has not fulfilled its obligations to the international
community. It has not disarmed. It has not forsworn the development of weapons of mass
destruction. It has not renounced the use of chemical and biological weapons. It does not
respect the international border with Kuwait, and has not accounted for Kuwaiti prisoners of war.
It has not stopped the repression, torture, and abuse of its own people, from Kurds in the North to
Shi'as in the South. And it has not demonstrated it can live at peace with its neighbors.
·There is no conflict here between the demands of sensitivity and security, no trade off between
feeding the people of Iraq and freeing the Gulf region from fear. In fact, the only realistic way to
achieve both goals is to encourage a new regime in Iraq that will meet the needs of its people and
its obligations to the world. When that new regime emerges, the United States is prepared to do
our part to help foster economic development, restore Iraqi civil society, replenish the middle
class, rebuild Iraq's health and education sectors, and welcome Iraq back into the community of
nations. We should work together, with patience and determination, until that day when we can
not only lift sanctions, but truly lift the lives of the Iraqi people.
�4
hit them hard with questions.
j
�...
AU.N. body accuses Iraq of rights violations
GENEVA, April18 (Reuters)- The top U.N. human rights body
on Tuesday strongly condemned Iraq for alleged grave violations including
killings which it said had led to an "all-pervasive repression and
widespread terror."
The 53-member U.N. Commission on Human Rights, holding its
annual session in Geneva, adopted a resolution on Iraq tabled by the
European Union and co-sponsored by countries including the United States.
e vote was 32 countries in favour of the text, with no
countries voting against it and 21 abstaining from the vote, including
big powers China and Russia.
'------"Perrtt:Jgal's ambassador Alvaro Mendonca e Moura presented the
resolution on behalf of the 15-member EU. Seven EU members have voting
rights at this year's six-week U.N. session.
The EU text slammed Iraq for widespread use of the death
penalty and suppressing freedom of thought and. association "through
fear of arrest, imprisonment, executions, expulsions, house demolitions
and other sanctions."
It denounced executions "including political killings and
the so-called clean-out of prisons," as well as arbitrary arrests and
widespread, systematic torture.
A U.S. statement read out to the session said: "Mass· human
rights violations are being perpetrated by the regime of Sad dam Hussein.
"The cause of suffering is due to the reprehensible behaviour
of the Iraqi regime which systemtically denies badly needed food and
medical supplies to its people.
.
"Instead Saddam Hussein spends wealth on palaces and military
hardware which stand as monuments to his failure." ·
Russia said the resolut!on was "one-sided and biased."
"We believe it is unfair to reproach the government of Iraq
for refusing to cooperate with humanitarian agencies and being discriminatory
in distribution of humanitarian assistance," a Russian statement said.
·
"On the other hand, we believe Iraq still must do a lot
in order to guarantee enjoyment of univeral standards of human rights,"
it said.
RB-- 04/18/00 07:07:15
-----Original Message----From:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Sent:
Monday, April17, 2000 4:52PM
To:
Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA)
RE: rapporteur [UNCLASSIFIED]
Subject:
so what is the name of the rapporteur we're talking about, what's the document we're
quoting from and when was it released?
�2
'•'.
thanks,
tom
-----Original Message----Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA)
From:
Sent:
Monday, April17, 2000 4:47PM
To:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Subject: RE: rapporteur [UNCLASSIFIED]
The Human Rights rapporteur has been barred entrance since he was appointed.
Used to be Van Der Stoel. Now a Cypriot named Mavormatis. They collect their
evidence as best they can from defectors, intelligence, neighboring countries,
visitors to Iraq, etc. ·No one disputes their judgments-- including the French and
·
Russians.
-----Original Message----From:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Monday, April17, 2000 4:22PM
Sent:
To: Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA)
Subject:
rapporteur [UNCLASSIFIED]
I'm reading things that say the UN rapporteur has been denied entry into Iraq
since 1992. So where are the recent reports coming from?. Could you name
and date the document they come from? (The one that says there is no
freedom of speech, etc.)
thanks,
tom
�..
,
...
I
•'
til
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
From:
Sent:
To:
Subject:
Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA)
Friday, April14, 2000 6:16PM
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW):
RE: categories for Iraq sanctions op-ed [UNCLASSIFIED]
I wish.
Here is stuff on War Crimes. It is all unclassified and although it merely names the Iraqi government, Saddam was
responsible for all of them. I pulled it from a State cable demarching governments.
-Ken
--AS PART OF OUR JOINT EFFORTS TO ADVANCE HUMAN RIGHTS AT
THE 56TH U.N. COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN GENEVA, THE
UNITED STATES BELIEVES THE ACCUMULATION OF EVIDENCE
POINTING TO WIDESPREAD CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY BY THE
IRAQI LEADERSHIP WARRANTSINTERNATIONAL RESPONSE. WE
BELIEVE SUCH RESPONSE IS OVERDUE AND THAT THE APPROPRIATE
RESPONSE IS FORMATION OF AN INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL
TRIBUNAL TO ADDRESS CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, WAR CRIMES
AND POSSIBLE GENOCIDE COMMITTED BY SADDAM HUSSEIN AND HIS
TOP ASSOCIATES.
--THE GRAVITY Of THE WAR CRIMES AND HUMAN RIGHTS
VIOLATIONS ALLEGED AGAINST IRAQ'S LEADERSHIP IS WELL
KNOWN. THE QUESTION IS WHETHER THE INTERNATIONAL .
COMMUNITY THAT IS CONCERNED AND DEDICATED TO ADDRESSING
HUMAN RIGHTS AND WAR CRIMES.MATTERS WILL ADDRESS SUCH
CRIMES ON A DISPASSIONATE, LEGAL BASIS. THE UNITED STATES
BELIEVES IT SHOULD. WE SOLICIT YOUR GOVERNMENT'S REACTION
TO THIS SUGGESTION AND POTENTIAL SUPPORT FOR SUCH ACTION
AT THE UNCHR.
RECORD OF THE IRAQI LEADERSHIP
--ALTHOUGH WELL KNOWN, A SUMMARY OF THE IRAQI
LEADERSHIP'S RECORD IS APPROPRIATE:
\l
--THE IRAQI GOVERNMENT KILLED BETWEEN 50,000 AND 100,000
IRAQI GIVILIANS DURING THE "ANFAL" CAMPAIGN IN THE LATE
1980'S. THIS INCLUDED THE 1988 USE OF CHEMICAL AGENTS ON
THE CIVILIAN POPULATION IN THE EASTERN CITY OF HALABJA IN
WHICH THE IRAQI AIR FORCE DROPPED CHEMICAL WEAPONS THAT
KILLED APPROXIMATELY 5,000 PEOPLE.
~
--THE IRAQI REGIME KILLED MORE THAN A THOUSAND CIVILIANS
IN KUWAIT ALONE DURING ITS INVASION AND OCCUPATION IN
1990-91.
--DURING THE IRAN/IRAQ WAR, THE IRAQI REGIME KILLED AT
~ LEAST 5,000 IRANIANS BY CHEMICAL WEAPONS ALONE, ACCORDING
TO WELL-DOCUMENTED OFFICIAL IRANIAN SOURCES. THE IRAQI
REGIME ALSO REPORTEDLY KILLED "SEVERAL THOUSAND IRANIAN.
PRISONERS OF WAR.
1
�f
--CRIMES OF THE IRAQI LEADERSHIP ARE CONTINUING. FOR
ALMOST A DECADE, THE IRAQI REGIME HAS BEEN KILLING
)
CIVILIANS AND CARRYING OUT A CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MARSH ·
ARABS IN SOUTHERN IRAQ, WHICH HAS INCLUDED DRYING AND
DESTROYING THE MARSHES ON WHICH THEIR LIVES AND CULTURE
DEPEND.
--THE IRAQ REGIME ALSO CONTINUES TO CONDUCT "ETHNIC
CLEANSING" CAMPAIGNS IN THE NORTH, INCLUDING IN SUCH KEY
CITIES AS KIRKUK, KHANAQIN, AND SINJAR, FROM WHICH LOCAL
NON-ARAB ETHNIC GROUPS ARE FORCIBLY REMOVED AND REPLACED
BY ETHNIC ARAB POPULATIONS.
THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE
-- PREVI US UNCHR ESOLUTIONS ON IRAQ HAVE STRONGLY
CONDEMNED
IRAQI REGIME'S "SYSTEMATIC, WIDESPREAD AND
EXTREMELY GRAVE VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND
~AilONAC HUMANITARIAN LAYL SIMILAR LANGUAGE
APPEARED IN THE 1999, 1998 AND 1997 RESOLUTIONS. ·
-- SADDAM HUSSEIN'S GOVERNMENT HAS FAILED TO RESPOND TO
ANY OF THE UNCHR'S CALLS THAT IT STOP \/IQLATII'IG
INTERI\IAIIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW AND INTERNATIONAL
HUMANITARIAN LAW, AND THAT IT END THE ABILITY OF THOSE
RESPONSIBLE TO ACT WITH IMPUNITY.
-- U
L RAPPORTEUR MAX VANDER STOEL IN HIS FEBRUARY
99 REPORT~FOUND "GRAVE VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS"
AG
ST IRAQIS LIVING IN THE SOUTHERN MARSHES, INCLUDING
WIDESPREAD ATTACKS AGAINST CIVILIANS. HE SAID THESE
ATTACKS WERE REPORTEDLY CARRIED OUT BY SADDAM'S SON QUSAY
SADDAM HUSSEIN AND SADDAM'S COUSIN All HASSAN AL-MAJID,
THE INFAMOUS "CHEMICAL All" RESPONSIBLE FOR CHEMICAL
ATTACKS AGAINST THE IRAQI KURDS IN THE 1980'S AND WAR
CRIMES AGAINST THE KUWAITI PEOPLE IN 1990.
--THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR FOUND THERE WAS A'CAMPAIGN OF
ON OF
"INTERNAL DEPORTATION AIMED AT THE FORCED
T
NON-ARAB POPULATION ESPECIALLY THE KURDS TURKMEN AND
ASSYRIANS LIVING IN KIRKUK" AND 0
ER DISTRICTS.
--THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR CONCLUDED THAT "THE GRAVITY OF )
TI:IE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN IRAQ HAD FEW 'COMPARISONS IN
THE WORLD SINCE THE ENP OF THE SECOND \IVORLD \NAR WITHOUT
FIRM DETERMINATION ON THE PART OF THE INTERNATIONAL
COMMUNITY TO RESPOND SUBSTANTIALLY AND MEANINGFULLY TO THE
EXTREMELY SERIOUS VIOLATIONS REFERRED TO IN THIS REPORT,
THE TRADITION OF IMPUNITY WHICH PREVAILS IN IRAQ WILL
ALMOST CERTAINLY CONTINUE."
-----Original Message----From:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Friday, April 14, 2000 6:01 PM
Sent:
2
-1
~1.1
0
�Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA) ·
RE: categories for Iraq sanctions op-ed [UNCLASSIFIED)
To:
Subject:
No problem. This will hold for next week, unless Saddam dies over the weekend.
,..
Tom
/
-----Original Message----From:
Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA)
Sent:
Friday, April 14, 2000 5:45PM
To:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Subject: RE: categories for Iraq sanctions op-ed [UNCLASSIFIED)
Tom:
Unfortunately, I have two Iran crises and one Iraq crisis I am handling right now. I probably won't be able to get to
this till Monday. That said, State is faxing me over more stuff which I will walk down to you as soon as I get it.·
-Ken
-----Original Message----From:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Sent:
Friday, April14, 2000 5:05PM
To: Pollack, Kenneth M. (NESA)
Subject:
categories for Iraq sanctions op-ed [UNCLASSIFIED]
Ken:
Here are eight categories that we will need to articulate and
illustrate in this op-ed.
I need help from you on each one.
Thanks,
Tom
*
Saddam's sins against his neighbors.
*
The purpose of sanctions; conditions for lifting them.
*
conditions in Iraq - economy and public health
*
characterize the calls for lifting sanctions "sanctions aren't
working."
*
assumptions of anti-sanctions position
*
likely consequences of lifting· sanctions
*
Saddam purposefully withholding food and medicine from his
people, corrupting the program.
*
U.S. humanitarian response
3
�notes on iraq op-ed
Nothing is more dangerous to international peace and stability
evil: the quest
than the failure to recognize and oppose evil.
for power at any price in principles or national priorities.
This man is evil - ferociously evil.
If he had the power of
Hitler, he would do the da~age of Hitler.
(cite the UN
rapporteur) .
Don't forget who you're dealing with.
List of sins of Saddam.
Now the outrage is diminished b~cause memories of his horrors
have faded, because we have kept him in his box, because we have·
slapped sanctions on him.
He is purposely withholding food, water, health care
"Why no expenditures for food
We have to resist this back door effort to acquire WMD as
strongly as we resisted his earlier, more obvious efforts, as
strongly as we resisted his invasion and occupation of Kuwait.
"When sanctions don't work"
Let's be clear:
ihe point of the
sanctions is to keep Saddam from using oil revenues to fund the
rebuilding of his weapons of mass destruction.
�-;
/
Berger Op-ed
Rosshirt
Tuesday
This spring in Baghdad, in the midst of the worst drought in fifty years, word has gone out to
Iraqi farmers to cut back on rice planting, and not to plant summer crops without permission
from the Ministry of Irrigation. Meanwhile, as the farmers forego their planting, and Iraq
blames hunger on UN sanctions, water has been found to fill Saddam's man-made lakes, his VIP
water parks, and the reservoirs in his hometown of Tikrit.
By obstructing UN relief efforts, refusing to order nutritional supplements, even smuggling baby
formula out of the country for hard currency to build his palaces- Saddam has carefully stagemanaged the humanitarian suffering of his people, and used the spectacle of their hardship as
diplomatic leverage to seek the removal of sanctions.
Yet ending sanctions on Iraq will not ease the suffering of the Iraqi people. The UN sanctions
regime does not outlaw exports from Iraq; it encourages them. It does not block deliveries of
food and medicine to the Iraqi people; it facilitates them. It is not designed to inflict suffering on
the Iraqi people; it is designed to limit Saddam's ability to inflict suffering on ~eople and
their neighbors- by denying him the revenues he needs to rebuild his military;1reconstitute his
weapons of mass destruction,.,reFJFess his f198tJle and thtoatsn his n:igftbef!i:
The United States is as eager as anyone to ease human suffering in Iraq. But we have to act with
a full acC9J.~,tt.,sfthe facts: why sanctions were imposed in the first place, how they target
Saddarry~fflis people, and what is likely to happen if we lift them. Let me address each in
tum.
As all sides understand WF)h e&, sanctions were imposed on Iraq by the UN Security Council at
the close of the Gulf War to urge Saddam disarm and to keep him from rebuilding his military.
l~r K~nited
~tended
Of course,
States llOf Otlf ttllies
to punish the Iraqi people for the
actions of Saddam. That is why the United States took the lead in sponsoring the oil-for-food
program - the largest humanitarian program in UN history- that allows Iraq to export oil,
channel the revenues in to a UN escrow account, and draw from the account for purchases of
food, medicine and other humanitarian supplies. That has been the distinguishing feature of
this sanctions regime: it prohibitfl{()li Saddam from spending the revenues on what he care~ost
about- rebuilding his military- and limitd:Phim to spending it on what he car~ least about-food and medicine and humanitarian supplies for the Iraqi people.
Saddam rejected the oil for food program for five long years- preferring to deny his people the
food and medicine it made available. But now- three years after the Iraqi regime acquiesced to
oil. for food, Iraqi oil exports and food imports are now reaching pre-war levels. With oil prices
rising, revenues are surging, and oil for food has dramatically increased the availability of
medicines and raised the available food supply well above the UN recommended minimum.
�2
?o
~·
~',
ik;n;:-are the Iraqi people still suffering? Because Baghdad has worked to obstruct oil for
food, undermine relief efforts, and preserve as a diplomatic bargaining chip the humanitarian·
suffering of its people.
Despite Iraqi claims of infant malnutrition, the government of Iraq has ordered only a fraction of
the nutritional supplies for pregnant and nursing mothers recommended by the UN and for whicp ,
UJt:.;t ~ aAp
money has been set aside under oil-for-food.
. ~ •Cp ~ ~;
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· . At the same time, Iraq is actually exporting food, and baby milk sold to Iraq through the oil-forfood program has bee~ found in markets throughout the Gul.f. Out of the mouths of babes,
0' ft .. f..-~
1
Saddam has been stealmg the very food that helps finance h1s 48 palaces and new VIP
.~~-~."
playgrounds. ARd the at1etage Itaqi lives em less than foHr <iollars a mouth
S'eJ kJ
The suffering oflraqi citizens is the fault of the Iraqi government. UNICEF's report on Child
Health, issued last year, notes that in Northern Iraq, where the UN administers humanitarian
assistance, child mortality rates have fallen below pre-Gulf War levels. In the South and Center
of the country- where the Iraqi government administers humanitarian assistance - child
mortality has more than doubled.
·
"
,;t;J;;j;.l}
(f.m~.
From child mortality; to supplementary feeding programs, to medical treatment and vaccination
campaigns, citizens in the North of Iraq are by many measures better off than before sanctions,
while their fellow citizens in central and South oflraq continue to suffer.
I
. So why lift sanctions? There would be no improvement in~ to export oil; it can
export now all it wants. There wo.uld be no i~~fraq's abilit~.~ and
il
medicine; it can import now all it needs. En~11g sanctions would strengthen Sadd .
n ; ey wou go t . addam. They would
revenues would no longer go to a UN escro
no longer be restricted to humanitarian supplies, they could be spent on anyt ·ng from rebuilding
the military to reconstituting weapons of mass destruction. Oil for food coul quickly become
oil for tanks. Iraqi people might well have less to eat and more to fear.
We have to remember who we're dealing with. The yea~ after Saddam seized power, he started
an 8-year war with Iran, in which he used chemical weapons. He launched an ethnic campaign
against the Iraqi Kurds, destroying more than 3,000 villages, and- in one of the worst single
mass killings in a half century- dropped chemical weapons on his own people in Halabja, killing
5,000 people.
During Saddam's campaign to hold onto Kuwait during Operation Desert Storm, Iraq fired 41
Scud missiles into Israel -trying desperately to draw Israel into the conflict, create chaos in the
coalition, and ignite a wider wal6 in tb,?d f Idle ~st.
Saddam has never retreated one step from his aggressive, belligerent approach tG-ftis people ef/;
1
hi-s neighbot s. He has called for the overthrow of moderate Arab leaders. He.. organized an e(ir/1
. .attet:Rpt in 1993 to assassinate President Bush and the Emir of Kuwait. And on the last
anniversary o~Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the government mouthpiece caH~d the invasion "the
right response."
�3
\
Meanwhile, back€la inte his o~n lffi'l:d, ffi'l:G H€lmmed iA hy AO fly :oon€ls, Saddam continues the
vicious repression of his people. He is deporting Kurds from the North to the South- where
local officials have ordered the arrest of anyone who provides them food, shelter, or
· employment. He is increasing his attacks on Shi 'ite Moslems- last year assassinating the most
senior Shi'ite religious leader in Iraq. And his forces have begun a campaign to drain and
poison the marshes in the South that sustain the life and culture of the Marsh Arabs.
For two decades, Saddam Hussein has been a source of suffering to millions of people within his
borders and beyond. · It is hard to imagine a sensible approach to reducing human suffering that
gives Saddam more money, and fewer restrictions on the use of that money.
The right way to ease the suffering on the Iraqi people is not to call for the end of sanctions, but
to call on Saddam to meet the needs of his people. As brutal as Saddam is, he is not impervious
to international pressure: it convinced him, finally, to accept the oil-for-food program. It
convinced him, finally, to order nutritional supplements for children, mothers, and babies. It can'"'
1
convince him, I believe, to curb his complicity in the lil.l.lFRIH'titMiaH suffering of his people. WJ:, ~ U!-1
need to make Saddam answer for his actions by posing questions bluntly and repeatedly:
Why don't you reveal how much of your budget. you allocate for education, nutrition, health
care? How much for the military? How much for palaces?
,·
Why won't you allow free access by United Nations and humanitarian organizations throughout
Iraq for evaluation of the humanitarian condition of your people?
Why won't you allow UN personnel and NGOs to operate in the rest of the country as they do in
the North?
.'
Why have you never allocated sufficient foodstuffs to meet the minimum calorie and protein
targets recommended by the UN?
Why have you refused to ensure the timely and equitable distribution of all humanitarian goods,
in particular medical supplies?
Why won't you give up your pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, for the good of your
people?
Friends of Saddam should be forced to face these questions. And friends of the Iraqi people -instead of insisting the UN should end sanctions on Saddam -- should insist that Saddam end his
restrictions on UN monitors, and NGOs, and feeding programs, and all other international efforts
to benefit the people who have been so punished by his policies.
We are determined to provide humanitarian reliefto the people oflraq, in spite ofthe
obstructions ofthe government oflraq. But we are realistic. We know there is a limit to the
relief the Iraqi people will experience until they are relieved ofthe Iraqi leader. We look forward
to that day, and when it arrives, the United States is prepared to do our part- with the Iraqi
�4
people, its new government, and the international community- to welcome Iraq back into the
community of nations and move quickly to advance the peace, stability, and prosperity of the
country and the region.
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Title
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Iraq Op-ed [2]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
Source
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-007-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/3ca00886ca26eb14df6f66396365b7a1.pdf
34f096afda4dd5f4bb2f80a53a32383d
PDF Text
Text
----------------------------------
Case Number: 2008-0703-F.
·FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Israeli Policy Forum [1]
'
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
48
Section:
6
Shelf:
8
Position:
3
.
Stack:
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
OOia. email
To National Security Advisor from Robert Malley. Subject: Israeli
Policy Forum speech (1 page)
01/04/2001
P5
00 I b. statement
re: Draft oflsraeli Policy Forum speech (14 pages)
01/05/2001
P5
002. notes
re: Israeli Policy Forum speech (7 pages)
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Israeli Policy Forum [I]
2008-0703-F
"m620
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI ·
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information j(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�---~-~~\~~·~,---i~------------------------------------------------------------------------
\
i
'·
"Jonathan D. Jacoby" <Jacoby@betterorg.com>
01/04/2001 03:44:49 PM
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP
cc:
Jeanne Ellinport!WHO/EOP, ""debipf@aol.com'"' <debipf@aol.com>, "Orit Harel'' <Oharel@ipforum.org>,
"Jonathan D. Jacoby" <Jacoby@betterorg.com>
Subject: Honorees
Tom:
Is this what you had in mind?
We are honoring:
Louis Perlmutter- for his long record of involvement in efforts to
safeguard America's national interests in the Middle East, including the
security of Israel, through his commitment to US peace diplomacy
Susie Stern - for her relentless work on behalf of the Jewish people, of
Israel, of a strong US-Israel relationship C!nd of peace.
Alan Solomont- for his comitment to justice, his passion for human life and
his steadfast support for America's central role in brining Arab and Jew
together
·
·
Dwayne Andreas -=for his outstanding contributions to building a strong
economic partnership between Israel and the U.S., and for his recognition
that peace is a prerequisite to stability and prosperity in the Middle East.
�"Jonathan D. Jacoby" <Jacoby@betterorg.com>
01/04/2001 04:09:15 PM
Record Type: '
To:
Record
Jeanne Ellinport/WHO/EOP, Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP
cc:
""'debipf@aol.com'' '" <debipf@aol.com>, "'Orit Harel''' <Oharel@ipforum.org>
Subject: Translation of Prayer for President
Blessed are You, Eternal our God, Ruler ofthe Universe, who gives Presence
and Illumination to flesh and blood.
�ISRAEL POLICY FORUM
TRIBUTE DINNER
Honoring
WUIS PERLMUTTER
ALAN D. SOWMONT
SUSAN K. STERN
Recognizing the achievements
'
of
DWAYNE 0. ANDREAS
Special Honored Guest
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
Program Host
LESLEY STAHL
SUNDAY, JANUARY 7, 2001
13 TEVET, 5761
WALDORF ASTORIA HOTEL
NEW YORK CITY
�______IS Jl~EL
POLICY FORUM
!
-I
I
lf srael Policy Forum is a not-for-profit, non-partisan organization with a singular purpose:
Jl to promote the Middle East peace process in order to strengthen Israeli security ar:td further
U.S. foreign policy interests in the region.··
IPF sponsors educational programs for Jewish leaders and brings prominent American Jews
and Israeli security experts together with U.S. officials and members of Congress to discuss. ways
of advancing the peace effort.
Through its groundbreaking public-opinion polls, informative materials and publications and
the IPF Washington Policy Center, Israel Policy Forum delivers a solid message of support for
an energetic, sustaine'd U.S. role in bringing about Israeli-Arab peace and stability in the Mideast.
At each ·stage of the process, from the time IPF was created in 1993 fo the current pivotal
moment, IPF's leaders have rededicated themselves to the quest for peace. This is the
commitment of IPF and its leadership. In the words of the Psalmist: to seek peace and pursue it.
We are grateful that you have joined us this evening to honor those who have dedicated
themselves to achieving peace. These pages are dedicated to Louis Perlmutter, Alan D. Sol()mont_,
Susan K. Stern and Dwayne 0. Andreas- and to the American President who set a standard of
peace making for all who follow: William Jefferson Clinton.
�LOUIS PERLMUTTER
----.
----~
JL
ouis Perlmutter is a leading investment
banker who, as Manag~ng Director at
Lazard Fr*res & Co., L.L.C., serves as financial advisor to a number of major multinational
corporations. He has been principal financial
advisor in a number of noteworthy takeovers
over the past twenty years, representing buyers, target companies and independent
directors. ·Mr. Perlmutter has lectured widely,
and has written and testified on husiness,
financial and economic issues.
Before joining Lazard Fr*res, Mr. Perlmutter
was with the investment-banking firm of White
Weld, where he created and directed one of the
first merger and acquisition departments on
Wall Street. After _Merrill-Lynch acquired
White Weld,. Mr. Perlmutter became Managing
Director and head of its Mergers and
Acquisitions Department. Previously he was a .
financial consultant with his own firm in New
York City and practiced corporate law..
-------·---------.
-----------~-----
Louis Perlmutter is also an active leader in ·
the non-profit world. Past Chairman of the
. Board of Trustees of Brandeis University, his
alma mater, he has also served in leadership
positions with the Council on Foreign
Relations, American Jewish Congress, the
United Nations Association, Harvard Medical
School, the University-of Michigan School
of Law (his other alma mater), and is a member of the Economic Club of New York and. the
Overseas Development CounciL
Mr. Perlmutter, who serves ori the Advisory
Cquncil oflsrael Policy Forum, remembers the
early days ofiPF when he was particularly
impressed with- the idea of peace as a bipartisan
one: "Peace is not the monopoly of the Democratic
Party or the monopoly of the Republican Party,
It is in the national interest of America."
. Louis Perlmutter and his wife, Barbara,
live in New York City. They have two sons,
Kermit and Eric.
�--.---------------------
ALAN
A
D. S OLOMONT
lan Solomont is an entrepreneur,
philanthropist and political activist.
For many years, he was a leading provider of
eldercare in New England. As founder and
CEO of the A *D*S Group, he .helped ~o build
a broad and innovative network of post-acute,
eldercare services. In 1996, the. A *D*S Group
·was sold to the Multicare Companies, which
is now a part of Genesis Health Ventures.
.
Today, Mr. Solomont is Chairman and CEO of
Solomo_nt Bailis Ventures, whose mission is to
launch new and innovative health service and
eldercare ventures. He also serves on the
board of numerous charitable o:r;ganizations
including the Jewish Fund for Justice, New
Israel Fund, Tufts University and Combined
Jewish Philanthropies of Greater Boston.
Active for many years in the Democratic
Party, Mr. Solomont was chosen by President
Clinton and Vice President Gore to serve as ·
National.Finance Chairman of the Democratic
National Committee (DNC) in 1997. Under: his
leadership, the DNC r~ised over $40 million.
He was recently named by President Clinton
to serve as a Member of the Board ofDirectors
of the Corporation for National and Community
Service. Mr. Solomont was also active in the
Gore 2000 Campaign.
Mr. Solomont sees his involvement in Israel
. Policy Forum, on whose Board of Directors he
serves, as a way to fulfill a life-long commitme~t to peace and social justice. After accompanying Prer5ident Clinton to the signing of the
Israel-Jordan peace treaty in the Arava desert,
he was motivated to become more deeply
involved in the organization. "Our strength is
our focus on the peace process," Mr. Solomont
says. "Only in a Middle East at peace can
Israel truly be secure and fulfill its aspiration
to be a light unto the nations.,.It is my obligation to be involved in this effort... This is what
we have been taught as Jews."
.Alan Solomont is married to Susan Lewis.
They live in Weston, Massachusetts with their ·
two daughters, Stephanie and Becca.
�SUSAN
c
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K. STERN
usa~ Stern, a Vice President of Ismel
Policy Forum, IS one of the most
respected philanthropic leaders in the
American Jewish community. She is chair of
the New York Campaign for UJA Federation,
which raises nearly $250 million annually, and
is a member of the National UJA Women's
Constituency Board of Directors, serving as
chair of the Northeast Region. Her dedicated
involvement with UJA has taken her to Israel
thirty times since 1985, as well as to the
Jewish communities of Sweden, Russia, Latvia, .
Turkey, Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, Uzbekistan,
Cuba and Argentina. Ms. Stern has participated in numerous international gatherings of
leaders, and in May of 1991, as Chair of UJA's
National Young Leadership Cabinet, she was
asked to be one of 17·nationalleaders to serve
as an eyewitness to "Operation Solomon," the
rescue of 14,000 Ethiopian Jews in 22 hours.
Ms. Stern was Director of Quality Assurance at
the American Dental Association before devot-
ing herself to volunteerism .. She has served
in executive and leadership positions with
many other organizations, including serving
on the boards of the American Jewish Joint
Distribution Committee, the United Jewish
Communities, American-Jsrael Public Affairs
Committee (AlPAC), Project Interchange, the
Women's Leadership Forum of the Democratic
National Committee, Jewish Women's
Foundation, and Westchester Reform Temple.
She has received many honors, including the
William Rosenwald Young Leadership Award
from the New York Federation and the
American Jewish Committee's Institute of
Human Relations Award.
"Virtually everything we hope for as Jews,
everything we work for, is predicated on the
achievement of peace," says Ms. Stern. "That
is why I have made my work with IPF such a
high priority." Susan Stern and her husband,
Jeffrey, live in _Scarsdale, NY. They have
two sons, Michael and Peter.
�•
DWAYNE
D
0. ANDREAS
wayne Orville Andreas is Chairman
Emeritus of the Archer-Daniels-Midland
Corporation, the largest U.S. processor of farm
commodities. He became CEO of A.D.M. in
1971 and converted the company into one of
the world's largest and most successful companies, known widely as the "Supermarket
to the World." Mr. Andreas has been active
in public affairs for most of his adult life, and
has been a friend and confidante to political figures ranging from Thomas E. Dewey and
Hubert H. Humphrey to Ronald Reagan and
Mikhail Gorbachev. His civic leadership
positions include roles with- The Forum for
International Policy, The Foundation for
the Commemoration of the United States
Constitution; National Cooperative Business
Association, The Hoover Institute on War,
Revolution and Peace, Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars, US-USSR
Trade and Economic Council, Foreign Policy
Association, the Council on Foreign Relations,
the Economic Club of New York, and the
Committee for a National Trade Polley.
Hubert Humphrey brought Mr. Andreas
to Israel for the first time in the late 1950s.
That trip kindled his love for Israel. He traveled
throughout the country, including a trip to
Sde Boker where he met David Ben Gurion.
Since then he has visited Israel numerous
times, where he has met every Israeli Prime
Minister; he also has numerous contacts
through the Arab world. Mr. Andreas is a
major supporter of the Peres Peace Center and
the Anti-Defamation League.
Dwayne Andreas's goal has always been
to "feed the world." He was the first
American business leader to understand that
a strong U.S;-Israel economic partnership could
help feed the hungry in Africa because of the
combination of American resources and Israeli
technological advances in agriculture. He has
always believed that hungry people make
war but satisfied people are able to make peace.
Mr. Andreas and his wife, Inez, live in
Decatur, IL. They have three children: Sandy,
Terry and Michael.
�•
ISRAEL POLICY FORUM
Board of Directors
Michael W. Sonnenfeldt
Chair/Chief Executive Officer
Jack Bendheim
President
Theodore R. Mann
Executive Committee Chair
Norman Pattiz
Vice Chair
Henry Rosovsky
Vice Chair
Susan K. Stem
Vice Chair
Allan Kahane
Treasurer
E. Robert Goodkind
Secretary
Robert K. Lifton ·
Chairman Emeritus
Karen Adler
Hyman Bookbinder
Stanley M. Chesley
Sybil A. Fields
Monte N. Friedkin .
Cynthia Friedman
Gail Furman
Stanley P. Gold
Yona Goldberg
Guido Goldman
Gary Heiman
D. Jeffrey Hirschberg
Michael G. Jesselson
Peter Joseph
Murray Koppelman
Marvin Lender
Jacqueline Levine
Geoffrey H. Lewis
Fredric H. Mack
Mike Medavoy
Harriet Mouchly-Weiss
Judith Stem Peck
Michael Pelavin
Debra F. Pell
Seymour D. Reich
Marcia Riklis
Michele Rosen
Melvin Salberg
Jodi J. Schwartz
Emmanuel Sella
Terri Smooke
Alan D. Solomont
David S. Steiner
Howard Sterling
Linda R. Sterling
David H. Strassler
Jeffrey M. Stern
Daniel Straus
Moshael Straus
S. Donald Sussman
Peggy W. Tishman
William A.K. Titelman
Melvyn I. Weiss
Alan L. Wurtzel
Debra Wasserman
Executive Director
Thomas R. Smerling
. Vice President/Director
IPF Washington Policy Center
Bronznick Jacoby LLC
Strat_egic Planning
Schrayer 'and Associates
Government Relations
Mindset Media and Strategy Group
Israel Representatives
(formerly Roberta Fahn & Associates)
National Scholars
and Senior Advisors
Marshall Breger
Stephen P. Cohen
Daniel Fleshier
Steven L. Spiegel
National Office Staff
Courtney M. Cabot
Jerome Crown
Orit Ha~el
Eliza L. Melamed
Dana P. Rosen
Catherine Sull
Marina Teplitsky
IPF Washington Policy Center·
Sara Borodin
Eugene Burger
Steve Kreider
M.J. Rosenberg
Zachary Taylor
Government Relations
Shari Dollinger
Guy Ziv
U.S, Advisory Council
Judith Barnett
Leon David Black
Matthew Bronfman
Nathan Gantcher
S~th M. Glickerihaus
Alexander Grass
Harvey M. Krueger
Louis Perlmutter
Howard J. Rubenstein
Edward Sanders
Howard Squadron
Jack Stein
Ambassador Samuel W. Lewis
. Senior Policy Advisor,
Washin~ton,
Israel Advisory Council
The Honorable Moshe Arad
Gen. (res.) Shlomo Gazit
Dan Gillerm·an
Carmi Gillon
David Kimche
Dov Lautman
Ron Lubash
Yehuda Ben Meir
Arye Naor
Jacob Perry
Gen. (res.) Danny Rothschild
Ambassador Shimon Shamir
Itschak Shrem
Geri. (res.) Iftach Spector
Nadine Baudot-Trajtenberg
Yoram Yahav
DC
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---~---
- - - - - - - _, ____ _
-~-.-.
~---
---- ----.- - - - - - - - - - - - -
National Office:
165 East 56th Street, 2nd Floor
New York, NY 10022
Tel: 212.245.4227
· Fax: 212.245.0517
E-mail: ipf@ipforum.org
· Washington Policy Center:
1030 15th Street, NW, Suite 850
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: 202.842.1700
Fax: 202.842.1722
E-mail: ipfdc@ipforumdc.org
Israel Representatives-MindSet:
43 Emek Refaim Street, Suite lO
Jerusalem 93141
Tel: 972.2.561. 7258
Fax: 972.2.561.7437'
E-mail: mset@netvision.n~t.il
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�,,
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Remarks As Prepared For
Vice President Al Gore
Israel Poliby Forum
January 13, 1999
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It's a delight and a privilege to join you here tonight to honor three men who have helped build
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the Israel ~olicy Forum-- and with that, have helped add important momentum to the pursuit of
peace in the Middle East.
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Michael Spnnenfeldt, Jack Bendheim, Ted Mann and the organization they lead have spent
endless efforts and countless hours teaching and preaching the benefits of peace, and the vital
link betw~en peace in the Middle East, security in Israel, and security in America.
.
!
•
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Ted, fromiCamp David to Wye, you have been a tireless, determined and inspiring veteran of the
battle for asecure Israel at peace with its neighbors. And countless numbers of Soviet Jews
escaped c~mmunist tyranny because of your forceful and eloquent advocacy.
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Jack, you have been an unsung hero in the saga of Middle East peacemaking-- working quietly
with an insider's skill, to build support for the peace process in the American Jewish community,
and in thelwider American political arena ..
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Michael, ~our vision and your leadership of the Israel Policy Forum has given a tremendous
boost to tlie cause of peace, and to Israeli and American security. Your commitment to what you
have calle'd "passionate moderation" has raised the voices of reason and decency, so they are not
drowned 6ut by extremism and intolerance.
·
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Five yearJ ago, the Oslo Accords had just been signed. The historic handshake was fresh in our
minds. Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres were dedicated to
moving quickly to achieve Oslo's promise. Chairman Arafat said he was confident that the
"peace of(the brave" was on the road to being achieved.
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At that p~int, with President Clinton's full commitment to the peace process and across-the-board
support for moving forward, it seemed the winds of change finally favored peace in the Middle
East. Bu~ you understood that winds can blow in both directions -- that things could change. ·
/And so y~u founded a new organization committed to the cause of peace in the Middle East.
It ~as an act of foresight. Within a terribly short time, your support for the peace process
-- and more directly, fo~ the President who was working overtime to push the peace process
forward was very valuable indeed.
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Throughout our ongoing and intensive search for peace, the Israel Policy Forum has offered
importan~ --and always outspoken-- support for direct U.S. involvement.
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Last year; when action seemed to slow down, you again raised a voice in support of American
involvement to put the process back on track. In short, in your first five years of existence, you
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have hel~ed build the momentum for peace and you have been outspoken advocates for
·
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Americari involvement in pursuit of that peace. President Clinton and I are grateful for your
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support, ald I want to congratulate you for your foresight in establishing the Israel Policy Forum
five years :ago. Your efforts evoke for me the cherished words of my own faith: "Blessed are
.
the peace~akers."
Each persbn in this room comes here tonight secure in the knowledge of one fundamental foreign
policy tru~h: A strong and stable State oflsrael is a key cornerstone of American national
.
secunty. I
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That is w~y our special relationship with Israel is unshakeable. It is ironclad, eternal, and
absolute. !That is not a theory, a proposition, or a preference; it is a simple fact. We will never
allow Israyl's security to be threatened.
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That is why we provide more than $1.8 billion annually in direct military assistance and why-in the face of growing threats -- we have worked to provide Israel additional military assistance
as needed.! The United States is prepared to do whatever is necessary to make sure Israel
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maintains its military prowess. That is an essential, non-negotiable component of both Israeli
and American security.
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But let me make one point especially clear:. America has a realistic, not a romantic, view of
what it tal{es to make peace. Peace cannot be established merely on a sheet of paper; it must be
establishea by the repeated, reliable, predictable performance of actions in support of peace and
security. lAnd our standards for judging those actions are stem and stringent. In the Middle
East, real peace must include the end of any threat to Israel's existence, and positive steps to
assure her: security. We all felt satisfaction and pride as President Clinton witnessed in Gaza last
month's aCtion . by the Palestinians to repeal language in the Palestinian Charter that called for the
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destruction of Israel. And, of course, real peace must also comprehend the legitimate interests of
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estm1ans.
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This is noiless than what America's approach is for safeguarding our own security. Military
readiness bombined with the pursuit of-- in Thomas Jefferson's phrase: "peace, commerce, and
honest friJndship with all nations."
·
· .
.And we h~ve learned from our national experience, as America has sought peace with its own
erstwhile enemies, that there is often great wisdom in carefully extending the hand offriendship,
helping olir former adversaries, and working together, step-by-step, to replace enmity with trust.
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Many are 1Skeptical of the possibility of peace. Many argue from history that longstanding
hostilitieslbetween peoples can never be overcome. But that argument must not end our efforts,
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�it must intensify our efforts. The future is merely preceded by the past; it is not always fixed by
it, and longstanding hostilities are sometimes merely evidence that peace is difficult, not proof
that peaceiis impossible. That view is part of our .quintessentially American faith in the future.·
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That is wHy, the very year President Clinton and I took office, we made a decision-- at the
· invitation pf Israel -- to intensify American engagement in the pursuit of Middle East peace. We
involved ourselves in shuttle diplomacy -- helping bring messages back and forth between Israel
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and the Palestinians.
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yea~s
A few
later, we deepened our involvement further. Because the step-by-step process
toward peace was moving along so slowly, Prime Minister Netanyahuand Chairman Arafat
concludedlthat we would have to make a jump forward if we were ever to arrive at permanent
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status negotiations. President Clinton and I agreed. So at the request of both leaders, we became
directly erigaged with the parties in the search for an agreement. We became directly involved in
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a way we had not been before. We were acting as catalysts, because that was the role in which
Israel and the Palestinians thought we could offer the most help.
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We were proud to play that role. We believed, and still believe, that even a deep commitment to
peace on the part of Israel and the Palestinians can sometimes, by itself, not be enough t:::J.
overcome :old antagonisms and conquer all mistrust. When the two parties -- in some mix of v
anxiety and exasperation-- found it hard to trust one another, each found it could still trust
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America and so we became at their request a bridge of trust between the two.
·
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The Israelis trust us, of course, because of our commonality of heritage and values; and because
they kno~ we have an unshakeable commitment to Israeli security. The Palestinians trust us
because they know we believe in the possibility of peace with security for them. And both the
Israelis an~ the Palestinians trust us because -- at a time when so many in the world still despair
of their evbr finding peace -- they know we Americans believe -- deep in our hearts and against
much pre~ailing opinion -- that all of us as human beings are capable of peace.
President Clinton and I do not underestimate the obstacles to peace or the barriers that stand in
its way; ard let's not delude ourselves that these are just hewn from the malice or blindness of
individuals or polities. There are real differences of interests and of ideology that underlay the
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conflict. IDespite the divides which history has put between them, Israelis and Palestinians have
common doncems and common hopes. And itis these which persuade us that, in the end, Israel
d the Pdlestinians will indeed live in peace.
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det~rrents
I am not tllkingabout a precarious peace held in place by mutual
and balance of
power. I ~m not talking about a grudging cease-fire that is less an introduction of peace than an
·
·
interruptidn of war. .
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I am talkiAg of a time when the anticipation of war is replaced by the expectation of peace -- and
peace is n1ade permanent by common, enduring interests among peoples. This must be our goal
--because; in this age of advancing technology, there can be no long-term plan for security,
without long-term support of peace.
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. We believf, in the words of the Talmud: "He is a hero who can make a friend out of a foe."
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That belief is not founded on fantasy. In the last half-century, many of our enemies have
become our allies; many of our adversaries have become our partners. · Even in the case of our
current co*frontation with the Iraqi dictator, which is as serious a confrontation as you can find
in the world today, we still do not feel it is a conf~ontation between peoples. ·
We have always supported the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people. For example, in 1991, we
first propo~ed the oil for food program to assure there would be adequate food and medicine in
Iraq, espedially foriraqi children. It was Saddam's regime that for four long years -- at great
cost in hurhan suffering -- refused to allow his people the benefits of this program. Saddam has
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consistently shown he has cared more about developing weapons of mass destruction than
developing the welfare of his people. The United States is willing to look at ways to improve
the effecti{reness of the humanitarian programs in Iraq, including lifting current ceilings on funds
which can lbe used to purchase food and medicine. The fact is, we have deep sympathy for the
Iraqi people, and we look forward to friendly relations between our two countries as soon as Iraq
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has a government worthy of its people.
.
This is the! essential optimism of the American spirit -- the optimism that alone can unlock the
energy anq effort we need to succeed in our pursuit of peace. That American optimism is
nowhere better embodied than in our 42nd President-- whose range of political risk-taking on
behalf of ~eace is world-wide -- in Bosnia, in Haiti, in Northern Ireland, and of course, in the
Middle East.
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I want to repeat for you the tribute given to President Clinton by another optimist -- who at the
signing of~he Wye Memorandum hoped aloud for the dawn of a comprehensive peace in the
Middle Eakt --Jordan's King Hussein.
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.
.
Speaking directly to President Clinton, King Hussein said: "ML President, I have had the
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privilege ofbeing a friend of the United States and its Presidents since late President
Eisenhow~r. On the subject of the peace we are seeking, I have never-- with all due respect and
all the affe:ction that I held for your predecessors -- known someone with your dedication, clearheadedness, focus and determination to help resolve.this issue."
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President <Clinton, who cleared his schedule for days at a time to help move us a step closer to
peace; King Hussein, who summoned the strength and the will to travel to Wye River to make
several c~cial interventions; Prime Minster Netanyahu and Chairman Arafat, who were willing
to take political and personal risks for peace -- all gave us reason to take heart.
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All gave u~ cause to look forward to a peaceful future.
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This is as i:t should be. · The United States can challenge one1 or another participant in the peace
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process to be more forthcoming, more imaginative, even sometimes to take more risks to allay
the anxietiks of the other participant. But, after all, it is not we who will live with what we
propose. I~ is Israel and the Palestinians, Israel and its other neighbors who will do that. So,
while our ~resence in these negotiations is important, it·is the negotiating parties themselves who
are decisi~e.
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Still, since October, as you know, the Wye Agreement has run into some serious obstacles. The
President ~d I call on both sides to implement Wye as signed, with no new conditions. We
knew at Wye that implementation would be difficult. Events have borne that out. Now is the
time to resrmmon the spirit of Wye, and resume the process of peace.
·
Soon the ~eople of Israel will elect a new government, and the world stands in a state of
historical suspense waiting for the democratic process to work its wilL What happens in the
Israeli eledtions is a matter for Israel to decide. Watching a democratic election in a truly
democrati6 society is a wondrous thing. Governments are democratically elected and
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governmel)ts are either democratically re-elected or democratically replaced. And the voice of
the people!oflsrael, diverse as it is and just as one would expect in a democracy, ilideed even
raucous asiit sometimes is-- that voice is always strong. It is not for the United States
Governmeht to express a view or a preference. It is for us to remain true to bedrock principles.
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Whatever happens, the United States of America will spend every effort to promote the security
of the Statb of Israel, and the United States of America will continue to devote all its faith,
energy, and optimism to the pursuit of peace in the Middle East. Not a narrow peace, a separate
peace, a fleeting peace, or a forced peace -- but a comprehensive peace that benefits all the
people of tpe Middle East -- because that is the only kind of peace that can endure. Thank you.
-#-
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b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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PERI.M1irrER. LOUIS. iiivestment barik'er. lawyer; b. Cambridge. Mass.,
Oct. 3. 1934; s. Kermit H. and Rachel (Ehrlich) P.; m. Barbara Patricia
Sondik, Dec. II, 1966: cbildrm: Kermit, Eric. B.A.• Bnmcteis U., 1956;
· . J.D., U. Mich., 1959; LHD (bon.), Brandeis·U.• 1m. Bar: Mass. 1959,
N.Y. 1961. Law practice N.Y.C.. · 1960-65; asst. to pra. New. Eng. Indus. tries. N.Y.C.• 1965-67; pres. Octagon Assoc:s., N.Y.C.; 1967-75;
v.p.
White Wdd. N.Y.C.• 1975-78; mgn. dir. Merrill Lyac:b, White. Wdd.
N.Y.C.• 1978; euc. mng. dir. Luard Freres &. Co. LLC. N.Y.C., 197&--.
. Coatbr'. articles to profl. and gai. interait pubis. Cluna. bd. . trustees
Brandeis U.• Waltham, Mass., 198~95, Am. Jewish Congress, N.Y.C., 198894; chmn. exec. com.- bd. din., UN Assn. USA. 1993- 96; mem. ·Coua. Fp.
Rds.; bd. gcw. ·Am. Jewish Comm., Overseas ~· Coua., Washington;
mem. com.· visiton U. Mich. Law Scb.; bd. fdlows Harvard Med. Scb.
Recipient Human R.ds. aW...d Am. Jewish Com .• 1995, Phoenix· H.S. Pub.
Svc. award, 1999. Man. Econ. Cub of N.Y. Home: 39 E 79th St New
York NY 10021.02i6 Office: Lazard Fraes &. Co LLC 30 lloclr.cfdJer PI% f1
59 New York NY 10112-5900.
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FOCUS - 7 OF 10 STORIES
Copyright 1980 Forbes, Inc.
Forbes
May 12, 1980, Annual Directory Issue
SECTION: FACES BEHIND THE FIGURES; Pg. 90
LENGTH: .4 58 words
HEADLINE: Bullish on MLWW
BYLINE: Subrata N. Chakravarty; Edited by Robert J. Flaherty
BODY:
Soon after Merrill Lynch acquired White Weld in April 1978, there was dark
speculation in a magazine' article that the departure of a few key White Weld
people could greatly diminish the value of the.acquisition. A week later Louis
Perlmutter, head of White Weld's mergers and acquisitions group, left for the
more congenial boutique atmosphere of Lazard Freres, joining the exodus of
hundreds of other White Weld personnel.
'So how is the Merrill Lynch White Weld Capital Markets Group doing after the
departure of Perlmutter and others? Nicely, thank you, says Perlmutter's
protege and successor, 38-year-old Carl Ferenbach.
Today MLWW is taking part in
more mergers and acquisitions than any other firm.
At the moment, among other
things, MLWW is advising the Liggett Group as it grapples with a takeover bid by
the U.K.'s Grand Metropolitan Ltd.
When Perlmutter left, ex-marine and Harvard M.B.A. Ferenbach was given the
job of organizing MLWW.Why didn't he go with his mentor? "I had the opportunity
to run my own show here," he says. Not that it was much of a show.
Merrill
Lynch had practically no mergers and acquisitions business, though it had
created a group shortly before the acquisition.
Blending the two groups was
difficult: "There was little coordination, just a lot of bodies," Ferenbach
recalls.
Ferenbach decided the key to success was convincing Merrill Lynch's
impressive roster of corporate clients to use its new mergers and acquisitions
services.
"There was a certain amount of initial resistance," he admits.
But
as his team got a few small deals and did well with them, the business began to
grow.
In 1978 MLWW completed 48 deals.
That was more than any other firm, but only
three exceeded $250 million, the largest being Beatrice Foods' $490 million
acquisition of Tropicana Products.
In dollar. terms -- where it counts -- MLWW's
$3.9 billion in mergers and acquisitions was less than half that of leader
Morgan Stanley.
In 1979 MLWW dropped to 31 deals, but 8 were over $250 million and 3 over
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May 12, 1980, Annual Directory Issue
$500 million for a $5.3 billion total.
The largest: McGraw-Edison's $750
million acquisition of Studebaker-Worthington.
Despite the chaotic environment, 1980 is off to a good start, with eight
deals totaling more than $1 billion and several more in the works.
Two that are
in the news, apart from the Liggett Group defense: MLWW advised Allergan
Pharmaceuticals, which was recently acquired by SmithKline for $260 million in
stock after two upward renegotiations; and it is advising Sundance Oil, which is
looking for a buyer and will probably sell out for several hundred million
dollars.
Says Ferenbach: "I would expect that within five years we'll be the
biggest in the business."
GRAPHIC: Photo, Ferenbach of Merrill Lynch, First in deals, but not yet in
dollars. John Chang McCurdy
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FOCUS - 5 OF 10 STORIES
Copyright 1994 Globe Newspaper Company
The Boston Globe
February 25, 1994, Friday, City Edition
SECTION.: METRO /REGION; Pg. 2 3
LENGTH: 421 words
HEADLINE: Brandeis set to name provost Reinharz as school's 7th president
BYLINE: By Alice Dembner, Globe Staff
BODY:
Brandeis University trustees are expected to name provost and Jewish
historian Jehuda Reinharz as the college's seventh president Wednesday.
Reinharz, who earned his doctorate from Brandeis in 1972, would assume the
post June 1, when Samuel 0. Thier leaves to become president of Massachusetts
General Hospital.
As provost and senior vice president for academic affairs for the last two
years, Reinharz has overseen the academic life of the Waltham campus and filled
in for Thier in his absence. When Thier announced his impending departure in
December after only 2 1/2 years as president, many faculty, students and alumni
threw their support behind Reinharz as a respected scholar and administrator who
would provide continuity as well as leadership.
Reinharz, who is 49, declined comment yesterday, saying he was awaiting the
trustees' vote ori Wednesday.
University spokeswoman Michal Regunberg said the executive committee of the
trustees had made a recommendation to the full board, which would vote
Wednesday. Although she refused to say whether Reinharz had been recommended,
other university sources confirmed that he was the trustees' choice. Trustees
agreed last month to focus the search on campus, rather than conduct a national
review.
At that time Louis Perlmutter, chairman of the trustees, called Reinharz a
strong candidate. "He's been there and has been a veri important partner,"
Perlmutter said. Perlmutter did not return phone calls from the Globe yesterday.
David Gil, head of a faculty committee reviewing presidential candidates,
said that committee would meet early next week to finalize its recommendation.
Gil said he favored Reinharz.
"He is a highly respected scholar with a special appeal to the main
supporting segment of our university- the Jewish community," said Gil, a
professor of social policy. "He has acted for the president and with the
president, so that reduces the length of the learning curve ....
Born in Israel, Reinharz earned a bachelor's degree from Columbia University
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The Boston Globe, February 25, 1994
and a master's degree from Harvard. After receiving his doctorate from Brandeis,
he taught Jewish history at the University of Michigan for 10 years before
returning to the Waltham campus as a tenured p~ofessor. Reinharz headed the
Tauber Institute for the Study of European Jewry at Brandeis before Thier
tapped
him for the number-two post. A scholar of Zionism and European Jewry, he has
written numerous books, including two volumes of a biography of Zionist leader
Chaim Weizmann.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, JEHUDA REINHARZ
LOAD-DATE: February 28, 1994
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FOCUS - 4 OF 10 STORIES
Copyright 1995 SOFTLINE INFORMATION, INC.
The Ethnic NewsWatch
Jewish Advocate, The
October 26, i995
SECTION: Vol. 185; No. 42; Pg. 13
LENGTH: 469 words
HEADLINE: Is peace good business?
BYLINE: Gelbwasser, Michael
BODY:
Is peace good business?.
Broadening its economic base would help Israel "enhance the welfare of its
consumers" and promote peace in the Middle East, a World Bank economist says.
Dr. John Page also says foreign companies investing in the Middle East face
"a challenge to try to be fair as well as try to be politically correct." Page
spoke during "Is Peace Good Business?" a Founders Day symposium at Brandeis
University last weekend.
Page is the chief economist of the World Bank's Middle
East region.
Page noted Israel's "remarkable economic successes" in technology and
fashion.
But Page suggested Israel diversify into products it doesn't do as
well.
Israel's neighbors make some of these items, creating trade
possibilities.
"The toilet paper in Israel is as bad as toilet paper in any other area of
the world," Page said.
Israel also benefits greatly from its access to the North American, Asian and
European markets.
This access works both ways, say some Americans who live and
work in Israel.
"It is no accident that the new restaurant at the Tel Aviv
Hilton is a sushi bar," said moderator Thomas Friedman, a two-time Pulitzer
Prize-winning reporter and foreign columnist for the New York Times.
Page said Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian entity are very compatible
trade partners because "economies that are less similar tend to trade more than
economies that are more similar." Nabil Amari, secretary general of Jordan's
Ministry of Planning, said Israel's per capita income is around $15,000, versus
$1,600 in Jordan.
"There should be some preferential treatment.given to neighboring countries,"
Amari said.
"And this is not only necessary for.us, but also for Israel."
Foreign investments are also crucial to the region's political and economic
survival.
Page said Israel and Egypt have received "the lion's share of
American assistance." That has left much of the region, including Jordan,
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, October 26, 1995
struggiing.
"We know that we cannot make it oh our own," Amari said.
sustained, we need help."
"For peace to be
"Everyone knows what has to be done," said Louis Perlmutter·, chairman of the
Council of Economic Advisors of the U.S./Middle East Project of the Council on
Foreign Relations.
"The thing that really strikes me is how negative the
businessmen are."
Perlmutter said Middle Eastern governments have been slow to enact economic
reforms.
These governments take "small little baby steps" on these measures,
and then they "pull back."
"Democratization is good, although it sometimes hurts," Amari said.
Most of the discussion focused on Israel, Jordan and the Palestinian entity.
But Amari said those three areas cannot integrated the Middle East into the
world economy alone.
"Turkey would be no problem," Amari said.
Lebanon first."
"But we have to go for Syria and
ETHNIC-GROUP: Jewish
LOAD-DATE: December 19, 1995
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Who's Who·in America 2000
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ANDREAS. DWAYNE ORVILLE, businaii i:ucutive; b. Worthington,
Minn., Mar. 4. 1918; s. Reuben P. aud Lydia (Stoltz) A.: m. Bertha Benedict,
1938 (div.); I dau., Sandra Ann Andrms McMurtie: m. Dorothy Inez
Snyder. Dec. 21. 1947: children: TerryLynn,. Michael D. Student, Wheaton
(Ill.) Colt., 1935-36: bon. desree. Barry U. V.p., dir. Honeymead Products.
Co., Cedar Rapids. Iowa. 193~ cbmn. bel., chief exec. officer Honeymead
Products Co. (now Nat. Oty Bancorp.), MankAto. Minn .• 1952·72: v.p.
earpn, Inc., Mpls., 1946-52: exec. v.p. Farmers Union Grain Terminal
Assn., St. Paul, 1~: -chmn. bel., chief exec. officer Archer-Daniels-Mid·
luid Co.• Decatur, Ill .• 197~97, chmn: bel,, 1997-98, cbmn. emeritus.J999-;
bd. din. Hollinger Internal. Inc.; mem. Pres.'s Gen. Adv. Qlmmn ... of Fp.
Assistance Programs. 1965-68, Pres.'s Adv. Coun. on Mgmt; Improvement •.
1969-73: cbmn. Pres.'s Task FOrc:e on lntemat. Pvt. Enterprise. · Nat. bel.
din. Boys' Cub· Am.; former cbmn. U.S.-USSR Trade and Econ. Oiun.:
former cbmn. Euc. Coun. on Fp. Diplomats; former· trustee HOover· lnst.
on War, ·Revolution and Peace: former vice cbmn. Woodrow Wilson In•
ternat. Ctr. for Scbolan; mem. Trilateral Qlmmn.: cbmn. Found. for QJm.
memoration of the U.S.. Constitution, 1986. Mem. Fp. Policy Assn. N.Y.
(tlir.), Indian Creek Country Cub (Miami Beach. Fla.), Blind Brook Country
Cub (Pun:hasc, N.Y.). Links. Knickerbocker. Friars (N.Y.C.).
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Andreas, Dwayne .
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Mar. 4, 19l8- Business exec~ti~e~ Address: c/o
Archer Daniels Midland, P.O. Box 1470,
Decatur, Ill. 62525
For the past twenty years Dwayne Andreas has
been the chairman and chief executive officer of
the commodities company Archer Daniels Mid. land (ADM], which makes vegetable oil, animal
feed, high-fructose . corn syrup~ ethanol, caramel
coloring, sorbitol, ·vege-Burgers (made. of a soy~
based m.eat substitute], and other productS derived
·from corn, wheat, oilseed, or soybeans. A highly influential proponent of increased trade between the
United States and the former Soviet Union, An~
dreas casts himself as "a strong believer that trade
is the greatest promoter of peace and good will on
earth," as he told E. J. Kahn Jr., who profiled him
for the New Yorker (F~bruary 16, 1987]. "I feel
pretty patriotic doing what I'm doing."
As an adviser on international trade to 'five of
the postwar American presidents, Andreas is the
latest in the rather abbreviated line of American
businessmen"""'among them.Armand Hammer, Cyrus S. Eaton, and W. Averell Harriman-with
whom Moscow enjoyed doing business. "My inter.est in the Soviet Union doesn't especially ~elate to·
their doing business with ADM," he insisted during
his interview with Kahn. "It's that any business
they do with the United States is important to our
farm economy. The American wheat and corn and
soybean growers regard people like me as their. avenue to the rest of the globe." ·
Dwayne Orville Andreas was born on March 4,
1918 near Worthington, Minnesota, the fourth of
the five sons of Lydia Barbara (Stoltz) Andreas and
Reuben Peter Andreas, a Mennonite farmer. The
12
family, which included one daughter, subsistedon
the yield from their own farm in· Lisbon, Iowa, to
which they moved around 19Z2. "Some. people
would say we were poor, but We didn't think SO,"
Andreas told Kahn. "We canned olir own vegeta- .
bles, grew oats for' our horses, hay for our cows,
corn for our chickens and pigs."
Planning to enter the ministry, Andreas enrolled
. at Wheaton College in Wheaton, Illinois in 1935,
but he quit.at the end of his sophomore year to help
· his father and his older brothers-Osborne, Albert,
·and Glenn-take over a bankrupt grain and feed
business in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Naming the com. pany Honeymead Products, they installed their
·own soybean-crushing plant in 1938 and soon prospered. Thinking that he was about to be called up
when his· draft status was reclassified as 1-A in
.June~ 1945, Andreas sold .most of Honeymead's assets to Cargill, a Minneapolis commodities firm
that. was then the largest grain exporter in the Unit- ·
ed States. (As it turned out, he did not have to serve
in the military.]
·
As the vice-president and director of Honeymead, Andreas netted $1.5 million in the sale and
\\'as made vice-president in charge of oilseed processing .at Cargill, where he worked for seven
years. In. 1952 he returned to what the family had
retained of Honeyniead ·under the stewardship of
his younger brother, Lbwell. From 1952 to 1972
Dwayne Andreas served as the chairman and chief
executive officer of Honeymead ·(now known as
National City Bancorporation]; which had moved
its headquarters to Minneapolis.
In 1960 Honeymead was sold for $10 mi~lion to
the Farmers Union Grain Terminal Association, a
farmers' cooperative in St. Paul, Minnesota. In hir. ing Dwayne and Lowell Andreas (the former as executive vice-president], the co-op inadvertently put
Dwayne Andreas in a· rather uncomfortable position, as he recalled in an interview published in
Business Week (June 2, 1973]: "My farmer-owners
· regarded me with suspicion, and so did the corporate executives." The Andreases invested the pro- .
ceeds of the sale in a shell corporation called First ·
Interoceanic, an entity that eventually expanded
into· banking. In 1965 they hought 100,000 shares in
the Minn.eapolis-based grain company Archer
Daniels Midland, paying $3.3 million in what was· ·
essentially a rescue operation performed at the behestof.the Archer and Daniels families, according
to Kahn..
.
As the. Andreases began to acquire more ADM
stock on the open market, they were invited to become increasingly involved in running the company. In 1966 Dwayne Andreas became·a director
and member of the executive committee of. the
company. Three years later he moved the comp~
ny's headquarters from Minneapolis to Decatur, Illinois, where ADM. already· had a facility· and
whE)re. the Andreases purchased a soyh,eancrushing installation through First. Interoceanic
Corporation. Andreas was made chief executive
officer of ADM in 1970 and chairman of the board
.two ye~rs later in a takeover so amicable that
CURRENT BIOGRAPHY YEARBOOK 1992
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Shreve M. Archer Jr., wpo still sits on the compa- er. The combination of one part ethanol to nine
ny's board of directors, was reportedly quoted a~ parts gasoline is known as gasohol, a fuel that prosaying afterward, "Having been actively· involved ·· duces lower carbon monoxide emissions than gaswith.Dwayne.Andreas has been.the most stimuhit-. aline but which, critics claim, contributes to ozone
.
. ... · , formation'. Unlike most ethanol producers, . ADM
ing·experience of my life."
Under the.helmsmanship of Dwayne Andreas,· uses wet milling plants, which, in contrast:to the
ADM has grown tremendously. Grossing $8.5 bil- dry milling plants used by other ethanol producers,
lion .in domestic and international sales and earn- are capable of making both HFCSand ethanol. By
·ing $467 million in profits ·during the fiscal year milling all year long, ADM takes full advantage of
that ended on June 30, 1991, ADM comprises about .. seasonal fluctuations in the demand for HFCS,
128 plants, 200 grain elevators, 2,200 barges; 9;000 which is highest in the soft-drink-saturated sum' railcars, and 100 chartered ships. 'In the past tWo mer marketplace, and· the demand for ethanol,
· .·yeats ~loneAnd~eas has spent $1.4'billion on. mod- which rises. in some cities during the cold winter ·
·
· ·
ernizing his plants, managing to do so while main- months.
taining a very low debt ratid:(long~term debt is only .. · Although ingredie'nts for ready-to-eat soy prod17 percent of total capital) by:reinvesting most of ucts amounted to only 0.5 percent ofADM's total
ADM' s profits. "The key to ciur success is .to have ··sales in 1986, according to E. J. Kahn Jr., the soyenoughplans to invest our rrioney the day we make·. bean has been ari integral part of Andreas's career,
it," Andr~as told a· reporter for Forbes (January 6; providing him. with the raw material:for what has
1992). "Archer Daniels should be viewed as one of ·become virtually his personal crusade. From the
·. the best companies in'the world," Donald Zwyer, . day he joined ADM, Andreas \Vas excited about
a ·Security analyst at Kidder, Peabody, was: quoted · the potential of .the high-protein soybean to proas saying by Ronald Henkoffin Fortune ·(October . vide humans with the basis of a healthful veget'ari- .
8, 1990).
·
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·.
·an diet. "I knew that ADM was a ·dozen years
. Despite its size and abil~ty to prosper even dur.: ·ahead of everyone else in textured vegetable pro. ing a· recession, ADM remains relatively obscure to · · tein [TVP] research," Andreas was quoted· as saymost members of the general public. "We regard ing in Business Week (June 2, 1973), "and I believed
ourselves as a place where' other big food people that was where the important action was going to
buy their groceries," said an ADM executive quat- · be. Orie of the:first things I did was to take the edi'ed by Kahn. "It is heady impossible for· a. major . '. ble soy out of the lab imd construct a plant in Deca·food company not to do .business with us.·" The tur)o make all the grades of edible'soy protein'.in
company produces, among other things, bakery 1969."
,
and dururri flours, soybean oil and meal, soy flours,
Later, Andreas furnished a Decatur restaurant
linseed oil.and meal, .flax fiber, and cottonseed oil . with TVP-based soybean entrees devised to resemand 'meal. While ADM supplies other, well-known ble chicken ala king or chop suey. ADM's all-soy·
·companies such as Frito-Lay, Wesson, Fleisch- lunch, which includes a taco-dip appetizer and
mann's; and Kentucky Fried Chicken with soq1e of soy-based ice cream, has been served to a delegatheir. primary ingredients~ its own name gpes un~ ... tion from the People's Republic of China and to
re~ognized-except, p~rhaps,. among·~ Sunday-. · former preside1,1t Jim,my Carter. "We give the soymorning television viewers who tune in to .the bean lunch anytime we think we can get away with
ADM-sponsored programs This Week with David · it," Andreas told Kahn. For a while ADM even proBrinkley and. Meet the Press.
.
duced a line of prepackaged .soybean entrees
Some thirty products,· including high-fructose called Uncle Archie's, but it was never distributed
corri syrup (HFCS) and ethanol, that ADM derives . on a wide scale. The company has also been experfroi:n corn generate about half the company's earn- :· hrienting with Protinia, a soy-enriched cereal, and
ings. Americans' consumption of HFCS, an alter~ Nutri-Bev; a soy-based substitute for milk. "I've
native .to sugar, has risen dramatiCally. in recent been frustrated every time I've tded to make ·
yea~~· In 1980 HFCS accounted for only 14.5 per[Nutri~Bev]. We always lose money on it," Andreas
cent Of the sweetener market; by 1989 the' figure told Kahn. "Consumers are fixed in their ways, and
had climbed to 36.6 percent. According to Kahn, you have to go through fire and brimstone to
who wrote a biography of Andreas called Super- change them. If I achieve anything important in my
marketer to .the World (1991), Andreas convinced lifetime, getting people onto a soy diet will be it,"
·
both Pepsi and Coca-Cola to replace s1.1gar with·. he said.
· Andreas's efforts in that direction included esHFCSo-using ADM's "fructose-in .. their ·soft
drink~,As a result cif.that and othe~ coups, ADM • .pausing soybeans· as the ultimate. antidote to £aniis now thenumber~orie produc~r ofHFCS, control- ine while serving on Lyndon B.. Johnson's General
ling nearly one-third· of the HFCS market. As of Advisory Council on Foreign Assistance from·1965
1987 ADM had a $100·inillion. fructose plant in De- to 1968. He visited eight African countries as part
catur and forty corn-sweetener storage terminals· of Vice-President Hubert H .. Humphrey~s entouscattered across the country.
· ..
· rage. "Wherever we went, the national leaders
ADM controls about 65 percent of the ethanol seemed to have been educated in Europe and inmarket in the United Stt,1tes. Ethanol (also called fluenced by the socialist leanings of the London
ethyl alcohol ~md grain alcohol), which can qe dis~·· School of Economics," Andreas recalled during his
tilled from cornstarch, is'a lead-free octane. bo,ost- interview with Kahn. "They all wanted to industriA
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· ,,. .. alize when what they should have been doing was Enterprise. From 1984 to 19.90 he cochaired the
. increasing the production offood. . . . We could NewYork City-based U.S.-USSR Trade and Eco· assure them one good hot meal, including soy pro- nomic Council. Among his acquaintances are the
tein and grain, per day for fifty cents per capita, minority leader of the United States. Senate, Robert
which would increase I.Q.s by one-third; and · J. Dole, RepubliCan of Kansas, and former Speaker
would make people four to five inches taller and of the House of Representatives Thomas P. ("Tip")twenty to twenty-five pounds heavier, and thus ca- O'Neill Jr., Democrat of Massachusetts. Mrs. Nelpable of more sustained work. . . . Food is fue!. son A. Rockefeller and the former Democratic NaYou can't run a tractor without fuel, and you can't . tiona! Committee chairman Robert S. Strauss, who
run a human being without it, either. Food is the was named ambassador to the Soviet Union in
absolute beginning. It may not be the end, but it . l991, serve on Archer Daniels Midland's board of
directors.
sure as hell is the beginning."
On occasion the influence Andreas is thought to
Food was also the fulcrum ofAndreas's forty-·
year role as a mediator between Soviet leaders. and wield-;-not to meri!ion his wealth of congressional
the American government. In 1952, when he was contacts on both sides of the aisle-has been the
vice-president of Cargill, Andreas made the first of source of embarrassing publicity. In 1972 a contiihis more than seventy-five trips to the Soviet bution of $25,000 he made to Nixon's reelection
Union. "Every president from Harry Truman on campaign surfaced- in the bank account of convicthas said to me, 'We want to have more business ed Watergate conspirator Bernard L. Barker.· Hu-with the Russians,"' Andreas recalled to Kahn. bert Humphrey, who was seeking the Democratic
"But the rest of the government is usually split nomination, had also received a donation from Andown the middle, half of it helping you and half of dreas. According to Kahn, when Humphrey was
asked about the seeming inconsistency in Anit fighting you." During the 1950s, for example, AD.dreas's political leanings, he said, "Let's put-it this
·dreas-who was once introduced to Nikita S.
way: Dwayne has friends in both parties." Between
Khrushchev-discovered that the Soviets .would be
1979 and 1990, according to Henkoff, Andreas, his
a perfect customer for surplus American butter. ·relatives, and ADM's own political action commitPresident Dwight D. Eisenhower told him, "I'm for tee "donated more than $1 million to Republican
. selling them anything they can't shoot back," but and Democratic congressional and presidential
Andreas was unable to obtain an export license candidates." "I've never been uncomfortable with
from the McCarthyite officials in charge of grant- -either Republicans or Democrats, because I've
ing him permission. As the world's third-largest never attempted to do anything political," Andreas
importer of food, the Soviet Union has been an im~ explained to Kahn. "In any event, ii:t the farm econportant customer of ADM's, accounting for $250 omy right-wingers and left-wingers and middle-ofmillion in sales in 1989 alone.
. the-roaders are all sort of mixed up, in' a populist
Explaining Andreas's appeal to the Soviets, the sense. Oh, there's a common enemy-,-two common
security analyst. Robert W. Back was quoted_ by enemies, actually. But they're not Democrats or ReRonald Henkoffas saying that Andreas is _"rich, but publicans. They're interest rates and depressed
he doesn't look rich. 'He's an honest-to-God prices."
·
·
nineteenth-century businessman, unencumbered
In 1978, Henkoff reported, ADM was convicted
by ideology." In the Wall Street Journal (December in a price·-fixirig scam involving the federal Food
26, 1986), Mark D'Anastasio quoted· the Harvard for ·Peace program. That year, Andreas and his
lecturerJoseph Finder as notingthat Andreas "has daughter were found to have donated a significant
exactly the huge wealth, influence and knowledge amountof money in ADM stock to a trust fund benin an American businessman that attracts Soviet efiting the children of a membe~ of the regulatory
leaders;" Andreas first met Mikhail Gorbachev on Commodities Futures Trading Commission. "How
Decemb~r 3, 1984, three months before Gorbachev,
the hell could you run a business like mine if you
then minister of agriculture, was ·named general -didn't have communications with the people who
secretary of the Communist party, arid the two men make the big decisions?" Andreas has asked rhehave maintained a close connection ever since. torically, as quoted by Henkoff.
"Agriculture is central to both men and both naAt a 1978 meeting of ADM shareholders, accordtions, whatever the political differences. Andreas ing to Kahn, Andreas expressed his desire to have
helps bridge ~he gap," Back observed to _ a say in· federal matters that affect his company:
D'Anastasio. Aware of the shifting winds of change "Living with the.government in a state of coexisin Soviet politics, Andreas in 1989 invited the radi- tence is like a turkey living with a farmer until
cal reformer Boris·N. Yeltsin, who was later elect-, Thanksgiving. And we don't want to be the turkey
ed president of the Russian Rep~blic, to his Florida in that relationship." Not everyone was comfort~
able with ADM in- the role of the farmer in that
home when Yeltsin visited the United States.
Andreas's government service had begun offi- analogy. The New Republic described ADM as a
cially with his ·appointment to President John F. recipient of "corporate welfare," and the National
Kennedy's American Food for Peace Council and Review labeled Andreas "a robber baron," accordcontinued ·through his' appointment to Richard ing toHenkoff, who quoted Frederick Potter, a forNixon's Advisory Committee ·on Management Im- mer Department of Energy official, as saying,
provement and his chairmanship of Ronald Rea- "There is an agricultural mafia in this town, and
gan's Task Force on International Private Dwayne Andreas is its kingpin." .
14
CURRENT BiOGRAPHY YE~OOK 1992
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1.
Not all of Andreas's donations have. been made Illinois, sixteen miles from Decatur; and New York
in the political arena. Thrc:mgh th~ Andreas Foun- City, where he maintains ··an apartment on Fifth
. ·dation he has contributed to dozens of charities, ·Avenue and a company suite in the Waldorf Towincluding the United Way and B'nai B'rith, and he ers, next door to the official residence of the United
works tirelessly not only on behalf of ADM. but States ambassador· to the United Nations. The
also, he contends, to promote world peace and twenty-foot-long swimming pool in his Moweaqua
prosperity through increased trade with the former home provides him with a pulsating current against
. Soviet Union-now the Commonwealth of Inde- which he swims for twenty minutes each morning. ' '
pendent States-and with other less developed His hobbies include playing golf and collecting
countries. He is a member of the Trilateral Com- miniature pigs.
mission, the Union League of Chicago, the Indian
Creek Country Club of Miami Beach, the Minikah- References: Bsns W p54 Je 2 '73 por; Fortune
da Club of. Minneapolis, and :,the Blind Brook · 122:105+ 0 8 '90 pors; NY Times D p1+1126 '78
. Country Club of Purchase, New York, and he has por; New Yorker 62:41+ F 16 '87 por; Wall St T
·been the director of the Foreign Policy Association . . pl.+D 26 '86 por; Kahn, E. f., Jr. Supermarketer
·In 1985 Andreas became chairman of the Ecoilom- to the World {1991}; Who's Who inAmerica,
. ic Club of New York, and in New York City he is 1990-91; Who's Who in the World, 1991-92
· a member of the Knickerbocker Club, the Links
Club, and the Friars Club: When asked by Kahn if
he. had considered retiring, .Andreas replied, "I
have too much still to. do. A third of all the business
in the world is my kind of business, and the longer
you're in it the more things you see that need to be
done. When you see that they're not done, you get
very uneasy, and the next thing you kriow you're
.. ,
trying to do them yourself."
In his view, Andreas's primary_ objective_:.
converting people to a soy-based dief-would not
only make money for ADM but would also contribute to the eradication of world hunger. "Let's say
that there are 500 million people alive who can't
live as humans ought to be able to," he suggested
in his interview with Kah~. "If I.were in charge, I'd
· see to it that as the underpinning of their daily food
. requirement they got a bowl of porridge made of
wheat and corn and soybeans. A few greens, and
some cassava for starch, and there you'd be-and
all for twenty-five cents per capita .... I guess,
when you come right down to it, if there's one thing
I've learned in, all these years it's that if we really
want to feed the world we can."
Dwayne Andreas, who "bears a corporeal resemblance to JamesCagney," in Henkoff's opinion,
is a health-conscious, well-dressed man standing ·
five feet, four inch~s tall and weighing 137 pounds.
From his marriage in 1938 to Bertha Benedict,
which ended in divorce, he has one daughter, San- Ashdown, Paddy
dra Ann Andreas McMurtrie. In 1947 Andreas
married Dorothy Inez Snyder (called Inez), who al~ Feb. 27, 1941- British political leader. Address:
ready had a daughter, Terry, from a previous mar- House of Commons, London SW1A OAA,
'
riage; . together they . have. one son, Michael England
, ("Mick"). Andreas's daughter served on: VicePresident Humphrey's staff and, in 1981, on behalf "I passionately believe we stand at the very center
of the Catholic Relief Services, traveled to Calcut- of the nineties agenda for Britain. It is about citita, where she met Mother. Teresa; she subsequently zenship, about Evrope, about taking the environworked at Gift of Peace in Washington, D.C., a· ment .··seriously, about' education. 1 am very
home founded by Mother Teresa for the indigent confident." Whe~ Paddy Ashdown, the leader of
dying and for AIDS patients. His stepdaughter has. the Liberal 'Democratic party, uttered those words
been a founder and chairman of the School for in .1991 he had every reason to qe confident.
Field Studies, and his son is the executive vice-. Thanks in part to public disenchantment with the
·
president of ADM.
two major parties caused by the worst economic
Andreas divides his time between Bal Harbour,· downturn in Great Britain since the Great DepresFlorida, where he owns two apartments at the Sea sion, the Liberal Democrats, the third strongest
View Hotel; suburban. Minneapolis; Moweaqua, party in British politiCs and the heir to the social
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Copyright 1996 McGraw-Hill, Inc.
Business Week
November 18, 1996
SECTION: PEOPLE; EXECUTIVE SUITE; Number 3502; Pg. 82
LENGTH: 1709 words
HEADLINE:
IT ISN'T DWAYNE'S WORLD ANYMORE
BYLINE: By Richard A. Melcher in Chicago, Greg Burns in Decatur, Ill., and
Douglas Harbrecht in Washington
HIGHLIGHT:
Andreas' clout at ADM is fading, his dynastic dream is dead
BODY:
It was a stunning moment when Dwayne 0. Andreas, chairman of Archer Daniels
Midland Co., stood before the annual meeting on Oct. 17 and apologized to
shareholders for the scandal that has embroiled the company. Only two days
earlier, ADM had pleaded guilty to two criminal counts of price-fixing, agreeing
to pay a $ 100 million fine and to help the government build a case against two
executives, one of them Andreas' only son and heir apparent, Michael D. ''Mick''
Andreas.
A mea culpa from Dwayne Andreas, an executive accustomed to running his
company like a fief? Dwayne Andreas, who at 1995's annual meeting had shouted
down restive shareholders and insisted the meeting would run by ''my rules''?
The very idea shows how the world is changing for the 78-year-old soybean king.
And as Andreas' influence wanes, so does a corporate culture profoundly shaped
by his personality. BITTER. Both Andreas and ADM have thrived on the freedom to
make their own rules with little outside scrutiny. But the secrecy that doing
business in remote Decatur·, Ill., affords has been cracked. And the scandal has
spurred action beyond what most observers expected from the insular company. A
committee of directors drawn from a board long criticized for its unwavering
support of Andreas has proved surprisingly willing to impose new governance
standards. At the same time, another committee put aside personal loyalty to
Andreas, and concern for his son, to cooperate with the government.
The deal means that ADM managers -- Dwayne Andreas perhaps included -- could
end up providing evidence against Michael Andreas and Terrance S. Wilson, who
have been told they are likely to face criminal charges. Andreas' plans to
create a dynasty, nurtured since the 1970s, have been derailed. After the annual
meeting, Director Brian Mulroney revealed that Mick, 47, had taken a ''temporary
administrative leave'' and Wilson, a 59-year-old vice-president, had retired.
ADM refuses to say whether it is still paying Mick's $ 1.3 million salary.
Outwardly, the tough son of Mennonite farmers is showing his trademark
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Business Week, November 18, 1996
resilience. Hours after the Oct. 17 meeting, at dinner in his home overlooking
Lake Decatur, Andreas was ''in a very up mood,'' buoyed by the standing ovation
with which shareholders had greeted his apology, recalls John R. Block, a former
Agriculture Secretary and new board member. They were joined by Democratic
power broker and fellow board member Robert s. Strauss, one of Andreas •:· closest
friends.
Before the meeting, Strauss says, he advised the CEO, who rarely minces
words, that everything he was going to say ''ought to be written down . .''
Andreas complied, and he betrayed no emotion, even as he told shareholders: ''It
has been a difficult time for my family and me.'' In fact, the investigation and
settlement have been a ''terrible ordeal,'' says Strauss. ''While he's pretty
self-contained, I'm sure he's had many a sleepless night.'' Indeed; one source
says that in recent months Andreas has taken to calling friends at all hours to
talk.
Strauss and other longtime friends say Andreas feels angry and betrayed.
He's especially bitter that the government ,had ADM executive-turned-mole Mark
Whitacre tape hundreds of hours of executive-office conversations. In August,
1995, soon after Whitacre's role was revealed, ADM..fired him, alleging he had
embezzled $ 9 million while collecting price-fixing evidence against it, a
charge Whitacre denies. While Andreas declined to speak with BUSINESS WEEK for
this story, citing ''pending legal proceedings,'' he did fax the magazine three
legal documents to support the company's charges against Whitacre.
Andreas' pique extends to the press -- he has accused reporters of printing
''fairy tales'' about him and ADM-- and he is said to believe that activist
shareholders obsessed with board independence haven't a clue about the demands
of running an agribusiness conglomerate. But seeing Mick's future in jeopardy is
the worst part, says Sister Jeanne O'Laughlin, president of Miami's Barry
University, a longtime recipient of Andreas family largesse. ''To hurt the son
is to wound the father,'' says O'Laughlin. ''He's in some pain.''
Before the investigation, ADM was best known for its record of steady
expansion under Andreas, chairman and CEO since 1970. Brought in as a
troubleshooter in 1966, he pushed the company into international markets,
relentlessly focused on wringing out costs, and created oodles of new products
from corn and soybeans. Under Andreas, sales rocketed from $ 320 million to $
13.3 billion, while ADM's market value soared from$ 78 million to$ 11.8
billion.
Even as Andreas cultivated political friends from Mikhail Gorbachev to Bob
Dole, outsiders could never penetrate the company's veil. ADM disclosed only
minimal information to investors, arguing.that it couldn't afford to be more
open than privately held competitors such as Cargill. Board membership was kept
largely among family and friends. As ADM barged into new markets, rivals and
regulators accused it of everything from fixing prices to stealing technology.
Dwayne took it in stride, and the board followed suit. ''He pushed things
awfully close to the edge, but it was absolutely legal,'' says a former senior
insider. ''The fact that he spent his whole life running yellow lights didn't
bother us.'' WINNING RESPECT. No one.doubted that Mick would succeed his father.
But the elder Andreas didn't make things easy for him. Dwayne was a difficult
taskmaster who demanded that Mick, who joined ADM in the early 1970s, learn
agribusiness from the topsoil up. By the early 1980s, Mick was winning respect
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Business Week, November 18, 1996
within the company for his skilled handling of complex trading operations at the
Chicago Board of Trade. He later oversaw much of management, sales, and trading,
working side by side with President James R. Randall. Even as he climbed to
vice-chairman in 1985,. however, he remained all but unknown to investors. But
board members were comfortable with his pending ascension.
All that went awry in the summer of 1995, wh~n the news broke that Whitacre
had been an FBI informant for the previous three years. By July, .the board
established an eight-member committee, with separate counsel, to handle talks
with the government. Since press reports indicated that Whitacre was implicating
Mick, the group was instructed not,to discuss its negotiations with other
directors or management. By January, the group began settling a raft of civil
suits that have so far cost ADM $ 90 million. But the group thought the
government's criminal case, dependent as it was on Whitacre, might be weak.
Sources say the committee considered fighting the charges until August, when
three foreign companies that conspired with.ADM pleaded guilty.
Committee members were well aware of the elder And~eas' concern about how
their actions would affect the fate of his son. In fact, sources say that,
several members' worries about Mick.and Wilson led to delays in cutting a deal.
The committee resolved, however, to negotiate only.on'behalf of shareholders. In
the end, the key stumbling block was the size of ADM's fine. The government's
initial proposal -- $ 120 million -- sent committee members into ''sticker
shock, ' ' say several sources. When the two· sides· settled .on $ 100 million,
investors -- relieved that the uncertainty was over -- sent ADM stock up to a
record 22. PRESSURE. Yet shareholder activists remain frustrated. True, ADM
followed through on a January, 1996, report by the new governance committee,
reducing its board from 17 to 12 and cutting insider representation. But efforts
to build goodwill were undermined when Andreas sent shareholders a letter
questioning the value of independent directors .. At the annual meeting,
shareholders signaled that changes haven't gone far enough, mustering a
surprisingly strong 42% vote for a stricter definition of outside director. On
Nov. 13, Andreas, after years of ignoring activists, will meet with the
California Public Employees' Retirement System.
Now, an uncertain succession looms, and an executive revamp announced on
Oct. 31 does nothing to resolve it, directors say. To share some of his duties,
Andreas has created an ''office of the chief executive'' consisting of Randall;
Charles T. Bayless, head of the processing division; and G. Allen Andreas Jr., a
53-year-old vice-president and Dwayne's nephew. But those moves merely fill the
gaps left by Mick's absence. ADM could still turn to an outsider or acquire
another agribusiness company with management talent.
How long will Andreas remain at the helm? Directors say ADM needs him to
stay on -- perhaps for a few years -- to ensure a smooth transition. But even if
his epochal career hasn't yet drawn to a close, the world as Dwayne Andreas has
known it will never be the same.
Shock Waves At ADM
FALL, 1992: Dwayne Andreas asks the FBI to investigate suspected plant sabotage.
During probe, Vice-President.Mark Whitacre becomes government informant,
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Business Week, November 18, 1996
alleging price-fixing.
JUNE, 1995: FBI raids ADM headquarters. Within weeks, Whitacre is exposed as
mole.
JULY, 1995: Special board committee is formed to negotiate with government
concerning price-fixing allegations.
AUGUST, 1995: After accusing Whitacre of embezzling $ 9 million, ADM
him.
dismisse~
JANUARY, 1996: New corporate governance committee recommends shrinking board,
cutting number of inside directors. Andreas offers to leave board but is kept
on.
OCT. 15, 1996: ADM pleads guilty to two criminal charges and agrees to pay $ 100
million fine and help government build case against two executives, Terrance
Wilson and Andreas' son and heir apparent, Michael Andreas.
OCT. 17, 1996: Dwayne Andreas apologizes to shar.eholders at annual meeting.
Wilson retires and Michael Andreas takes ''administrative leave.'' Eight board
members step down; three come aboard. Twelve-member board now includes four
independent directors.
OCT. 31, 1996: To share some of his duties, Dwayne Andreas creates an ''office
of chief executive,'' consisting of executives James Randall, Charles Bayless,
and G. Allen Andreas Jr., Dwayne's nephew.
URL: http://www.businessweek.com/index.html
GRAPHIC:
PHOTOGRAPH: DWAYNE ANDREAS STEVE WOIT
HERB SLODOUNIK/DECATUR HERALD & REVIEW
LOAD-DATE: November 14, 1996
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PHOTOGRAPH: MICHAEL ANDREAS
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Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
April 18, 1997, Friday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section D; Page 2; Column 4; Business/Financial Desk
LENGTH: 841 words
HEADLINE: Andreas Retires as Chief of Archer Daniels
BYLINE:
By KURT EICHENWALD
BODY:
After more than a quarter of a century at the helm of the Archer Daniels
Midland Company, Dwayne 0. Andreas retired yesterday as chief executive of the
company and was replaced by his nephew, G. Allen Andreas Jr. The elder Mr.
Andreas will remain as chairman.
The succession culminates an astonishing family story played out over more
than two years, in which Dwayne Andreas's hopes of turning the corporate reins
over to his son Michael were shattered amid a price-fixing scandal that has cost
the company, an agribusiness giant, close to $200 million in fines and
settlements.
Wall Street analysts said yesterday that the elder Mr. Andreas, who is 79
years old, had over time been less involved in the daily operations of the
company, instead relying on other senior managers to handle those
responsibilities while he focused on strategic direction.
As a result, analysts said, they expected little change at Archer Daniels,
particularly with Mr. Andreas continuing as chairman.
Indeed, the selection of Allen Andreas, who once ran the company's operations
in Europe, had been widely expected. As the price-fixing scandal unfolded, he
became the corporate face of Archer Daniels for institutional shareholders.
Since late last year he has shared control of the company with his uncle and two
other executives.
"Allen Andreas was the logical choice to assume the position of chief
executive from an experience point of view," said Leonard Teitelbaum, an analyst
with Merrill Lynch & Company. "Dwayne Andreas will be in a position to continue
to influence the company's progress, especially in the international scene."
Shares of the company were little affected by the news, rising 12.5 cents, to
$17.625, on the New York Stock Exchange yesterday.
For years, institutional investors have criticized Archer Daniels as having
an insular management and a board that was not sufficiently independent of the
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The New York Times, April 18, 1997
elder Mr. Andreas. And indeed, some analysts expressed qualms about the
selection of another Andreas family member.
"It is always a little suspicious when a relative of the chief executive gets
named as the replacement," said Ann Yerger, director of research at the Council
of Institutional Investors. "You would hope that with the situation that this
company was in, they would dig a little deeper."
But some institutional investors said that despite those appearances Allen
Andreas was the best choice. "At first glance, one would always suspect
nepotism," said Louis Ehrenkrantz, a principal with Ehrenkrantz King Nussbaum, a
money manager that invests' in Archer Daniels. "But the truth is he has been
around the company for a while, and has done a very good job. He knows the
business, and it will be a very smooth transition."
0. Glenn Webb, who was chairman of the board's succession committee, said
that the possibility of selecting a new chief executive at Archer Daniels was
set in play early last year, when the directors approved a series of corporate
governance proposals. One recommended that the jobs of chairman and chief
executive be held by different indiv.idu,als.
In February of this year, Mr. Webb said, Dwayne Andreas asked the committee
to begin the process of dividing the two posts. From the beginning, Mr. Webb
said, Allen Andreas was the leading candidate for the chief executive's job. In
the end, Mr. Webb said, he was the only person interviewed, though the comittee
reviewed the resumes of a number of industry executives.
"We thought he was the best choice that we had," Mr. Webb said. "He has
demonstrated to our satisfaction that he has the capability to be a very astute
chief executive."
As part of the succession, Allen Andreas was also named as a director of the
company. Lowell Andreas, Dwayne's brother, retired from the same post. In
addition, Andrew Young, the former United States representative to the United
Nations, was named as a director.
When the elder Mr. Andreas became chief executive in 1970, Archer Daniels was
a comparatively small, regional agricultural processing company. But over the
years, he oversaw a rise in sales to more than $13 billion through rapid
acquisitions, product-line expansions and entries into foreign markets.
At the same time, he became known for shaping Archer Daniels into a political
force. With hefty contributions to both Republicans and Democrats, the company
helped form the nation's agricultural policies.
The price-fixing scandal arose in 1995, when Federal agents raided the
company's headquarters in Decatur, Ill. It soon emerged that a senior executive,
Mark Whitacre, had been working as an informant for the Government for more than
two years, secretly taping meetings during which price-fixing was said to have
been discussed.
In October, the company admitted fixing prices for two commodities, and
agreed to pay a record $100 million fine. Three executives -- including Michael
Andreas and Mr. Whitacre -- were subsequently indicted on price-fixing charges .
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The New YorkTimes, April 18, 1997
Their trial is scheduled to begin in May 1998.
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
January 26, 1999, Tuesday, PM cycle
SECTION: Business News
LENGTH: 568 words
HEADLINE: Dwayne Andreas steps down as chairman of the board at ADM
DATELINE: DECATUR, Ill.
BODY:
Dwayne Andreas is stepping down after 28 years as chairman of the board at
Archer Daniels Midland Co., but he still is expected to cast a long shadowoffering advice, opinions and guidance to the nephew replacing him.
"If you think this man is going to go down and captain his shuffle board team
in Florida, you can forget about it," said Leonard Teitelbaum, a managing
director with Merrill Lynch Global Securities who follows ADM.
Andreas, 80, will serve as chairman emeritus while remaining a member of the
board, which will now be chaired by Allen Andreas, his nephew and the company's
chief executive officer, ADM announced Monday.
Dwayne Andreas' savvy use of political connections is credited for much of
the company's growth from a regional processor of grain to an agribusiness
giant.
But he also headed ADM when it was rocked by a price-fixing scandal that
likely took an emotional toll on Andreas, said John McMillin, an analyst with
Prudential Securities.
"You shouldn't be surprised when an 80-year-old executive retires, but I was
a bit here. I thought he might die in his boots. His life has been this
company," McMillin said.
Andreas' son, Michael - on leave as an executive vice president,- was thought
to be a potential heir to the chairmanship before he and two former employees
were convicted last fall on federal price-fixing charges. They are scheduled to
be sentenced Feb. 26.
ADM also pleaded guilty to two criminal charges in 1996 and paid $ 100
million in federal fines for fixing prices for the feed additive lysine and
citric acid.
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The probe caused Dwayne Andreas to be the target of increasing criticism from
shareholders and others for his iron-fisted control of ADM, which included
putting close friends and relatives both on the board of directors and in top
executive jobs.
Allen Andreas, 55, joined the company in 1973 and has served as treasurer,
vice president-Europe and special counsel to the executive committee.
McMillin said large shareholders feel that Allen Andreas is open to them
having more input in the direction of the company.
But David Messick, a professor of business ethics at Northwestern
University's Kellogg Graduate School of Management said "it's kind of a pity he
is to be followed by another_ family member.
"It's a publicly owned company that has been run like a family operation for
a very long time and that's probably not in the best interest of shareholders,"
Messick said:
In trading Monday on the New York Stock Exchange, ADM's stock closed up 18
1/2 cents at $ 15.75.
Dwayne Andreas joined ADM in 1966 and was elected chairman and CEO in 1970 at
a time when ADM owned 40 processing plans and employed fewer than 3,000 people.
The company now employs 23,000 worldwide, owns 274 processing plants and had
net sales in 1998 of more than $ 16 billion, company officials said. ADM
produces everything from soybean oil to high-fructose corn syrup to cocoa
powder.
Sam Peltzman, a professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of
Business who specializes in antitrust and government regulation, said he doubted
the price-fixing scandal will overshadow what Andreas helped ADM accomplish.
"It's been a successful business. Whatever you think of the man, you have to
give Andreas a lot of credit for it. His main success was his ability to play
Washington politics as much as the business side," Peltzman said.
LOAD-DATE: January 26, 1999
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Copyright 2000 s'entinel Communications Co.
THE ORLANDO SENTINEL
April 23, 2000 Sunday, METRO
SECTION: EDITORIALi Pg. G3
LENGTH: 586 words
HEADLINE: IS LITTLE ELIAN JUST A PAWN IN AN INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS SCHEME?
BYLINE: By Charley Reese of The Sentinel Staff
BODY:
Mash almost any of America's foreign-policy postules and what will ooze out
is big business in pursuit of money. It now seems that even little Elian
Gonzalez has become a pawn in an international business scheme.
By the time you read this, some outcome may have occurred. Nevertheless what
follows is important background. All of the information comes from the Archer
Daniels Midland Shareholders Watch Committee.
In the fall of 1995, ADM's chairman, Dwayne Andreas, met with Fidel Castro
for dinner in New York. In July 1996, Andreas announced that he was going to
Cuba to see Castro. He said he contemplated building a refinery in Cuba but
would do it through a Spanish subsidiary because of the trade embargo.
In 1997, a Spanish company invested $65 million in Cuba for a refinery for
the production of alcohol from molasses. In October 1999, Martin Andreas, senior
vice president, said ADM would consider constructing a vegetable-oil plant in
Cuba if the market were open.
Last January the Cuban government announced that it is moving toward
consideration of a joint-venture type of relationship with ADM. In February, ADM
announced plans for another trade exhibition in Havana in December.
What has this got to do with Elian Gonzalez?
Well, there are a lot of interesting coincidences. Remember the meeting with
the grandmothers at the home of the president of Barry University?
Dwayne Andreas is a large contributor to Barry University, and his
graduate and is past chairman of the board of trustees. The president
university was initially in favor of returning Elian to his father -meeting with the grandmothers convinced her that the Cuban government
calling the shots.
wife is a
of the
until the
was
Last October, Andrew Young, an ADM board member and m~mber of the
public-policy committee, was installed as president of the National Council of
Churches, an old left front group, which has taken the lead in urging that Elian
be returned to his father.
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Orlando Sentinel Tribune, April 23, 2000
Gregory Craig, the high-priced lawyer who suddenly materialized to represent
Juan Gonzalez,- who couldn't afford two seconds of Craig's time, is part of a law
firm that also represents ADM. Craig is ostensibly being paid by the National
Council of Churches.
That seems like an awful lot of coincidences linking Elian Gonzalez with ADM,
which calls itself the supermarket to the world. Castro is like any other
communist dictator. If you want to cut deals with him, you have to kiss his
backside. If you want to open a news bureau in Havana, you have to kiss his
backside. Castro wants the kid back, and what do you know?
A leftist church group and a high-priced lawyer, both with ADM connections,
pop up to lead the campaign. And, no surprise, the big American news media jump
on the same bandwagon.
Castro, by the way, has already said Elian will be sent to a boarding school
in Havana, where Cuban psychologists will straighten out his mind. Castro's
daughter, who lives in Spain, had already warned that. would be Elian's fate if
he's handed over to the dictator.
The Cuban exile community has always known that the question is not one of
familial custody but one of freedom or a kid being sacrificed to a ruthless
communist dictator.
One day I may find an American foreign policy that does not cause me to
become nauseated. By and large, it is safe to. say that the American government
generally disgusts me, as do much of American big business and much of the
American news media. Liberty gets a cold reception from all three.
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press.
These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
'June 26, 2000, .·Monday, .BC cycle
\
.
SECTION: Business News; State and Regional
LENGTH: 675 words
HEADLINE: More jail time ordered for ADM execs Andreas and Wilson
BYLINE: By MIKE ROBINSON, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: CHICAGO
BODY:
A federal appeals court ordered more prison time (or two former Archer
Daniels .Midland Co. executives Monday, saying that ~s leaders of a $100 million
antitrust conspiracy they deserved longer sentences.
Under the decision, Michael D. Andreas and Terrance W. Wilson, ·now serving
two-year sentences in federal prison, would go back to court to receive stiffer
sentences. Before doing that, though, they could ask the appeals c~urt to
reconsider or take the issue to the Supreme Court.
They were convicted in September 1998, along with Mark D. Whitacre, of
conspiring to set the price and sales volume in the huge world market for lysine
- a feed additive that promotes growth in hogs and poultry.
Andreas, the son of former ADM.Chairman Dwayne Andreas, could be facing as
much as an additional year in prison under federal sentencing guidelines. Wilson
could be sentenced to nine to 12 months more.
The giant, Decatur-based agribusiness company calls i'tself the "supermarket
to the world," with global sales of $14 billion in 1999 and 23,000 employees.
The elder Andreas, now chairman emeritus; is a major contributor to both
political parties and has counted some of the most powerful names on Capitol
Hill among his friends.
Michael Andreas was vice chairman of the board while Wilson was president of
the company's big corn-processing division.
They were convicted of conspiring with five Asian competitors to set prices
and sales volume for lysine, an amino acid made from soybeans.
At the sentencing, U.S. District Judge Blanche Manning turned down a request
•
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LEXIS~· NEXIS~
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire June 26, 2000
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FOCUS
from the government for added prison time on the grounds that the two men were
leaders of the conspiracy. Manning held that they were no more to blame for the
scheme than many of the other participants.
But the 62-page appeals decision written by Judge Michael S. Kanne said that
Andreas and Wilson were actually leaders of the conspiracy.
"ADM'S market power gave Andreas the ability to coerce the other cartel
members into submission, and the evidence is clear that he used that power to
lead the conspiracy," the court said.
It said the fact that his power was not absolute "does not negate the
conclusion that Andreas was the ultimate leader of the price-fixing cabal." It
said Wilson also played a leadership role.
"He appears on countless tapes proposing ways to run the cartel and ways to
make it more efficient," the opinion said.
In Washington, federal officials immediately described the decision as a
major victory.
"We are very pleased with the court of appeals decision reaffirming that
price fixing is a major criminal offense that merits significant punishment,"
said Joel I. Klein, assistant. attorney general in charge of the Justice
Department's antitrust division.
Defense attorney Reid Weingarten, who represented Wilson, declined to comment
before reading the opinion. "Obviously, I'm not' thrilled with what you've told
me," he said from his Washington office.
Andreas attorney John Bray could not be reached immediately.
Whitacre, a biochemist and business executive hired by ADM to develop its
lysine production division, was not party to the appeal.
He is current'ly in federal prison after pleading guilty to swindling ADM out
of $9 million and funneling the money into bank accounts in Switzerland and
elsewhere.
It was Whitacre who launched the investigation in the first place. He told
Michael Andreas that a Japanese business executive named Fujiwara had told him
that saboteurs were at work in the lysine plant and would disclose their names
in return for a substantial payment. But Whitacre had made up the story in hopes
of getting the money himself.
Instead of paying the money, Dwayne Andreas phoned the Central Intelligence
Agency. But the CIA said it_ was a case for the FBI and agents then called on
Whitacre. Realizing that his scam had backfired, Whitacre told the agents that
price fixing was going on and volunteered to become an undercover mole and help
get the goods on ADM executives.
LOAD-DATE: Jun'e 27, 2000
•
•
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Israeli Policy Forum [1]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-008-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/8341101315a7d0aec37e4ee554d43f8f.pdf
aec223efda055618d65c62dbbe0c3a9e
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Israeli Policy Forum [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
'
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:·
Position:
Stack:
48
6
9
1
v
�Page 2
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Copyright 1997 SOFTLINE INFORMATION, INC.
The Ethnic NewsWatch
Jewish Week, The
September 12, 1997
SECTION: Vol. 210; No. 19; Pg. S-23
LENGTH: 1012 words
HEADLINE: A Campaign for INVOLVEMENT: The new chair of the Women's Campaign at
UJA-Federation epitomizes the impulse TO ROLL UP THE SLEEVES and volunteer.
BYLINE: Ain, Stewart
BODY:
A Campaign for INVOLVEMENT: The new chair of the Women's Campaign at
UJA-Federation epitomizes the impulse TO ROLL UP THE SLEEVES and volunteer.
SUSAN STERN always contributed to the local Jewish federation because "it was
the right thing to do." But she only began to appreciate its work in 1982 when
she visited the Shorefront Y in Brighton Beach.
Having just moved from Chicago to Scarsdale with her husband of 16 months,
and knowing in no one else here, Stern accepted the United Jewish Appeal's
invitation "because I wanted to see Coney Island and there was no other way for
ine to get there."
When she walked in, she found herself amid a group of children who had
recently arrived from the Soviet Union.
"There was a little girl there with red hair who looked like she could have
been my child because I and my two kids have red hair," she recalled. "When I
saw her, I was a puddle- I fell apart, she was so cute."
Next, she was ushered into a room where women from the Soviet Union were
being taught English.
Their host explained that Stern and the other women
visitors were UJA leaders who had helped raise the money that brought them to
America.
"A woman sitting in front of me turned around, took my hand and said, 'Thank
you. ' Bhe had the same. accent as my grandmother.
It spooked me out. She later
explained that she had come from the same area of Latvia as my grandmother.
It
occurred to me that had my grandparents not left so many years earlier, that
could have been my grandmother sitting there and me or my kids singing in the
nursery school."
For Stern, this visit was a turning point in her life.
"I always meant to go back to work (in the public health field), but I found
a life in this," she said to UJA, which merged in 1986 with the Federation of
Jewish Philanthropies of New York.
The trip to Brighton Beach whet her
•
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, September 12, 1997
appetite, Stern said, and, "with time on my hands," she began taking
mini-missions to see many of the 130 agencies that comprise the UJA-Federation
network. Next year she will be taking her 21st trip to Israel as a co-leader
of the Israel at Fifty Mission for UJA-Federation.
"Once you see what they are doing, you can't help but feel it's what we
should be doing," she said.
"I'm now the UJA poster child in terms of
involvement."
Her involvement with UJA-Federation led her and her husband, Jeffrey, to.be
invited to participate in the three-year intensive course of study of Judaism
sponsored by the Wexner Heritage Foundation.
"The idea of the foundation is to train the next generation of Jewish leaders
to be knowledgeable about their Judaism by training with the finest scholars
from around the world," said Stern.
"It helped me to understand that the work I
was doing in the Jewish community was part of our tradition.
I had always felt
good about helping in the Jewish community, and the studying helped me to
understand that was what being Jewish was all about. My whole life is now
devoted to it."
Stern succeeded.Mady Harman on July 1 as the new chair of UJA-Federation's
Women's Campaign after chairing its Israel Experience program. After promoting
the latter program for four years, Stern said she trufy appreciated its worth
last summer after her oldest son, Michael, 17, went to Israel with the National
Federation of Temple Youth Israel Experience program. They have another son,
Peter, 14, who plans to go on an Israel Experience trip next summer.
"Michael was taken with the study of the traditions ·and prayers in ways he
hadn't appreciated when he had gone to Israel with our family.
Seeing the
impact of this program on my own child was one of the greatest thrills, the
greatest benefits of Jewish involvement."
Stern grew up in a Reform home in East Lansing, Mich., a small Jewish
community. Her father was president of the only synagogue in town and her
mother was national vice president of the Reform movement's Sisterhood.
"We always had Shabbat dinner and went to Friday night services," Stern
recalled.
"I was the child in grammar school who was asked to do the Chanukah
display during the Christmas pageant. And I got razzed by my classmates because
I did not go to school on the (Jewish) holidays."
Stern said she went to a music camp during the summer and found that many the
campers were Jewish, something she said she "enjoyed very much." She also joined
a Jewish sorority at the University of Michigan and years later chaired the
national UJA Young Leadership Cabinet.
Because of her involvement in UJA-Federation over the years, Stern was
invited to fly to Israel on a moment's notice to be on the tarmac for the
arrival of Ethiopian Jews during Operation Solomon in 1991.
She has also been
on the board for the past three years of the American Jewish Joint Distribution
Committee, serves.as a vice president of the Israel Policy Forum and speaks all
over the country for the national United Jewish Appeal .
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, September 12, 1997
Stern said the Women's Campaign adds political clout to UJA-Federation
because it means there are 90,000 contributors and not just the 53,000 who give
to UJA-Federation's general campaign. Couples who give jointly are counted only
once.
"The Women's Campaign puts a face on the other side of the dollar by
educating women as to what UJA is all about," said Stern.
"They then educate
their friends and get their families involved and· in many cases involve their
husbands."
She added that there are "many more women in the workforce today who make
decisions about how they choose to spend their own money.
In addition, the
amount of wealth these women will inherit from their family within the next 10
to 20 years is huge. We believe that educating them and actively involving them
in the campaign will enable them to see the needs of the Jewish community and
support it.
"We want to be inclusive, to let everyone see the extraordinary work of
UJA-Federation.
Our job is to educate; the work we do sells itself.
If more
people take the time to have the kind of experience I did at Brighton Beach,
their commitment to UJA-Federation will grow."
ETHNIC-GROUP: Jewish
LOAD-DATE: February 11, 1998
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LEVEL 1 - 14 OF 16 STORIES
Copyright 1995 SOFTLINE INFORMATION, INC.
The Ethnic NewsWatch
Lilith
December 31, 1995
SECTION: Vol. 20; No. 4; Pg. 4
LENGTH: 261 words
HEADLINE: THE LIONS OF JUDAH ROAR: JEWISH WOMEN. DONORS MEET INSIDE THE BELTWAY
BYLINE: Schneider, Susan Weidman
BODY:
THE LIONS OF JUDAH ROAR: JEWISH WOMEN DONORS MEET INSIDE THE BELTWAY.
The fact that Hillary Rodham Clinton sat spellbound through a long speech by
Rabbi David Hartman of Jerusalem -- and didn't simply arrive at 'the last minute
to address an audience of 1,100 women donors to the United Jewish Appeal -should suggest the power that the "Lion of Judah" women are perceived to have in
Washington.
"Lions" are women who give $5,000 to $50,000 annually to UJA, and
each sports a gold lion brooch as evidence of her contribution.
The Lions, who span the age spectrum, announced at the conference $55 million
in endowments to the UJA, and more than $11 million in contributions to the 1996
Annual Campaign. Take note: In some communities, according to Lion of Judah
Conference Chair Susan Stern, women's contributions make up between one-third
and one-half of all the UJA money raised.
In addition to Hillary Rodham Clinton (who wove into her own remarks several
seamless references to Hartman's speech) and Al Gore, five women senators and a
host of incumbents and fundraisers from both parties came to speak and to pitch
their own political wares. "There are plenty of places they could go to speak to
women with money, like a country club," said the Chicago lawyer sitting next to
me at the banquet dinner one night during the conference. "The reason they're
all making an effort to come here is that these are women with money who also
care about issues. It's not just the money itself, but our willingness to spend
it on causes that are important to us."
ETHNIC-GROUP: Jewish
LOAD-DATE: March 13, 1996
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Copyright 1995 SOFTLINE INFORMATION, INC.
The Ethnic NewsWatch
Jewish Press, The
August 11, 1995
SECTION: Vol. LXXII; No. 50; Pg. 10
LENGTH: 390 words
HEADLINE: Hillary Clinton to address UJA Women's Lion of Judah conference
BODY:
Hillary Clinton to address UJA Women's Lion of Judah conference.
First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton will address the United Jewish Appeal's
National Women's Campaign Lion of Judah Conference in Washington, Sept. 18-20,
Susan K. Stern of New York, Conference Chairman, has announced.
"Today's UJA Women's Campaign consists of women who are committed to their
families, their careers and their communities;" Mrs. Stern said. "We invited
Mrs. Clinton to speak because we believe she represents the continuing effort of
women to balance these roles.
"We. also are intrinsically and deeply committed to the concerns of the Jewish
people, including support for Israel, and Mrs. Clinton has spoken eloquently on
this subject as well."
The UJA Lion of Judah Conference has become a central convention of North
American Jewish women. Lion of Judah members contribute at least $5,000 a year
to the annual campaign of UJA and American Jewish federations. When the first
Lion of Judah Conference was announced for October 1993, only 300 were
anticipated; however, 1,100 from over 80 communities enrolled in the first
weeks.
"We tapped into a deep reservoir of enthusiasm and commitment, beyond our
expectations," said Carole Solomon, UJA Women's Campaign President.
Lois Zoller, Conference Vice Chairman; reported nearly 1,000 women from 100
communities have already registered for the upcoming Conference.
In addition to Mrs. Clinton, speakers will include Alexandra Lebenthal, ·
President of Lebenthal & Co.; Evelyn Lauder, Executive Vice President of Estee'
Lauder, Inc.; Elizabeth Swados, a Broadway choreographer who will adapt her
musical presentation, Bible Women, for Conference participants; all eight women
U.S. senators; and experts on Jewish and lsraeli affairs.
Avraham Burg, newly-elected Chairman of the Jewish Agency, which receives the
majority of UJA/Federation Campaign funds applied overseas, will make a major
address.
Prior to.the Conference, $25,000 and over contributors will meet with U.S .
••
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FOCUS
The Ethnic NewsWatch, August 11, 1995
Attorney General Janet Reno and William Zabel, tax attorney and author.
Betty Kane of Southern New Jersey is Women's Campaign Chairman and Michelle
Rosen of Seattle is Conference fund-raising Chairman.
For more information, telephone Gail Reiss, UJA National Women's Campaign
Director at (212) 880-1275 or fax (212) 338-0030.
ETHNIC~GROUP:
Jewish
LOAD-DATE: October 16, 1995
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LEVEL 1 - 11 OF 16 STORIES
Copyright 1997 SOFTLINE INFORMATION, INC ..
The Ethnic NewsWatch
Jewish Week, The
May 2, 1997
SECTION: Vol. 210; No. 1; Pg. 1
LENGTH: 1380 words
HEADLINE: This Year In Havana: First-ever UJA-Federation mission to Cuba is
transforming experience as New Yorkers witness Jews' struggle to cling to
heritage.
BYLINE: Ain, Stewart
BODY:
This Year In Havana: First-ever UJA-Federation mission to Cuba is transforming
experience as New Yorkers witness Jews' struggle to cling to heritage.
STEWART AIN
Staff Writer
Rabbi Jeffrey Salkin's voice cracked as he recited the familiar words,
year in Jerusalem."
"Next
It was not the words that were different this year, it was the setting -Castro's Cuba. He recited that phrase at three model seders early last month
that were attended by many members of the communist land's nascent Jewish
community.
"In Guantanomo City, I saw a lot of blank stares when I began talking about
Passover," recalled Rabbi Salkin of the Community Synagogue in Port Washington,
.L.I. "A little girl about 10 said she thought she remembered once hearing her
grandfather mention it."
Rabbi Salkin, chairman of UJA-Federation's Long Island rabbinic advisory
council, was part of the 27-member mission to Cuba. The five-day visit was the
first to the island nation sponsored by UJA-Federation of New York. Participants
came away transformed.
"When I had the seders with my own family, they had a new meaning," said
Susan Stern of Scarsdale, chairman of the mission and incoming chair of
UJA-Federation's Women's Campaign. "The power of seeing an American rabbi bless
the children there was indescribable."
Stern found that the estimated 1,500 to 1;800 Jews in Cuba had a "spiritual
richness and a pride in every detail" of their Jewish heritage.
"What they are doing in the community is really extraordinary," she said.
"Their desire to learn everything they can Jewish and to create Jewish life
••
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, May 2, 1997
where there was none is remarkable.
"It was really an extraordinary experienc~ to celebrate Passover with people
who are not truly free in this day and age. It makes you realize all the choices
we have. You come back very changed. I think all of us did."
Michael Luskin of Scarsdale, who traveled to Cuba with his wife, Judith,
pointed out that Cuba's Jews in the main have "rediscovered" their Jewish
heritage only in the past five years, "since (Fidel) Castro relaxed restrictions
on religious practice."
He said representatives of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee
in Cuba have "done a spectacular job working with these people and providing
them the basic tools to rebuild their own communities."
Rabbi Salkin pointed out that Cuba has no rabbi -- only one who visits four
times a year from Mexico. But that has not deterred the island's Jews.
"The laypeople have taken it upon themselves to lead services," he said.
"Many are self-taught. They have taken upon themselves the notion that they have
to be a kingdom of priests. In the church if there is no priest, the church
closes; in the synagogue if there is no rabbi, someone else has to learn how to
be a rabbi."
Luskin said he was impressed with those in their 20s who not only had learned
Hebrew but were conducting classes for the children.
Although there is a ban on American travel ·to Cuba, Luskin said the u.s.
Treasury Department grants exemptions for humanitarian purposes. The mission was
made possible, he said, because "we brought medicine and religious items."
"We took only what we could carry," Luskin said. "We didn't know whether Cuba
would allow us to bring it all in. If I did it ~gain, I wouldn't bring clothing
in my bags, I would only bring medicine."
Luskin explained that the Jewish community at Patranado, the main
Conservative synagogue in Havana, runs a pharmacy from which medicine is
distributed to Jews throughout the island.
The UJA-Federation group also brought 200 Passover Haggadahs in Spanish and
Hebrew, as well as three seder plates and yarmulkes. Stern said she donated
about 75 yarmulkes from her son's bar mitzvah that were made by Jewish women in
Sarajevo.
The Passover items were distributed to the three Jewish communities they
visited -- Havana, Guantanomo City and Santiago de Cuba. At each of the cities,
members of the Jewish community were waiting for them. In Havana, the children
even put on a lS~minute presentation based on the Passover story.
Luskin said he was particularly impressed with the reception the group
received in Guantanomo City, where about 100 people -- about half the entire
Jewish population -- greeted them.
"They have no temple yet, so they greeted us in a community room in a hotel,"
••
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, May 2, 1997
he said. "It was incredibly moving. As we walked in, the kids broke into song."
Dale Kramer of Manhattan, who went on the trip with her husband, Stephen,
sai'd she had been on a UJA-Federation mission to the former Soviet Union in 1987
and another to Ukraine in 1995. Both times, she said, she detected a "tremendous
sense of the people wanting to get out. There was almost a sense of
desperation."
But in Cuba, she said, she found Jews who "just wanted to revitalize the
Jewish community. It was almost more business than emotional. They were looking
for help to help them be Jewish, not to rescue them."
Kramer, 50, said that is something foreign to "our generation, where the
emphasis has always been on rescue. We said to our parents, 'Why didn't you
rescue the Jews of Europe, ' and that is what we 'did. for the Jews of the former·
Soviet Union. Cuba is a country in which Jews only want to be Jewish and to
revitalize their community-- and that is.what made this trip so emotional."
Although there is
people have gone, an
property. It is very
20,000 Cubans a year
no official policy against moving to Israel, and.some
exit f·ee costs $1,000 ahd the emigre must forfeit all
difficult to go to the United States, which admits only
and last year received 450,000 applications.
Stephen Kramer said everyone found the trip "spiritually uplifting."
He said he wanted to go to Cuba because it is an "exotic destination. As it
out, we never saw a beach resort -- we never even saw the beach. But we
met some beautiful people. The Jews who remained after the revolution were
dyed-in-the-wool socialists and communists who had no real reason to leave. But
the system has failed the people very badly."
tur~s
Luskin agreed, saying he found Cuba to be "incredibly impoverished. I can't
blame it all on the U.S. embargo. But not withstanding all the hardships, you
have this group of Jews who are getting together and learning because they want
to. They find it enriches their lives in ways we take for granted. They are part
of the Jewish community because they want to be and they find that Jewish
pratices and observance make their lives better."
Stephen Kramer, former president and now board chairman of the Board of
Jewish Education, recalled meeting a 60-year-old man whose son lives 2S miles
away. But because neither has a car and there is no bus service between the two
cities, "he rarely gets to see his granchildren."
He said they saw few children and believe there is a very low birthrate among
Jews there.
Rabbi Salkin said that when he met two Jewish college students who planned to
be married, the "girl said they did not plan to have any children because they
couldn't bring children into this society."
The rabbi counseled otherwise, saying it would be wrong to "give Hitler a
posthumous victory, and they understood."
Leslie Fastenberg of Old Westbury, L.I., said she found it an "amazing
experience."
•
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, May 2, 1997
She 'recalled eating at "lovely restaurants where Hemingway had hung out. We
paid $40 a meal, which is what most Cubans earn in four months .. That's
staggering. Nationals were not allowed in our hotel rooms; they did not even
like to have them in the lobby."
Stern said that a number of Cubans were invited to join them for their meals
and that invariably they would ask for extra bread, fruit and other food to take
back to their families or friends at the Jewish community center "because they
were not getting ehough of that kind of food."
Mission participants saw no evidence of anti-Semitism; in fact, every Jew
they met wore a Star of David necklace. They also had handmade.Torah covers; in
Santiago they proudly displayed a handmade Israeli flag.
After seeing the support the Jews of Cuba receive from the JDC, a
UJA-Federation beneficiary, Stephen Kramer said it "made you feel good you
supported the campaign."
"If you had any doubts about where your money goes," he added,
definite shot in the arm. •1
ETHNIC.- GROUP: Jewish
LOAD-DATE: September 10, 1997
•
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••
"this was a
�Page 2
FOCUS - 26 OF 36 STORIES
Copyright 1997 Time Inc.
Time
February 10, 1997
SECTION: NATION; Pg. 32
LENGTH: 856 words
HEADLINE: THE GOOD PROVIDER;
ALAN SOLOMONT, THE NEW DEMOCRATIC FUND-RAISING CHIEF, WORKED HARD FOR HIS PARTY.
AND HIS INDUSTRY
BYLINE: MICHAEL WEISSKOPF/WASHINGTON
BODY:
By the standards of last year's high-rolling presidential race, Donna
Shalala's appearance at a Democratic dinner for business executives seemed like
just another effort to lend star quality to one of Bill Clinton's ambitious
fund-raising ventures. But to Alan Solomont, a Massachusetts nursing-home mogul
who was host to the June 3 event in Washington, the Secretary of Health and
Human Services shone brightest of all. A few weeks before the dinner, Solomont
had visited Shalala with a team of lobbyists to press for less stringent
enforcement of nursing-home regulations. Solomont, a leading Democratic fund
raiser and an occasional jogging partner of Clinton's, kept on lobbying
throughout the campaign to win major concessions for his industry over the
objections of consumer advocates. He got much of what he wanted.
Ever since questions were raised about the legality and propriety of
Clinton's fund-raising practices, another big question has hung in the air.
What, besides overnight stays in the Lincoln. Bedroom, did' the large donors get
for their money? Last week, speaking at the first news conference of his second
term, Clinton asserted, "I never made a decision for anybody because they were
contributors of mine." But the story of Solomont--his giving, his lobbying and
his rise to become the Democratic Party's new finance chairman--suggests that at
least one Democrat's generosity might have yielded a policy payoff. It also
suggests to critics that people like Solomont might not be the best suited to
carry out Clinton's solemn promises to, as he said last week, "clean up the
system."
Solomont gave the party$ 160,000 and helped raise$ 1.1 million more from
nursing-home owners. But his most remarkable--and dubious--accomplishment .was
successfully lobbying the President's appointees for regulatory changes while
chairing his party's Business Council of$ 10,000-a-year donors. This is the
same council that handed the Democratic National Committee $ 1 million a week
after Clinton heralded its "reform" era with such new leaders as Solomont.
A nationally recognized expert in elder care, Solomont, 45, is a registered.
nurse who built his ADS Group into one of the largest nursing-home chains in the
•••
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Time, February 10, 1997
Northeast. After supporting Clinton in 1992, he joined Washington's
special-interest pleaders as the new Administration was finalizing nursing-home
regulations that toughened enforcement of quality standards and resident rights.
Solomont says he saw his role as a "bridge' between the provider community and
this Administration." Although health-care bureaucrats knew of his Clinton
ties,
he says, "I didn't approach them as a supporter of the President but as someone
who honestly had something constructive to say."
He approached not only Shalala but also Medicare- and Medicaid-programs
administrator Bruce Vladeck, whose office had written the sharper guidelines and
who offered to consider revisions. Solomont says he was the "impetus" for at
least two meetings with Vladeck and an exchange of letters. In one memo,
Solomont asked Vladeck to review suggested changes: "Put it in your own words
and send it back to us in a letter [to show] our mutual direction." To consumer
advocates such as Toby Edelman of the National Senior Citizens Law Center, "it's
disturbing they had access that ordinary people don't have."
Last month Vladeck loosened state enforcement authority by suggesting that
fines are "most appropriate" for life-threatening offenses. The new guideline
accedes to the industry's demands to make fines the "remedy of last resort." But
Edelman says the guideline ensures that nursing homes will escape responsibility
for the vast majority of offenses--like poor nutrition and lack of privacy--that
do not rise to the level of "most serious" but can dominate nursing-home life.
Another proposed revision that Solomont sought and obtained has added more
hoops to the informal process of resolving disputes between nursing-home owners
and their regulators. Specifically, Vladeck recommended that state authorities
meet face-to-face with nursing-care providers who dispute alleged offenses and
that these discussions be joined by officials who have had no earlier
involvement in the dispute and could thus provide a more "objective" point of
view. Advocates like Edelman who oppose this change in the guidelines say it
adds to the load of hard-pressed state regulators and thus undermines their
ability to enforce the laws.
Vladeck, while acknowledging that industry lobbying was influential, says he
would "comfortably defend each change on its merits." He also notes that the
industry did not get all it asked for. Shalala, who was traveling in Europe,
could not be reached for comment. Solomont, meanwhile, says that with his new
job as finance chairman, the pressure increases "not to create an impression I
was using that role in a way that was self-serving" and "not to be seen as
representing any particular group." But then he adds, "Having said that, I'm not
about to check what I believe in at the door." And in Washington it's a door
that appears to swing both ways.
GRAPHIC: COLOR PHOTO: CHICK HARRITY, MONEY MAN: The President said no decisions
were based on favoritism, but Solomont, right, did get what he wanted [Bill
Clinton and Alan Solomont]
LOAD-DATE:. February 3, 1997
••
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FOCUS - 17 OF 36 STORIES
Copyright 1998 Globe Newspaper Company
The Boston Globe
January 10, 1998, Saturday, City Edition
SECTION: NATIONAL/FOREIGN; Pg. A3
LENGTH: 439 words
HEADLINE: Democrats' money chief to quit post;
Solomont to return to Mass. after helping cut party debt
BYLINE: By Chris Black, Globe Staff
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
Alan Solomont, the Massachusetts businessman who took over as finance
chairman of the debt-ridden Democratic Party a year ago, will resign today after
announcing the party debt has been reduced to $ 9.5 million from $ 15 million.
Solomont, a resident of Weston, said he was resigning to fulfill a family
promise that he end his yearlong commute to Washington.
"My kids are more interested in my service to the family than my service to
the country," he said yesterday. He and his wife Susan have two children, ages 6
and 11.
Solomont acceded to the pleas of Steven Grossman, the Newton businessman who
is chairman of the Democratic National Committee, and took over the finances of
the party at a time when Republicans on Capitol Hill were investigating 1996
fund-raising practices. The intense focus on past fund-raising compounded the
challenge of raising money for the party because it made many wealthy donors
skittish.
In addition to the party's post-election debt of $ 15 million, the DNC also
assumed responsibility for abo~t $ 10 million in legal bills, Solomont said.
At a meeting of the party's executive committee today, it will be announced
that in 1997 the party raised nearly $ 40 million, a record sum for a
post-presidential year.
"It's been a tough year, but we got through it," said Solomont. "We kept the
party alive and prepared for this year. We really turned around people's
confidence in the party."
Democratic Party officials are also completing work on a profit-sharing plan
to split proceeds with state parties from fund-raisers featuring President
Clinton and Vice President Al Gore and other administration officials .
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The Boston Globe, January 10, 1998
The New York Democratic Party chairwoman, Judith Hope, had complained that
Clinton's fund-raising trips to New York were hurting the state party's ability
to raise funds for the 1998 Senate and House races.
The new plan calls for state parties to receive a fixed percentage of the
profits from large fund-raisers.
Solomont has no immediate career plans. His family's nursing home chain has
been sold. He said he intends to remain active in national and state Democratic
Party affairs.
The Democratic National Committee also is expected to announce today that it
is reversing its year-old ban on political contributions from legal permanent
residents, officials said.
Last January, stung by the scandal over foreign contributions to President
Clinton's re-election effort, the DNC announced it would no longer accept
donations from legal immigrants, even though US law permits them. Immigrant
advocates consider the ban an insult to immigrant communities.
LOAD-DATE: January 12, 1998
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FOCUS - 14 OF 36 STORIES
Copyright 199B UMI Inc.;
Copyright P & L Publications Inc. 1998;
Business Dateline;
Boston Business Journal
January 16, 1998
SECTION: Vol 17; No 49; pg 1
LENGTH: 751 words
HEADLINE: ADS founder Solomont to build new. firm
BYLINE: Kristina Brenneman
DATELINE: Newton; MA; US; New England
BODY:
NEWTON--Alan Solomont, the long-term care executive who stepped down last
week as finance chairman of the Democratic Party, said he plans to start a new
company modeled after the Massachusetts elder care company that made him
millions.
.
.
.
The Newton businessman, who built the ADS Group and then sold it a year ago
for$ 105 million to New Jersey-based Multicare Cos., is looking at all
possibilities, including taking the U.S. health care model to Latin America and
other regions of the world. There's some speculation that ADS president Susan
Bailis will join him in the startup.
"We want to do something that will add value to the elder marketplace and
serve the community," said Solomont, who is just beginning to formulate his next
entrepreneurial venture since last week's return from Washington. He resigned a
one-year post with the Democratic National Committee.
Solomont said his party activism will continue. He will serve as co-chair of
former state Sen. Patricia McGovern's finance committee in her 1998 run for
governor.
But with his return to the Boston area, colleagues are curious to hear what
Solomont's next business move will be.
"I don't expect him to sit on the sidelines and not be proactive," said
Thomas Alperin, president at National Development of New England, which
co-developed assisted living projects with ADS. "I look forward to his return."
In December 1996, S9lomont, 46, sold ADS, the group of companies that began
with a family nursing home business in the Merrimack Valley. The sale, to raise
needed capital for ADS expansion, included 22 long-term facilities, 20
hospital-based subacute centers and eight assisted-living facilities. Along with
it went the ADS management business, which invo.lved about a dozen long-term care
facilities.
•
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�Page 3
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Boston Business Journal, January 16, 1998
ADS had revenue of $ 75 million in 1995.
Solomont and Bailis retained ownership in five other assisted-living
communities.
As founder, Solomont
and another $ 8 million
the U.S. Securities and
officer and director to
pocketed an estimated $ 12 million in the Multicare sale
in stock and other options, according to filings with
Exchange Commission. Last March he resigned as an
work in the nation's capital.
"We got good value for what we built," said Solomont.
from it financially."
"We certainly benefited
Within a year of selling ADS, Solomont witnessed its resale last June to the
nationally known Genesis Health Ventures Inc. Genesis plans to expand its .elder
care communities to Massachusetts.
Solomont.remains a consultant for the Kennett Square, Penn.-based Genesis,
earning$ 25,000 a month helping them as they take over the ADS franchise in
Massachusetts.
"They, like we, believe in developing networks of ·elder care and independent
settings for people," he said. "I want .to make sure this franchise we. created
continues."
Solomont, a registered nurse, will also expand his involvement in other
health care issues. He is a trustee for Boston Medical Center and recently
joined the board of overseers of Brandeis University's Heller Graduate School
for Social Policy.
He predicted the location of care will recede as new medical products and
care management changes, and he sees potential in expanding preventative care to
seniors.
Bailis, Solomont's partner for the past 12 years,
long-term care to the forefront.
credite~
him with bringing
"He did more (than anyone else) to elevate long-term care in ·this state in
the eyes of officials, regulators and others," she said. ·"He left the industry
in a stronger position in the public eye, mo:r:e so than any other provider."
Solomont went to Washington as a volunteer at the insistence of Steven
Grossman, a long-time Democratic activist who is now chairman of the Democratic
National Committee. He kept a promise to his family, including his 6 and
11-year-old children, that he'd end the commute after a year, he said .
.'"r really do believe in the role of citizen activist," said Solomont, noting
he helped restore financial health and confidence in the Democratic Party after
last year's campaign finance scandals involving President Clinton's White House
fund raisers. "I did it as a citizen, not as a fund raiser."
The transition is still taking effect at Solomont's Newton office, where a
phone call from U.S. Sen. Bob Kerrey, D~Nebraska, interrupted his interview. A
dozen photographs of the health care executive and the Clintons, U.S. Rep .
••
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Boston Business Journal, January 16, 1998
Richard Gephardt, U.S. Rep. Joseph Kennedy and Vice President Al Gore fill one
wall and cabinet tops.
UMI-ACC-NO: 9853338
LOAD-DATE: February 13, 1998
••
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�Page 2
FOCUS - 5 OF 36 STORIES
The Associated Press State & Local Wire
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
October 26, 1998, Monday, AM cycle
SECTION: National Political
LENGTH: 655 words
HEADLINE: Arizona, Massachusetts initiative seek bold ways to pay for campaigns
BYLINE: By JEAN McMILLAN, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: BOSTON
BODY:
Alan Solomont has teed off with President Clinton on Martha's Vineyard,
slept at the White House and raised almost $ 45 million in a single year for
Democrats. This is a man who knows fund raising.
But after 20 years at the game, Solomont, a former finance chair of the
Democratic National Party, thinks it's time for some new rules. Fund raising
takes too much of candidates' time and breeds cynicism among voters, he said.
"I've raised a lot of soft money in my days, but S<?ft money is not a good
thing," he said of the largely unregulated contributions often funneled into
state campaigns from national party committees.
Solomont is backing an initiative on the Nov. 3 ballot that would provide
substantial public money for political campaigns, a groundbreaking system when
Maine passed it in 1996 and Vermont voted it in last year.
A similar measure is on the ballot in Arizona, and supporters of the
so-called "Clean Elections" laws say initiative campaigns are brewing in
Missouri, Washington and Oregon. Their aim is to get systems in place coast to
coast, then go national.
"If we are ever to win the sweeping reforms needed for federal reform, we
have to mobilize and build an army outside of Washington," said Ellen Miller,
executive director of Public Campaign, a national nonpartisan organization that
works with states on campaign reform measures.
But opponents say the measures won't make it easier for challengers to oust
entrenched incumbents or rid politics of the influence of big money. They also
oppose the diversion of millions of taxpayer dollars each year from education,
health care and other issues into campaigns people may never have supported on
••
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�The Associated Press State & Local Wire, October 26, 1998
Page 3
FOCUS
their own.
People· "want campaign finance reform, they're disgusted that politicians are
selling the Lincoln Bedroom, but they don't want their tax dollars funding
campaigns," said Stephen Roop, chairman of the "No on 2 Committee."
The Arizona measure calls for candidates to develop "seed money" in
increments of $ 100 or less (up to$ 40,000) to prove their viability.
The candidates are then given matching funds, which would be amassed through
a voluntary income tax check-off, an increase in lobbyists' fees and a surcharge
on criminal and civil fines, as well as any donations to the Clean Election fund
for which taxpayers would receive tax credits.
The Massachusetts proposal is similar but requires the Legislature to
appropriate the necessary funds.
Either way, taking public funding is optional. In order to make sure
candidates who participate in public funding aren't penalized, the state would
match whatever money a non-participating candidate raises so the two sides
remain competitive. In other words, campaigns can be just as costly as ever, but
measure supporters say their system removes the taint of fund raising and allows
candidates to concentrate on the issues:
A poll by the University of Massachusetts's McCormack Institute showed 40
percent in favor, 37 percent opposed and the rest undecided.
An Arizona Republic survey indicated more than 50 percent of voters would
probably or definitely back the measure on that ballot, while 14 percent were
definitely or probably going to vote against it. More than 30 percent said they
were undecided.
The Massachusetts measure has some prominent opponents - including acting
Gov. Paul Cellucci, a Republican, and House Speaker Thomas Finneran, the state's
top-ranking Democrat.
Cellucci says he favors a ban on "soft money" but opposes the use of taxpayer
dollars.
Supporters include the state's 12-man congressional delegation, the League of·
Women Voters and a coalition of more than 40 religious leaders.
While Solomont ·supports the measure, he says he isn't sure the public is
ready to kick in tax dollars for campaigns. In the meantime, he'll continue to
raise dough for the Democrats.
"I don't believe one party should uriilaterally disarm," he said.
LOAD-DATE: October 26, 1998.
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FOCUS - 3 OF 73 STORIES
The Associated Press State & Local Wire
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press.
These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
October 19, 2000, Thursday, BC cycle
SECTION: State and Regional; Political News
LENGTH: 758 words
HEADLINE: Big money donors dig deep but keep low profile
BYLINE: By STEVE LeBLANC, Associated Press Writer
DATELINE: BOSTON
BODY:
Goodrich Properties has given nearly $400,000 to political causes since 1996,
but don't ask company president John J. Coleman to explain the generosity.
"What business is that of yours?" said Coleman, of Milton.
Goodrich Properties is one of a number of wealthy,_ low-profile Republican and
Democratic supporters - businesses and individuals - who regularly tap their
accounts to bankroll a raft of political initiatives while rarely stepping out
from behind their fortunes.
Among them are Boston leveraged buyout specialist John W. Childs, who has
given about $1.3 million to the Republican party .since 1996, and John P.
Manning, president of Boston Capital Partners, who has given more than $500,000
to Democrats.
Most of those donations have come in the form of largely unregulated "soft
money" contributions to the national parties. Childs' $500,000 this election
cycle put him among the Republican's top 15 individual donors nationwide.
Why do they give?
Former Democratic National Committee finance chairman Alan Solomorit of Weston
sees his donations as a kind of civic duty.
Solomont has given nearly $600,000 in soft money to the Democrats since 1996.
He also helped organize two recent Massachusetts' 'fundraisers that ·brought in
more than $2 million for the party and presidential candidate Al Gore.
"I have had a great' deal of good fortune in my- life and want to make sure
everyone has the same opportunity," said Solomont .
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire October 19, 2000
Page 6
FOCUS
Others, like former Democratic National Committee Chairman Steve Grossman of
Newton, hope to leverage their political giving into a,political career.
Grossman, who gave about $450,000 in soft money since 1996, is ~unning for
governor.
"The economy of Massachusetts has been good to me and my family. This is one
of the ways I can give back," Grossman said, president of MassEnvelopePlus, an
envelope and graphics company.
Companies are also among the top givers.
Fidelity Investments kicked in more than $240,000,during the 2000 campaign,
bringing its soft money total since 1996 to nearly $500,000, much of it to
Republicans.
"Like many large companies we participate in public affairs by donating,"
Fidelity spokesman Vincent Loporchio said. "We support the democratic process."
Fidelity wasn't alone. Ocean Spray Cranberries, gave abdut $477,000 since
1996. Raytheon Corp. gave $466,000. Both companies contributed to both parties.
Big money donors can skew the political process and deny voters choices,
according to Ken White, of the government watchdog group Common Cause. He
pointed to the Republican presidential primary, which saw several candidates
withdraw early for lack of funds.
Corporations who donate to both Republicans and Democrats are even more
troubling, he said.
"It's a kind of insurance," White said. "They will give to both sides knowing
whichever side wins, their contribution will be remembered."
The giving isn't limited to the national parties.
Richard Egan and Hopkinton-based computer data storage giant EMC Corp., which
he founded, contributed $150,000 to Gov. Paul Cellucci's tax-cutting ballot
question. That's on top of the $255,000 Egan contributed to the Republican
National State Elections Committee this year.
Many top donors don't like to talk about their contributions.
Childs has declined interviews in recent years and did not return two phone
calls this week. Manning and John A. Kaneb, owner of H.P. Hood of Chelsea, also
did not return phone calls.
Ironically, Childs - a top Republican donor - once worked with investor
Thomas H. Lee, who has given about $467,000 to Democrats.
Goodrich Properties is particularly shy, pulling off the astonishing feat of
remaining virtually unknown in a state that thrives on campaign scuttlebutt.
"He wants to keep his name out of the mix," said Robert Matthews of
Cellucci's Tax Rollback Committee, which has received $100,000 from Goodrich
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�.J·, ..
The Associated Press State & Local Wire October 19, 2000
Page 7
FOCUS
Properties.
Coleman, listed as president of Goodrich Properties on documents filed with
the Secretary of State's office, declined comment on the company's donations.
In Federal Election Commission reports, Goodrich Properties lists its address
in care of Choate, Hall & Stewart, a law firm, and BDO Seidman, a Boston
accounting firm.
"We are legally and ethically prohibited from supplying client information,"
said BDO Seidman legal counsel Barbara Taylor.
Goodrich Properties is so low-profile, it was listed by Common Cause among
dozens of "soft money mysteries."
LOAD-DATE: October 20, 2000
•
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Copyright 2000 Globe Newspaper Company
The Boston Globe
December 8, 2000, Friday
SECTION: BUSINESS;
,THIRD EDITION
Pg. D1
LENGTH: 766 words
HEADLINE: BOSTON CAPITAL;
THERE'S A PLACE FOR ANGELS OF HEALTH
BYLINE: BY STEVEN SYRE AND CHARLES STEIN
BODY:
When Alan Solomont sold his Newton-based health care company for $100 million
a few years ago, he was flooded with business plans. That's what happens when
people figure you have money and don't know what to do with it.
Solomont didn't act on the plans right away. He raised money for the
Democratic party - he was finance chairman for the Democratic National Committee
- and he looked at some other medical businesses.
But a year ago, he decided to take the plunge. He gathered some friends,
most of them fellow health-care executives, and formed a group to make.
investments in emerging medical companies.
AngelHealthcare just celebrated its first anniversary. The group, which now
has 33 members, has looked at 100 business plans. It has invested nearly $3
million in six start-ups .. It is too soon to know whether any of them will be
winners, but Solomont has seen enough to convince himself of one thing: There is
a role for a group like his, even in a world awash with investment dollars.
"Venture capitalists won't go in as early as we will," said Solomont in an
interview at his Newton office. The group sees companies at the very earliest
stages. The entrepreneurs typically have raised money from friends and family
and are looking for a few hundred thousand dollars or possibly a million dollars
to get to the next stage.
Solomont•s group has another edge: It has been investing in health care at a
time when the industry has been out of favor. Hospitals are losing money;
nursing homes are going bankrupt; home-health businesses are shutting their
doors.
"In the early '90s real estate was terrible, but if you invested there you
did very well," said Stan Goldstein, another member of the angel group. "Health
care could turn out the same way." Goldstein has been an investor in a range of
medical companies.
••
�Page 3
FOCUS
The Boston Globe, December 8, 2000
Bruce Cerullo, another investor and the president of a large medical-staffing
company based in Malden, makes a similar point.
"Health care isn't going away," said Cerullo. "There are always going to be
attractive niches."
When the group first started, it heard a lot of pitches from aspiring
e-health firms. The angels passed on all of .them. The prices were too high and
the business models didn't make any sense.
What they have invested in is an eclectic mix of companies - a blend of
medical sofware, medical financial services, medical devices, and medical ideas
that don't fit ·into any obvious categories, like Functional Foods, a nutrition
firm based in Belmont. The company has two products - one for diabetes, the
other for weight loss - that will be sold at pharmacies.
Bob Jones, chief executive of Functional Foods, was happy to take the angels'
money. But according to Jones; the investors brought something else to the
table.
"These are all people who made their money in health care," he said. "It is
nice to tap them, not only for their wallets, but for the experience base they
have."
Solomont agrees that the group's connections can be helpful. Not long ago,
for instance, the group heard a proposal from a company that wants to market
loans to pay for stays in assisted-living facilities.
Solomont himself was once a major player in the assisted-living fie1d. The
angels put the founder in touch with a bank and an operator of an
assisted-living company. If the angels do invest, said Solomont, the fledgling
company will be a better bet to succeed.
Entrepreneurs find the group through connections. Someone knows someone who
served on a board of directors with someone else. John Doran, chairman of a
medical-software firm, wound up pitching the angels because someone in his
company knew Chester Black, one ·of the angels, when both were in the ambulance
business.
Doran's company, MedEWeb, got the thumbs-up from the angels. Doran was so
impressed by the group he decided to become a member. A frequent angel investor
on his own, Doran liked the idea of being part of a team.
"This way you get some assurance that your decisions are sensible," said
Doran.
Members of the group are basically free agents. Each person decides for
himself whether he wants to invest in a given deal. Some deals.have attracted
eight to 10 investors; others as many as 17. The typical individual investment
is $25,000 to $50,000.
Solomont thinks the angels are in the right place at the right time.
"People are looking for ways to reshape this industry," he said.
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"It is a
�Page 4.
The Boston Globe, December 8, 2000
FOCUS
terrific time to be looking at innovative ideas."
Steven Syre (617-929-2918) and Charles Stein (617-929-2922) can be reached by
e-mail at boscap£globe.com.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, GLOBE STAFF FILE PHOTO /Alan Solomont and friends formed
AngelHealthcare.
LOAD-DATE: December 8, 2000
••
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�Orit Harel <Oharei@IPForum.org>
0
01/04/200110:41:02AM
0
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP ·
cc:
"J.J" <jacoby@betterorg.com>
Subject: FW: Program of the evening
>Subject:
Program of the evening
>
> Here is the program as of now. I've kept in some of the narrative so
you
.
> know whaty people are saying.
>
> DRAFT - January 4, 2000
>
>
>
> Script for IPF Tribute Dinner- January 7, 2001
>
>
> Debra Wasserman: welcomes everyone and introduces incoming President
of
> IPF, Judith Stern Peck.
>
· > Judith Stern Peck: introduces Cantor Ari Previn to lead in singing of
> National Anthem (and Hatikvah, depending on who is in attendance from
>Israel).
>
>NATIONAL ANTHEM(S)
>
> Judith Stern Peck:
>*
welcomes representatives from U.S. and other governments
>*
thanks key IPF lay & professional leaders
·
>*
thanks Gail Furman for books on children and war
>*
says a few words about IPF (with slides)
>
> Judith Stern Peck Please welcome one of most outspoken supporters of
> Middle East peace on Capitol Hill, a champion of bipartisanship on
foreign
> policy issues, Senator Chuck Hagel
>
>SENATOR HAGEL speaks for 2-3 minutes
>
> Judith Stern Peck asks Linda and Howard Sterling to lead in the Motzi
> (blessing .over bread)
�>
> linda and Howard Sterling recite the Motzi
>
>DINNER SERVED
>
> DURING DINNER- Off stage announcer introduces POTUS and First Lady
>
> DEBRA WASSERMAN introduces the singer, Debbie Friedman, who. will sing
a
> song based on the Talmudic words printed on the invitation fore the
>Dinner:
>
>
It is not for you alone to complete the task
> But neither are you free to desist from it
>
>DEBBIE FRIEDMAN sings Lo Alecha Ha'mlacha Li'gmor
>
> DEBRA WASSERMAN introduces Lesley Stahl (to be written)
>
> LESLEY Stahl opens program (to be written)
>
> LESLEY Stahl introduces Avraham Burg, Speaker of the Knesset
>
> AVRAHAM BURG:
>We gather together in January, during the Hebrew month of Tevet, when
the
> days are the shortest and darkest of the year. Only weeks ago, in the
> face of that gloom, we lit candles of renewal, the nerot of Chanukah.
And
> as each night became darker, we responded by bringing ever more light
into
>the world.
>
> When faced with darkness, we light candles.
>
>We are also the people of the Exodus, believing that freedom and
> transformation are more powerful than complacency; that dreams are
worth
> dreaming even when they seem improbable.
>
> And we are the people who could wander in the desert because we
> fundamentally believed that there is a Promised Land, and that we will
get
>there.
>
>Yet getting there would not be enough. We are called upon to fulfill
the
> visions of prophets who declared, "It will come to pass that all the
> people of the world will come to the Mountain of the Lord," where
"nation
> shall not lift up sword against nation, where war will no longer be
>studied."
>
> We are not passive observers, but passionate participants in seeking
0
�> peace. So the prophet Isaiah declares: I have chosen you, my
covenanted
> people, a light to the nations, to free those who are captured, to
lift up
> those who have fallen down.
>
> We are asked to be partners in transforming the world, one step at a
time,
> even when it feels as if we are sliding backwards.
>
> Lights darken
>
> Video is shown featuring honorees and focusing on America's special
> connection to Israel and the Mideast process
>
> LESLEY Stahl
> We honor tonight the work of. the Israel Policy Forum and four
individuals
>who have uniquely dedicated themselves to the cause of peace and
security.
>They have had the courage to believe that laboring to achieve a peace,
> which protects Israel and brings stability and prosperity to all the
> people of the Middle East, is not only an admirable goal, but also a
> strategic necessity for America and a realistic game plan.
>
> Louis Perlmutter, has served for over 20 years as a senior partner at
> Lazard Freres. He has advised individuals, corporations, educational
> institutions, and foreign policy and human rights organizations. Past
> Chairman of Brandeis University, of the American J.ewish Congress, and
of
> the Executive Committee of the United Nations Association, Lou brings
deep
> insight and organizing experience to IPF. A member of the Council on
> Foreign Relations, the Board of Fellows at Harvard Medical School, and
"" > recipient of the American Jewish Committee's Human Relations Award, he
is
> keenly aware of our responsibility to create a peaceful, secure, and
> healthy world for all human beings. As a board member of the Council
on
> Foreign Relations' US/Middle East Project, Lou has traveled throughout
fue
,
Middle East, meeting with heads of states and foreign ministers. He is
>
a
> tireless advocate of peace and of caring human relations. By his
>activities and commitment, it is clear he embraces the mission of IPF.
>
>LOU PERMUTTER steps forward and accepts his award. (1-2 minutes)
>
> LESLEY Stahl
>Susan Stern, committed Vice-President of IPF, is a shining light of
the
> Jewish world. Relentless campaigner for Israel and the Jewish people,
> mobilizer of Jewish women from all over the world, and relentless
�advocate
> for the needy through her work with the Joint Distribution Committee,
few
·
> men or women have tackled as many complicated tasks in such a wide
range
> of areas as has Susan. In May of 1991, Susan flew to witness
Operation
>Solomon, the rescue mission that brought 14,000 Ethiopian Jews to
Israel.
> It is no wonder that this lover of Israel is such a champion of peace
so
> that all those she has helped bring to Israel can live a full and
fruitful
·
> life there. Recipient of the William Rosenwald Leadership Award, the
AJC
> Human Relations Award, and Past Chair of the Young Leadership Cabinet
and
> Board member of the Pediatric Cancer Foundation, Susan joyously and
> courageously accepts her obligation - and much more - of fulfilling
the
> mission of IPF.
>
>SUSAN STERN steps forward and accepts her award. (1-2 minutes)
>
> LESLEY Stahl
> Alan Solomont is passionate about human life, seeing each human being
as
> an image of God, worthy of infinite dignity and value whose uniqueness
> must be respected. He founded and served as CEO of the A~D-S group,
which
> for twelve years led the way in providing high quality care for the
frail
. > elderly and has now become a new venture to identify and develop new
> innovations in health services and eldercare. His focus on each human
. > being as an image of God also explains his role on the Boards of the
> Jewish Fund for Justice, Jewish Community Housing for the Elderly and
as a
> trustee of the Boston Medical Center. Political activist, Alan served
as
> the National Finance Chair of the Democratic National Committee. And
his
> intelligence and skill are well served at the University if
Massachusetts
>at Lowell and Brandeis University. Alan's passion for human life
gives
>even deeper meaning to the work of IPF, whose mission Alan confirms in
the
> many ways he has accepted the tasks of championing peace.
>
>ALAN SOLOMONT steps forward and accepts his award. (1-2 minutes)
>
> LESLEY Stahl invites Dwayne Andreas to the podium, accompanied by Zev
>Furst
>
�> ZEV FURST
> Peace is not a parochial issue; it links all humans who search for a
> better world, who are committed to building a better world.
Throughout
> his life, Dwayne Andreas has sought to improve the conditions in which
we
> live. As a businessman who eventually became chair and Chief
executive of
> Arche"r Daniels Midland, he has spent much of his life procuring,
> transporting, storing, processing and merchandising agricultural
products
> that feed the world. He oversaw a network that is a significant
processor
> of oilseeds, corn and wheat, cocoa beans, milo, oats, barley and
peanuts.
> Fulfilling the blessing we recite, "hazan et hakol' -- Blessed is the
> source of the Universe who provides food for all, Dwayne Andreas
insured
>that these products get where they needed to go, into the mouths of
hungry
> people. Chairman of President Reagan's Task Force on International
> Private Enterprise, advisor to Presidents Johnson and Nixon, serving
as an
> officer of organizations, from Boys and Girls Club of America to the
us
> Naval Academy Foundation, from the Trilateral Commission to the
Foundation
>for the Commemoration of the United States Constitution, Dwayne
Andreas is
> for us a model of civic engagement, a commitment to improve the
quality of
> life for all human beings. His presence here exemplifies the
universal
> search for peace and security and a healthy Israel and Middle East.
>
>DWAYNE ANDREAS accepts his award (2 sentences)
>
> LESLEY Stahl introduces Israel's Cabinet Minister, Isaac Herzog
>
> ISAAC HERZOG
> I want to say a few words about our prime minister, Ehud Barak. From
the
moment he took office, he has made peace with our neighbors his number
one
>priority. Although he is well aware of the other problems besetting.
our
>country, and is determined to confront them, he has understood that
> achieving peace -- and, even more, the security that peace must bring
>
> is the precondition for creating the Israel of which the founders
dreamed.
>
> Peace was a critical component of our country's founders' vision.
They
�> knew, as Prime Minister Barak knows, that Zionism will only be
fulfilled
> wheri Israel can devote all its resources. to the betterment of its
people,
>when we can reach out to assist our neighbors in peaceful pursuits,
when
> the open hand will replace the closed fist of war.
>
> Peace is the foundation upon which our full potential as a nation and
a
> people will be built. We still do not know when it will be achieved,
but
> we do know this: thanks to Ehud Barak the day when peace is achieved ·
is
> closer than ever before. Despite appearances, and they are often
terrible
> to contemplate, Israelis and Palestinians are inexorably moving toward
> peace --the peace for which Ehud Barak has worked during every hour
he
> has been· prime minister. Undaunted, unbowed, always focused on a
better
>future for Israel and the region.
>
· > Moments before his death, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, joined a
massive
> crowd at a peace rally in Tel Aviv in singing Shir L'shalom, the
anthem
> for peace written over thirty years ago. That song was Rabin's as it
is
> Barak's as it is the anthem for all of us who know that peace will
come
> because it must:
>
> Do not say that the day will come
> Make that day happen
> For it is no dream.
> And from all the street corners
> Call out for peace.
>
>Lights dim
>
>VIDEO GREETINGS FROM PRIME MINISTER BARAK TO PRESIDENT CLINTON (1
minute)
>
>JACK BENDHEIM and MICHAEL SONNENFELDT come to podium
>
> MICHAEL SONNENFELDT:
>*
introduces himself and Jack Bendheim
>*
thanks Lesley Stahl
>*
leads "Declaration of Support" (1-2 minutes, to be written)
>
>JACK BENDHEIM invites President Clinton to the Podium.
>
>PRESIDENT CLINTON comes to the podium
�> (Photos with honorees, etc.)
>
. >JACK BENDHEIM
> Mr. President, in the Jewish tradition, when we see a great leader- a
> king or a president- we say a special prayer. Tonight we have the
great
> honor of saying that prayer in your presence. Would everyone please
>joining in reciting the Prayer for a Great Leader:
>
> Prayer is recited by all, in Hebrew and English.
>
> MICHAEL. SONNEN FELDT presents Scroll to President
>
>PRESIDENT CLINTON speaks.
>
>MICHAEL W. SONNENFELDT closes~program
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
�Orit Harel <Oharei@IPForum.org>
01/04/2001 10:42:21 AM
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP
cc:
"J.J" <jacoby@betterorg.com>
Subject: FW: Words of Wisdom
These is the "theme" of the program. It will also be on the scroll ·
given to
Potus as a gift:
"The day is short and
the work is great...
It is not for you alone
to complete the task
but neither are you free
to desist from it. "
It is from the Book of Avoth (pronounced Ah-vote), Chapter 2
This is the first saying on the scroll/gift:
The world in its entirety is a narrow bridge.
The principle in life is not to be afraid at all.
Here is the text of Shir L'Shalom -- A Song of Peace
Let the sun rise
and shine its light on the morning.
The purest prayer
will not bring us back.
Bitter cries won't awaken
the one whose candle was snuffed out,
who was buried in the dust.
They will not bring him back.
Nobody will raise us up
from the deep dark pit.
Here, neither the joy of victory
nor songs of praise
will belp.
�So only sing a song for peace.
Don't whisper a prayer.
It's better to sing a song for peace,
to sing out loud a song for peace.
Let the sun penetrate
through the flowers.
Don't look backward to the past;
let go Of those who have gone.
Lift up your eyes with hope,
don't gaze through rifle sights.
Sing a song for love.
Don't sing a song for war.
Don't say that the day will come.
Bring that day
because it is not a dream.
And in all the city's squares,
sound a call for peace.
That's why we only sing a song for peace.
Rather than whisper a prayer.
It's better to sing a song for peace,
to sing out loud a song for peace.
�White House Staff
Farewell Reception ·
Saturday, January 6th
2:00pm .
RSVP FORM -- Fax to 66771
SOCIAL OFFICE
Invitee Name:
(as on photo ID) .
TOM
ROSSHIRT
Last
First
Office:
NSC SPEECHWRTTERS
(current or former)
Accept: _ __
DOB:
SS#:
Phone#:
Regret: _ __
MR.
Mr./Ms.
�ebenefits.org: IPF
Page 1 of 1
,
ebenef its.org
Reply Card
Events : Reservations and Information
Aaron Consulting
Company
is proud to be
managing
this benefit event.
Reservations and Information .
Tel +1 (877) 565-1801
Fax + 1 (646) 349-4126
For more information,
or to make
reservations, please
provide your address
or phone number and
click the Send button.
We will contact you
during business hours
to provide any
information you need,
or to take your
reservation.
·M~i
I
J[ PF
Third Tribute Dinner
Special Guest
President William Jefferson Clinton
j
...
L,-.,_-_-_-._.-,-::_:_---:!
__
Phone
Make a Reservation • Invite a Friend
Name
Honoring
Louis Perlmutter
Alan D. Solomont
Susan K. Stem
,,,~-
This information will be
kept strictly
confidential.
.Special Recognition
Dwayne Andreas
January 7, 2000
Reception 6:30p.m. • Dinner 7:30p.m.
Waldorf Astoria
301 Park Avenue
New York City
Black Tie
Tickets: $1,000; $2,500; $5,000
Tables: $10,000; $25,000; $50,000; $100,000
Album of Peace $1,000 - $100,000 (Included with
Journal Table)
Messages:
http :1/www .ebenefits.org/ipf/default.htm
01/03/2001
�"Jonathan.D. Jacoby" <Jacoby@betterorg.com>
01/04/2001 06:42:08 PM
.
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP
cc:
"'debipf@aol.com'" <debipf@aol.com>, "'oharel@ipforum.org"' <oharel@ipforum.org>, "Jonathan D.
Jacoby" <Jacoby@betterorg.com>
Subject: Dignitaries/Members of Congress
Here's the list as of today:
Avraham Burg - Speaker of Israel's Knesset
Isaac Herzog - Secretary of the Israeli Cabinet
General Uzi Dayan, Chairman of Israel's National Security Council, and Mrs.
Dayan·
Ambassador Yehuda Lancry, Permanent Representative of Israel to the UN &
Mrs. Yolanda Lancry
·
Ambassador Alan Pinkas, Consul General of Israel in New York
Yoav Biran.- Deputy Chairman of Israel's National Security Council and
Deputy Director of Foreign Ministry of Israel
Moshe Fuchs, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of Israel
Yehuda Yaakov- Deputy Permanent Representative of Israel to the UN
Karim Haggag, Political Secretary, Embassy of Egypt & Mrs. Soha Haggag
Red a Bebars from the Permanent Mission of the Arab Republic of Egypt to the
UN
Mokhtar Lamani from the Office of the Premanent Observer for the
Organization of the Islamic Conference to the United Nations
Members of Congress:
Representative Gary Ackerman
Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton
Senator Jon S. Corzine
Representative Joseph Crowley
Senator Chuck Hagel
�Representative Maurice Hinchey
Representative Sheila Jackson Lee
Representative Sander M. Levin
Representative Nita Lowey,
Representative Carolyn Maloney
·Representative Jerrold Nadler
Senator Bill Nelson
Representative Major R. Owens
Senator Charles Schumer
Senator Robert Torricelli
Representative Anthony Weiner
Former Senator Frank Lautenberg
Former Representative Sam Gejdenson
�...
...
Register.com- Domain Name Registration Services
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© 1995-2001 by register.comrM. Please read our Disclaimer. Privacy Notice, Services
Agreement, & Dis[!ute Policy_.
Claims Pursuant to 17 U.S.C. § 512(c)(2). UDRP Decisions.
https://secure.register.com/email/cpstep5.cgi
01/04/2001
�_:_
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Israeli Policy Forum [2]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
Source
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-009-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7337ddde01d6082375f35b197829f98d.pdf
501f1b3e6d8365f0625f8ae29d9f84ee
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
'
.
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Medal of Honor
c
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
Section: . Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
3
v
8
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·II
RECOGNIZING AWARD. OF MEDAL OF HONOR TO PRESIDENT THEODORE
ROOSEVELT -- (House of Representatives - June 13, 2000) .
:
. .
. [Page', H4329]
/72 ~ o..L_
.GPO's PDF
Cj ~3~ ~iiia--:-
. --- ·
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr.
BUYER) is recognized for 5 minutes.
_· Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker,·! ri'se today to bring attention to a great man, a man of immense stature to
· the history of this Natiilll;_a~trgng, moral .family man and a visio
ationist, a man who
'st-ingui"sl1e"~selfin peace
and who. would_~t t e age of 43 b . m e th····_e .fi.Irst great .
__
_
eddy" ~~.§1S,:¥~.
American ·voice of the 20th century.and f26th Preside -
anam-w,
--------
...
.
'
./
.
My esteemed colleague the gentleman from New York (Mr. LAZIO) initially brought this case to my :
attention in 1997. As chairman of the House
[Page.: H4330]
GPO's PDF
Col11111ittee on Armed Services' Subcommittee on Military Personnel, I worked with the gentleman from
New York and former Pennsylvania Representative Paul McHale, the
tatives .
.of the Theodore :§!~5~~~ Association, authors and historians
1
···
.
· e-a'waJrae,a. .uie ... _.'"'._.,....
crusade has been to ee-tfianhen.e- nel T
posthumously for onspicuous allan at the
· · ., · Juan
War.
1_
·•
On July 1st of 1898, Colonel ~~~~ft led the.First United States \(Qi;~te;])aval Re iment, the
Rough Riders, intq action alongs!cfe'"'""".Affily regulars at s·an Juan Heightsdutsid antia o, Cu a.- 'ring
the battle, the Rough Riders encountered a regular Army unit that was reluctant to pre
e a ack.
~9:g~~~~f,~ boomed, ''.Step aside and .let iny men. through," then l?roceeded .t~ lead hi.s men t~ough a .hail
of .. '{- unfire dunng.t~e assault up Kettle Hill, one oftwo hills compnsmgS~ Ju~n H~Ights~
I adershi
as so com ellm that man
Arm officers and men fe m lme With the Rough
~
~
14wJf-.,~ f-c-rt·
'
. Mr .. Spea~er, Colo~el[Blq~,§.S'ii~~l]l;~ her.oic ~erfo~a_nce on that day is well do mented, b'ut I believe it
IS enhghtenmg to review some o(the histoncal details: _ _ _- ' - · - - - - - - -
~"§:R~~Y.~lt.~.~
~
. ,,
-~d
.(.· · Number one.
actions demonstrated
disregard for his own safety
were ·
consistent with th.e actions ofthose that were awarded the Medal of Honor during the Spanish American
\ war. Of the 22 officers and soldiers who were awarded the Medal of Honor that day, 21 received it
\ bec~use they gave u,e,.~~~~r ~~d expose~ themselves to enemy fire. Once the ord~r to att~ck was
\received, Col.onel ~28a~,~~~~Jl mounted his hor.se and·rode. up and down the ranks It;I full_v~ew of enemy
gunners. Dunng the final assault on Kettle Hill hereniamed on horseback, exposmg him to the
withering fire ofthe enemy.
· unary expo.sure to enem
as tpe criteria for award ofthe Medal,
hen Colonel ~{iq~~¥~·clearly cee s e s an ar . ·
.
1 of2
'
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.·;
.,..
Yet despite the preponderance of evidence and the endorsement by these two Medal of Honor
awardees, the War Department never acted upon their recommendation. I believe there is credible
evidence that politics, not an honest assessment of Colonel ~p;~~''§'~l.tti~ valor, was the prime reason the
recommendation for the Medal of Honor was never approve([ Tlie":NtcKinley administration's fear of.a
~.~'~\:\§ll
yellow fever epidemic rom ted the· .
'
.
. · ·
P!!. 1c y · 1c1ze . ee mg to quickly defuse the issue, the McKinley admimstratwn reversed course
·
and brought i!Wtroops home. Thethen Secretary of War, Russell Alger, resented the &ublic
an ~eights Teddy
embarrassment that he received as aresult ofthe cnticism from the hero ofS
~ . :;g,9,~.:~~~..; > ae
g re or s o su s
1a e w y . -~-- .~coration was disapproved at the time, I believe
~deny T~ddy ~~~,2'~ the Medal of Honor
tliat .sec et~ Al r ~ad tl).e..~p_ponumr-•
by s1m . ·
:not-actmg <kit.
_ .
·
·
... .
m:
'
Mr. Speaker, the Medal of Honor is this Nation's highest military award for bravery in combat. Since
1863, more than 3,400 extraordinary Americans have been awarded the Medal of Honor by the President
· in the name of the Congress. President Theodore ~~~.~¥~1tlS. name would be an honorable and
noteworthy addition to this most hallowed of lists. His -raw courage and the fearless, bold decisiveness
that he demonstrated while leading his Rough Riders up Kettle Hill on horseback altered the course of
the battle, savep American lives and epitomized the selfless service of all Medal of Honor awardees._
On February 22, Secretary of Defense William Cohen forwarded a memorandum to President Clinton
recommending that Theodore ~g~,S;¥.¢1] be posthumously awarded the Medal ofHonor. I join the
gentleman from New York (Mr. [AZIO) and former Representative Paul McHale in commending the
· Department ofDefense for following the lead of Congress by choosing to acknowledge President
~'g,Q,~~~.l!!§ heroic. leadership and courage under fire during the Spanish American War. He will join 109
otlier soloiers, sailors and Marines who were awarded the Medal of Honor for their actions during that
conflict.
However, it troubles me that for some inexplicable reason that President Clinton has delayed acting
upon Secretary Cohen's recommendation. I urge President Clinton to announce the award now.
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·Representatives
[Page:
H4330].
GPO's PDF
a
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from New York (Mr.
LAZIO) is recognized for 5 minutes.
··
... Mr. LAZIO. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman frorri Indiana. : ·
Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend Congress for its'work to secure the Medal of Honor for Teddy
lm~[~~ . W.. e.~.~~~ attempte~ \0 right a histo,ncaf wron81\nd we h~ve come to le~ J?Ore about why
Tlieoaore ~~g!~i'!:~1~ was one of our greatest histoncal figures. He displayed the quahtles of a great
.
oral purp.ose. His
leader: courage,"'cunning, intellect, boldness an~ charisma all fou
courage and the enthus~asm that his courage generated motivate his Rough Riders n the battlefield at
~njuan Heights}mdinspired a generation of Americans as they emerge
om t e chaos ofthe late·
flfcentury. .
.
·
· . ·
.
· .
Mr. Clinton; we urge you to avoid further delay and expeditiously award. the Medal ofHonor to
Colonel Theodore !R:o0seven .
:·.
~~01~llfl~! .!liJ;).~.~iJ!:ir~iJ~~
'
.·
.
.
Mr. LAZIO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Indiana; and I want to begin by acknowledging
his terrific work in.terms ofbringing this issue to the forefront of this Congress and all of his partnership
with me· in these last 3 years as we have been fighting for this sense of justice. People say why do we
.
earned it I
·care about giving heodore R:oO''S~'\iP.~~ the Con ressional
think it comes down to simple JUStice. he fact IS that Theodore (Kq,~~~·~")@~ is one of our greatest
Americans. His face appears on Mount Rushmore. He has been lffiown as one of America's greatest
Presidents. Before that, he was a Governor of the State of New York. He was a great conser-vationist and
a reformer.
·
·
·l Time : · 2 3 : 4 o J
He was the afchitect of the modem Na"Va~d in,many waYs hel~ape American· foreign policf as we ·
o
entered the global age. But it is for none those reasons that Theodore ~§g:~~~ deser-ves the
Congressional Medal of Honor. It is forthe facts that the gentleman from~Iiiaian~ (Mr. BUYER) has laid
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out.
[Page: H4331]
GPO's PDF
On that day, o Jul 1 of 1898, hen"a vohmWJE Lieutenant Co~l Theodore !:<?:9~:~~!~ led his men
up a hill, a strategic hi to.secure that highgroun .which saved many American lives tliat oay, and
contrary to public belief, a popular belief the Rough Riders, who Lieutenant Colonel led, went forward
that day without their horses as dismounted infantry and they faced an enemy much better positioned
than the Spaniards in securing the high ground. They faced· an enemy with munitions and with arms far
superior to that which they had, including machine guns, which were only a few years later in World
War I create such mass destruction; but even at that point in 1898, these guns were trained down ori
them.
--=Alongside ~.~§:§~~Jl and ·his R~ugh Riders advan~ed the 9th and· 1Oth colored Cav~lry Regiments, the
Buffalo Soldiers of the Indian Wars. And I will say to the gentleman· from Indiana (Mr. BUYER),
to all of those in the Chamber, the Spanish bullets respected neither race nor social rank. In the end the
blood was American.
·
·
fa~ed
Up the steep hill, the Rough Riders climbed facing a withering fire from the trenches blow up the steep
hill, climbed with men from the rear ranks taken the place of the fallen, up that steep hill they climbed
led by their bespectacled, mustached leader, Colonel ~!~ .
/
()
· In placing themselves in dire d~nger, ~§;~YelB ~nimate~ his men to move towardsth~trenches tha_t
belched the venomous fire.- By his leadersliip, fiy dmt of his personal ex~mple, ~g,g~~~rri~!~ propelled his
troops to capture the Spamsh defenses. f th
men who started to chmb tha hill that da 89 were
killed or wounded. One of those wounded s ColoneliRoosev;e ·:1 .
r•
..
..::~:a! :'!~ilil'~r' ,.;,";.:'11'1~1, 1.,
And I would say to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. BUYER), who has served our Nation in uniform
and I have great respect and admiration for him because of that, there is no greater service than I think an
American can render to put his life on the line and cause freedom in America's interests.
Now is a time to correct that record to see that justice is done and for President Clinton to give him his
due, the Congressional Medal of Honor. We call upon the President to do that. .
.
. Mr. Speaker, I would like to include in the RECORD a part ofthat brief, ifl can, which documents
the historical record.
0
he Award ofthe Congressional-Medal
Congressman Rick Lazio submitted the folio
ofHonor for President Theodore R'oose:Vert o September 9 ' 1997
~ ~li i.l':i;';,t:,·~ili JI.i.U .liJ:Ilili;~~
I.
.
Theodore ~~~¥~1~ Deserves the Medal of Honor
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.
'
anlerica's emergence as a world pow;:wextricably entwined in this coming of age o~ the world stage
lsthe history and efforts of President Theodore ~~~9"§,~;¥~J].
.·
.
·
~~,9§]2~~~, as the leader of the First Volunteer Caval Re ·
own more commonly as the
Rough Riders, played a significant and heroic role i
e victory in Cuba
is victory catapulted both
~~~~~~.~and the United States onto the world stage an
e eventual·position ofleadership we enjoy
today.
·
I
·
·
•
•
The focus here is not on Theodore i&oose~~lt , leader. of the
· ers and his gallant charges to
secure the San Juan Heights. Theodore ~Bi.Q:g§~~,~l] w. unjustly overlooked r the Congressional Medal
ofHonor. His application, when taken in the context
ar m
enca's highest military honor at
that time, warranted more serious consideration than it was given. Many attribute this oversight to
political squabbles of the times as well as prejudice in favor of the reg~lar army regiments. The
· ·
Centennial of this historic effort is an appropriate time to correct this injustic~.
~'''·•fill'hil::qm~(''lii!;~'l•·:t...:.
·
NARRATIVE
I
Thedore ~&:~:~::b~~J~§ service in the.Spanish Americ~ War b~gan with an offer of a commission from
tcommanded by
.
ard
Secretary of War Russell Alger as Lieutenant Colonel I
Wood in April. of 1898 after the United States decl ed war on S ai
troactive A ril 2 1', 1898.
·egiment was designated the 1st United States Volun
ry. However, they qmc y ecame more
commonly known as the ''Rough Riders." The regiment was made of volunteers from all walks of life
and all Classes of Americans. The out'fit was considered to be unpolished and undisciplined. Much effort
w_as required to reform the Rough Riders into a quality fighting'unit. The Rough Riders were later sent
t ' ampa and on June·3, 1898 arrived to be joined with other Cavalry regiments to form a division under ·
the command of Major General Joseph Wheeler. The division belonged to the 5th'Corps, commanded by
Major General William R. Shafter, a Medal of Honor recipient and veteran of the Civil War.
On June 22, 1898, the Rough Riders .landed in Cuba on the outskirts_ pf Santiago after little resistance
but a difficult voyage. The unit soon moved out in the campaign to capture Santiago. Soon after
begi:t?J1ing the campaign, the regiment encountered resistance .from the Spanish AI:my. The regiment
suffered several ~asualties including eight killed in a battle to secure a blockhouse. By June 30 the
·
plannin'g for the assault on Santiago began in earnest.
'
.
The battle was to begin: with an assault on El Caney, a village on the outskirts of the SanJuan Heights
and in Close proximity to the Camino Real, the principal route to Santiago. The assault would be made
·by the regular infantry under the command of Brigadier General H.W. Lawton and supported by an
artillery barrage from a battery under the command of Captain AllynK., Capron Sr. The rest of the army
would take up positions in the.jungle in front ofthe SanJuan Heights. The plan wasto capture El Caney .
and then directly assault the San J).lan Heights. ·
·
·
On the morning of July 1, 1898, the arrn:y: began its attack on El Caney. The barrage was ineffectual .
and inspired return fire'frorh the Spanish ... Several men were killed .and many others wounded, including
a ~ild wound to C?lonel ~~~ . General. Sha±:ter, wh~ ~as aJso'ill, issued orders thr<:>ugh ·his
adjutant, Colonel McClernand for the army to get mto position to attack the San Juan Heights as planned
without waiting for El Caney to be captured. The force deployed as directed and quickly came under fire
from the Spanish forces entrenched on the slopinghills overlooking them. The Roufh Riders positioned
themselves near. the San Juan River at the foot of a hill that later became krlown as ettle Hill because of
· the b oc ouse an sugar refining kett e ound there. T .
the other units 1t a move
supp.ort quickly fac~d severe enemy artillery.fire using many to pani~. ~,"!!l>J,~~;~ walked u~ and down
.
er an rece1v1qg a~ much protection as
the hne ofRough R1ders to ensure that they were
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possible. :rhe Rough Riders were taking heavy casualties as they waited for orders to engage the
Spanish.
·
·
After many hours of waiting ard taking heavy casualties, l8!£:!1r.~~r~ finaiiy received the order to ·
advance on Kettle Hill in support of the Regular Cavalry. The Rough Riders soon reached the Ninth
Cavalry'. The Ninth's senior officers were reluctant to advance so lB,i~~~~~ItJ...~.d the Rough Riders passed
them: Many junior officers and enlisted men of the Ninth then followe(f~0P§.~!£ and the Rough Riders
up the hill.~<!~§~~~!~ ~as at the_forefront of the charge up _the hill and thro~gli a barbe~ wire fence to the
crest of the liill all while under constant fire from the Spamsh. After captunng Kettle Hill, ~~~~~~¥.~~~
turned his attention to San Juan Hill to the left. After viewing the approaching infantry under lieavy fire
from San. Juan I;Iill, ~~~~-~~]began an assault ori San Juan Hill from Kettle ~ill. Initially, ~~~,~~~.~~~
· Rough Riders did not near tlie order, but later followed .after some further urgmg from lB:~~~~U . In tfie
char~e, ~8~F!&~l~ perspnally_ dispatched~- Spaniard with a shot from his revolver. The Regimerii then
.
·· · _
.. ·
. dug m and prepared for the siege of Santiago.
ARGUMENT FOR PRESENTING THE MEDAL OF HONOR TO THEODORE iBiG>:~SJ3¥:'1SEJ:i
BASED ON THE FIRST-HAND ACCO~TS OF HIS PEERS
.
~-"~..............~'"""··"'"~
.f The case of Lieutenant Colonel rBgP,~~i!{,~{l warrant ~e~cgo~ns~i~~~~~~2!_~
. Under the. l)epartment ofPefense Manual ofM.iJita.cy-I>ecorati_ons_~_Awards, the case of Theodore
~~.9~.S~fl Clearly fits under either section 3@3bof&eJezulationsregatding the medal of honor.
, 3a. The remaining bases for recqnsideration. ar9nstanc~ in which a Service Secret~ or the Secretary
of Defense determine~ that there is evidence ~terial..-) · _
·, .·
·
.
[Page: H4332]
GPO's PDF
-~~~in 'the original processi~g of or decision on a n:icommendation for award of the
~
·.·
..
3b. All other instances of rec'onsiderati.on shall be limited to th~se in which the formal
recommendation was submitted within statutory time limits, the recommendation was lost or
.
inadvertently not acted upon, and when these facts are conclusively established by the respective Service
Secretary or other official delegate~ appropriate authority ..
The situation regarding \Bi.8J2;~~~~¥!.~-ll i_s unclear. It is clear that the first application lacked specific details.·
reapply m more detail. Several letters previously cite~ attest to his acts on
e fielo o
ly 1, 1898 .
~0:~::::~~~
·
.ad. r.'he Secretary of War'spersonal bias against ~~~.~E£1£ prevented rf£~~Si£!jfrom receiving the
me a1
.
.
.
· ·
·
·
·
.. ,
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~-·~-·
b. A bias against. the volunteer regiments may have prevented ~qps,?;;]?,ll and others from receiving the
Medal of Honor
· .
···.
.
~;ec;om:kl spected reason for not awarding the medal to l!r~AA§l~ i ·an inherent bias againsft
volunt
his war. Only Captain Albert Mills, Assistant Adjutant Genera . .
ers, received
· _ edal of Honor and it was not given to him until well after most of the other that received medals for ·
their actions in the Spanish American War. Mills received the award for distinguished gallantry and
bravery for encouraging those near him even though he had been severely wounded. While there is no
direct evidence of bias, an inference may be dravyn by the empirical data derived from the document. If
such an inference is drawn, this would constitute an impropriety under the rules for reconsideration. The
Secretary would clearly have the authority to reconsider ~:::~~:~11~ for the Medal ofHon9r.
c. The lack of a report on ~~?f~iRill£i~~ denial or other documents relating to the denial constitutes
''material error" or ''an inadvertent Joss or failure to act upon" warranting reconsideration by the
Secretary
· ·
·
The inability t.o rec~ver rec~rd~ of the actual consideration ?f~~§;~~~~ for !he ~edal ofHon
warrants reconsideratiOn at this time. Many documents attestmg to ~<~1!:;?,1;>~~-~Hl~ ment have bee
· · en
n , including the Congres'si'onafLiaison Office, ha failed
· : The absence. of such records ~nd anyexp~an.ation o er.
produce r~cords ?f~~'Ter~:~ . ·
ered at this time. The
· '00serV;elt dictate that this case b
interests of justice have compelled ne
members of Co
onso
i
ecific to this .
case. The bill has been held up due to the ana
e awards branch that a formal request for
reconsideration is most appropriate prior to the submission of a bill by the House of Representatives.
The interests of justice should also provide the impetus for an official review by the Secretary. This
request is in fact submitted in an effort to comply with the reasonable request of the Department.
IW~ii:if~~-"~ 1 ·~
11 Standard for awarding the Medal of Honor
- "The Medal of Honor is awarded by the President in the name ofCongress to a person who, while a.
member ofthe Army, distinguishes himself or herself conspicuously by gallantry and. intrepidity at the
risk ofhis or her life above and beyond the call of duty while engaged in an action ag~inst an enemy of
th<;: United States;· while engaged in mi.litary operations involving conflict with an opposing. foreign force
..... "Furthermore, ''The deed performed must have been one of personal bravery or self-sacrifice so
conspicuous as to clearly distinguish the individual above his comrades and must have involved risk of
life."
·
It is self-evide~tand uncontestable that Theod~re ~§,~[~'¥Jill was eQ.gag.ed in an action against an
enemy of the Umted States. Therefore, the remamder oftliis argument will focus on the first hand
evidence as preserved in the National Archives, the conspicuous and gallant nature of the act, and the
risk to ~o·oseveit~s life. .
·
·
li,">Q"I',
..
"j•"{wi):I'Dr"ll"'!\li:!J.fu!l
a. Then Lieutenant Colonel Theodore W.£!~~.ill~ acts were witnessed alJ.d attested to by many
Source rriateriai regarding this matter can be found in the United States Archives. Copies of original
materials are attached to this document as exhibits for the convenience of the Department he re · d
letters
·
o_ the deed are also part of the exhibits. The number of letters exceed the o required
·
sonal ace~. )
Included among the exhibits are letters from Maxwell Keyes, 1st Lieutenant and Adjutant U.S.
Volunteers (Exhibit 1), RobertHowze, 1st Lieutenant, 6th U.S. Cavalry (Exhibit 2); M.J. Jenkins,
Major, 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry (Exhibit 3), Trooper W.J. McCann, Troop B, 1st U.S. Volunteer
Cavalry (Exhibit 8), Captain c;.J. Stevens, 2nd U.S. Cavalry (Exhibit 9), Colonel Leonard Wood, Major
General Joseph Wheeler, and Major General William Shaft_er, U.S:Volunteers (Exhibit 10), Major
General Leonard Wood, U.S. Volunteers (Exhibit 11) and Colonel A.L. Mills, Brigade Adjutant General
and later Superintendent ofthe United States Military. Academy at West Point (Exhibit 12).
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21 Congressional Record articles from the 105.th Co~gress ranked by relevance on"#OR (#l(H.R.
2263) #l(H. R. 2263)) ".
.
21 articles containing your phrase exactly as entered.
Listing of 21 articles contai~ing your phrase exactly as entered.
1 . AUTHORIZING AWARD OF CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR TO THEODORE
ROOSEVELT (House.ofRepresentatives- October 08, 1998)
·
2 . AWARDING THE MEDAL OF HONOR POSTHUMOUSLY TO THEODORE ROOSEVELT
(Senate - October 21, 1998)
3 . ANNOUNCEMENT OF BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS TO BE CONSIDERED UNDER
·sUSPENSION OFTHE RULES ON THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1998 (House ofRepresentativesOctober 07, 1998)
4 . AUTHORIZING AWARD OF CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR TO THEODORE
ROOSEVELT-- HON. WILLIAM (BILL) CLAY (Extension ofRemarks- October 11, 1998)
5. ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED AFTER SINE DIE ADJOURNMENT (House of RepresentativesNovember 12, 1998)
6. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS House ofRe resentatives- October 07, 1998
7. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS (House of Representatives- Ju y 28, 1997)
8 . BILLS, JOINT RESOLUTION AND CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS PRESENTED TO THE
PRESIDENT AFTER SINE DIE ADJOURNMENT (House ofRepresentatives- November 12, 1998)
9. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS (House ofRepresentatives- October 29, 1997)
10. MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE House ofRe resentatives- October 21, 1998
11. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS House ofRe resentatlves- A n 30, 1998
12. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS (House of Representatives- Fe ruary 03, 1998)
13. MESSAGES FROM THE HOUSE (Senate- October 09, 1998)
14 . MESSAGES FROM THE HOUSERECEIVED SUBSEQUENT TO SINE DIE ADJOURNMENT
(Senate- November 12, 1998)
·
15. PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS (House of Representatives- July 25, 1997)
16. AUTHORIZING AWARD OF CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR TO THEODORE
.
ROOSEVELT (HouseofRepresentatives- October 08; 1998)
17. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS House ofRe resentatives.,. November07, 1997
· 18. ADDITIONAL SPONSORS (House ofRepresentatlves- Septem er 03, 1997)
19. Daily Digest- Wednesday, October 21, 1998
20 . Daily Digest - Thursday, October 8, 1998
21. Daily Digest- Wednesday, October 7, 1998
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Bili Summary & Status for the iOSth Congress
ItemlO of24
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H.R.2263
Public taw: 105-371 (11/12/98)
SPONSOR: Rep McHale (introduced 07/25/97)
Jump to: Titles, Status, Committees, Amendments, Cosponsors, Sunimary
TITLE(S):
._
... ,·.
• OFFICIAL TITLEAS.INTRODUCED:
.
·A bill to authorize and request the President to award the congressional Medal of Honor
posthumously to Theodo.re Roosevelt for his gallant and heroic actions in the attack on San Juan
·
· ·
Heights, Cuba, during t~e Spanish-American War.
STATUS: Floor Actions
11/12/98 Public Law 105-371
.
11/02/98 Measure presented to President (11/12/98 CR H11708)
11/02/98 Enrolled Measure signed in Senate (11/12/98 CR S 12984)
11/02/98 Enrolled Measure signed in House (11112/98 CR H11707) ·
10/21198 Mell;sure passed Senate (CR S12918)
10/21/98 Measure considered in Senate (CRS12916-12918)
10/21/98 Measure called up by unanimous consent m Senate (CR S12916)
10/08/98 Measure passed House (CR H10149)
10/08/98 Measure considered in House (CR H10121-10126, H10149)
10/08/98 Measure called up under.motion to suspend rules and pass m House (CR H10121)
STATUS: DetailedLegislative Status
· ·.. House Actions
Jul25,97:
.
· .
.
..
. Referred to the House.Committee on National Security..
Aug 28,97: ·
·Referred to the Subcommittee on,Military Personnel.
· Sep 28,'98:.
.· .
·
Subcommittee Hearings Held.
Oct8, 98:
Called up by House under suspension of the rules.
Considered by House as unfinished business.
· Passed House by voice vote.
Senate Actions
Oct 9, 98:
Rec.eived in the Senate, read twice.
Oct 21,98:
Passed Senate without amendment by Unanimous Consent.·
Message on Senate action sent to the House.
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Bill Surrmuu;i & Status
.Executive Actions
Oct 21,98: ·
Cleared for White House.·
Nov 2, 98:
Presented to President.
.
Nov·12, 9.8:
Became Public Law No: 105~371.
Signed by President.
STATUS: Congressional Record Page References .
10/08/98 Full text of Measure as passed Ho~s~ printed (CR fil 0121) .
COMMITTEE(S):
•. COMMITTEE(S) OF REFERRAL: .
House National Security · ·.,
• SUBCOMMITTEE(S): .
· Hsc Military Personnel
.
('
.
AMENDMENT(S):
***NONE***
COSPONSORS(l62):
Rep Cunningham - 07/25/97
Rep King - O?125197
Rep Bo.ehlert - 07 /'l5/97
Rep Davis, T. - 07/25/97
Rep Mcinnis - 07/25/97
Rep Sisisky - (n/25197
Rep Watts - 07/25/97
· Rep Ehrlich - 07125_197 ·
Rep Mascara - 07/25/97
Rep Buyer - 07/25/97
Rep Frost - 07/25/97 ·
Rep Weller - 07/25/97
Rep Talent - 07/25/97
Rep Kelly - 07/25/97 ·
Rep Burtori - 07125197
Rep Klink- 07/2519?
Rep Fox- 07/25/97
Rep Ackerman - 07/25/97
Rep McDade - 07/25/97 ·
Rep Gibbons - 07/25/97
Rep Brown, C. -.07/25/97
Rep Skelton - 07l'i5197
Rep Hom - 07/25/97 .
.Rep ·Pomeroy - 07/25/97
Rep Weldon, C. - 07/25/97
. Rep Taylor, G.- 07/25/97
Rep Pallone - 07(25197 .
Rep Spratt - 07125197.
Rep Clayton - .07125197.
. Rep Holden - 07/25/97
Rep Weldon, D.- 07/25/97
Rep Emerson ~ 07/25/97
Rep Dooley - 07/25/97
Rep Quinn- 07/25/97
· Rep Skeen - 07/25/97
.Rep Schaffer - 07/25/97
· Rep Poshard - 07/25/97
.
Rep Smith, Adam·- 07/25/97
'1''
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· Rep Hinchey - 07/25/97
Rep Hall,·R.- 07/25/97
Rep Olver- 07/25/97
Rep Maloney, C. - 07/25/97
Rep Hefner - 07/25/97
Rep Gilman - 0712519?
Rep Borski - 07/25/97
Rep Goode - 07 /25/97'
Rep Reyes - 07/25/97
Rep Abercrombie - 07/25/97
Rep Jones- 07/25/97
Rep GilChrest - 07/25/97
Rep Kennedy, P. - 07/25/97 .· · Rep Chenoweth - 07/25/97 ·
Rep Blagojevich- 07/25/97
Rep Clyburn- 07/25/97
Rep Wamp- 07/25/97
Rep Blunt- 07/25/97
·Rep Cramer - 07/25/97
Rep Baldacci - 07/25/97
Rep Farr- 07/25/97
. Rep Ney - 07/25/97
Rep Goss - 07/25/97
Rep Harman - 07/25/97
Rep Sandlin - 07/25/97
Rep Bass - 07/25/97
Rep Turner - 07/25/97
Rep Weygand - 07/25/97
Rep Pastor '" 07/25/97
Rep Foley- 07/25/97
Rep Calvert - 07/25/97
Rep Coble - 07/25/97
· Rep Bateman - 07/25/97
Rep Istook - 07/25/97 ..
Rep Mcintyre - 07/25/97
Rep Neumann - 07/25/97
Rep Goodling - 07/25/97
Rep Walsh - 07/25/97
Rep Fattah - 07/25/97
Rep Petri - 07/25/97
Rep ·McNulty - 07/25/97
Rep Thurman - 07/25/97
Rep Murtha - 07/25/97
Rep Condit - 07/25/97
Rep McKeon - 07/25/97
Rep Lipinski - 07/25/97
Rep Bono, Sonny - 07/25/97
Rep Hinojosa - 07/25/97
Rep Ensign - 07/25/97
Rep Ortiz - 07/25/97
Rep Rahall - 07/25/97
. Rep Spence - 07/25/97
Rep Rohrabacher - 07/25/97
Rep Sherman - 07/25/97
Rep Young, C. - 07/25/97
Rep Kltig - 07/25/97
Rep Livingston - 07/25/97
Rep Franks; B.- 07/25i97
Rep Allen - 07/25/97
Rep Wise.- 07/25/97
Rep Hyde ~ 07/25/97
Rep Bachus - 07/25/97
Rep Fawell - 07/25/97
Rep Johnson, S.- 07125!9'7
Rep Schumer - 07/25/97
Rep Hamilton - 07/25/97
Rep Rodriguez -· 07/25/97
Rep Stupak - 07/25/97
Rep Kanjorski - 07/25/97 ·
·Rep Peterson, C. - 07/25/97
Rep Barcia - 07/25/97
Rep Largent - 07/25/97
Rep Canady - 07/25/97
Rep Slaughter- 07/25/97
Rep Barrett, T.- 07/25/97.
Rep Deal - 07/25/97
Rep Bonior - 07/25/97
Rep Baesler - 07/25/97
Rep DeLauro - 07/25/97
Rep Coyne - 07/25/97
Rep Deutsch ~ 07125197. ·
Rep Doyle - 0712519_7 ·
.
3 of4
111112001 3:28PM
�Bill Summ11ry & Status
Rep Edwards - 07/25/97
Rep Foglietta- 07/25/97
Rep Moran, James P.- 07/25/97
Rep Meehan "' 07/25/97
Rep Roemer - 07/25/97
Rep Solomon - 07/25/97
Rep Tanner - 07/25/97
Rep Hayworth - 07/25/97.
Rep Clement - 07/25/97
Rep Hunter - 07/25/97
Rep Packard - 07/25/97
· Rep Barr - 09/03/97
Rep Barrett, B. - 09/03/9,7
Rep Hansen - 09/03/97
Rep Cook- 09/03/97.
Rep Smith, Lamar- 09/03/97
·Rep Lazio - 09/03/97
. Rep Cooksey - 10/29/97 ·
Rep Underwood - 11107/97
Rep Forbes- 02/03/98
Rep Frelinghuysen- 04/30/98
http://thomas.l?c.gov/cgi-binlbdqu .. ./-bdj53Y:~~~LIIbss/dl05query.html1
Rep English - 07/25/97
Rep Gordon - 07/25/97
Rep Neal,. 07/25/97
Rep Parker - 07/25/97 .
Rep Saxton- 07/25/97
Rep Stump - 07/25/97
Rep Visclosky - 07/25/97
Rep Maloriey, J.- 07/25/97
Rep Wicker - 07/25/97
Rep Armey - 07/25/97
Rep Stenholm - 07/28/97
Rep Sanders ~ 09/03/97
Rep Rogan '" 09/03/97
Rep Manzullo - 09/03/97
Rep Sanchez - 09/03/97
Rep Martinez - 09/03/97
Rep Diaz-Balart -·10/29/97
Rep Ding ell - 10/29/97
Rep Greenwood - 02/03/98
Rep Peterson, J. - 02/03/98
Rep McHugh - 10/07/98 "
SUMMARYAS OF:
(AS INTRODUCED)
,•_,
Jump to Search Words/Phrases
· Authorizes the President to award the Congressional Medal ofHi:mot posthumously to Theodore
Roosevelt~ lltQgj for his actions in the attack of San Juan Heights, Cuba, during the Spanish-American
War. on July 1,1898.
·
4 of4
' 1/11/2001 3:28PM
�Page I. of2
.. , Medal ofHonor Statistics as 14 January 1997
..
MEDALOFHONORBREAKDOWN
(By War ~nd Service as of 13 May 1997)
IIArmy
!Action
IITotal
!Civil War
llt52D
~~n8~~n Wars 18~1-11 428
'!Korea
1871
Spamsh Amencan
War
!Philippines Samoa
!Boxer Rebellion
!Vera Cruz
!Haiti
1915
1914
Dommican
Republic
1919-192D
!Nicaragua 19271933
'Peacetime 1865187D
Peacet1me 18711898
Peacet1me 18991911
Peacet1me 19151916
Peacetime 192D194D
!Haiti
!World War I
!World War II
!Korean War
!Vietnam War
!Somalia
1993
!Unknown Soldiers
!Total
1115
11D9
1191
1159
1155
16
13
12
2
1
1112
11D3
151
Ia
118
11124
1144D
11131
11239
12
19
113,427
~~~Marine IIAir Force ICoast
Guard
111,195
11428
liD
I 3D
II7D
14
liD
liD
liD
liD
liD
liD
liD
1
1
liD
112
1196
113D1
1178
11155
12
liD
112,362
113D8
I
·!Posthumous
1117
. liD
1125
liD
6
lc=Jc=JCJDI
liD
liD
·liD
19
16
IEJE:JCJDID
1112
liD
liD
11
19
1122 . 1133
liD
liD
11
9
1146
liD
liD
liD
11
· liD
liD
liD
liD
16
lc=JCJCJDID
liD
liD
liD
liD
12
lc=Jc=JCJDID
IEJc=JCJDID
IEJc=JCJDID
IDID
l~c=JID
1
ICJc=JCJDI
l~c=JCJDI4
7
1121
1157
17
1115
liD
liD
11745
1
1181
1142.
1157
liD
liD
11294
liD
liD
14
1112
liD
liD
1116
liD
. III
liD
liD
liD
liD
11
1132
II25D
1193
II15D
12
19
11574
These totals reflect the total number of Medals of Honor
awarded. Nineteen
men received a second award:
fourteen of these men received two separate Medals for
two separate actions; five received both the Navy and
the Army Medals of Honor for the same action. The total
number of Medal of Honor recipients is
(19)
3,4D8.
Total Medals of Honor awarded;
http://www.army .mil/cmh-pg/mohstats.htm ·
3,427
01112/2001
�c.l
. Medal ofHonor Statistics as 14 January 1997
Page 2 of2
• I
'
Total number of Medal of Honor recipients: 3,408
Total number of double recipients: 19
Total n.umber of enlisted personnel: 2,553
As of 13 May 1997, there are 169 living Medal of Honor
recipients.
Source: Congressional Medal of Honor Society, 40
Patriots Point Rd, Mt Pleasant SC 29464
http://www.army.mil/cmh-pg/mohstats.htm
01112/2001
�H.R. 2263
. <Bnr itlundrrd fifth [ongrrss
of thr
tlnitrd oStatrs of 2lmrrira ·
AT THE SECOND SE.SSION
Begun and held at the City of Washington.on T~esday,
the twenty-s~v~ntit day of January, one thousand nine ·hundred and ninety-eight
51n 51ct
To authorize and request the President to award the congressional Medal of Honor
'posthumously to The~dore Roosevelt for 'his gallant and heroic actions in the
attack on San Juan Heights, Cuba, during the Spanish-American War.
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Vice President of the United States and
President of the. Senate.
'
�President William J. Clinton
Medal of Honor
January 16, 2001
We are here today to award the Medal of Honor to· Teddy Roosevelt and
--proving
once again that when we get the right information, and enough time, we nearly always get it
right.
The medal of honor is the highest honor in our power to give- the only medal worn around the
neck rather than pinned to the uniform. The purple heart was instituted at the time of George
Washington for wounds suffered in battle. But for riearly a hundred years, no medals were
·added. It was thought a medal was too much like a title from Europe, and that fighting was
simply to do one's duty, and there should be.no award for doing one's duty. So when this award
was instituted, it was agreed it would be given for valor above and beyond the call of duty.
Indeed, to give you some sense of this honor, for all the gallantry of our forces in World War IIone in every 35,000 was awarded the Medal of Honor.
/
Those we honor today put themselves at risk, on their own initiative,' often against orders, to
___ . give these medals to honor our heroes,
Teddy Roosevelt
· alse-for ourselves- because of~sp.ires 11S-to. tel~ your stories:
09 were given in th~~re given for action that day. 8 frOiTIEre
.
Took the hill, witl1stood the siege, and the war ended two weeks later.
·
winning the hill allowed US artillery to begin shelling the
em fleet, which was then force into the battle of Santiago Bay.
Gallantly assisted in the rescue of the wounded from in front of the lines under heavy fire from
the enemy.
The medal of honor. the hig st honor in our power to give. The only medal worn around the
neck rather than pinned to the iform. The purple heart was instituted at the time of George
Washington· for wounds suffered battle. But for nearly a hundred years, no medals were
added. It was thought a medal was oo much like a title from Europe; and that fighting was·
simply to do one's duty, and there sho ld be no award for doing one's duty. So it was settled
that this award, this Medal of Honor be ·ven for going above and beyond the call of duty.
Indeed, to give you some sense of this ho r, not even one in 35,000 service members who
served during ww 2 have been awarded the edal of Honor.
Those we honor today- as you will shortly hea -put themselves at risk, one their own
initiative, often against orders, to take out big gu , to draw fire to pinpoint the enemy or to
protect their own men, or to give aid to wounded s diers.
We give these medals to honor our
heroes, but also for ourselves- because of how itin ires us to tell and retell your stories.
�..
2
In a well-known line from the book of Isaiah, the proph~t says: "I heard the voice of the Lord
saying: "Whom shall I send, and who will go:·for us? And I said. Here am I. Send me."
In a few minu~es, I will ask the Commander to read individual citations, detailing the
extraordinary bravery of each one of the twenty-two Asian American soldiers- some with us,
some not- whom we recognize today with the highest military honor we can bestow: the Medal ·
. of Honor. These soldiers risked their lives, above and beyond the call of duty, to fight tyranny .
and defend America in World War II. But they did more than defend· AJn€lrica; they h€llped
define America at its best~tthough they hacfSeen Americll; at its worst.
· ·
The review found, indeed, that some extraordinarily brave soldiers.riever did receive the honors
they' so clearly had earned. So today, America awards twenty-two soldiers the Medal of Honor-soldiers who risked their lives, on their own initiative, sometimes against orders, to take out
machine guns, to give aid to wounded soldiers, to draw fire, to .pinpoint the enemy, to protect
their own men. People who can agree on nothing else all fall silent before that kind of courage.
These American soldiers made an impact that soars beyond the bounds of any·one battle ... they
left a lasting imprint on th~ very meaning of America. They deserve - at the very least -the very ·most we can bestow: the Medal of Honor. Commander, please read the citations.
point: putting oneself at risk, on one's own .initiative,-·
iometimes against orders, to take out big gu~sj or give aid to
fallen soldiers.
Or dr~wing fire in one~s o~rr direction.to
enhance the safety of others.
d~termining the location of
enemy guns by exposing oneself to draw their fire.
(so ·many .reason& to win medal of honor; he covered them.all
(look above) .
in these·cases
is often not a test of equipment
Isai~h
here am I, sen~ me.
Isaiah 6:8
Then I heard the
- vo1ce of the Lord saying:
"Whom shall I send, and who will go
for us? And I .said. Here· am I. ·Send me.
conversation with Stockwell:
the oath people take - to defend against enemies foreign
·and domestic.
upheld the co;nstitutions by fighting the enemy
of .prejudice at home.
not~
the essnese of tl).e·award- at the risk of·his or her·life above
and beyo~d the call of duty.n
�..
3
what does that mean -'it means if they had not done it, no one
could have blamed them.
It means no one could have ordered them
,t~o it.
It nieans, in seJme--co:s-e·s-;--t"iTey-w-e--re--Grdt::-reti'-NGT to do
it, and they did so anyway.
There are a number of opinions about why it wasn't done.
there is only one
u,fOpinions are mixed about why it wasn't done.
But
Opinion is
~~nanimous that it should be dorie.
~/fJur
nations' highest honor in wari alongside the world's
~~onor for peace.
hi~hest
how many won the medal of honor - vs. how many served in the
United States Ar.med Forces.
How much a distinction is it:
first:
we have nothing higher.
second 3,400 Americans have ben
honored with them·- :
make
a distinction
for those who are here that day.
May want to have a riff:
"Today, on hbehalf ot eh United States Congress, I awared the
medal fo Honor, our nations' highte military award, to ., name
them all ...
"They were preapred to sacrifice everything for freedom, even
though freedom's fulness was denied to them."
"They were denied their nation's highest honor, b~t their deeds
could not be denied.'
and fatigue.·
correct a historical
July 1, 1898.
o~ersight.
volunteer ..
some say he didn't get it because they didn't give it to
volunteers.
~
Others say because he circulated a public letter calling for
American soldiers to be brought back from Cuba
�..
4
he led a group of volunteers; passed the regular army, and many
of the regulars fell in line urider his leadership as he pressed
the attack up Kettle Hiil and then'san juan hill.
22 officers qnd soldiers were awarded the medal of honor that
day.
21 for exposing themselves to enemy fire.
(if that's'
the standard, he exceeded it) .
he drove his volunteers through the ranks of the stall regular
army unit, changed the course of the battle.
two medal of honor winners recommended him for the honor for his
actions that day.
(he must have laughed at the bureaucratic judgment of courage.)
The War Department never acted on the recommendation.
lot of yellow fever in cuba. mckinley didn't bring them home to
not create an epidemic here. roosevelt circulated a public
letter challenging that policy.
the administrationn was
embarrasseda nd relented.
suggestion that the Sec of War
can't e~er be sure,· but this theory sure fits the facts as we
know them - Teddy taking on the powerful on behalf of powerless
- using the power of democracy to throw a public spotlight of
scrutiny on the actions of the powerful.
the guy who .save us
the phrase malefactors of great wealth.
109 others h~ve won the Medal of Honor for their actio~s during
their conflict.
Roosevelt was so famous for his role he forced the homec-oming of
troops simply by calling for it.
I knew exactly how to proceed.
Now that's leadership - knowing
exactly how to proceed - or· saying you do.
From
The Battle of San Juan Hill
autobiography:
by Teddy Roosevelt
from
hi~
He was leading his volunteers forward toward the San Juan·
Heights,_ where Spaniards had a high_position,· and were shooting
�..
5
down on·us troops. going forward, he fina·lly ran into regular
troops, who were stopped in position. the ninth cavalry.
"By the time I had reached the lines of regulars of the first
brigade, I had come to.the conclusion that it was silly to stay
in the valley firing at the hills, because that was.really wehre
we were most exposed, and that the thing to do was to try to
rush the intrenchments.
Where I struck the regulars there was
no one of superior r~nk to mine, and after asking why they did
not charge, and being answered that they had no orders, I said I
would give the order.
there was naturally a little reluctance
shown by the elderly officer in command to accept my order, so I.
said, "Then let my men through, sir." and I marched through
followed by my 1 grinning men.
The younger officers and'the
enlisted men of the regulars jumped up and joined us.
I waved
my hat, and we went up the hill in the rush."
at the close o.f Spanish American war, US was a global p·ower.
Spain granted Cuban independence, ceded Puerto Rico and Guam tp
the US, and ~ave US title ~o the Philippines for $20 m
war reduced spain to a second class power; created an overseas
US empire, but otherwise marked the end of US territorial
expansion.
a
Rough riders comment (and not a favorable one) on the
quality of their horsemanship. REgiment was made of volunterre
form all walks of life and all classes of Americans.
the outfit
was considered to be unpolished and undiscliplined. mu;ch effot
wa requir to refomr the rr into a qulaity fighting unit.
�A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE MEDAL OF HONOR
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A Brief History - The Medal of Honor*
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The first formal system for rewardiri
· the
l!iJ DoD & Its Policies nation's fighting men was establish by General George Washington on
August 7, 1782. Designed to recognize any smgu ar y m ntonous actiOn,"
l.i!J. About DefenseLINK the award consisted of a purple cloth heart. Records show that only three
persons received the ward: Sergeant Elijah Churchill, Sergeant William
lB Misc::ellaneous
Brown, and Sergeant Daniel Bissel Jr.
·
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DoD ·
~F~~~~~~~e~·t, as it was called, fell into oblivion until1932,
Search Questions:
~~~~~~~~~~r, then Army Chief of Staff, pressed for
its reviva.
ms Ituted on February 22, 1932, the now familiar
.-Purple Heart was at first an Army award, given to those who had been
wounded in World War I or who possessed a Meritorious Service Citation
Detailed Search .!::!§Q Certificate. In 1943, the order was amended toinclude personnel of the
Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard. Coverage was eventually extended
· Other Questions
to include all services and "any civilian national" wounded while serving
Sources
with the Armed Forces.
L_·___jlfi
Updated: 22 Jun 1998
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Privacy & Security '
Although the Badge of Military Merit fell into disuse after the
Revolutionary War, the idea of a decoration for individual gallantry
remained through the earl
n 184 7, afte the outbreak of the
Mexican-American War, "certificate o merit" as established for any'
soldier who distinguished litmself in· actio11. No medal went with the honor.
After the Mexican-American War, the award was discontinued, which
meant there was no military award with which to recognize the nation's .
1lgh~en.
Early inthe Civil War, a medal for individual valor was proposed to
General-in-Chief of the Army Winfield Scott. But Scott felt medals
smacked of European affectation and killed the idea.
The medal found support in the Navy, however, where it was felt
recognition of courage in strife was needed. Public Resolution 82,
containing a provision for a Navy medal of valor, was signed into law by
President Abraham Lincoln on December 21, 1861. The medal was "to be
bestowed upon such petty officers, seamen, landsmen, and Marines as shall
most distinguish themselves by their gallantry and other seamanlike
qualities during the present war."
Although it was created for the Civil War, Congress made the Medal of
Honor a permanent decoration in 1863.
http://www.defenselink.mil/faq/pis/med_of_honor.html
-01/12/2001
(
�A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE MEDAL OF HONOR
I
Page 2 of2
,
Almost 3,400 men and one woman have received the award for heroic
actions in the nation's battles since that time.
·
*Quoted from "Armed Forces Decorations and Awards," a publication of
the American Forces Information Service. Copies of the pamphlet are
available upon request (in print-format only), via the "DefenseLINK.
Comment/Question Form" in the "Questions" section.
http://www .defenselink.mil/faq/pis/med_of_honor .html
01/12/2001
�In a few minutes, I will ask the Commander to read individual citations, detailing the
extraordinary bravery of each one ofthe twenty-two Asian American soldiers -·some with us;
some not- whom we recognize today with the highest military honor we can bestow: the Medal
of Honor. These soldiers risked their lives, above and bey()nd the call of duty, to fight tyranny.
and defend America in World War II. But they did more than defend America; they helped
define America at its best, though they had seen America at its worst. ·
The review found, indeed, that some extraordinarily brave soldiers never did receive the honors
they so clearly had earned. So today, America awards twenty-two soldiers the Medal of Honor-soldiers who .risked .theirlives, o.n their own initiative, ..sometimes against orders, to take out
machine guns, to give aid to wounded soldiers, to draW' fire, to pinpoint the enemy, to protect
their own men. People who can agree on nothing else all fall silent before that kind of courage.
These American soldiers made an impact that soars beyond the bounds of any one battle ... they
left a lasting imprint on the very meaning of America. They deserve - at the very least -the very most we can bestow: the Medal of Honor. Commander, please read the citations.
point:· putiing oneself at iisk, on one'i own initiative,
sometimes against orders, to ·take. out big guns, or. give aid to
fallen soldiers.
Or drawing fire in one's own direction to
enhance the safe~y of oth~rs.
determining.the location of ·
. enemy·guns by exposingoneself_to draw their fire.
(so many reason~ to wirt medal of honor; he covered them all
(look above) .
'
in these cases, it is often not a test of equipment but courage.
Isaiah
here am I, send m.e.
Isaiah 6:8
~hen I heard the
voice of the Lord_Eaying: :."Wh9m ~hall I send, and who·will gb
for us? And I said. Here am I.
Send me.
conversation with Stockwell:
note the oath people take '-- t,o defend against enemies 'foreign
and domestic.
upheld the constitutions by fightingtheenemy.
of prejudice at home.
the essrte~e of the award - at the risk of his or her lif~ above
. and beyond the call of duty."
what.does that. mean- it mearis if they had not done it, no one
could have blamed them.··. It means no one· could have ordered them
to do it.
It means, iri some cases, they were ord~red NOT to do
it, and they did so anyway.
�2
There are a number of opinions about why it wasn't done.
there is only one
Opinions are mixed about why,it wasn't done.
unanimous that it should be done.
But
Opinion is
Our nations' highest honor in war; alongside the world's highest
honor for peace.
how many won the medal of honor - vs. how many served in .the
United States Armed Forces.
How much a distinction-is it:
first:
we have nothing higher.
second 3,400 Americans have ben
honored with them make a distinction for those who are here that day.
May want to have a riff:
"Today, on hbeh~lf ot eh United States Congress, I aw~red the
medal fo Honor, our nations' highte military award, to : name
them all ...
"They were preapred to sacrifice everything for freedom, even
though freedom's fulness was denied to them."
"They were denied their nation's highest honor, but their deeds
could not be denied.'
defy fear and fatigue.
corr~ct
a historical . oversight.
.
.
July 1, 1898.
volunteer.
some say he didn't get it because they didn't give it to
volunteers.
Others say because he circulated a public letter calling fqr
American soldiers to be brought back from Cuba
he led a group of volunteers; passed t:.he regular army, and many
of the regulars fell in line under his leadership as he pressed
the attack up Kettle Hill and then san juan hill.
�,
3
22.officers and soldiers were awarded the medal of honor that
day.
21 for exposing themselve~ to enemy fire.
(if that's'
the standard, he exceeded it) .
he drove his volunteers through the ranks of the stall regular
army unit, changed the course of the battle.
two medal of honor winners recommended him for the honor for his
actions that day.
(he must have laughed at the bureaucratic judgment of courage.)
The War Department never acted on the recommendation.
lot of yellow fever. in cuba. mckinley didn't bring them home to
not create an epidemic here. roosevelt circuiated a public.
letter challenging that policy.
the administrationn was
embarrasseda nd relented-: · suggestion that the Sec of War
can't ever be sure, but this theory sure fits the facts as we
know them - Teddy taking on the powerful on behalf of powerless
- using the power of democracy to throw a public spotlight of
scrutiny·on the actions of the powerful.
the guy who gave us
the phrase malefactors of great wealth.
109 others have won the Medal of Honor for their actions during
their conflict.
~oosevelt
was so famous for his role he forced the homecoming of
troops simply by calling for it.
I knew exactly how to proceed.
Now that's leadership- knowing
exactly how to proceed - or saying you do.
From
The Battle of San Juan Hill
autobiography:
by Teddy Roosevelt
from his
He was leading his volunteers forward toward. ihe.San Juan
H-eights, where Spaniards had a high position, and were shooting
down on US troops. going forward, he finally ran into regular
troops, who were stopped in position. the ninth cavalry.
�~------------------------------------------------,-----------------
,
4
"By the time I had reached the lines of regulars of the ~irst
brigade, I had _c6me to· the conclu~ion that it was silly to stay
in the valley firing at the hills, because that was really wehre
we were most exposed, and tha~ the thing to do was to try to
rush the intrenchments.
Where I struck th~ regulars there was
no one of superior rank to mine, and after asking why they did
not charge, and beipg answered that they had no orders, I said I
would give the order.
there was naturally a little reluctance
shown by the elderly officer in command -to accept my order, so I
said, "Then let my men through, sir." and I marched through
followed by my grinning men ..
The younger officers and the
enlisted men of the regulars jumped up and'joined us.
I waved
my hat'· and we went up the hill in the rush."
at, the close of Spanish American war, US was a global power.
Spain granted Cuban independence, cede~ Puerto Rico and Guam to
the US,. and gave US title to the Philippirre.s for $20 m
war reduced spain to a second class power; created an overseas
US empire,_ but otherwise marked the end of US territorial
expansion.
Rough riders - a comment (and not a favorable one) on the
quality_ of their horsemanship.
REgiment was made of volunterre
form all walks. of life and all classes of Americans.
the outfit
was considered to be unpolished and undiscliplined.
mu;ch effot
wa requir to refomr the rr into a qulaity fighting unit.
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The Battle of San Juan Hill
Title: The Battle of San Juan Hill
Author: Theodore Roosevelt
Date: 1898
Source: America, Vol.10, pp.130-133
Colonel Roosevelt characteristically states here that he "had not enjoyed the Guasimas fight at all,"
probably because "only eight of the rough riders were killed and thirty-four wounded" out of the American
loss of 1614 killed and wounded in thetrago camp~ ended July 15, 1898, with the capitulation of ·
Santiago.
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There was some close fighting, and we took a few prisoners. We also captured the Spanish
provisions, and ate them that night with great relish .... Lieutenant Howze, of the regulars, an
aide. of General Sumner's, brought me an order to halt where I was; he could not make up his
mind to return until he had spent an hour or two with us under fire. The Spaniards attempted a
counter-attack in the middle of the afternoon, but were driven back without effort, our men
laughing and cheering as they rose to fire, because hitherto they had been assaulting breastworks
or lying still under artillery fire, and they were glad to get a chance to shoot at the Spaniards in
the open.' We lay on our arms that night and as we were drenched with sweat, and had no
blankets save a few we took from the dead Spaniards, we found even the tropic night chilly
before morning came.
'
During the afternoon's fighting, while I was the highest officer at our immediate part of the
front, Captains Boughton and Morton of the regular cavalry, .... came along the firing line to tell
me that they had heard a rumor that we might fall back, and that they wished to record their
emphatic protest against any such course. I did not believe that there was any truth in the rumor,
for the Spaniards were utterly incapable of any effective counter-attack .... In my part of the line
the advance was halted only because we received orders not to move forward, but to stay on the
·
crest of the captured hill and hold it.
We are always told that three-o'clock-in-the-morning courage is the most desirable kind. Well,
my men and the regulars of the cavalry had just that brand of courage. At about three o'clock in
the morning after the first fight, shooting began in our front and there was an alarm of a Spanish
advance. I was never more pleased than to see the way in which the hungry, tired, shabby men
all jumped up and ran forward to the hill-crest, so as to be ready for the attack; which, however,
did not come. As soon as the sun rose the Spaniards again opened upon us with artillery ....
· Next day the fight turned into a siege; there were some stirring incidents; but for the inost part it
was trench work A fortnight later Santiago surrendered.
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01112/2001
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San Juan Hill, hallie or .
San Juan Hill, battle of (Cuba) On 1 July 1898, Major General Jacob Kent's 10,000 troops
drove General Arsenio Lenares Pomba's 1,200 Spaniards from the ridges above Santiago.
Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt became a national hero for leading his Rough Riders up
.
Kettle Hill. US losses: 124 killed, 817 wounded. Spanish losses: 358 killed, wounded.
Combined with the Spanish loss ofEl Caney, victory allowed US artillery to begin shelling the
enemy fleet, which was then forced into the battle of Santiago Bay.
Source: Thomas L. Purvis, A Dictionary of American History (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Reference, 1995).
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.. ./2139?f=templates&fn=document-frame.htm&q=%5Bs%5D%5Brank, 1Q0%3A%5Bdomair0 1/12/2001
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Rough Riders
\.
------··
Source: Thomas L. Purvis, A Dictionary of American History (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. Reference, 1995).
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Spanish-American War
Spanish-American War Americans became increasingly hostile to Spain because of the
inhumane measures it used to fight Cuban rebels after 1895. When the USS Maine exploded at
Havana in March 1898, public opinion held Spain responsible and demanded US aid for the
rebels. On 20 April, Congress threatened hostilities unless Cuba received independence, which
Spain refused, and on 22 April the US put Cuban ports under blockade. On 24 April, Spain
declared war on the US, which reciprocated the next day.
Spain, with 18,000,000 people, had 155,302 regular troops in Cuba, plus 41,518 Cuban
loyalists, while the organized Cuban rebels numbered just 15,000. The US, with a population of
70,000,000, expanded its regular army from 30,000 to 209,714 by June, including many
National Guard units. The US Navy had 69 warships, and bought 67 additional ships within 90
days, compared to. Spain's 49.
US forces u er Major General William Sha~er
ded unopposed in Cuba on 22 June .. ·
. ane
· apped Spanish'forces in Santiago, where
Shafter's victori
Spam's Cul?an squadron lay bottled up by the US Navy until it was annihilated m the battle of
Santiago Bay on 3 July. On 17 July, 24,000 enemy troops at Santiago surrendered to Shafter.
On 25 July, Major General Nelson Miles invaded Puerto Rico, which fell with little resistance.
From 21 April to 13 August 1898, the war effort mobilized 306,760 persons, including 280,564
soldiers, 22,875 sailors, and 3,321 marines. The military sustained 4,108 casualties from 1 May
to 31 August: 385 battle deaths (369 soldiers, 10 sailors, 6 marines), 2,061 non-combat deaths
(soldiers only), 1,662 battle wounds (1,594 soldiers, 47 sailors, 21 marines). The war cost about
$400,000,000.
Soon after the fall of Santiago, Spain requested an armistice, which was signed on 12 August.
By a peace treaty signed at Paris on 10 December (ratified by Congress on 6 February 1899),
Spain granted Cuban independence, ceded Puerto Rico and Guam to the US, and gave the US
title to the Philippines for $20,000,000. The war reduced Spain to a second-class power; it
created an overseas US empire, but otherwise marked the end of major US territorial expansion.
Source: Thomas L. Purvis, A Dictionary of American History (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Reference, 1995).
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Title
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Medal of Honor
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-010-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7e342e3e144f2d6b6e7491cc5c605d65.pdf
aa8384b83bd8df0f682a92f424c87bee
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703.,-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton P,residential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Memorial Day] [ 1]
Staff Office-Individual:
'.
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
8
3
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�M~Y.27.200~ 6:34PMPM
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Blackbum, John (WHSR)
From:
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Subject:
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Rosshirt. Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Saturday, May 27,2000 3:24PM
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@VJHSR • WH Situatloh Room; @COMM- V\IHSR CCimm~ \
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Please fax to Mr. Berger [UNCLASSIFIED]
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Memorial Day Draft with your changes
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I deleted arid toned down throughout, per your instructions·;. Bub.I,J:uave bolded three
sections where I exercised some judgment and· would like you to review.
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' would like to keep the Yankee Stadium reference. (.MaliR~rees). The Chief of
Staff's office has been in touch with Mara, Malinowski, and with me -- asking us to play
up the National Moment of Retnembrance rn the remarks;-an~•nkee Stadtum is their
biggest sell. (I cut out the phrase ''fallen heroes" from thtt·.Y~·paragraph, but
kept tt in the earlier paragraph, because it was a part of the White""House paper on the
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initiative, and Podesta used the phrase in a public letter.):;~ ....:.~·;/, -.,. .
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PUSillmN'l' WILLUx J'BITDSOH CI.MON ·s
lCEMOR.Dl. DU OBsmtVUCE ·
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ARLINGTON ~tONAL C181:rm¢:.r·• ~~~
MOlltDAY, IdA'! 29, 2000
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Secretaty Cohen, Seaetmy West, Secretalj' Slater, General M~, Ge~thu i:vany,
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.
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cotps; veterans and family members, members of the armed services, my_. ~llow citi2=s.
We are blessed, today7 to gather again in this m~cent amphitheater7 i!U.lur national cemet
ta remember tho fallon
heroJEa lost~ to;ito defend~-~Pnnr
1hcy loved
CJWrl.~
We honor as Well the proud veterans - hete and elsewhere- my of~d-have made
same sacrifice. if God had but called home his heroes in different ordetr·...T.acla.y, we remember
and honor them all.
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As you entered the ifOunds this morning~ you saw every gravestone decorated with an Atncrican
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flag. Indeed, this day of remembrance was first known as Decoratio:r.t·Daf~unched in 1868
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by order of the Commander in Chief of the Grand Amy of1he Republic 'Who .designated this day
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·U.S. Infan.tty has honored America's fallen heroes by placiD~ ~~i~~ibefore every one of
m~ than 260,000 gravestones here at Arlington.
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.
all weekend long, to make sure each flag remains stmding. ""All adDS$ thtit.~tey. in small
toWns and large cities. veterans groups represented here today petfozm that s~e sacred ritual. I
vvant to recognize and ~the members of the Old Guard- and ve~ aJ1;~cross America-
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of more than two centuries of fighting tyranny are buried here. In the heart aiid history of
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a wedding. Young mothers, who raised their dilldren ~De.
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their families. And wherever it takes us, as long as it takes Us, we will keep 1fu.r commitment to
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fullest possible accoun~g.
I met this morning at the White House with sons and daugl:dltrs and ~-servicemen still
.
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missing in action. There is no Jnore COJnpel.ling way to undezstand how· important our
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because we ha..., enjoyed
Today,
p~-~- thatollerifilio;r · B'tifi!b preaft'Ve.tbe
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you made our sacrifice matter?"
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heroes are buri+ear b li'fan ·~ ias1ancJ. 1!'J, D•@am. Nrthtrh•~r,,un;~.eat. You
fought iii places like Flanders Field and Ardennes and Nomumdy.
~.
Today Europe is more united, more democratic and more p*eful than~ time in its history.
.
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·We have 'lhree new allies and many new pal1llers across Europe's Old divide.· ·central Europe is
free and flourishing~ And soldiers from 8lmost every'Euro_pean co~i#-'till~ost bitter former ,
·..
ad~ersaries among them- ate serving under a single command keeping the peace in the Balkans.
~
Yes, AMerica is maldng your sacrifice matter.
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. But we have mucll more still to do.
Later today, I depart for Europe. I will visit Portugal, to atteDd a~ our partners in the
,.
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~
European Union. I will visit Gennany, attd. make the mst visit of an Ainerieatt President to
Berlin as the.capital of a free and UIJ,divided Gen:ruw-. Unimd by. a~mmo~.,:bond of democracy
.
.
- we will continue work with
Europe and beyond.
:·
our European .ellies to build~ freedoll\. stability, within
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I will Visit Russia- the former adversary with whom :we arc~ui.l~ a..-~ership. Russia
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has just seen its &st transition from one dernocmtically-elected leader to another .in a thousand
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years ofhistory. For the first time, an American President will spea;to"Wa~oCratically·
elected Russian puliamex:rt. We will continue to enco~ Russia to ~-~ts economic
.
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reforms, to preserve its hard-won democratic freedoms. and to ·keep 'WOrkb:Jg.~th us to reduce
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the nuclear dqer.
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· communism, and to join the c011lmunity of prosperous, srable and demo~~- nations.
.
.
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The 'World of today would not be reoognizable from the one that entered~~ld War.
.
..
'
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.
":"•'·
peaceful and united, and the Communism we fought to contain in the Cold Wttt has collaps~
reformed or been discredited around tbe world, Heartened by our FQp~,~~d peace and
we~ pursue the a ~ing challenges in'fulfillin~ ~~ ·;Ji:n of a. peaceful,
prosperity-.
.
.
~~
democratic and undivided Europe; integrating southeast Europe and the f~ states of the
Soviet Union into the transatlantic community of democracies. ·
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.
On this first Memorial day of the 21n century. on behalf of1k Ameri~e5 l give thanks to
all those who have stood their ground to defend freedom, democracy, ~ hWI)an dignity- and
·~·
especially to those who made the ultimate se.m:tice. You never foUQ'ht fof'e!Upire, for temtory~
for dotninance. You gave your lives to defend freedom
.
.
As we stand at the-.dawn of a centuly
.
-~
... .
_,
you never saw- far from fading into the past: your sacrifice is changing O,!.I future. Thirty,
a~.
forty, fifty years after you,w gone ... your ttuth, is marcbing·on.
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May God bless you all. May God. bless America.
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t1:02AM
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N0.282
P.l
Siberell, Justin .H. (NSA) ··
From:
Sent:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
Rosshirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Thursday, May 25,2000 6:13PM
@NSA - Nat/ Security Advisor
@SPEECH - NSC Speectlwriters
Memorial Day Rema.rks [UNCLASSIFIED}
~·
rrem day lllu I! pm.doc
ForSRB:
Draft Memorial Day remarks with input from Malinowski
@Asia reviewing announcement on N. Korea talks, requested by POW/MIA.
Comments to Rosshirt
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11=02AM
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Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
MEMORIAL DAY OBSERVANCE
ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY
MONDAY, MAY 29, 2000
s magnificent amphitheater, in our national
cemetery, to remember those who lost ev.
~~aJO
o
they loved, to defend the cowitry they loved.
~~~~
'
We hon-~~th';mhlions of~ veterans here and elsewhere, ~~ould have made that
.·
same sacrifice, if God hadEz3called home his heroes in different order. Today, we remember
?
and honor them all.
. As you entered the grounds this morning, you saw every gravestone decorated with an American
flag. Indeed, this day of remembrance was first known as Decoration Day-:..: launched in 1868
by order of the Commander in Chief of the Grand kmy of the Republic who designated this day
\
'
. "for decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country."
Some still remember that meaning. On the Thursday before Memorial Day, this year and every
year for more than .fQny years, the entire regiment of 1,200 soldiers of the 3rd U.S. Infantry has
honored America's fallen heroes by placing Am.etican flags before every one of more than
260,000 gravestones here at Arlington. And a contingent remains on patrol24
s, all
llDOa.~~~tt Vw~~~~e.tna-1- ~ ~k-'
~erid"IOiig, to make 'C]f!ach flag remainS stan'dingA! w~to recognizJ and thank the ~
members of the 3Td U.S Jl?.fantry- The Old Guardtor their patriotism, their devotion to duty,~ ··
and their commi~ent to honoring the original me
.
·ng of Memorial Day.
.
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�• MRY .. 27. 2000
11 : 02RM
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Here in Arlington, this hallowed earth embraces the bodies of soldiers from-every one of our
nation's wars, andtells the whole heroic range of our history. Presidents Kennedy and Taft are
buried here. Generals Pershing and Bradley are buried here. John Foster Dulles and Oliver
Wendell Holmes .. Medgar Evers and Joe Louis. George Marshall and Audie Murphy. Three of
the Marines remembered forever for raising our flag on Iwo Jini@they.are buried here. And not
only the famous, but unknown, unsung heroes of more than two centuries of fighting tyranny are
~uried here. In the heart ~~ history of ~eric a- this is sacred soil.
As we gather here and remember, our hearts go out to those who can never forget. People
' '
tAT(.~
·whose wounds are still fresh twenty, forty, fifty years later: Young womenAcrushed with
sorrow. left te eaneel &weeeiBg. · Expectant mothers, stunned with grief. lett to ra-ise a -lHld ·
~-
Young children who had said good night, every night, to a picturE(!> oWl, stul&e.ttl;r, with
f.{o~AA&l~t ~~'1"1\ ~ ~ k
1\ll-·6•d•41" ~ -~ ~ .~ ... cA.c1el .
gipictnre.
.
l~~t
it is hard to ·
ine what it mus ·
�-MAY.27.2000
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famili~~ born this Ieiss, llftt! to ""l'wae.,"!' 8oor M;, lilt~ I·wan: to renew
who hOve
mcA~M's
.
.
,To all
/1.m>!idlllf! pledge:
the
lilted States will not forsake its fallen heroes.
their families.' Wtiete<et it
We. will never abandon
talfes..us~Iong as it takes us, we will keep our
.
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'
to seek the fullest possible accounting.
I met this morning at the White House with sons :md daughters and spouses of servicemen still
missing in action. There is no better way to understand how important our continuous efforts
are to the
h~arts and minds of Americanst::n. to hear it from the family members themselves.
I am pleaSed to announce today that the United States and North Korea have a:greed to resume
tall's the first week of June in Kuala Lumpur in the hopes of resuming recovery operations iil
.
-
North Korea this year. As we prepare to observe the 50th anniversary of the invasion of South
.
Korea by ~e North-- we rea.:ffinn our commitment to the more than 1. 7 million Americ~ ~s
~
who served there, the more than 36,000 who lost their lives there, and the more than 8,100 still
missing there. · We will honor the~ service and sacrifice by remem'!>ering those still missing, arid
~-
doing everything possible to bring them home.·
-
IA)/Lb-;1-.k
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.
~~Me
~ latest Americ
1( our
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I also MV~ling you today
week our
ero t come home. Just last ~
sp~cialists identifi~ally and officially, the remains 0
a soldier of the lst cavahy
~!
regiment of the America! division, whose Huey helicopter was "flying in
· ove:r Laos in the summer of 1970 when it lost power and crashed. The soldier di
-,
When others rushed to the scene to bring out his body, they were forced back by enemy
When they tried a short time later, they were forced back again.
B~~~ears 1 ~
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�·MAY.27.2000
11:03AM
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with the help of several governments, extensive interviews, excavations, and DNA testing, a ·
positive identification was made. Army Specialist 4 John E, Crowley ofWilliamson, New York,
....
forever 20 years old, was laid .to rest here~ Arlington Cemetery this Friday with his mothe78M
.
.
brothe~- co~md nieces
.
..
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and nephews at his side. To express our nation's gratitude for
(specialist crowley) John Crowley's life and sacrifice, I would to ask his brother, Daniel
.
Crowley, to please stand,
'
America thanks you, sir, for your family's sacrifice.
Se mtl!!)l ef ygu llere tecbey kno~ pOtseftti:Hy tft:e ev~z prcsentpfcin oflosing a fde11d eF family ~
meum.. mcombat. 'l'oday, wmy tl!wa
W"' """" the pain uftlmt aaerilie•. Tl!ftl~ ~
hltsoii!g. Bot-4g_preserve and exten"E_s bles:B we must never forget the sacrifices that ~-" .
paved the way to peace.
~
'·
One champion of veterans causes has been telling the story of how- four years ago- she asked a
group of school children what Memorial Day means, and they said: that's the day the pool
opens.
That's not their fault They don't know. We have to teach them.
That is why, today, I ask all Americans- in a symbolic act of national unity- to pause wherever
they are at 3 pm local time to observe a national moment' of remembrance for Americats fallen
B
�.MAY. 27. 2121121121
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. At that time,
~nes of Taps- our national requiem- will be played all across
America- in the U.S. Capitol and the VietNam memorial~ at Ellis Island and the Liberty Bell; in
VA Hospitals and National Parks; on Voice of America and Armed Forces Network; in 'W:
. . . .& ~~~~~~~~Amorio...
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Of course, remembering ~ sacrific,h is ~ ftrst dtep. We also must re~em~er to fulfill the
obligation we incurred with their sacrifice. For if
well say: "America, we gave., sW 5
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our~~ today, they might
•*"wd our future for you.
l};fe me:tie
ottt wioo! itkrws
.
.
Have YO'l made our sacrifice matter?"
At the dawn of this new century; we can ai:lswer with sol~ pride:
You fought to keep us strong. We are today the most powerful, m~st prosperous nation on earth
~with a military'Y.i/::~eMI around the world.
Yes,
=~~ur sacrifice matter.
�I
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You fought and died so others might live. As we enter the 21st centtny, America is at peace.
_And the risk of a war that would scar the lives of a whole generation has been vastly reduced,
~CA~
~.
Yes, v+'e h'W?\made your sacrifice matter.
You fought for freedom in foreign lands -knowing it would protect our freedom at home.
Today, freedom is advancing all around the world. For the first time in human history, more
.
~&1.~
.
than hal~ the world's people choose their own leaders.
.
Yes,~ made your sacrifice matter,
You fought to conquer tyranny and biin.g unity to Europe- where more th~ 100,000 American
heroes are buried today in France, England, ItB;ly, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg- in places
like Flanders Field and Ardennes and Nom1andy.
·~
We have three new allies across Europe's old divide. Central Europ~ is free and flourishing.
And soldiers from almost every European country- the most bitter former adversaries among
~C4L
, them- are se~ing under a single command keeping the peace in the Balkans .. Yes,.~
\.~
.
~making your sacrifice matter.
But we
~
have~ more still to do.
.
. .·
~
_,
4-~
tJMI.
. ~~·
1\?oday, I depart for Europe.. I ~ill visit Portugal, to attend x: 4 lll<>~um:m:i~
with our partners in ?ci;{!i~
·
the European Union. I will visit Gennany, and make the firSt visit of an American President to
Berlin as the capital of a free and undivided Germany. United by a common bond of del!locracy
'"'}
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-we will continue work with our European allies to build peace, freedom, stability, within
Europe and beyond.
·.
.
'.
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I will visit Russia- -.fonner advers~ericans gave their lives' to
cont~ Russia has just
~;..
'
seen its first transition from one democraticall}':-elected leader to another in a thousand years of
history. Aile
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~an Presiden~to a democratically-elected Russian
.
.
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.
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parliament. We will continue to encourage Russia to deepen its economic reforms, to preserve
)
its hard-won democratic freedoms, and to keep working with us to reduce the nuclear danger.
I will visit Ukraine- a country whose people are eager to cast off the bitter legacy of
communism, and tojoin the community of prosperous, stable and democratic nations.
The world oftoday is not recognizable from 50 years ago. Adversaries have become allies.
Dictatorships have become democracies. Europe is more peaceful and umted, and the
Communism we fought to contain in the Cold War, in VietNam, and Korea has collapsed~ ~N., ~
~ehA~JJ...h:z..,
!'etfestee er ri,Bffll?\
around the world. Heartened by our progress toward peace and prosperity
-we will pursue the two remaining challenges in fulfilling the vision of a peaceful, democratic
~~,aa ~:J/
ws
and undivided Europe: ·w,ee~\\,;.iittl.,it"l'trteJet'l'!!IS:T4if...,.y~o""m~effirFiomt~l:s!"'1t~o~i:t.-t~;~ stfutheast Europe and the former
as~
states of the Soviet Union into the transatlantic community of democracies- and Hve closer to
~nu.J..~:·
A o~ere~~il wasfrdti-.:J..-- wars,E: to help end w~ Jt,~"
goal
not =r..to win
f;Jv ~t ..
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.in:tt
you= ou.
~OBI!oro••
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w,o,.. O.o~m, ari
mo racy, and
~v~t""~.-
humi~ At~
�'MAY. 27. 2121121121 , 11: 1214AM
BERGER
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8
4f.IIJ_ 4Gr'cialf.. ~ al.o~
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P.9
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A. never fought for Jmpire, for territory, for dominance. Y~ttt enemies !Ought to d~d tyi1Dllly;
lfJet'/'u gave your liv~s to defend freedom. Iwisl! yet! B:H: e86:1d: L1aw--:! we stand at the dawn
of a century you never saw- -far from fading into the past, yoUr sacrifice is shaping the .
future. I wiss you all could blew- !Jlirty, forty, fifty years after you're gone ... your truth is
marching on.
--=
May God bless you all. May God bless Anierica.
###
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�_R_o_s_s_hi_rt_,_T_h_o_m•a•s•M··~(S_P_C_H_W~)-----------~\~----------------------------------.
From:
Sent:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
;
Malinowski, Tomasz P. (SPCHVV)
Friday, May 19, 2090 3:06 PM
Gire, Cynthia L. (EXSEC)
@SPEECH - NSC Speechwriters
RE: Who is writing what on trip [UNCLASSIFIED]
Portugal:
-1'
Arrival -Ted
Health- Tom M
Toast- Paul
US-EU - Paul ·
Germany:
Aachen- Ted
Aachen reception- Ted
3rd way - domestic
Russia:
press conference- Tom R.
Duma- Tom M.
Embassy- Dave
Ukraine:
speech -Tom R.
land ceremony -Paul
I'm assigninQ all other things to our new staff member, Onda Fiigh.
-----Original Message----Gire, Cynthia L: (EXSEC)
From:
Sent:
Friday, May 19, 2000 1:40 PM
To:
Malinowski, Tomasz P: (SPCHW)
Cc:
@SPEECH - NSC Speechwriters
Subject::
Who is writing what on trip [UNCLASSIFIED]
Tom,
Can you let me know who is writing what on the trip so I can share this with all who are asking? Thanks. -CG
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�Page 2
LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 9 STORIES
Copyright 1998 The Washington Post
The Washington Post
June 14, 1998, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: TRAVEL; Pg. EOl
LENGTH: 2557 words
HEADLINE: Rembering Wren; Touring the high art of royal architect Christopher
Wren, whose grand church spires still define the London skyline ..
I
BYLINE: John Burgess, Washington Post Staff Writer
BODY:
It didn't take much to give Christopher Wren a chance to change the face of
London ·_- just a baker forgetting to put out the flame in an oven early one
morning in September 1666. ·
Thus began the Great Fire, which for four days burned its way across the
largely wooden city, consuming 13/000 houses.~ 44 guildhalls, a cathedral and 87
churches. When the flames finally died, most people saw desolation; Wren, an
up-and-coming royal architect, saw opportunity. He tramped around the ashes and
within days drafted a street and building plan for an all-new London. The king
turned it ·down, but in the end Wren got his way, as he usually did during his
long and varied life.
He built churches, 51 of them, and their spires came to define the city
skyline, their bells the sounds of urban life. Wherever Londoners turned, they
seemed to face a towering Wren creation, its cherubs and stone columns and round
arches declaring the superiority of the fashionably new baroque style. At the
altars inside, the city's people were baptized and married by the millions; in
the crypts and graveyards they were buried and memorialized.
The churches entered lore and literature: St. Bride's with the tiered steeple
that inspired the wedding cake~ St. Mary-le-Bow with the bells whose sounds set
the limits of old-time Cockney London, St .. Paul's Cathedral, whose dome reaching
365 feet above its hilltop site signaled to travelers that the journey to London
was almost over.
They're still there, most of them at ·least. Redevelopment·, fire and Nazi
bombs have thinned them out over the last three centuries. But on a recent stay
in London, I went to as many of· Wren's remaining churches as I could and found
they continue to proclaim the faith and optimism of the period and of their
remarkable creator, holding their own against the advance of some awful
20th-century glass and cinder block.
Even if you're not one to normally poke around old churches, give Wren's a
try if you're in London. You will marvel at how solid was his construction and
••
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�Page 3
The Washington Post, June 14, 1998
how unwavering his aesthetic sense, though with such a huge job to accomplish -and 51 sets of parish elders tugging at his sleeve -- he did resort, at times,
to production-line techniques. He worked within limits of time and space and
budget to create in each a unique architectural statement to the glory of God.
"One of the great qualities of genius is audacity and daring," says the Rev.
Oswald Clarke, priest-in-charge at a 1681 Wren creation called St. Mary
Abchurch. Wren broke the prevailing rules with countless aesthetic and
structural tricks.
What follows is a walking tour of a few of his most important churches,
ending at St. Paul's, all built with the proceeds from a tax on coal. Go when
you're not feeling rushed. Show some respect when you step through the doors and
you'll be welcomed (though in many, you'll have the place all to yourself). Take
off your hat, don't stand your friends up against the altar for photos. And drop
some money through the donation slots by the door.
A word on timing: Don't go on a Sunday -- you'll find some of the churches
locked up. They stand in what is now London's financial district, and it's all
but deserted on weekends. Better to do it around midday during the week, when
many will be open for visitors, or putting on services and music recitals for
the lunch-time office crowd.
The term "Renaissance man" is overused, but Wren truly deserves it. Astronomy
and optics, Latin and literature, math and anatomy, meteorology and the laws of
motion -- he mastered them all and made important contributions in many. He
invented awriting dup~icator and a transparent beehive.
:,.t
He branched into architecture at a time when English churches were dominated
by the pointed arches and the vertical lines of the medieval Gothic style. But
in Italy, people were reviving the forms of classical Rome and Greece -- the
rounded arch, the pediment, the three orders of columns -- and were combining
them in new ways. Wren believed that any civilized country should naturally
follow suit.
He read voraciously to learn the new style, and traveled to Paris, where he
managed to wangle some time with the renowned Italian Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini,
who was working on what's now the Louvre. Perhaps Bernini recognized a
competitor when he brought out a design for the east front. "I would have given
my skin for it, but the old reserved Italian gave me but a few minutes' view,"
Wren later wrote.
As we know, he did all right anyway, building palaces, hospitals and
libraries as well as churches.
Start your tour at St. Mary Abchurch. Walk down the tiny Sherbourne Lane off
King William Street. Turn the corner and it's right in front of you. Like many
Wren churches it's hard to get a view of the whole thing, because it's hemmed in
by other buildings. So Wren didn't waste much time on· his church exteriors -red brick with some stone dressings in this case, a few cherubs.
Look up and you· see what really counted to him -- the spire, which served as
a marker visible·for miles. This one is rather simple as Wren spires go-- a
slender, lead-covered tower with a see-through section, rising from a curved
base. There's, a golden orb at the top.
••
•
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�Page4
The Washington Post, June 14, 1998
Walk around to the right and enter. Roughly square, the interior dazzles you
with a mix of deep polished wood, clear windows (stained glass was too Gothic)
and bright white walls. And above, a surprise. "You wouldn't be aware from the
outside that .there is a dome," says the Rev. Clarke. "It gives you the
impression it's floating on the air." Wren was fascinated with domes, as you
will see.
Despite the feeling of grandeur, the space is also small -- cozy, even. Under
Church of England doctrine, it was important that all people be able to hear
clearly the scripture and prayers.
Wren wrote. extensively on the mechanics of beauty. But in the real world, he
made compromises, working with the space he had. You'll notice that this place
isn't symmetriqal -- the windows are mainly on the south.to get the light. Some
of his churches have downright cockeyed wall plans, because to save money he ha~
to build on the foundations of the burned ones.
Take time to examine the fittings -- the elaborated canopied pulpit, the
"reredos" with guilded urns that.stands behind the: altar, the paintings, the
font, the side stalls, the sword rest where the Lord Mayor laid his ceremonial
weapon during visits.
What you see here is almost exactly as Wren left it -- the church suffered
comparatively minor damage during World War II, unlike others that were
destroyed altogether or heavily rebuilt. Climb the pulpit -- that's allowed in
this church -- and imagine the crowd of London notables in wigs and powder and
laced dresses who would have looked up at you from the pews in the old days.
Leave by the door you entered, cross the little square and go down the hill
to Cannon Street. Turn right, walk to the street called Walbrook and turn right.
On the right ahead you'll see St. Stephen Walbrook. The exterior is again
undistinguished (battered, in fact), save for the steeple, which is rather
elaborate, a fantasy comb1nation of classical forms, rising to four balls and a
vane.
Inside everything is light and airy. Walk around and enjoy the interplay of
the Corinthian columns. Overhead is another dome, this one supported by arches.
Here yqu do get the feeling of mathematical perfection. The interior, in fact,
is considered Wren's greatest.
This church has been altered and updated to fit the tastes of the times, like
many others. Many suffered what can only be called vandalistic changes in the
19th century, when Victorian society became enamored again with the Gothic
style. St. Stephen Walbrook has a 20th-century addition that to me fits nicely
a rounded stone altar by the sculptor Henry Moore.
Turn right as you leave, walk ahead to the street called Poultry and go left
on it. It becomes Cheapside. Ahead on your left is St. Mary-le-Bow, perhaps the
most famous of the churches. In fact, of what you see today, just the tower and
steeple are by Wren, holding their own against a bank branch that nestles up
against them. By tradition, to qualify as a true Cockney you must be born within
hearing of its bells.
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Continue up Cheapside. The back of St. Paul's, looking like a great weathered
ship, will come into view on the left, but resist the temptation to make
straight for it.
Behind St. Paul's is the tower of Wren's St. Augustine-with-St. Faith -- the
church itself fell victim to World War II bombs. On your right you'll see St.
Vedast, Foster Lane, another Wren creation with extensive post-war
refurbishment, then the tower of Wren's Christ Church, Newgate Street, another
war victim. You'll find a·few scarred walls and a pleasant garden where
worshipers once sat.
By now you'll have noticed that you practically trip over elegant churches in
this part of London. It's a testament to how densely populated the area was, and
how the church, not to mention competition among parishes to build the tallest
and most beautiful, imbued London life of the day.
Keep going and turn left into Old Bailey Street. The church on the right as
you turn, St. Sepulchre-Without-Newgate, is one of the few churches that
survived the Great Fire. Naturally it's not by Wren, but his way of doing things
became so dominant that its. interior was remodeled in his style.
Turn right on Ludgate Hill. Ahead on the left you'll see the spire of St.
Bride's Fleet Street, a stack of diminishing octagons topped by ball and vane.
It's the tallest Wren church spire, said to have inspired a baker-parishioner to
create tiered cakes that became the hit of aristocratic weddings in London in
the 18th century and live on today.
This is a church with a very long pedigree -- there is Roman pavement beneath
it, and the remains of seven previous churches. Descend into the crypt and have
a look.
Inside, you'll find a lavishly restored postwar interior, with the East wall
painted in a trompe l'oeil that will fool all but the cleverest eye.
By now you know where St. Paul's is. Walk up Ludgate Road, passing another
Wren church on the left, St. Martin, Ludgate. To and from this glorious facade
have come countless processions of British history, including Queen Victoria's
diamond jubilee in 1897 -- she was too infirm to climb the stairs, so ceremonies
were held on the steps as she sat in her coach; Charles and Diana walked down
them as a married couple.
St. Paul's exists in the form you see mainly because of the force of
character. of the seemingly self-effacing Wren, who for years dreamed of building
a great domed cathedral, not caring much that kings, bishops and the public at
large felt that every respectable cathedral had a spire up top. Domes were
thought "popish" at the time, symbols of the rival faith centered' at St. Peter's
at the Vatican.
Politics forced Wren to submit a design with a spire, but St. Paul's got a
dome. Ever the manipulator, Wren began deviating from the design from the time
the first stone was laid, and from the agreed-to scheduling, too. The 1675
commission from King Charles II clearly states that the cathedral would be built
"in parts," starting with the choir, or eas't end. That was the usual way. of
building cathedrals -- you got a roof over the choir so you could conduct
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The Washington Post, June 14', 1998
services, then started on the rest.
Wren apparently worried that construction would stop once the choir was
finished, given the huge cost of finishing the place. So he built his cathedral
all at once, from the ground up. He had more tricks up his sleeve during the 35
years of construction. London's copper merchants got Parliament to decree that
the dome should be of copper. Wren, hating the green it would turn, got there
first with lead plates.
Parliament eventually grew tired of the now-aged man's bullheadedness. In
1697, declaring that things were moving too slowly, it decreed that half his
salary would be withheld until completion. The job finally ended in 1710.
Before you go in, stand and take in the facade. Almost three centuries of
rain and coal smoke have left a weathered look, but the full glory shows
through. That's St. Paul, patron saint of London, standing at the top, and him
again in the pediment sculpture, seeing a vision on the road to Damascus. The
two towers are among Wren's finest creations, topped by gleaming gold
pineapples. The one on your right contains a bell, Great Paul, that by tradition
rings for five minutes every day at 1 p.m.
This sum statement is different than the churches', and not just in size.
Here Wren got to live out all of his notions of proportionality, of exterior
ornamentation (count the cherubs!), of classical harmony.
So, enter through the front doors. As in many places in London, you will be
charged for entry. You're now in a self-contained city, with a huge transient
population of people like yourself and a paid staff of 135 priests, stoneworkers
and administrators keeping things going. They don't forget that St. Paul's is a
church -- there is a chaplain on duty at all times.
Go ahead -- stride down to the "crossing" and stare up into the dome. Few
people can resist. You're looking up into one of Wren's many tricks -- what you
see on the inside isn't what you see on the outside. Wren wanted a tall dome
visible from miles around, but if you saw the inside of that, it would be like
looking up into a tunnel. So there are three domes -- the one you're looking up
into, the one you saw outside, which doesn't hold anything up, and a third
invisible brick cone that holds'up the "lantern" at the top.
·} Around the side aisles .are the historical memorials that the English like to
/crowd into their churches. At the east end .is the American Memorial Chapel,
containing a handwritten list of 28,000 U.S. service men and women who were
stationed in Britain during World War II and lost their lives.
You might plan to visit at 5 p.m., when an evensong service begins daily. You
can sit in the wooden choir stalls. Religious or not, you're sure to be moved as
the choir sings just a few yards away, the· voices echoing across the wide open
spaces.
If you're fit and afraid neither of tight spaces nor dizzying heig~ts, climb
the steps to the "Whispering Gallery" in the dome. Sit down and again enjoy the
scale and beauty, knowing that during construction Wren was hoisted up in a
basket and walked around just where you are. It got its name because words
spoken to the walls are heard clearly on the 9pposite side. Try it .
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The Washington Post, June 14, 1998
From the Golden Gallery at the top of the dome, you can gaze out over all
London. Standing here was as close to flying as anyone could come in the old
days.
Save the crypt for last. You'll have to look hard, but under the east end of
the church you'll find a black stone that marks the resting place of Christopher
Wren, who succumbed in 1723 at the age of 90.
"Lector, si monumentum requiris, circumspice," reads his epitaph: "Reader, if
you seek his monument, look around you." That's in keeping with the modesty Wren
showed throughout much of his life. His monument, to my mind, is 17th-century
London itself. For information on travel to London, contact the British Tourist
Authority, 212-986-2200, http://www.visitbritain.com.
GRAPHIC: Photo, JOHN BURGESS; Map, The Washington Post, Although the church to
which it was attached did not survive World War II, Wren's St.
Augustine-with-St. Faith bell tower still stands. The facade of St. Paul's
Cathedral, above and left, remains Christopher Wren's greatest legacy. After
St. Paul's, St. Mary-le-Bow, pi7tured at left, is perhaps the most famous of
Wren's churches. Tradition has it that to qualify as a true Cockney, you must be
born within earshot of its bells. Wren's Christ Church fell to World War II
bombs, but its tower remains. Wren's "wedding cake" church:_ St. Bride's Fleet
Street.
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untouched, and touched none that he did not
adorn.
epitaph on Goldsmith (1728-74) by Samuel
Johnson
james Boswelll.ife d! Samuel Johnson (1791)
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22
june r 776
·Fair and learn'd, and good as she,
Time' shall throw a dart at thee.
Wllliam Browne (c.I590-I643) 'Epitaph on the
...
Dowager of Pembroke' (1623)
10 Under this stone, Reader, survey:
0 rare Ben Jonson.
inscription on the tomb of Ben Jonson in Westminster
Abbey
.
Now God will know the truth at last.
mock epitaph for G. K. Chesterton, by E. V. Lucas
(1868-1938)
'''"·:~!~~~·F"~!I
Dead Sir John· Vanbrugh's house of clay. ·
. Lie heavy on him, Earth! for he
. , ..
· Laid many heavy loads on thee!
·
2 Poor G.K.C., his day is'past-
Dudley Barker. G. K. Chesterton ( 1973)
3 Rest in peace. The mistake shall not be repeated.
inscription on the cenotaph at Hiroshima, japan
. 4 Si 111~1111mentum requiris, circumspice.
If you seek a monument, gaze around.
inscription in St· Paul's Cathedral, London, atiributed to
the son of Sir Christopher Wren ( Ili32-I723), its
·
architect; cf. Barham 54: r
5
A soldier of the Great War known unto God.
Were there but a few hearts. and intellec~ uke.
hers.this earth would already become the ho~
.. for heaven.
· '•··.
. epitaph ( iB 59) inscribed by John Stuart Mill on~
tomb of his wife, Harriet (d. 1858), at the cemetery
of St Veran, near Avignon
M. St J. Packe Life of John Stuart Mill (1954) bk. 7, ~~\:.
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12 What Cato did; and Addison approved,
' Cannot be wrong;
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lines found on the desk of Eustace Budge /I
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(1686- I737),after he, too, had taken his own life
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standard epitaph for the unidentified dead of World
War One
adopted by the \Var Graves Commission
·6 .Their name liveth for evermore.·
standard inscription on the Stone of Sacrifice in each
inilitary cemetery of World War One,.propos.ed by
Rudyard Kipling as a memberof the War Graves
Commission
·
Colley Cibber Lives of the Poets (r 753) vol. 5 'Ufe of
Eustace Budgell'
13' What wee.gave, wee have;
What wee spent, wee had;
What wee kept, wee lost.
;
epitaph on Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire (d.
I~F9) and· his wife
at Tiverton, in Thomas Westcote A View of Devonshire In
r630 (ed. G. Oliver and P. Jones, 1845); variants appear
in Tristram Risdon Survey oftlw County of Devoll (1714)
and Edmund Spenser The Shepherd's Calendar ( 1579)
Charles Carrington Rudyard Kipling (rev. ed. 1978); cf.
Bible 92: I;, Sassoon f~45 :23
7 Timothy has passed . . .
.
message on his Internet 1veb page announcing the
death of Timothy Leary, 3 I May 1996
in Guardia11
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14 When you go home, tell them of us and say,
'For your tomorrow we gave our today.'
June I996
Kohima memorial to the Burma campaign of the Second
World War; in·recent years used at Remembrance Day
parades in the UK; cf. Binyon I I 5:8
8 Ubi saeva indignatio ulteri!JS cor lacerare nequit.
\\'here fierce indignation· can· no longer tear his ·
.
.
Jonathan Swift ( 1667-1745)
When you go home, tell them of us and say,'For your tomorrows ~hese gave their today.'
h~rt.
·.
Shane Leslie The Skull ofSwift ( 1928) ch. 15; cf. Yeats
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9 U!1derneath this sable hearse
Lies the subject of all verse;
Sidney's. sister, Pembroke's mother,
Death, ere thou hast slain another,
Euripides C.48 s-qo6
BC
Greek dra111atist
16 Ne\'er shall I saY: that marriage brings more joy
than pain.
Alcestis I. .1..38 .
. John Maxwell Edmonds ( 1875- I958)./nscrip!ions
Suggested for War Memorials ( r 9I9 l
IS Without you, Heaven would be too dull to bear,
Ang, Hell would not be Hell i(you are there.
. epitaph for Maurice Bowra
John Sparrow, in Times Literary Supplement 30 May 1975
is
.
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Nothing have I found stronger than Necessity. . .
Alcestis I. 96 5
19 My tongue swore, but my mind's unsworn ....: ·1.
Hippolytus lamenting his breaking of an oath
,. ,:: .;, -l:
Hippolytus I. 6 I 2
17 Be happy, drink, think each day your own as you
li\·e it and leave the rest to fortune.
Alcestis I. 788
20 Better a life of wretchedness thar{ a noble death.
, Iphigenia ill Tauris I. 12 52
�John Maxwell Edmonds
When you go home, tell them or'us and say, 'For your tomorrows these gave.their today>
-Inscriptions Suggested for War Memorials 1919
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LEVEL 1 - 2 OF 2 STORIES
Copyright 1995 The Morning Call, Inc.
The Morning Call (Allentown)
May 8, 1995, Monday,
SECTION: LOCAL/REGION,
SECOND EDITION
Pg. B1
LENGTH: 813 words
HEADLINE: BUCKS VETS REMEMBER V-E DAY
BYLINE: APRIL PETERSON; The Morning Call
BODY:
There were the expected trappings: the medals and the flags, the smiles and
well. wishes from fellow veterans, speeches by local dignitaries, the march onto
the parade grounds and the salute from the rifle squad.
But there also were the memories, often vivid, of a war won in Europe 50
years ago yesterday.
World war II veterans were honored on Saturday with a ceremony at the War
Memorial Field at Central Bucks West High School, Doylestown, sponsored by the
United Veterans of Doylestown.
Bob Taylor, a member of American Legion Post 210, Doylestown, who fought in
Anzio, Italy, shared some of his memories of the war with artifacts collected
during his service days and carefully exhibited on a red, white and blue
tablecloth. Taylor, the training of a soldier obvious in his posture, eased into
the story of sending clippings from flowers growing around his fox hole to his
sister who dried them and mounted them for him in a paper frame shared with a
flower he sent to his. mother.
"You picked that and sent it to your best girl," he said, pointing to the
flower he sent to his mother and now keeps in a trophy case. "That day my mom
was my best girl."
Taylor was one of.many veterans gathered to recall what they shared a
lifetime ago in Europe and the Pacific. Unfortunately, some veterans said, not
many people other than World War II veterans turned out to hear about the war
and honor the fallen. ·Low attendance and a brisk wind brought the daylong
celebration to an early close.
"It's a shame," one veteran said while looking at the crowd of about 200
huddled at displays.
Bobby Miller of Doylestown, a Navy veteran of U.S.S. Landing Ship-Tank, or
LST, 266, agreed. O~e of five brothers to serve in WWII, he saw action in the
South Pacific. He recalled taking troops and tanks to the beaches under fire. He
joined the Navy because he wanted to ride instead of walk, he joked, uniike
several of his brothers who served in the Army. He saw his eldest brother, the
only one lost to combat, just before he left for the battle from which he
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The Morning Call (Allentown), May 8, 1995
wouldn·' t· return.
"I don't know why they're not here," he said of the crowds he had hoped to
see. "People take (World War II) for granted, in my opinion," he said shaking
his head.
Doylestown veterans groups planned for several thousand, one organizer said.
But for some the numbers gathered did not matter. What mattered was that they
gathered.
"I wasn't thinking, 'Oh, gosh, they're honoring me,'" said Sheila Martin
Walsh, of Hatboro, a World War II veteran of the U.S. Navy WAVES or Women
Accepted for Volunteer Emergency Service. "They're honoring all of us,
(including) guys who didn't come back. I'm very proud I had a chance to be in
(World War II) . "
Walsh joined the WAVES on her 20th birthday, Sept. 15, 1944. She had to have
her parents' consent because of her age.
"When I went into the service, not everybody was thrilled with us," she
explained. "It was, 'What's a nice girl like you doing in a place like that?'
syndrome," ·she said.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt inspected her class the day she graduated
from training at Hunter College in the Bronx. One of 8,000 graduates, she
recalled the roar of the crowds outside the auditorium as Roosevelt's limousine
arrived. A photograph of the event was part of the Bux-Mont Women Veterans
display on the women's war effort exhibited at the anniversary celebration.
Walsh went on to serve in Washington, D.C., where she celebrated V-E Day, V-J
Day, and eventually saw generals, admirals and their troops come home.
She still gets emotional when taps is played, she said, and found herself
wiping away tears during Saturday's ceremony.
Bugler and WWII veteran George Myers of Chalfont still gets emotional when he
plays taps. A Navy veteran of the Philippines, he took his cornet to war and
played for shipboard church services. He never played taps while in the service
but has since played it for funerals and other observances. Each performance is
difficult, he said, but ceremonies like the anniversary are a bit easier because
they honor everyone who served.
"I think it's wonderful we can do something like this to remember those who
gave their lives," he said.
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Veterans Warren Kimmel and Herb Haldeman are adamant about the importance of
remembering the war, especially the war effort in China, Burma and India. Both
served in Burma, flying supply missions.over the Himalayas, which they refer to
as "The Hump." Some of the men they knew died in a pass in the mountains they
called "Aluminum Alley" where 900 planes were lost, they said. Kimmel memorized
verse he learned while overseas for those lost.
"When you go home/Tell them of us/That we gave·our tomorrow/So you can have
your today," he said solemnly. "The way I look at it, it enlightens a lot of
people," he said of the verse and the anniversary celebration .
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LEVEL 1 - 7 OF 9 STORIES
Copyright 1988 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
July 10, 1988, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section 5; Page 43, Column 1; Travel Desk
LENGTH: 1366 words
HEADLINE: St. Paul's Is a Shrine For Yanks, Too
BYLINE: By ALAN WEBSTER; Alan Webster, Knight of the Royal Victorian Order, was
Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral from 1978 to 1987.
BODY:
FOR 10 years, an embarrassing question for me, as Dean of St. Paul's
Cathedral in London, has been how to welcome Americans. If you are a priest, do
you mention that your most distinguished predecessor wrote lyrical and sensual
love poetry? Whereas Petrarch's sonnets to his Laura put her on a pedestal, John
Donne, Dean of St. Paul's from 1621 to 1631, kicked the pedestal'away, caught
her in his arms and put her to bed.
Should I tell Nancy Reagan, I wondered, about John Donne's love poetry and
his exploration of his beloved, ''My America'' as he called her. Mrs. Reagan was
walking around St. Paul's two days before the 1981 wedding of Charles and _Diana.
Mercifully, the media solved this problem by claiming the First Lady's time, so
that religion and poetry and the whole of St. Paul's had to be compressed into a
quarter of an hour.
Each year, between two and three million visitors, many on their way to the
crown jewels at the Tower and back again to the changing of the guard at the
Palace, visit St. Paul's. The largest contingent comes from the United States,
but the going is tough for them. Downstairs in the crypt, they are faced with
the ferocious bust of a.'bearded Scottish colonel, Sir Duncan MacDougall. He was
colonel of the Cameron Highlanders and spent most of his life fighting either in
South Africa or Spain or France. He also fought at Bladensburg and, finally,
took part in the capture of Washington in 1812.
I explain that the President's house was burned down in retaliation for the
burning of the Governor General's house in Canada. I point out that, to conceal
the repairs after the fire., the whole building was painted white so that the
name of the most famous house in the world was indirectly derived from Sir
Duncan MacDougall's incendiarism.
Clearly the cathedralis custodians had a sense of guilt about these assaults
on their numerous and generous American visitors. Tucked away behind a pillar is
an attractive but small portrait bust of George Washington. On the opposite
side, again off the visitors' beaten track, is a moving and elegant tablet to
Pilot Officer W. N. L. Fiske, an American airman who fought in the 1940 Battle
of Britain, one of the first of tens of thousands of American servicemen who
died in Europe in World War II.
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The New York Times, July 10, 1988
r
The first American Indian to visit England was Pocahontas. She came to London
in 1616, after marrying John Rolfe, one of the Virginian settlers. They stayed
at an inn on Ludgate Hill, and were received at court as well as by the Bishop
of London. Pocahontas may be commemorated by the semi-nude stone figure of an
Indian woman supporting the statue to Queen Anne, outside St. Paul's. She only
survived the chill, fogs and frosts of London for a year, but remains a great
heroine with British schoolchildren.
I
A more fortunate New England visitor, the recently retiredEpiscopal Bishop
of Massachusetts, John B. Coburn, began his 1985 sermon from the ample pulpit,
15 feet above contradiction, facing a congregation of between 1,000 and 2,000,
by remarking: ''It feels like preaching from Brooklyn Bridge~'' The proportions
are huge. The cross above the dome is 365 feet above the crypt. Even St. Peter's
in Rome finds it hard to rival this London dome. Three years ago, when Mikhail
S. Gorbachev stood under the dome, he asked an attendant what the cathedral was
used for. The verger replied: ''In order, sir, to worship God.''
Each year more and more members of the American community in London come to
St. Paul's on Thanksgiving Day, perhaps as many as 2,000 in 1987. The United
States Ambassador, flanked by two Marines, reads the President's message, an
American choir sings and the Ambassador is escorted in and out of the church, as
the Queen and the Lord Mayor of London are escorted on great occasions. For a
St. Paul.' s ~s one of the classical bu~ldin
in Washington. After the service, hundreds of Americans visit the American
Memorial Chapel at the east end of the cathedral, where the 28,000 Americans who
gave their lives whilst stationed in Britain du:dng World Wa II are·
calli
The ''Battle Hymn
of
the place of
Not a Sunday goes by without the cathedral's becoming a momentary monastery
for an American family. A director of the Chrysler Corporation from Washington
tells me it is'his wedding anniversary, so we light a candle and I kneel between
him and his wife in a moment of intense thankfulness. The following Christmas he
took the trouble to write about ''this extraordinary and wonderful opportunity
which our whole family vicariously enjoyed.' ' A husband and wife who are office
cleaners in Evanston, Ill., send a few dollars and a letter describing their
origins as black British two generations ago in Liverpool and ask that they be
remembered by name at a service. They are.
Old St. Paul's burned down in 1666, just after New York had changed its name
from New Amsterdam and had come under British influence. While great changes
were taking place on the American Eastern Seaboard, the final decisions were
made to build a supreme Protestant cathedral in the classical style in London.
Sir Christopher Wren's plan was so unpopular amongst traditionalists, who said
that it did not look like a church, meaning it was not Gothic, that wattle
fences 20 feet high were erected round the slowly rising cathedral to conceal
its revolutionary design.
The philosophy of the new cathedral was determined by the scientific approach
of its architect. The similarity between the outline of the dome of St. Paul's
and the outline of the Capitol in Washington is not coincidence. Both are
buildings of the Enlightenment. It is no accident that so m~ny Americans feel so
at home in St. Paul's, whether they come to worship or to visit .
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The New York Times, July 10, 1988
A climax for American involvement was the 1981 wedding of Charles and Diana.
It has been a major incentive for visiting the cathedral. It matters to us all
that we should know the actual sites of events that stir us, including the
century's most publicized wedding.
EUROPEANS, including the English, are'weak on church-going, though not .
necessarily on religion. So, at St. Paul's, especially on Sunday mornings and on
those great musical occasions when ''Messiah'' or the Bach ''Passions'' or the
masses by Mozart or Schubert, Haydn or Stravinsky are sung, it takes Americans
to fill St. Paul's. It is still a very British place, where we respect our
customs, believe in our history and strongly affirm our future. Still, here,
Martin Luther King made one of his most memorable appeals for equality. Here, an
American female priest preached. Here, Americans of many different churches
worship.
The commonest American criticisms of St. Paul's are the monuments and crypts
that amount to a glorification of war, and the conspicuous absence of women.
Many young Americans, as well as Germans and Russians, with world peace high on
their agenda, are critical of the prominence given to Wellington and Nelson.
However, peaceful pursuits are also well represented: painters, musicians,
poets, writers, architects, medical people.
As far as women are concerned, an American whose attention had been drawn to
Florence Nightingale, the pioneer of nursing, was not satisfied. ''Please tell
the head of this outfit that there should be a large notice in the crypt saying
'All these men had mothers.'·''
All the world's shrines introduce ,us to another dimension and, for those who
give time, to a deeper experience. It is ·difficult to articulate our individual
search. We may only be clear about a detail: a lady from Chicago, looking for
the discoverer of penicillin, Alexander Fl.eming, because she had worked with
him; a man from Ohio whose ancestor, Prebendary Bradford, was a Reformation
martyr; a chorister from Philadelphia looking for the grave of his ancestor,
William Boyce, whose music we still sing after 200 years, and Methodists from
Maryland on a John Wesley pilgrimage. When many here have lost their way; there
is an ache for shared memories and a common language; St. Paul's is becoming a
place of rediscovery.
GRAPHIC: Photo of the American Memorial Chapel in St. Paul's, in London.
(Jonathan Player)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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LEVEL 1 - 6 OF 9 STORIES
Copyright 1988 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
August 21, 1988, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section 5; Page 25, Column 1; Travel Desk
LENGTH: 144 words
HEADLINE: St. Paul's
BODY·
To the Editor: Dean Alan Webster's article ''St. Paul's Is for Yanks, Too''
Travel, July 10) brought back many pleasant memories. When I am in London, I
always enter St. Paul's Cathedral as its architecture, grandeur and beauty
appeal greatly to me.
A visit to the American Memorial Chapel, behind the main
altar, is always included.
I
resent
ce when a verger opened the glass case
containing~
Remembrance'
with its names of American servicemen who gave thei ~
in Britain during World War II. He turned over two pages to expose
on later pages. I questioned him as to the procedure - ''Shouldn't it
over a page at a time?'' He replied, ''Yes, ordinarily I turn a page a
I was not here yesterday .. It is my duty to keep the book in
. SCHAFENBERG
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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LEVEL 1 - 6 OF 7 STORIES
Copyright 1995 Chicago Tribune Company
Chicago Tribune
November 26, 1995 Sunday, NORTHWEST FINAL EDITION
SECTION: TEMPO NORTHWEST; Pg. 2; ZONE: NW; Northwest Notebook: Yesterday.
LENGTH: 236 words
HEADLINE: MONUMENT TO A VETERAN ARTIST
BYLINE: By Larry Mayer. Special to the Tribune.
BODY:
His work is displayed as far away as London, but Trygve Rovelstad's most
enduring legacy remains close to the hearts of many U.S. veterans. During World
War II, the Elgin native was a medalist for the Armed Services and designed
several badges and medals, including the Infantry Badge, Bronze Star, Legion of
Merit and the WAC insignia.
Rovelstad (1903-1990) was born in Elgin to Norwegian immigrants. He displayed
his artistic skills as a boy, carving with a bowie knife and painting and
drawing. He attended the School of the Art Institute of Chicago before heading
to New York.
When he returned to Chicago, he served as a stage assistant to sculptor
Lorado Taft on a tour of lectures throughout the country. Rovelstad eventually
studied sculpture at the University of Washington, where he was honored for
illustrating the nation's top college yearbook.
Rovelstad returned to Elgin in the early 1930s and began work on a public
sculpture titled "The Pioneer Memorial." In 1935, he designed the Elgin Pioneer
Half ollar to commemorate Elgin's lOOth anniversary.
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After tl:i.e war, Rovelstad was hired as editor and designer of the ,"American
Honor Roll," a 70-pound book that lists the more than 28,000 Americans who died
defense of Britain. The book is displayed in the American Chapel in St.
was presented to the dean of the cathedral by
LOAD-DATE: November 26, 1995
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LEVEL 1 - 4 OF 9 STORIES
Copyright 1991 News World Communications, Inc.
The Washington Times
November 10, 1991, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: Part F; TRAVEL; Pg. F1
LENGTH: 2304 words
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HEADLINE: Fields of valor remain in Anglia
BYLINE: Tish Foxwell; SPECIAL TO THE WASHINGTON TIMES
BODY:
It is said in East Anglia that if a person remains quiet long enough and
stands on any number of gone, but not forgotten airfields he might might
possibly hear a faint ghost of a B-17 landing somewhere off in the distance.
The whirring noises from the propellers of the bulky B-17's flew out of the
countless airfields across England with their fresh-faced and courageous·crews
during World War II. This was headquarters for the U.S. Army Air Forces . East
Anglia is still remembered as the home of the "Mighty 8th," and it still holds
memories of an engrossing yet painful chapter in World War II history.
From 1942 to 1945, this agricultural region was headquarters of the U.S.
Army Air Forces, giving way to legends straight out of "Twelve oi Clock High."
Stepping back and·taking a close look at some of these memorials and museums
focuses on the natural courage exhibited by all of those brave young airmen and
strengthens an appreciation of freedom on this eve of Vetrans Day.
In Britain,
Nov.
11 is Remembrance Day.
Throughout next year, the 50th anniversary of the USAAF's arrival in
Britain, events will recall this significant chapter in British and U.S.
?istory. Programs will range from dazzling to Glenn Miller-style dances.
Travelers desiring will not be disappointed in their journey to an area that
continues to signify courage and honor.
But rediscovering some of the dramatic
events relating to World.War II is best done by beginning in London.
From London, Sir Winston Churchill and the British high command plotted
their plans against Hitler's forces.
It is also where the determined and
fighting spirit of the English people came shining through during the nightly
turmoil of the Blitz from 1940 to 1941.
Begin at St. Paul's Cathedral, where the American Memorial Chapel is a
fitting tribute to the 28,000 American men and women who lost their lives while
stationed in Britain during the war. The chapel, behind the cathedral's high
altar, was dedicated in 1958. Seven years earlier, Gen. Dwight D.
Eisenhower
presented the Roll of Honor .
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The delicate carvings surrounding the memorial represent birds and plants
indigenous to the United States.
During the Blitz, volunteers kept vigils at the cathedral, where on the
night of December 29, 1940, fires were miraculously snuffed out by the bucket
brigade to save the cathedral.
St. Paul's was hit, but did not suffer the
great damage inflicted on nearby buildings.
On Remembrance Day, while crowds of people pay homage at St.
Paul's, it is
not uncommon to see a bevy of Rolls Royce's parked outside and adorned with red
poppies on their hoods as a tribute to the fallen soliders.
The Cabinet.War Rooms on King Charles Street near the Foreign Office, are a
complex of narrow passageways and rooms, once the vital nerve center of
Churchill and h~s staff during the darkest days of the war.
This collection of subterranean rooms allows visitors a unique opportunity
to journey through Churchill's headquarters that were specifically constructed
as an emergency station to protect the prime minister, the War Cabinet and Chief
of Staff from the German air attacks.
Near Westminster Abbey, the Houses of Parliament and the Horse Guards, the
maze of rooms provides an excellent look at where some of Churchill's most
important decisions were made. All 21 rooms have been restored to their 1940s
appearance.
Taped tours are. available; the Prime Minister's Room, .location of many of
Churchill's wartime broadcasts, and the Cabinet Room are the most interesting.
The Transatlantic Telephone Room was Churchill's connection to the White House,
where he could speak directly to President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Across Lambeth Bridge is the Imperial War Museum, under whose auspices both
the Cabinet War Rooms and airfield at Duxford are incorporated. This museum
concentrates on data and points of interest relating to both world wars t~rough
medals, paintings, photographs and eclectic memorabillia pertaining to the
British and Commonwealth armed forces, but the newer galleries, completed in
1989, have more modern displays.
A highlight is the "Blitz Experience," recommended for those wanting to get
a sense of the chilling nights of wartime London through the use of sights,
smells and sounds.
The Dorchester Hotel is one of London's most prestigious and historical
addresses.
Its many famous guests included Gen.
Eisenhower, who occupied Rooms
104-105, now the Eisenhower Suite, on his many visits to London.
Churchill, to
ensure greater privacy for Eisenhower, had a wall erected on.the balcony where
it remains today.
The Royal Air Force Museum at Hendon, not be to confused with the Imperial
War Museum at Duxford, is Britain's National Museum of Aviation. Over 70 famous
aircraft document British aviation history from the Battle of Britain to the
Tornado flight simulator. Battle of Britain buffs can view the Hawker Hurricane
and the Supermarine Spitfire .
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The Washington Times, November 10, 1991
In 1922, the Bomber Command Hall, "USAAF Exhibition," will be installed to
display the B-17G, B-25J Mitchell and P-51 Mustang. Also planned is a replica
of an American ~rew Room.
The museum is open daily.
To visit East Anglia, Cambridge is recommended as .a starting pointi it's
about an hour from London's Liverpool Street Station.
BritRail connects a few
of the recommended stops on an East Anglian tour, but renting a car or opting
for a BritRail rail/drive package is makes the smaller villages and towns more
accessible.
Cambridge, unlike Oxford, its rival and neighbor to the south, is a scholars
delight with its manageable thoroughfares and livable.atmosphere.
It also
stands on the fringes to some of England's most poetic villages.
Cambridge's bucolic landscape was disrupted in the 1940's when it served as
the dramatic background for thousands of American soliders stationed nearby.
During the war, the enrollment diminished and dormitories became barracks for
Royal Air Force trainees.
Echoes still reverberate in East Anglia's gentle sloping hillsides, once a
massive airfield command station, and in several pubs where friendship between
townspeople and soliders were quickly formed during tumultuous times.
Although the 8th and 9th Air Forces of the USAAF have long since shipped
out, their presence and memory have made an indelible imprint in towns from Diss
to Bury St. Edmunds and' Laveriham to Norwich.
·
This recommended trail focuses on but a sampling of these towns and villages
with memories .of abandoned airfields to the reality of restored control towers.
And there's the Old Bar at the Swan Hotel in Lavenham, where Glenn Miller is
said to have had his last drink.
Each traveler, student of history and former solider no doubt will discover
a favorite town, but the Imperial War Museum at Duxford, eight miles south of
Cambridge, is a former Battle of Britain station and site where the first unit
of the USAAF was welcomed in 1942. From then until 1945, Duxford was qne of the
100 8th Air Force bases and home to the 78th Fighter Group.
It is a must for anyone with a keen interest in the Battle of Britain and
for seeing superbly restored aircrafti it is Europe's largest center for
restoring historic aircraft.
Visitors to the complex can see the Hawker Hurricane and British Spitfire,
both used in the Battle of Britain, and they can step inside the actual
Operations Room used in the air battle .
. One of the most spectacular flying displays ever staged at Duxford is
planned for July 4 and 5 to commemorate the 50th anniversary of U.S.
forces'.
arrival in Britain. Treasured vintage aircraft wifl be dusted off and spruced
up to perform aerial acrobatics while special exhibitions on the ground will
complement the action in the air.
The American Air Museum, Duxford's most ambitious project to date, will be a
memorial and tribute to the thousands of American airmen who served from bases
in Britain during the war and will remind visitors .of the U.S.
contributions to
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The Washington Times, November 10, 1991
the Allied victory.
Highlights will include the B-17 Flying Fortress, B-29 Superfortress, P-47
Thunderbolt and P-51 Mustang, all part of the existing Duxford collection.
(The musuem, which charges· admission, is reached by regular bus service from the
Cambridge railway station and by express coach service from London.
It is open
daily, 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. during the winter months.)
From Bassingbourn, near Duxford, the B-17 "Memphis Belle" flew on its many
missions. The Tower Museum, run by the East Anglian Aviation Society, is a
memorial to those who flew from the base.
One of the most moving and poignant memorials is the American Military
Cemetery at Madingley, 4 miles northwest of the Cambridge railway station. The
Wall of Remembrance lists names of the 5,125 American airmen and soliders who
were reported missing.
The 3,812 graves are in a fan-shape design that sweeps across meticulously
maintained lawns. Although this is a somber stop, a peacefulness pervades.
Ely Cathedral, within walking distance of the Ely rail station and 18 miles
from Madingley, is a marvel in medieval engineering with the 800 tons of wood
and lead used in its unique construction. On the edge of the Fens and close to
the picturesque River Ouse, this commanding 11th-century masterpiece displays a
most unusual interior with its octagon and lantern nave.
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One market town that should be at the top of everyone's list is Lavenham, a
wool town and one of the most prized examples of a medieval town. Walking its
tiny streets is similar to stepping back into King Henry's VIII's day.
The Swan, whose history dates back to 1667, is a favorite for Americans
yearning for a taste of an authentic country home-style lodging establishment
complete with lofty timbered ceilings and individually designed rooms.
The Swan's Old Bar has an eternal affiliation with the 487th Bomb Group of
the 8th Air Force whose members freqented this beloved haunt off-duty.
One section of the wall displays squadron badges left by gratified
servicemen, and there is a collection of signatures on the wall under the title,
"The Boot Records," which lists the names of airmen who had successfully
quaffed, without stopping, 3 1/2 pints of the best ale from the glass boot that
occupies a prime niche over the bar..
It is said that some of the airmen had to rent bicycles from the locals to
return safely to base on more than one occasion.
From Lavenham one can easily touch upon Framlingham, Mendlesham, Tibenham
and Thorpe Abbotts, all with noted memorials and mementos associated with the
8th Air Force.
The 390th Bomb Group Memorial at Parham Airfield in Framlingham exhibits
various items dedicated to the Royal Air Force and the 8th Air Force in a
restored control tower. Many of the old buildings are still standing with a
Nissen hut assembled from original components adjacent to the control tower .
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The Washington Times, November 10, 1991
Mendlesham, on Route Al40, has a memorial to the 34th Bomb Group and at
Thorpe Abbotts, perhaps the most memorable and lovingly restored control tower
can be viewed. Housed in the original control tower of the lOOth Bomb Group,
this memorial, with Glenn Miller music in the background, contains uniforms,
photographs and personal mementos, all worth a good look.
Nearby is Tibenham where actor Jimmy Stewart was based.
Toward the tip of East Anglia and heading northeast from Thorpe Abbotts, is
Norwich, one of England's finest cathedral cities.
In the 17th century, Norwich
was second to London in size, and Norwich Cathedral has the second-highest spire
in England.
The town center with its meandering alleyways, arcades and cobbled
streets, is ideal for afternoon walking and exploring.
Two key sites associated with the war are the Norwich Central Library on
Bethel Street, which houses the 2nd Air Division Memorial Library, and the
Norwich Aviation Museum at Norwich Airfield.
The library memorial, founded in 1963 by former members of the 14 bomb
groups stationed near Norwich, contains books pertaining to aspects of American
life and presents details about the 5,125 missing Americans.
It is dedicated to
.the memory of those from the 2nd Air Division of the 8th Air Force who were
killed while flying from bases in Norfolk and Suffolk.
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The Norwich Aviation Museumhas eight preserved aircraft. in ~ts collection
including the Vulcan Bomber and the Herald airliner.
There's also a
comprehensive collection of Royal Air Force and USAAF memorabilia.
For further information regarding the "Return to England" reunions and other
information pertaining to East Anglia write Jane Sullivan, Project Coordinator,
East Anglia Tourist Board, Toppesfield Hall, Hadleigh Suffolk, IP7 5DN, England.
American Airlines, the host carrier for reunion events and working in
connection with Battlefield Tours, is offering several group itineraries. For
more information, call 800/433-7300 and ask for the international desk planning
reunion tours.
****BOX
Cemetery guidebook
The American Battle Monuments Commission publishes a 23-page booklet,
"American Memorials and Overseas Military Cemeteries."
The booklet lists 22 cemeteries and the days and hours they are open in
winter and summer seasons, including holidays of the United States and the host
countries.
Maps also are included to show the highways arid route numbers by which the
cemeteries may be reached.
The publication also gives the address and telephone numbers of its
Mediterranean, European and Philippine offices .
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The Washington Times, November 10, 1991
The American Battle Monuments Commission is in the Casimir Pulaski Building,
20 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C.
20314-0533. The phone numbers are
202/272-0533 and 0532.
GRAPHIC: Photos (color), A & B) Poppies adorn a Rolls Royce outside St. Paul's
Cathedral on Remembrance Day. Above right: Vintage aircraft are on display at
Duxford Airfield.; C) The nerve center of Churchill's High Command during World
War II., All By .Tish Foxwell/Special to The Washington Times ; Photos, A)
Memorabilia from the lOOth Bomb Group, including pictures of the crew of "Our
Gal Sal," are on view at Thorpe Abbotts.; B) The imposing Imperial War Museum is
on Lambeth Street in London. ; Box, Cemetery guidebook
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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�St. Paul's in London:
2~ world war c~eated a special bond between UK and US.
east end
o~ cathedral was developed as american memorial chapel.
dedicated in 1958 in ceremony attended by queen and nixon (vp)
inlaid in the floor of the ~hapel is inscription:
to the
american dead of the 2nd ww from the people·of britain.
inscription on placard of book with prominent inscription
"we gave our tomorrow for your today"
It was idea of dean of the church that the american memorial
chapel should be in the church its~lf.
funds raised for it by a
special appeal throughout the country.
they quote the dean:
I
piay that future generations are mindful fo the great sacrifice
which was offered that they might live in freedom.
and that
these memorials of the fallen in war, will speak to them not
only of the heroic devotion to duty, in conflict, but ·of the
need for finding the way to peace, based on justice, so that
never end will the fiery trial of war put the human race a~d its
hihgest values in deadly peril.
"The Roll of Honor"
presented by'gen. eisenhower
independence day 1951,
28,000 handwritten.
on
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us servicemen stationed in britain, who lose their lives in ww
2. who passed through England on their to retaking the
continent of Europe.
sailors, soldiers, airmen and marines
who used the soil of Britain as·a launching pad for retaking the
continent of Europe, and died in the effort.
28,000 whd stationed, trained, prepared, in were,
stationstrained, and prepared, and
distinguishing features of Ukrainian history:
people, desire for independence, resilience.
unity of its
You are our friends, we have very high expectations for you.
nned strong partners.
we
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May 16•. 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR
FROM:
George f. Fuller, M.D.
WHITE HOUSE PHYSICIAN
SUBJECT:
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PRESIDENTIAL ADVANCE OfFICE
Medical Advisory for the Trip of the President to Portugal. Germany. Russia.
and the U!aJine
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The following is the White House Medical Unit travel advisory for the President's bip to Portugal,
Gcnnany, Russia. and the Ukraine in May 29- June 6. 2000. This recommendation is based on available
information for the itinerary as of May 16, 2000. Please distribute widely and promptly.
GENERAL HEALTH CAUTIONS:
Recent medical and dental exams should enSure that travelers arc in good health. Cany appropriate
health and accident insurance documents and copies of any important medical records.
• Bring an adequate supply of preScription and other medications as ~II as any necessary personal
hygiene items, including a spare pair of eyeglasses or contact lenses if required.
• Doctors and hospitals may expect immediate payment for health scrvic:es and U.S. medical 'insurance
is not always valid outside the United States. Check with your insurance company to confirm
whether your policy will apply overseas. including provision for medical evacuation.
•
If local medical care is necessary, oontact the appropriate U.S. Embassy or the White House
Medicalllnit in Washington.
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Jet lag is best overcome by adapting to destination sleep/wake ind meal panems as quickly as
possible. Stay well hydrated and exercise regularly. Earfy morning exposure to daylight will help
reset your .. body clock... "Sleeping pills" will aid in initiating sleep, but do not reset your internal
cl01:k. Address use of such mcdicatioris with your physician prior to departure.
SPECIFI<: CONCERNS:
,
• Health conditions and sanitation in Russia and Ukraine, formerly on par with U.S. and European·
standards, have deteriorated in recer~t years. Breakdowns in sanitation and the public health
infrastructure have increased the levels of food- and water-borne illnesses such as gastroenteritis.
hepatitis A, and bacterial dysentery, as well as vaccine-preventable diseases such as diphtheria.
Conditions in smaller cities and villages are below the standards of industrialized countries.
Tf'tlWiers 1o RIUSia and Utralne siiDflhl be up-to-ddle 011 to~~tille all~
llftiJUinlUJiion.s (su below) turd au rmtilttkd to strldly follew food*
~
• The Ukrainian authorities currently require all foreigners entering Ukraine to have proof of emergency
medical insurance. A state insurance company offers emergency medic:al insuranCe poliCies, which
may be purchased at the airport upon arrival. At thi5 time, cnfom:ment of the insurance regulalion
remains uneven; sometimes foreigners are.made to purchase insurance at the airport and sometimes
they are not. This regUlation appears to be most consistently enforced at tbe international airports in
Kiev, Lviv, and Odessa.
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Portugal has one of the highest rates ofautomobile accidents and fatalities in-. Europe. Road travel in ·
roads, ooilfusing road signs,
certain areas is hazardous due to poor illuminalion on narrow,
vehicles without.worting lights, etc. When possible, avoid travel at night and wear seat belts at all
times.
rough
IMMUNIZATIONS:
• Heoaaitis A: For travelers to Portugal, Russia, and Ukraine, immunization against hepatitis A is
important for those wbo will be living in or visiting rural areas, eaaing or drinking in settings of
poor or uncertain sanitation, or wbo will have close contact with local persons (especially young
children) in. settings with poor sanitary conditions. The importance ofprotec:tion against hepatitis
.
·
A increases as length of stay increases.
• Typhoid: Travelers to Portugal, Russia. and the Ukraine should receive typhoid vaccine if they will
be staying longer than 3 weeks, or plan to venture off the usual tourist routes into small cities,
villages, and rural areas. Those that have undergone previous typhoid vaccination should be
aware that the injected· vaccine is good for 3 yean, and the oral vaccine for S yean.
• f2li2: For tra-velers to Russia and Ukraine, a one-time booster dose as an adult (anytime starting at
age 18 and in addition to a primary childhood series) is n:wmmended for travelers. H~'•
polio boosl6s wiU 1101 N awlil4bh tiii'OIIgll til~ Wllile H~H~U MHicol UIIJI CIUtic. Travelers to.
Russia and Ukraine should visit their primary care provider to obtain an IPV booster.
• Other: All travelers should ensure that their routine immunizations (tetanus/diphtheria,
measles/mumps/rubella, polio, and influe1U3) are up-to-date as a matter of good health practice
unrelated to travel.
Vaccinations require 10 days for maximum effectiveness; travelers should plan acoordingly.
DIET AR\' PRECAUTIONS: Gastrointestinal diseases, including cholera, typhoid, and other diarrheal
diseases can be a problem for any international traveler. The best approach to these diseases is
prevention. In general, food and water sources in Germany and Portugal are safe; however. check with
embassy offici8.1s on arrival. There is NO potable water at the Ukraine trip site. For person~! who may
be in a situation where they must cat locally procured foods in areas that are suspect. the following
standard recommendations apply:
•
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Drink (and brush teeth) with only bottled water or beverages made from bottled water. Do not trust any
locally procured water. Do not use ice cubes.
Do not eat raw or poOrly cooked meat or seafood. Eat well-cooked foods while they are still hot.
Only Cal fruit that you peel yourself.
Consume only pasteurized dairy products.
Avoid food from roadside stands and street vendors.
At the first symptoms of diarrheal disease, initiate rreaunent with Pepto-Bismol (chew 2 tabs 4 times
daily~ not use if allergic to aspirin).
'
'
~ dir«t fllfy pestioiU N!fiUtling lfletllctll iwles lo tile Wllile HtiuH MedlcaJ U11il Clbtic 111 (201)
757-2476.
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MON 18:07 FAX 202 395 7234
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
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PHONE: 202-395'-7373
FAX:
202-456-2008
DATE:
TO:
FAX:
FROM:
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Carmella LaSpada
Events Coordinator
Natio11al Moment ofRemembrance
PAGES:
-:j
{Including tbis cover sheet)
COMMENTS:
o Please Call
o For your infonnation
· o As you requested
o As we discussed
The infonnation in this facsimile is PRIVATE and intended for the recipient ONLY_ Please call if there ~e any
problems with our tranSmission.
White House Millennium Council
708 Jackson Place, N.W.
Washington, DC 20503
�.05/22/00
M:.9.N .. 18:07 FAX 202 395 7234
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
National Moment of Remembrance Participation Commitment
[4]002
�05/22/00
MON 18:08 FAX 202 395 7234
_________________ _____
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
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ABBY- FRIDAY, MAY 26, 2000
Let
Us Wonor All Who o;ed
So That We Might Be Free
by Abigail Van Buren
e} 2000 Unlwersal
Pro:o, Sy.,dlcate
DEAR ABBY: 1A.f3 we prepare to "Rob,~ was adopted at the age of 6
celebrate Memorial Day, we should weeks. I have known about it since
remember that this noble holiday is we first began dating.
more than just a day off from work
We now have three school-age
or school to spend time with our children, and we never thought it
families or. enjoy the outdoors. was necessary to tell them that
Memorial Day was created to honor their dad was adopted. We were
those who gave their lives in service wrong.
to our nation, and to reflect on the
About a month ago, our 10-yearblessings offreedom.
old daughter got into a quarrel with
This year, President Clinton and uMegan," the 13-year-old daughter
the U.S. Congress are joining of my husband's adoptive aunt.
together to urge Americans to put Megan was cruel to our daughter
the "memorial" back into Memorial and told her that she is not really a
Day by participating in a National "Smith" grandchild. 'l'his resulted in
Moment of Remembrance. At 3 p.m. our daughter coming home in tears
local time on Monday, May 29, and totally confused.
At that point we did our best to
Americans e"erywhere are encouraged to pa'llse for one minute to pay explain to her that, while she has a
t'ribute to our fallen heroes. We ask ·different genetic makeup, she is certhat "Taps" be played on radio and tainly a Smith in every other way.
television stations and at public
Abby, this painful incident could
events wherever possible, and that have been avoided had we been
those who are dr:iving turn on their more open with our daughter from
headlights. Whether at home or the beginning about her dad's adopabroad, alone or with others, every tion. Please tell your readers that
American is encouraged to obserie honesty is always the best policy.
this moment of're:flection in his or Thanks for listening.
herownway.
LEARNED THE HAl~D WAY
On Memorial Day 2000, let us as
DEAR LEARNED: I have
a nation unite to thank the coUrageous men and women who paid done that in the past, and I will
with their lives so that we could continue to do it. Your letter
enjoy this Memorial Day and every serves as a valuable warning to
parents who may have withheld
day in freedom.
JOHN PODESTA, CHIEI•' OF information that could provide
STAFF TO THE PRESIDENT a child with a better understanding of his or her family.
P.S. Your husband should
DEAR MR. PODESTA: That's
very little to ask of the proud consider confronting his aunt
citizens of this nation. Devoting and asking her where she
one minute out of the holiday to thinks her daughter "picked
remember those who have laid up" such a cruel.idea.
down their lives that we might
live in freedom is the least we
can do to acknowledge their
To order "How tD Write Letters for
sacrifice.
All Occasions," send a business-sized,
.
I thSnk you for bringing this self-addressed envelope, plus cheek or
to the attention or my readers.
money order for $8.95 ($<l.50 in
DEAR ABBY: My husband,
Can.ad.a) to: Dear Abby, Letter Booklet,
P.O. Box 447, Mount Morrl .., n. 610540447. (Postage is included.)
�05/22/00
MILLENNIUM .COUNCIL
141004
WED 18:20 FAX 202 224 4224
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SENATOR HAGEL
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IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
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-~~~ r '-''t¥.1!14!.\C o.~~ Mr. ~~~f't.~
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Mr. HAGEL submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was
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CONCURRENT .RESOLUTION
Expressing the support of Congress for a National Moment ·
.
·
,
l-qcA-l '\t vne_
of. Remembrance to be observed at 3:00 p.m. eft~
··
.sta:ndru d ti~e on each Memorial Day.
Whereas the preservation of basic freedoms and world peace
t
has always been a VBlued objective of this great country;
"Whereas thousands of American men and women have .selflessly given their liVes iri semce as peacemakers and
·peacekeepers;
Vlhereas greater strides should be made to demonstrate the
appreciation· and gratitude these loyal Americans deserve
and to commemorate the ultimate .sacrifice they made;
Whereaa Memorial Day is the day o£ the year for the Nation
to appropriately·· remember American- heroes by inviting
the citizenS. of this Nation to· respectfully honor. them ·at
. a designated time;
�05/22/00
MON 18:09 FAX 202 395 7234
14! 005
. MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
SENATOR HAGEL
03/29/00 WED 18:21 FAX 202 224 4224
·... t•
O:\NUT\NUT00.091
S.L.C.
'..·.
2.
Whereas Memorial Day needs to be made relevant to both
present and future generations of .Americans; and
Whereas .a National Moment' of Remembrance would provide
citizens in the United States an opportunity to participate in a symbolic act of American unity: Now,· therefore,
be it
i
I
I
2
3
Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives
ct.mC'I}-rring)~
That Congress-
(1) expresses its support for a National Mo.
4
·
ment of Remembrance at 3:00
p.m~
Loc..A-l I L vn..
e_
eastc:nm standam
5
-tHHe on each Memorial Day in honor of the men and
6
women of the U mted States· who died in the pursuit
7
of freedom and peace;
8
~d
(2) requests that the President issue a prochi.-
·9
ma~ion
10
to observe a National Moment of Remembrance on
11
each Memorial Day.
calling upon the .people of the United States
.
'
'
�05/22/00
MON 18:09 FAX 202 395 7234
FOR IMME:OIA TE RELEASE
Wednesday, March 29,2000
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
Contact: Deb Fiddelke (Hagel), 202-224-4224
Jody Ryan (Kerrey), 202-224-6551
Hagel, Kerrey Introduce Resolution to Proclaim
a ''National Moment of Remembrance"
Washington, D.C.- Every year. ntillions of Americans would have the opportunity to stand
united in silence in honor of those who paid the ultimate sacrifice in service to this nation. Only
the notes of•'Taps" would break the stillness under a resolution offered by U.S. Senators Bob
Kerrey (D·NE) and Chuck Hagel (R·NE) to create a "National Moment of Remembrance'' a1
3:00pm. (Ea:stcni-etmteantiime) every Memori81 Day.
.
L.,
c. A
I
"f-tlf'f\¢_
The Seiuitors, both Vietnam combat veterans, in1roduced the resolution today. It states,
••thousands of American men and women have s~lflessly given their lives in s~ce as
peacemakers_ and peacekeepers," and that "greater strides should be made to demonstrate the
appreciation
gratitude these loyal Americans deserve and to co.m.:m.emorate the ultimate
sacrifice they made." It adds, "Memorial.Day needs to be made relevant to both present and
future generations ...a National Moment of Remembrance woUld provide citizens in the United
States
opportunity to participate in a symbolic act American unity."
and
an
of
'1bis resolution will appropriately honor American patriots lost in pursuit of peace and
liberty around the WQrld. In other words, it seeks to put the 'memorial' back into Memorial Day.
It is my hope that this moment of remembrance will bring all Americans together in a spirit of
respect, patriotism and gratitude. Our intention is to help r~tore the recognition our veterans
deserve for the sacrifices they have· made on behalf of our great Nation," said Hagel.
' "This resolution will help us keep a living memory of those women and men who
have lost their lives serving their country. By taking a moment to reflect and remember we will
help future generations recognize all that has been lost for all we have gained. As a nation we
must never forget that .freed~m is not free," said Kerrey.
-30-
141006
�05/22/00· MON 18:09 FAX 202 395 7234
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
141007
'·
National Mo1nent of Remembrance
An American tradition begins ...
Date:·
Memorial Day, May.29, 2000
Event:
National Moment of Remembrance to reclaim Memorial Day as the noble and sacred
event it was intended, ~o h~nor those who dic:c,i in service to our nation.
Time:
3:00p.m. (Local Time) Duration: 1 minute
Place:
Wherever they happen to be, all Americans, whether alone or with others, are
.
encouraged to take a moment and participate. '
Action:
To voluntarily and informally observe in their own way a Moment of remembrance and
respect, pausing from. whatever they are doing for a moment of silence or listening to
"Taps"
.
Purpose:
To demonstrate gratitude to those who died for our freedom
.
'
!·
I
.
To remind all Americans of the importance ofremembering those who sacrificed for our
freedom
·
To provide: U.S. citizens in America and thmughout the world with the opportunity to
join in this symbolic act of unity
To make Memorial Day relevant especially to younger Ame1icans
Goal:.
History:·
Groups and/or individuals, from rnajor corporations to neighborhoods, arc encouraged to
form a citi:Gens' corps, creating a "Memorial Alliance," to accomplish the goal of having
. ,275 million Americans obscniing the Moment of Remembrance
ln May, 1996 the idea of the Moment was born when children touring Lafayette Park in
, Washington, DC were asked what Memorial Day meant and they responded, "That's the.
day the pools open!" ·
.
May, 1997 saw the start of what is becoming an American tradition recognized by
Congress and the President-- putting '"memorial" back in Memorial Day.lt was initiat£d
by No Greater Love, a Washington, DC based national humanitarian organization. For
the first time in U.S. history on Memorial Day 1997, "Taps" was played at 3 p.m. i.n
many locations and at events throughout America. TI1is effort was repeated again in 1998
and 1999. This simple, dignified form of remembrance introduces a poignant annual
momel)t into our citizens Jives.
3:00p.m. was chosen because it is a time ofday when mosr Americans are likely making
.
the mosz ofthe[reedomswe enjoy.
Contact:
Carmella LaSpada, White House Events Coordinator for Moment of Remembrance
Ph: 202-395-7373 .
http://www.whitehouse.gov/remcmbrancc
�05/23/00
TUE 09:42 FAX .202 395 7234
- - - .... _____ .. ___
.,
__
,
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
· · - - · · .. · - - -
141002
- - -......
__
,
~---·
Introduction to "Taps" on audio and video tapes
America is a nation baptized with the blood of heroes and mart)Ts. Beneath the banner
..Proud to Remember," we honor on this Memorial Day those fallen heroes who paid the
ultimate price for us whom the Founding Fathers called "We the People ... With the
benediction of our nation's highest regard and deepest respect, we pause to honor the
men and women whose legacy is service, whose heritage is sacrifice, and whose gift is
freedom. God bless them. ("Taps" is played).
..- - .
,
_____
�."': .
.· "'d..•.
/(t/.
fl!l~~·b
Statistical Abstract of
-·
, , . ·;·O
/
,•:,··
~
,
I
119th edition
I
\
!
Issued October .1999
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
LIBRAfY
OLD EXECUTIVE 0 FICE BUILDING
Room 308
To:
x57000
--!-%~Om~L..I-bn~;sa-«;;Lchi..../.J."-=(,.L-,tfL--_ _
R O O M : - - - - DATE:
· ~er Your Request
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Comments:
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U.. se a~ nof.
EOP LIBRARIANS--YOUR INFORMATION PARTNERS
U.S. Department of Commerce
William M. Daley,
Secretary
Economics and Statistics
Administration
Robert J. Shapiro,
Under Secretary for Economic Affairs
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU
Kenneth Prewitt,
Director
�No. 1. Population and Area: 1 790 to 1990
[Area figures represent area on indicated date including in some cases considerable aieas not then organized or s~ttled and not
covered by the census. Total area figures for 1790 to 1970 have been recalculated on the basis of the remeasurement of states
and counties for the 1980 census, but not ori the basis of the 1990 census. The land and water area figures for past censusas have
not been adjusted and are not strictly comparable with the total area data for comparable dates becausa the land areas were derived
from different base data, and these values are known to have changed with the construction of reseiVoirs, draining of lakes, etc.
.
·
Density figures are based on land area measurements as reported In earlier censusas]
Resident. population
Census date
Number
Per ~uare
mleof
land area
On
an
Area (square miles)
19
2()
Increase over
preceding census
Number.
2C
2()
Percent
Total
(X)
.1,379,269
1,931,398
2,398,572
3,227,567
4,203,433
6,122,423
8,251,445
8,375,128
10,337,334
12,791,931
13,046.861
15,977,691
13,738,354
17,064.426
8,894,229
19,028,086
27,766,875
(X)
35.1
36.4
33.1
33.5
32.7
35.9
35.6
. 26.6
26.0
25.5
20.7
21:0
14.9
16.1
7.2
14.5
18.4
891,364
891,364
1,722,685
1,792,552
1,792,552
1,792,552
2,991,655
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
3,021,295
19,161,229
27,997,377 .
23,978,856
23,240,168
22,176,102
14.5
18.5
13.4
11.4
9.8
3,618,770
3,618,770
3,618,770
Land
2C
2C
2C
2C
2C
2C
Water
CONtERMINOUS U.S. 1
1790 rug. 2l . . . . . . . . . . .
19oo Aug. 4 . . . . . . . . . . .
1810 Aug. 6) . . . . . . . . . . .
1820 Aug. 7) . . . . . . . . . . .
1830 June 1) . . . . . . . . . . .
1840 June 1) . . . . . . . . . . .
1850 June 1l . . . . . . . . . . .
1860 June 1 . . . . . . . . . . .
1870 June 1) . . . . . . . . . . .
1880 June 1) . . . . . . . . . . .
1890 June 1) . . . . . . . . . . .
1900 June 1) . . . . . . . . . . .
1910 Apr. 15) . . . . . . . . . . .
1920 Jan. 1) . . . . . . . . . . . .
1930 Apr.l . . . . . . . . . . .
1940 Apr. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . '
1950 Apr. 1l . . . . . . . . . . . .
1960 Apr. 1 ............ ·.
3,929,214
5,308,483
7,239,881
9,638,453
12,866,020
17,069,453
23,191,876.
2g~:~~:~~
50,155,783
62,947,714
75,994,575
91,972,266
105,710,620
122,775,046
131 .669,275
150,697,361
178,464,236
4.5
6.1
4.3
5.5
7.4
9.8
7.9
10.6
13.4
16.9
21.2
25.6
31.0
35.6
41.2
44.2
50.7
60.1
2
864,746
864,746
1,681,828
1,749,462
1;749,462
1,749,462
2,940,042
2,969,640
2,969,640
2,969,640
2,969,640.
2,969,834
2,969,565
2,969,451
2,977,128
2,977,128
2,974,726
2,968,054'
24,065
24,065
34,175
38,544
38,544
38,544
52,705
52,747
52,747
52.747
52,747
52,553
52,822
52,936
45,259
45,259
47,661
54.207
m,
ex
in
as
N
(2:
cc
cc
to·
UNITED STATES
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
Tt
~Apr. 1) . . . . . . . . . . . .
Apr.1) . . . . . . . . . . . .
~Apr.l . . . . . . . . .
Apr. 1 . ...........
(Apr. 1). ...........
.
151.325.798
179,323,175
203,302,031
4
226,542, 199
5248,718,301
3
42.6
50.6
57.4
64.0
70.3
3
.g:m:fgg
3,552,206
35:~:g:gJ~
·~:~~~:~~~
63,005
74,212
78,444
79,481
67 181,518
3
1
2 Revised to include adjustments for underenumeration in southern
Excludes Alaska and Hawaii.
X Not applicable.
3 Figures corrected after 1970 final reports were issued.
flates: unrevised number is 38,558,371 (13.0 per square mile).
Total population count ~as been revised since the 1980 census publications. Numbers by age, race, Hispanic origin, and sex have
not been corrected.
The April 1, 1990, census count includes count quesJion resolution corrections processed through
Data reflect corrections made after publication
December 199~ and does not include adjustmenls for census coverage errors.
of the results. Comprises Great Lakes, inland, and coastal water. Data for prior years cover inland water only. For further
explanation, see Table 393.
19o·
19
19
19
19
19
19
. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1990 Census of Population and Housinfl. Population and Housing Unit Counts.(CPH-2); 1990
Census of Population and Housing Listing (1990 CPH·L-157); and unpublished data.
•
If
19
19
19
19
19
19
19'
19
19
19
19
No. 2. Population: 1960 to 1998
[In thousands, except percent (180,671 represents 180,671,000). Estimates as of July 1. Total population includes Armed
eorces abroad: civilian population excludes Armed Forces. For basis of estimates, see text of this section]
Total
Year
1960 ..
....
1961·
1962 .......
1963
1964
1965
1966 ' .....
1967
....
1968
1969 ....
1970 .......
1971
J.972 __ :::::::
1973 .......
1974 . . . . '
1975 . . . .
. ..
1976 . .
1977 .......
1978 . .
1979 .......
...
.......
.......
.......
.
.......
..
.
. .
...
..
.....
1
Popula·. Percenl
tion change
180,671
183,691
186,538
189,242
191,889
194,303
196,560
198,712
200,706
202.677
205,052
207.661
209.896
211,909
213,854
215,973
218,035
220,239
222,585
225,055
Resident
popula,
lion
1.60
179,979
1.67
182,992
1.55
185,771
1.45
188.483
1.40
191,141
1.26
193,526
1.16
195,576
1.09
197,457
1.00
199,399
0.98
201,385
1.17
203,984
1.27
206,827
1.08
209,284
0.96 . 211,357
0.92
213,342
0.99
215,465
0.95
217,563
1.01
219,760
1.06
222.095
1.11
224,567
Total
Civilian
popula·
lion
178,140
181,143
183,677
186.493
189,141
191,605
193,420
195,264
197,113
199,145
201,895
204,866
207,511
209,600,
211,636
213,789
215,894
218,106
220,467
222,969
Year
1980
1981
1982
1983
1964
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
Popula·
lion
Percent
change 1
. ......
. ......
. ......
. . . . .. .
. ......
. ......
. ......
. . . . . ..
.......
. ......
. ......
.......
.......
.......
. ......
. ......
. ......
. ..... ,.
. ......
227,726
229,966
232,188
234,307
236,348
238,466
240,651
242,804
245,021
247,342
249,948
252,639
255,374
258,083
260,599
263,044
265,463
268,008
270,561
1.19
0.98
0.97
0.91
0.87
0.90
0.92
0.89
0.91
0.95
1.05
1.08
1.08
1.06
0.97
0.94
0.92
0.96
0.95
Resident
popula·
lion
Civilian
population
227,225 225,621
229,466 227,818
231,664 229,995
233,792 232,097
234,110
235,825
237,924 236,219
240,133 238,412
242,289 240,550
244,499 242.817
246,819 245,131
,249,439 247,798
252,127 250,517.
254,995 253,410
257,746 256,273
260,289 258,877
262,765 . 261,414
265,190 263,904
267,744 266,491
270,299 269,078
p.
tg
2C
tli
2C
2t
2C
2C
2C
20.
2C
20·
~"(
•c
:~
Ta:
Percent change from immediate preceding year.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, P25·802 and P25·1 095; and "Monthly estimates of the United
. States population: April 1, 1980 to November 1, 1998": release date: December 28, 1998; <http://www.census.gov/populationl
estimates/nalionlintfile 1·1. txt>.
8
Population
U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1999
U.!
�•. :o. ·:- -. _ ... · .: .· :... ~.- ·· ·~ --::~~.~;&r;::~~:::~:··-~.f;'r
.':~!it·::::. -/;:i~::· ·
'.·
*
.BICENTENNIAL EDITION
*:
HISTORICAL.
STATISTICS
of the United States
COLONIAL TIMES TO .1970
PART 1
U.S. Department of Commerce
Rogers C. B. Morton, Secretary
James L. Pate, Assistant Secretary
for Economic Affairs
BUREAU OF THE CENSUS
Vincent P. Barabba, Director
�.
·<t.·.
.,
~
• .·1!! ~
..
A 1-8
POPULATION
Series A 1-5. Area and Population of the United States: 1790 to 1970
Population
Year
Land
area •
(square
miles)
Population
Increase from preceding
census
Number
4
-·------ - - - - - - - - - - (Apr.
(Apr.
(Apr.
(Apr.
(Apr.
I)'--I)*--1) •- __
1) ____
I) ____
1930
1920
1910
1900
1890
(Apr. I) ____
(Jan. 1) ____ .
(Apr. 15) ___
(June I)_ __ .
(June 1) ____
3,536,855
3,540,911
2,968,054
2. 974.726
2. 977' 128
3
Number
5
23.912,123
28,625,814
27' 766;875
19,028,086.
8,894,229
13.3
19.0
18.4
14.5 '
7.2
67.5
60.6
60.1
50.7
44.2
1880
.1870
1860
1850
1840
(June
(June
(June
(June
(June
1) ___
1) ___
1) ___
1) ___
1) ___
17.064,426
13,738,354
15,977,691
13.046.861
12.791.931
16.1
14.9
21.0
20.7
25.5
41.2
35.6
31.0
25.6
21.2
'1830
1820
1810
1800
1790
(June
(Aug.
(Aug.
(Aug.
(Aug.
1) ___ • 1,749.462
7) ___
1, 749,462
6) ___
'1,681,828
4) ___ • . 864,746
2) ___
864.746
figures include Alaska and Hawaii.
X Not applicable.
Gross area (including inland water) in square miles: 1790-1800-888,811; 181VI, 71fi,003; 1820-1840-1,788,006; 1850-2,992,74 7; 1860-1950-3,022,387; 1960
conterminous-3,022,261; 1960 including . Alaska and Hawaii-3,615,123; 1970- ·
3,615,122.
.
.
I
~8.
6
Year
Total
resident
population
7
4
5
2,969,640 50,156,783
2, 969,640 '39,818,449
2,969,640 31,443,321
2,940,042 23,191,876
1 '749 ,462 17,069,453
-
12,866,020
9,638,453
7,239,881
5. 308,483
3,929,214
10,337,334
8,376,128
8,251,446
6,122,423
4,203,433
26.0
26.6
35.6
35.9
32.7
16.9
13.4
10.6
7.9
9.8
3,227,567
2,398,572
1,931,398
1, 379,269
33.5
33.1
36.4
35.1
7.4
5.5
4.3
6.1
4.5
(X)
(X)
'Based on interval since preceding census which is not always exactly 10 years.
'Official resident population. !970 census tables show a population of 203,211,926.
The net difference of 23,372 reflects errors found after the tabulations were completed.
• Conterminous United States (excludes Alaska and Hawaii).
' Revised to include adjustment of 1,260,078 for underenumeration in the Southern
States. Unrevised census count is 38;558,371. See text.
Annual Population Estimates for the United $tates: 1790 to 1970
lin .thousands.
Total,
including
Armed
Forces
overseas
3
Per square
mile of
land area
Percent'
2
I
* Denotes first year for which
Series A
Number
-----·
203,235,298
179,323,175
178,464,236
150,697,361
131,669,275.
2, 977,128 122.775.046
2,969,451 105,710,620
2. 969.565 91,972,2661
75.994.575
2.969,834
2. 969.640 62,947,714
(square
miles)
Year
Percent'
3
2
I
Increase from preceding
census
area •
Per square
mile of
land area
Nuinber
----- - - - - - - - - - 1970
1960
1960
1960
1940
Land
As of July 1.
Civilian
resident
population
196Q-1970, preliminary; for description of .estimat<:s, see text] .
·Year
Total
resident
· population
Year
.Total
resident
population
Year ·
Total
resident
popuhition
Year
Total
resident
population
-----1970 ____________
1969- - - --------1968 ____________
1967-----------1966.----------1965 ___________ ,
1964 ____________
1963 ____________
1962 ____________
1961_ ___________
1960 ____________
1959 *----------1959 ____________
1958 ____________
1957_----------1956 ____________
1965 _______._____
1954-----------1953 ____________
1952.~ ----------195L ---- ________
1950 __ -----------
8
204,879
202,677
200,706
198,712
196' 560
194,303
203,810
201,385
199,399
197.457
195,576
193,526
201,722
199' 145
197,113
195,264
193,420
191,605
191,889
189,242
186,538
183,691
180,671
177,830
191,141
188 ,483
185.771
182.992
179.979
177,135
•'189,141
186,493
183,677
181,143
178,140
175,277
177,073
174,141
171,274
168,221
165,275
176,289
17:1,320
170,371
167,306
164,308
174,521
171,485
168,400
165,373
162 ,:Ill
162,:191
159,565
!56 ,954
154,287
151,684
161,164
!58 ,242
155,ii87
!58 ,310
151,235
159,059
155,975
153,292
151 ,009
150,203
1949.-----------1948 ·------ ------1947------------1946 _____ -------1945 _____ -------1944 _____________
1943.-----------1942 _____ ---- ---1941_ ____ - ------1940 _____ --------
149 ,!88
146. 6:ll
144,126
141,:189
139,928
148,665
146,093
143,446
140.054
132,481
l47 ,578
145,168
142 ,566
138,385
127,573
1:18,:!97
136,739
1:14 ,860
13:1 ,402
132,122
132.885
134,245
133.920
13:1,121
131,954
126:708
127,499
130 '942
13!,595
131,658
1939 ________ ----1938_- ----------1937 _____________
1936 _____________
1935 _____ --------
1:11 , 02H I
129,969
128,961·
128,181
127,362
1:10,880
129,825
128,825
128,05:1
127,250 I
130,683
129,635
128,639
127,879
127,099
1934 _____ - ------1933 _____ - ------1932 __ - --·- ------1931. ____ -------1930 _____ - -------
126,485
125,690
124,949
124,149
123,188
126,374
125,579
124 ,840
124 ,040
123,077
7
7
1929 _______
1928 _______
1927 _______
1926 _______
1925 _______
121,767
120,509
119,035
117,397
115,829
1894 _______
1893 _______
1892 _______
1891_ ______
1890 _______
68,275
66,970
65,666
64,361
63,056
1924 _______
1923 _______
1922 _______
1921_ ______
1920 __ ~----
114,109
111,947
110,049
108,538
106,461
1889------1888 _______
1887_ ______
1886 _______
.1885 _______
61,775
60,496
,59,217
57,938
56,658
1919 _______
1918 _______
1917 _______
1916 _______
1915.------
I
I
I
104,514
103,208.
103,268
101,961
100,546
1884------1883 _______
1882_-----1881_ ______
7
7
1859_-----1858 _______
1857 _______
1856 _______
1855 _______
30,687
29,862
29,037
28,212
27,386
1824 _______
1823 _______
1822 _______
1821_ ______
1820 _______
10,924
10,596
10,268
9,939
9,618
26,561
25 '736
24,911
24,086
. 23,261
1819 _______
1818_-----1817_ ______
1816 _______
1815 _______
9,379
9,139
8,899
8,659
8,419
55,379
54' 100
52,821
51,542
50,262
1854 _______
1853 _______
1852 _______
1S5L -----1850_-----1849 _______ .
1848 _______
1847_ ______
1846 _______
·1845 _______
22,631
22,018
21,406
20,794
20,182
1814 _______
1813 _______
1812_-----1811_ ______
1810 _______
8,179
7,939
7,700
7,460
7,224
49,208
48,174
47 '141
46,107
45,073
1844 _______
1843 _______
1842 _______
1841_ ______
1840 _______
19,569
18,957
18,345
17 '733
17,120
7,031
6,838
6,644
6,451
6,258
1911. ______
1910_ -----1909 _______
1908 _______
1907------1906 _______
1905 _______
99,111
97,225
95,335
93,863
92,407
1880_-----1879 _______
1878_-----1877------1876 _______
1!!75 _______
90,490
88 '710
87,008
85,450
83,822
187 4------1873 _______
1872------1871_ ______
1870 _______
44,040
43,006
41,972
40,938
39,905
1839 _______
1838 _______
1837------1836 _______
1835 _______
16,684
16,264
15,843
15,423
15,003
1809_-----1808_"----1807_-----1806 _______
1805_-----1804 _______
1803 _______
1802_-----1801. ______
1800 _______
1904 _______
1903 _______
1902 _______
1901 _______
1900 _______
82 '166
80,632
79,163
77,584
76,094
1869 _______
1868------1867------1866_-----1865 _______
39,051
38,213
37,376
36,538
35 '701
1M34 _______
1833 _______
1832 _______
183L ______
1830 _______
14,582
14 '162
13,742
13,321
12,901
1799 _______
1798 _______
1797_-----1796 _______
1795_------
5,159
5,021
4,883
4,745
4,607
1899.:-----1
1898 _______
1897-------.
74. 799•
73,494
72,189
70,885
69,580
1864 _______
1863 _______
1862 _______
1861_ ______
1860 _______
34,863
34,026
33' 188
32,351
31,513
1829 _______
1828 _______
1827 _______
1826 _______
1825 _______
12,565
12,237
11,909
11,580
l l ,252
1794--"---1793 _______
4,469
4,332
4,194
4,056
3,929
1914 ____ --l!ll:J. ______
1912~------
6,065
5,872
5,679
5,486
5,297
126,228
125,436
124,694
123,886
122,923
1896_~-----
1895.-----.-
• Denotes first year for which figures include Alaska and Hawaii.
8
1792-~----1791_ ______
1790 _______
I Total population, including Armed Forces overseas (in thousands): 1917-103,414;
1918-104,550; 1919-105,063. Civilian population (in thousands): 1917-102, 796;
1918-101,488; -1919-104,153.
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�Page 2
LEVEL 1 - 211 OF 1839 STORIES
I··.
Copyright 1999 The News and Observer
The News and Observer (Raleigh, NC)
May 29, 1999 Saturday,
SECTION: NEWS;
FINAL EDITION
Pg. A1
LENGTH: 1120 words
HEADLINE:
Star-studded future forecast for cadet
BYLINE: Anne Saker, STAFF WRITER
BODY:
Today, about 1_,000 men and women will march onto a grassy field in West
Point, N.Y., to graduate from the U.S. Military Academy. Leading the 1999 line
of gray uniforms will be Robert Shaw, 25, of Raleigh, who holds the rank of
first captain of the corps of cadets.
A first captain is more than West Point's "big man on campus." In 127 years,
the academy has sent first captains not only into the regular Army but into
history - John "Black Jack" Pershing, Douglas MacArthur, William Westmoreland.
Some people already forecast four stars on Rob Shaw's shoulders one day, but
the 1991 graduate of Cardinal Gibbons High School dismisses that talk. He simply
is glad to have what he has always wanted: an Army life.
There were years when social and family pressures kept Shaw from taking that
path. He tried attending college in North Carolina and only felt aimless; lost.
Failure forced him to change course.
"Some of my friends from high school would ask me, 'Rob, isn't there
something else you can do?' as if. to say, 'The Army's beneath you; it's for
losers,' " he said. "But I did not believe the Army was made up of a bunch of
losers. I think it's something very noble."
.
1
Military service once was a common course for American men, including nearly
all of the men in Shaw's family. But society began taking a dimmer view of the
military after the Vietnam War. Shaw grew up in that disillusionment, but he saw
a heroic appeal in being a soldier just by looking at his father.
Robert Shaw Sr. dropped out of college and enlisted in the Army in early 1970
to become an adult. What he got was a trip to Southeast Asia and shrapnel
·wounds.
"Vietnam was a hel·l of a way to grow up, " he said.
The senior Shaw and his wife, Anne, moved from Long Island, N.Y., to Raleigh
when Rob, their firstborn, was 4. The father's Army days rarely came up in
family talks, but the son could see the framed service medals hanging on a wall.
Every year at the State Fair, Rob Shaw·ignored the merry-go-round and climbed on
the Jeeps and tanks.
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The News and Observer (Raleigh, NC) May 29, 1999 Saturday,
He grew tall and slender, ~layed soccer and served as an altar boy at St.
Michael's Roman Catholic Church in Cary. He had a loyal circle of friends. He
excelled in school during his early years.
But in his junior year in high school, academic suc~ess lost its appeal and
Shaw quit trying. He didn't see his destiny in the route his college-bound
classmates were taking.
He almost didn't graduate from Cardinal Gibbons. He discussed with his
parents the possibility of enlisting in the military. His mother wouldn't hear
of it.
Shaw said he attended the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, joined
a fraternity, drank a lot and skipped classes. He ended the year with a 1.8
grade-point average.
Shaw saw the disappointment in his mother's face. Then he heard his father
give the order he'd waited for: Go see the recruiter.
His mother still hated the idea. And when Shaw's sister learned of it, she
complained, "The.Army? What am I going to tell my friends?" Anne Shaw surprised
herself by saying, "Don't you ever be embarrassed that your brother is in the
Army."
· Shaw got a posting close to home, the 82nd Airborne at Fort Bragg, and
superiors quickly noticed him.·
"You see a kid like· this - he locks up in parade rest, he looks you in the
eye, and he doesn't just tell you what you want to hear. He'll tell you the
truth," said brigade Sgt. Maj. David Henderson. "I could tell this is a kid who
will die before he would give up."
Shaw was named Soldier of the Year for his brigade of 3,000 soldiers.
In 1995, Shaw was ready to begin ranger school when an officer suggested
another option - prep school for West Point.
Every year, in addition to students appointed out of high school, the·academy
enrolls about 150 soldiers who complete a 10-month crash course in college-level
English, mathematics and science.
Shaw was accepted at the prep school, but he really wanted to become a
ranger. He asked Henderson for advice. The sergeant major replied that he had
been in the Army almost 30 years, but a much younger captain still made more
money.
"I understood what he was saying," Shaw said. "The education was too good to
pass up."
He breezed though the prep school, and in May 1996 he receive~ a green
envelope with his future in it. Without breaking the seal, he sent it to his
mother.
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Page 4
·
....
The News and Observer (Raleigh, NC) May 29, 1999 Saturday,
.....
Anne Shaw opened the letter and began to cry. Her son was going to West
Point.
At the academy, Shaw impressed cadets and officers alike. Col. Joseph
Adamczyk, the immediate supervisor of the corps of cadets, had a bias - he was a
Fort Bragg paratrooper, too -but he saw the effect Shaw had on others.
"When he's out on the parade field in his full dress uniform, with the medals
and ribbons, the cadets start asking, 'Where was he?' " Adamczyk said. "Then the
tribal wisdom kicks in: He was in the 82nd Airborne, on and on and on."
In August, Shaw went to Fort McClelland, Ala., for pistol training. One day,
he was in his hotel room when the telephone rang. It was the commandant of the
U.S. Military Academy.
"I want you to come back and be the first captain," the commandant said. The
first captain, in essence, is the commanding officer of the corps of cadets.
"I was way out of my comfort zone," Shaw said. But he accepted, and Adamczyk
said he carried the responsibility easily, even when.issuing an unpopular order.
Every year, West Point seniors receive pins signifying the branch of the Army
to which they will be assigned. In a long-standing rite of passage, cadets would
jam the pins into each other's chests in a ceremony akin to the U.S. Marine
Corps' onetime practice of "blood pinning."
Adamczyk told Shaw to end the tra~ition. At a class meeting, he told the
seniors that the practice wasn't what soldiers did, and, by the way, soldiers
follow orders. Some cadets mumbl,ed, but all of them obeyed.
"He,.s going to be a heck of a good platoon leader," Adamczyk said. "It's one
thing when you're a superior, arid you just tell ·people what to do. But to get
your peers to do something like that- well, they respected him."
Sgt. Maj. Henderson, who is retiring next month, said he will stay in touch
with Shaw and watch his career.
"I'm going to set in my rocking chair one day and tell my grand-young'uns,
'Yeah, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs? I know him. I remember when he was a
private. I served with that guy.' I know I'll be saying that. He will go far."
But any stars for Rob Shaw are too distant to be seen. Today, he has one last
duty as first captain of the corps of cadets, to lead his class to graduation
from West Point.
Then when the speeches end, Shaw will stand and give his first order as an
officer in the U.S. Army.
.......
"Dismissed!"
GRAPHIC: c photo Robert Shaw, first captain of the corps of cadets, will lead
his West Point classmates during today's graduation. Photo By Ken Bizzigotti for
The News & Observer
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•
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PLEASE®·. .
... ~
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·.·
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ALMANAC·
. BORGNA BRUNNER
. EDITOR
PROPERTY OF
LIBRARY
DEC I 7 1917.
I
I
'
. ~-
EXECUii'/E OFFICE OF
Tl-!::; ?::IES!JEi\JT
.
\1-r'A~--~H~·:'~(jTQ~-~,
.
i n fLa; .. - o r "(LLC
BOSTON
OC
~--~----
�l.~
...
Total officers
· Total enlisted
:Cadets & midShipmen
Grand total
. ·.. _ .- ..·:,: •
.
• .·.
•• •'
U.S. Casualties In the Major Wars - _. ,. :. · '/ .·.:,.~,:
~
....
War
Revolutionary War
(1n5to 1783)
War of 1812
(1812to 1815)
Mexican War
(1846to 1848)
CMIWar
(1861 to 1865)2
Spanish-American War
(1~98)
World War I
(1917to 1918)
World War II
(1941to 1946)
Korean War
(1950 to 1953)
War in Southeast Asia4
~
... Battle
deathS
.-.Other
.... -Total
deathS
deatha
n.a.
. · , n.&.
..
n.a.
4,044
n.a.
4,435
n.a
·:•n.a
n.a.
n.a.
·n.a
n.a
·n.a
n:a.
n.a
··n.a
n.a.
Branch
1,950
n.a.
4,000
439
66
'4,505
Numbers
engaged
of Service
Army
Navy
Marines
Total
:,,,...r.~.-:·~~·~·:~-,;..o•:"..,.,,
..• ..,.
~ ~
342
49
Japan
--
6,004
:.:c 114
70
6,188
Army
Navy
Marines
Total
·286,730
45
n.a.
n.a
n.a.
2,260
n.a.
n.a
n.a.
n.a.
Army
Navy
Marines
Total
n.a
n.a.
.n.a.
:78,718
1,721
1
11
11,550
. n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
13,271
n.a
-. n.a
n.a.
4,102
3
47
4,152
221,374
. 2,411
312
359,528
4,523
280,040
224,097
384,511
2,061
0
0
2,061
2,430
55,868
6,656
390
-83,114
106,378
7,287
2,851
118,516
204,002
'83,400
318,274
. 62,614
24,511
405,399
565,861
37,n8
67,207
670,846
". 265
1,733
Army
Navy
Marines
Total
2,128,948
84,415
2,213,363
138,154
2.112
148
140,414
Army
Navy
Marines
Total
280,584
369
22,875
3,321
306,760
10
6
385
Army
Navy
Marines
Total
4,057,101
599,051
78,839
4,734,991
50,510
. 431
2,461
. 53,402
Navy
Marines
Total
11,260,000
4,183,466
669,100
16,112,566
234,874
36,950
19,733
291,557
4,n8
'113,842
Army
Navy
Marines
Air Force
Total
2,834,000
1,1n,OOO
424,000
1,285,000
5,720,000
. 27,709
475
4,270
1,198
33,652
2,452
173
339
298
3,262
Arm'f
25,664
460
10
6
2,446
Ausl!la·Hungary. ·;; ~
Belgium
·~~:Y!.~!f.
British Empl
·· •
Bulgaria
France2
Germany
Greece
Italy
1,710
131
281,881
1,594
47
21
1,662
193,663
819
9,520
n,596
1,576
23,744
368
103,284
30,914
Army
4,368,000
Navy
1,631
1,842,000
Marines
794,000
13,082
Air Force
1,739
1,740,000
Total
47,366
8,744,000
1. Excludes captured or interned and missing
who were subsequently
only. Totals should probably be somewhat larger as date or disposition of prisoners are far
complete .
-ate deaths. based on incomplete returns, were 133,821, to which should be added 26,ooo-31 ,000 personnel
Union prisons. 178.975 blacks served in the Union Army. 2.894 ~re killed in battle or mortally wounded, 33,953
other causes including 29,658 deaths from disease. 3. Armb date include Air Force. 4. Vietnam ':;1,ures provided by
Center of Military History, Reference Division. Washington, .C., February 1994. Navy figures ex ude Coast Guard
there were 5 battle deaths. NOTE: All date are subject to revision. For wars before Wo~d War I, information
date from available records. However, due to incomplete records and possible difference in usage of
systems, etc., figures should be considered estimates. n.a. =not available. Source: Department of Defense.
Montenegro
Portugal .
Romania
Russia
Serbia
Turkey
Untted States ·--wiF:
1
'
,_,"
••
1. Includes deaths 11om ,
Major Wars. ;{+, ~-
-~;:-~ci~~
t.;'.i:
'7•; ....
Country
,,··.;... ..
Australia
-.:. ~)!,:;·r:
.~~~~ :'}gi:
Bulgaria
.,.,•• • '~ ·
canada
. : ~~~~~·~(~~;;
3
China
~- -.-;....,_.'~>'-:
Czechoslovakia ;:;,Denmark .. : ::_.,_,~'-'·
Finland
. •_,,~,--.,......
~~::nC:ny
--~;!t,:.::.~
.::t;·J;
Greece
..
Hungary
India
-·
Italy
• , :·:·•:~,1,..
Japan
.• ~:_.:.;,.
Netherlands
. . ""'"''
New Zealand
,,.-,,,.,
Norway
_....:•::.,_.
Poland
_. ..
Romania
· ·:;:n:::-.'c,
South Africa
:f:~\c\:
U.S.S.R.
.
United Kingdom • ~ ..
United States
Yugoslavia
--~ ·'·' ,.
1. Civilians only. 2. Army ''
regular troops. They do "'
Against Soviet Russia; 38!>
Defense Ctr., Canadian Fo:
_\;t:·,'..
·<·' ·
various sources.
•..•
u:s.
In t 988, the
Qov,
erans sterus on those wl
merchanl ships in World ,,
played a key role in lnl•
marerial thai enabled the
<kfear the Axis powers. ·
During the war, merch:
enemy arteclcs ~!. ~-~~ th..
�PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
MEMORIAL DAY OBSERVANCE
ARLINGTON NAT+ONAL CEMETERY
MONDAY, MAY .29, 2000
•
opening paragraph Gather here this year, as we· as Americans
have every year since 1868., this ampitheatre dedicated 80
years ago this month. (Veterans from every war of the 20th
century??(take from past speeches) -here ·that is home to more
than a quarter milli6n graveston~s - from every war since the
revolutionary war.
with national leaders like:
'and
national heroes like:
Iwo Jima memorial.
reference to the
ww 2 vets carrying the flags: vigor of youth; but their
determination, their courage and love of _country can rival any
man or woman in uniform today.
'This day was origin~lly known· as decoration day, andth.e first national
observance was .launched in 1868 by order of the Commander in Chief of
the Grand Army of ~he Republic who desig'nated this day "for decorating
the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country."
Some still remember and honor that original meaning. Each year for more
than 40 years; the 3rd U.S. Infantry (The Old Guard), the Army's
official ceremonial unit, has honored America's fallen heroes by
placing American flags before every gravestone here at Arlington just
before Memorial Day weekend.
.
They know the tradition as "flags in." Every soldier in the 3rd ·
infantry participates. And many remain here all weekend -- to make sure
a flag remains at each gravestone. .Look around you; there is a flag
. planted before every one of more than 260,000 gravestones. America's
heroes buried here have been remembered this Memorial Day -- each and
Members
every one-- by a proud and devoted member of the Old Guard.
of ,the Old Guard present, will you stand: Thank you for your
patriotism, your devotion, and your commitment to remember your fellow
American heroes.
·
•
flags-in
(they don't forget, none of us must ever forget).
guard our tomb 24-hour vigil year after year since 1926, full
time since 1937.
these people whose sacrifice chang~d the·
world.
,,
�2
how many will be at the amphitheatre. ushers.
support.· There
will be·a few in the amphitheatre. there will be ushers. a
handful.
we start putting them in thu evening. complete on thursday
evening, start about time cemetery closes.
takes the entire.
re9iminet 1200 soldiers . . w~ do have soldiers-that check the
flags all weekend to make sure they are standing.
they are ·
scheduled to be removed tuesday.
They will not see from the
~aphitheatre.
thursday start at 5 pm - done by 10 pm.
carry them on a
backpack.
will be involved. every year tv camer·as are out
there.
details roves through the cemetery, normally two to
three men per company that ehck the_flags.
approximately 20 - at any time - throughout 24 hours.
•
3 rd infant-ry doesn't forget. Who will defend this freedom Isaiah 6:8
Then I heard the voice of the Lord saying: Whom
shall I send, and who ~ill go for us. And I said "Here am I.
Send me." Neither, of course, will the families who have e~er
·suffered the loss.
the grief when one dies - humanizing the
sacrifice.
it is for remembering not just by those who have
born the sacrifice, but ior all whci enjo~ the freedoms it
pbrchased. We grieve over your 'lo~s, but your sacrifice
changed the world.
•
And they want to know: when is he coming home. we must never
forget one more thing: returning_remains
(we will not close
the book, · ever) . Defense Prisoner of War/ Missing Personnel office is Larry
Greer. He ca~ be reached at (703)602-1245.
past several days -w orld wide team. have just brought back and identified the first six
Marines out of 18 who were mia from the Mayaguez incident. 1975, the last battle of
the vietnam war, occurred after our pullout from Saigon. May 15 (check date) The
crew- these first six marines were sent in on a mission turned out to be an ambush by
Khmer Rouge. since 1991 to 1999 we have done seven separate investigtionas or
excavations to bring them home .. We even have received cooperation of camobodian
government. now specifically khmer rouge leadership. bee. of their cooperation we
have been able to find them and bring them home. There are more coming from
Mayaguez we have finished the ID work from at least three more, and there are others
from the Maya incident in one phase or another of the forensic process. Next three may
be announced within a month.
�~~-
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~-~----~~--~------------------;----c---------------
3
each is flown home at the direction of the family, scheduling is up to family. some
takes months to do it.
we do not even make such an announcement until family knows everything and knows
there will be a press release. 18 marines died. same 18 were MIA. all died on the
island, and all stayed there MIA. 1991- began effort. cambodia is most cooperative of
all three vietnam laos, cambodia ..not until 91 that we had accumulated enough info to
know where we had to go and who we had to interView. didn't do our first remains
recovery excavation in vietnam until 85. continuous effort for 15 years before we go.
this nation does not forget its fallen warriors. wherever it takes us, for as long as it
takes us, we will uphold the national commitment to seek the fullest possible ·
·
accounting.
·~
91 --first occasion where our in.vestigators ·had sufficient info to go to a spot on the
ground. ·To go tq "Koh Tang" -- to begin on the scene interviews and investgitations
between 91 and 99- continued efforts, dozens of interviews, dozens of witnesses.
many led to dead ends. many, for example, vietnamese gov't produced some
witnesses over in Saigon Ho Chi Minh city who said they had remains from this incident.
VN produced the remains, they were identified, not only did we get cam got' .coppation ·
butalso vietnamese.
·
'
Of the 12 still out- three more.are in the .final stages of identification.· (families are
being notified). IF I CAN GET CONFIRMATION THAT RIGHT STEPS ARE
COMPLETED.· POTUS COULD NAME THE PERSON .. mortuary people brief familes
and ask: we normally make a news release. to share with the world the sacrifices your
loved ones have made. 99% say go ahead and use the name. earlier 2 of 6 families
say they don't want name used. these families: 2 Navy and 1 Air Force families.
Smith and Jones-- anne within a month. only thing that is still to be done is the family
coordination. behind. that, there is another number of additional cases in one phase or
another of the forensic id process.
'
~
The physical remains have all beeh brought back to our lab in Hawaii. since 1994, we
have been able to use a new technology called mitochondrial DNA. we used DNA in all
·six of these announced. it allows us to make IDs wherewe didn't used to be able to.
this technique allows.
Since announcement of this: since then there has been one more guy identified whose
name I have not released. His name is Crowley- Army enlisted guy. Vietnam Warhe. was lost in Laos. Aug 10 1970, his helicopter went down. young. enlisted guy. will
.be getting details in here. assuming his family okays the public release of his name.
It is our normal practice to make these announcements .toward the end of each month.
then we announce the results. if we announce them, every time they come out, media
ignores.
�4
People there will take note of vietnam. we need to ~ay Korea: we have - my boss is
going down to the embassy of malaysia- resuming talkes with the talks with N. Korea
to resume recovery operations in n korea this year. looks like they have agreed to
resume negotations at the end of June. so we can resume bringing home. will
reconfirm resumption of N. Korea talks to get us back to where we were.
we have iecovered hundreds of individual skeletal fragments,Hundreds from koh tang. hundreds associated with this specifc
incident. we recovered most ·of those form a massi -;e underwater
search effort just off the coast. where severral helicopters
were shot down.
they went down in that shallow .water.
one of
the final massive efforts we m~de on this case, was to bring in
a Navy Ship USS Brunswick. and we recovered, hvndreds of indiv.
skeletal fragments.
•
because of the extraordinary .sacrifice,
fewer know the pain,
but we must never forget: National moment of remembrance
(start with WW 2 etc served, dead, injured.
Today,
analysis on one who gives life:
for something larger. one
question they ask: what was he doing? was he doing something
purposeful? 'their legacy: deaths down, democracies up~ making
the sacrifice matter. Then explore ·for a moment the notion of
sacrifice.
the calculus - there is something more important
than me- there is something more important than my·life ~and
if. my life can be given to advance it, it is good.
(maybe seek
quotes from a military hero on the idea of giving one's life £or
something) .
That is true, it is our sacred duty to make it true.
They died for truth - Dickison poem
Consult also Whitman death and war poems.
What has America and the world done with their sacrifice.
wants it to matter.
One
But there is a compact, not only that they will die defending
us, but that we will carry on in a way we could not have. That
something new will grow.
Poem - whitman - there is nd such thing as death and if there is
it leads life forward.
�5
•
•
Trip message
Today, Europe is less divided, more democratic and more peaceful
that at any time in its history.
NATO has three new allies from
across Europe's old divide, r~al partnerships with all its new
democracies, and unchallenged credibility ~s the guarantor of
Europe's security.
Central .Europe is flourishing and
integrated. The Balkans are being stabilized, with democracy in
Croatia, an increasingly secure peace in Bosnia, ethnic
cleansing reversed in Kosovo - only a rump Serbian state left
under Milosevic's sway.
Soldiers from almost every European
country - the most bitter former adversaries among them - are
serving under ~ single command keeping the peace in the Balkans.
Greece and Turkey are making progress toward ieconciliation and the EU has recognized Turkey as· a candidate for membership.
All of these-developments were championed by the President.
None would have happened without American-leadership.
[AND ALL
GIVE MEANING TO AMERICAN SACRIFICE] .
Freedom has steadily advanced over the last seven and a half
years.
In 1995 [check], for. the first time, more than half the
world's people lived under governments of their own choosing.
In 1999, with the democratic transitions in Indonesia and
Nigeria, more people won the right to elect their leaders than
in 1989, the year the Berlin Wall fell.
We had helped organize
international pressure against the dictatorship in Nigeria, and
pressed Soeharto to transfer power in Indonesia.
Let us look first at Russia. Russia is in the midst of not one, but three, monumental transitions:
from an empire to a nation state; from a command economy to a market economy; Communism
to democracy.
Not long ago, Americans would have been delighted to see even one such transition. Few
expected to see the day Russia would forsake Communism, pull its troops out of Central Europe
and the Baltics, privatize its economy, slash military spending, reduce its arsenal of nuclear
· weapons, and elect its leaders.
·
·
Today, Russia has done all these things.
from Brooke: trip message
•
You are being awarded one of. Europe's top honors - the
Charlemagne prize - because of your successful leadership and
�r--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
6
...
contribution to European integration. Aachen is the linchpin
of the trip that gives the opportunity to highlight
significant accomplishments '_,.. in -adapting and enlarging NATO;
bolstering new.democracies in central and eastern Europe and
the Baltics; stabilizing the Balkans; and strengthening the
ties between the u.·s~ and the EU - as well as the challenges
·that remain.
•
~
Integrating Southeast Europe and. Russia/NIS into the TransAtlantic Mainstream are the two missing pieces to complete the
·puzzle of a peaceful, undivided, democratic Europe.
This trip
is in part about filling in those missing pieces.
W~'ve just seen the first
transition from one democrati6allyelected leader to another in Russia's history.
The jury is
still out on what kind of leadership we will see from the new
government. That's ·all 'the more reason to engage both the
Russian leadership and the Russian public, to encourage deeper
economic reform, to champion democratic freedoms, to reduce
the nuclear danger, to adva,nce our arms contr'ol agenda and to
manage one of our most important relationships.
Our agenda is
much broader than arms control.
Through the U.S.-EU summit and o~her pub~ic events you will do
in·Portugal and Germany, yqu will highlight how the U.S.European global partnership.includes acting together to address
problems beyond Europe to build peace, freedom, stability and
prosperity. ·Sharing the burdens of leadership helps us maximize
its benefits.
•
final statement to America's fallen heroes
·1 know those of you who have lost loved ones, talK to them sometimes,
and believe that somehow, somewhere, they can hear. I want to say a
few words to those in this burial gro1:1nd and others, in this country and
others, who gave their lives for us, who in the words of Gen. Logan,
used their breasts as a barricade between our country and its foe).
I stand before you -- as commander in chief of the United States Armed
Forces at the turn of the century, reporting to you -- America's fallen
heroes -- on what we as a nation have done with your sacrifice.
war deaths way down.· Our children don't die in war, as much as they
did before.
�7
··.
democracy way up.
So many of you who gave your lives in Europe; so many of you who gave
your lives in the battle against Communism. ·
I am departing today for Europe --where more thari a dozen cemeteries
from Flanders Field to
, are tragic monuments to your sacrifice,
hold the remains of so many of you.
I will visit Portugal where so many of the European nations divided for
centuries are partners, allies.
·
Germany-- I will visit Germany, whose tyranny, so· many of you (get
.figure) gave your lives to defie. Any you mocked the words of its
leader who thought the sons and daughters of democracy did not have. the
steel and mettle to match the fire and will of a captive people.
I will visit Russia and Ukraine former republics of the Soviet Union -a central pillar and proponent of the communism you gave your lives to
fight in Korea and Vietnam.
(You would have wished in your moments that the Soviet Union would a, b,
c,.
The United States does not fight for empire, for territory. The sons
and daughters of nations you fought cannot make the claim they died for
freedom. Tragically, many died to defend tyranny. You gave your life
to defend the truth of freedom. It must make. you proud to know -- so
many years after you're gone; your truth is marching on.
May God bless. you and hold you in his arms; as we hold on to you. in
memory.
And may God never stop blessing America with heroes like you.
I say to you today, as I set out for your Europe. That the
chaotic and divided continent that drew you from your homes so
many decades ago:
I am going to visit it this week.
it is more
united than it has ever been.· Your sacrifice change the world.
That the Germany you fought against.
I am leaving today to pay
a vi~it.
It has become our.friend: Your sacrifice helped
change the world~ Moscow, the center of the Soviet Union you
took up arms against:
I am leaving today to pay a· visit.
It
has thrown off communist and elects its leaders. Your sacrifice
helped changed the world.
�•
8
As America's President to its fallen heroes. On this first
Memorial day of ~he.21 5 t century, I thank you for your sacrifice
that we still feel today.
I thank £or your· defense of freedom,
and justice, and liberty, and humanity.
You ·may be proud to
know. ~ that as we stand at the dawn 6f a new century you never
saw· (your sacrifice changed the world).
far from fading into
the pa~t, your satrifice is shaping our future.
Far from losing
its impact in the mists of memory, your truth is marching on
odds and ends
Korean War - 50th upcoming
Awards - Asian American Congressional Medals of Honor
We were born into strongest:; nation on earth.
Born after ww2, we
were born into the strongest nation on earth; Before most
Americans when most of us were born - the US was athe strongest
nation on e~rth -.we didn't make it that way, it was given to us
that way.
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~999
Administration of WilliamTClinton, 1999 I
ts a
,::..··polrtedy
At a minimum, 'the program must raise th
int
et
, thank you for doing such
standard for sewage treatment to adequately a magnificent job of maintaining Arlington
protect public health and provide full infor- National Cemetery, in honor. of those. who
mation. to communities about these water are buried here and as a tribute to all Amerquality problems and associated health ris.ks. ica stands for. I thank the members of the
Fourth, I direct the Department of the In- · Cabinet, the Joint Chiefs, Congress, the dipterior and the Department of Agriculture· to lomatic corps, the armed services who are
enhance management of Federal lands to in- here. I welcome the veterans and the families
crease protection of waters on or near Fed- of veterans and members of the armed serveral lands, and to identify waters on or near ices, my fellow citizens.
Federal lands that require special protection.
Specifically, a proposal for a unified Federal
I'd. like to begin by asking that we all join
policy on watershed management, developed in expressing· our thanks to the Air Force
under the Clean Water Action Plan, should Band and the Singing Sergeants for doing
be circulated first for consultation with States such a fine job here today-[applause ]-they
and Indian Tribes, and then published in the deserve it. Thank yoti.
.
Federal Register for public comment no later
Even thpugh the day is bright and warm
9
than July 15, 199 .
I ask you to indulge me, to spend a few extra
Each of these measures should be implemented through a process that provides ap- moments to think about what it mea.ns that
propriate opportunities for participation and we h~re today mark the final ~emonal Day
comment by States, Tribes, and the affected of this c:turx,. To be sure, Ith been a
has
public.
·
--century at saw too ~any w ~te stones
This· memorandum is not intended to ere- added to these gentle hills, markmg Amerate any right, benefit, or trust responsibiiity, ~ca's sacrifices for freedo~ for over 100 y~ars,
substantive or procedural, enforceable at law m two World Wars and many other conflicts.
or equity by a party against the Unit~d States, Again and again, America has been tested,
its agencies or instrumentalities, or any other in the. 20th century, coming through it all,
person.
down to the present day, with even greater
William]. Clinton
blessings of liberty and prosperity, with our
enduring optimism ·and steady faith in our
NOTE: This memorandum was made available by
common humanity.
~tion
the
t the
s yet
vhen
tportheir
anxlgthwait
~our
rther
s wamer~
fol1 the
ction
::lean
)ther
or to
lt all
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t to
rilies
Ction
mtify
h the
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iublic
·level
s no
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State
ards
na,000
coneopilies.
the Office of the Press Secretary on May 29 but
was embargoed for release untill0:06 a.m.
Remarks at a Memorial Day
Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia
May 31,1999
Thank you very much, Secretary Coh ,
for your ·remarks, your devotion to your country, and your outstanding leadership. Secretary West, thank you for your work on behalf of our Nation's veterans. And to both
of you, thank you for your support of the
recent actions in Congress to raise the pay
of our military personnel and to improve
their quality of life, to improve the retirement systems of the veterans and their readiness.
General Ivany, thank you for your remarks,
your example, and your leadership. Colonel
Brogan, thank you for your prayers. Super-
Thanks to our brave men and women in
uniform, our Nation has never been more
secu
to them
now
nother chapter in the history books. Than
m, na ions that fought two.World Wars
t
I Europe and in Asia, some of which had
battled each other for centuries, now cooperate with each other a5 never before.
mi ennium we can
see clearly how closely the sacrifices of our
men and women in uniform in the 20th century are linked to the yearning for fre~dom
that gave birth to our Nation over 200 years
ago, a yearning based on the then radical
premise that we are all inherently equal, fully
able to govern ourselves and endowed with
a God-given right to liberty. That is our his- ·
tory, a history that beckons us especially on
this Memorial Day and especially here at Arlington, the most powerful evidence we now
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�May 31 I Administration of William]. Clinto~, 1999
1006.
Adm
have that our country has accepted consist- words, "Get down, you fool." [Laughter] Lin,__
Al
ently the old adage that much is expected coin replied, ''I'm glad you know how to talk ,_'5.~
sand5
from those to whom much is given. From · to a civilian." [Laughter]
·
dren
Concord to Corregidor, from Korea to Khe
Justice Holmes lived through Wo~Id War
singl
Sanh, from Kuwait to Kosovo, our entire his- I and the Depression. He watched the
hearc
.
United States assume the mantle of leaderof ro
tory is written in this ground.
As Secretary Cohen said, only 11 days ago ship. And he always remembered what he
saw
a young man from Ohio, Chief Warrant Offi- had done as a young man-that war reminds
nia, f
cer David Gibbs, was laid to rest here after us; and I quote, that "our comfortable roubinin
his helicopter crashed in a training exercise tine is no eternal necessity of things." He
. .L·
Croa
~
ment
on May 5th in Albania. ChiefWarrant Officer understood that our freedom had been and
Kevin Reichert died in the same crash. We always would be bought by men and women ~· "
there
He
honor these two brave Americans who gave ready to prote~t it, sometimes at great cost ~_/
their lives in service to our Nation's highest and peril.
/
ago
ideals, joining other, more famous names
So we did not become a great nation just
muni
~ho di
.
ere 1·
of war, · because the land was generous to those who
rope,
hk ohn Per~h 1
eor e Marsh '
· settled it, though it was; just because the peoIovin
esl en
nne · the great ehx- ple .who came here worked hard and were
,
and 1
orer Ro
ary· rave astronauts w o
I
·d
f I h
h
I
'
freed
.
.'
k 0 Id
c ever an resource u , t oug sure y our
·
in Sc
h . 1
gr~ t ~lT lVeS to
E
r ~ ~ e t~ forebears were. We became a great nation I~ _j ~
~ ~ e deavens· · e ar veb d 0 du~
also because every time om beliefs and ideals '(f~
las~ l
[lor ~ee[i of at d ormait" yon ~ ayah t e~ h~ heetl thn~atgAgd, 1\.mericam ha.ve
:
a~
ou~ t or ~e~ ~m. ov~~ agam att .e Um- stepped fmward to defend them. From our -~
nght
vers1ty of MISS1Ss1pp1; fam1har names, hke Joe b.
t ·r t
all
..
'11' •·..J
He t
Jus t'1ce E arI Warren, Ab ner h1gges c1 1esh o our sm est towns, c1t1zens
. ~ o/I/" 1 an d
.
Lo ms,
d
h d
d
Doubleday, Medal of Honor winner Audie \ ave one w at a~ to be one to advance _,,:f. .~_·; after
:f.J were
··Murphy: all different, all American, all made ~he dream that began o? the F~urth of Jul~
~ . .L
~ man;
our presence possible.
m 1776--alway~ followmg Jusbce !'lolmes
We are the oldest constitutional .democ- ~amous ad~omhon that.we must be ~nvolved
~]
Ther
10 the ac~ 10 ~ and passion of o~r hme, for
racy in the world, but we must never forget
~~ ~
told 1
in the context of human history just how fear ofbemgjudged n~t to h~ve hved..
cf'tiJ ~- histo
quickly we have come to where we are today.
So my fellow Amencans, 1f today 1s a day . L ~ i
destJ
Secretary Cohen quoted another famous for hi~tory, it is al.so a day to honor those ~ . :
ence
American veteran who is buried here, Justice who he here and m countless other places U.
In
War
Oliver Wendell Holmes. He fought in the all across the world in marked and unmarked
Civil War and went on to serve on the United graves, to honor them by looking to the futhat
by g
States Supreme Court until he was 93 years ture; to rededicate ourselves to another 100
of a
old.· A young man caught him at the age of ye.ars of our liberty, our prosp~rity, our optithey
90 reading a copy of Plato's "Republic" and m1sm, and our common humamty.
Today, there is a new challenge before us
no r
asked whatever in the world he was doing,
we 5
reading that weighty tome. And he said, "I in Kosovo. It is a very small province in a
am doing this to improve my mind."
. small country; but it is a big test of what we
arou
fall c
A remarkable man, Justice Holme'!!. His believe in: our commitment to leave to our
life shows us how quickly we have come here. children a world where people are not upply c
mon
When he was a boy, he shook hands with rooted and ravaged and slaughtered en masse
in a
a veteran of the American Revolution. As a because of their race, their ethnicity, or their
heril
young man he fought in the Civil War, where religion; our fundamental interest !n building
Tl
he was VJ.·sited by President Lincoln. You may a lasting peace. in an·undiVJ.·ded and free Euknow the famous story that the President was . rope, a place which saw two World Wars ..;;'1'
_.} milit
wearing his 'trademark stovepipe hat, and he when that dream failed in the 20th century;
on ~
began, because he was so tall, to attract fire and our interest in ·preserving our alliance
ers <
from the Confederate forces, until Holmes for freedom and peace with our 18 NATO
Hou
shouted, without thinking, these famous Allies.
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�999
Administration of William]. Clinton, 1999 I May 31
Lintalk
All of us have· seen the hundreds of thou- ·
sands of innocent men and women and children driven from their homes, the thousands
singled out for death along the way. We have
heard their stories of rape . and oppression,
of robbery and looting and brutality. And we
saw it all before, just a few years ago, iri. Bosnia, for 4long years, until NATO acted, combining with the resistance of Bosnians and
Croatians, to bring the Dayton peace agreement and to tum the tide of ethnic cleansing
there.
'
How did this all .happen? Well, 10 years
ago the Berlin Wall fell, ending communism's cruel and arbitrary division of Europe, unleashing the energies of freedomloving people there, after two World Wars
and the cold war, to be united in peace and
freedom and prosperity. But that same year
in Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic became the
last holdout a ainst
1
War
the
1dert he
tinds
rou.. He
and
'men
cost
just
who
peoere
our
zens
ance
July
mes'
lved
, for
day
hose
laces
rked
e fu-
100
opti-
ars
tury;
ance
ATO
'"He then went to war against the Croatians
and the Bosnians. And in the wake of that,
after 4 years, a quarter of a million people
were dead, 2 1/2 million people were refugees,
many of them still have not gone home.
There was a stunning record of destruction,
told not only in lives but in religious, cultural,
historical, and personal buildings :;tnd records
destroyed in an attempt to erase the existence of a people on their land.
In Kosovo we see some parallels to World
War II, for the Government of Serbia, .like
that of Nazi Germany, rose to p()wer in part
by getting people to look down on people
of a given ~ace and ethnicity, and to believe
they had no place in their country, and even
no right to live. But even more troubling,
we see some parallels to the rumblings all
around the world where people continue to
.. fall out with one another and think they simply cannot share common ground and a common future with people who worship God
in a different way or have a slightly different
heritage.
.
Think about the contrast of that to the
military we celebrate today.
morning
Qn Memorial Day I have a break£ t for 18aa.
ers of th'e veter:ails COQ:lAU.JRity at the 'NhiteHouse. And I staRe there with eager anticipation as people who have fought or whose
Evezc
1007
relatives have fought and often died in our
wars come through the line. I noticed them
today: There were Irish-Americans and
Italian-Americans; there were Arab-Americans and Jewish Americans; there were
....,
Catholic Americans and Pr.otestant Ameri- ~
cans; there were African-Americans, there
were Hispanic-Americans, there were Asi / , ~·
Americans.
·
·
Just look around here today at th kinds
jl§r
of people who are wearing the evidence of
their service to our country. We are a stronger country because we respect our differences, and we are united by our common
humanity. Now, we cannot expect everybody
to follow our lead, and we haven't gotten it
entirely right, now. We don't expect everybody to get along all the time. But we can
say no to ethnic cleansing. We can say no
to mass slaughter of people because of the
way they worship God and because of who
their parents .were. We can say no to that,
and we should.
It is important that you know that in
Kosovo the world has said no. It's not just
the United States or even just our 18 NATO
Allies with us. People on every continentArabs and Israelis .are sending assistance,
· Protestants and Catholics from Northern Ire· land; Greeks and Turks; Africans, Asians,
Latin Americans; even those whose own lives
· have been battered by hurricanes and other
natural disasters and who have hardly anything to give are sending help, because their
·hearts have been broken and their con.sciences moved by the appalling abuses they
have seen.
Our objectives in Kosovo are clear and
consistent with both the moral imperative of
reversing ethnic cleansing and killing, and
our overwhelming. national interest in a
peaceful, undivided Europe which will ensure we will not have to send large numbers
of young Americans to d1e there in the next
century in a war. The objectives are that the
Kosovars will go home; the Serb forces will
withdraw; an international force, with NATO
· at its core, will deploy to protect all the people, including the Serb minority, in Kosovo.
And afterward, to avoid· future Bosnias and
future Kosovos, we will learn the lesson of
the Marshall plan and what we did foi' Eastern Europe after the Berlin Wall fell, by
,,
�1008
May 31 I Administration of William]. Clinton, 1999
Adml
inyriad,-rainbow, multiethnic military in.our
increasingly diverse· society that involves both
the strength of our differences and the even
more powerful pull of our shared American
values. Our military inspires the world with
their respect for one another and their ability
to work together. And you pass every test
with the same flying colors, re.d, white, and
blue.
Those who lie in this sacred place and i~
all those other places the world over, many
of whom will never even be known, they
would be very proud of todaY: s men and
women in uniform. And in the bright new
century ahead, those who live free with pride
in and without fear of their heritage or their
faith will be very grateful to today' s men and
·
women in uniform.
I thank· you all. God bless you, · and God
bless America~
those
ues t
also \
form
over
awo·
drive
faith
As
to bJ
working with our European Allies to build ·
democracy and prosperity and cooperation in
southeastern Europe so that there will be
stronger forces pulling people together than
those that are driving them apart.
I know that many Americans believe that
this is not our fight. But remember why many
of the people are la~ng in these graves out .
here-because of what happened in Europe
and because of what was allowed to go on
too long before people intervened. What we
are doing today will save lives, including
American lives, in the future. And it will give
our children a better, safer world to live in.
In this military campaign the United States·
has borne a large share of the burden, as
we must, because we have a greater capacity
to bear that burden. But all Americans
should know that we have been strongly sup. ported by our European Allies, that when the
peacekeeping force goes in there, the overwhelming majority of people Will be European, and that when the reconstruction begins, the overwhelming amount of investment Will be European. This is something
we have done together. ·
And ·I ask you, in the days and nights
er our rave p1
crews flying over Serbia, to keep their families in our thoughts. I visited with them recently. I know that the risk
· ·
very
ay, an · ey even· avoid firing back sometimes. at people who fire at them because
they fire from heavily populated areas, and
they want to avoid killing innocent civilians.
I ask you to support all possible efforts to
relieve the suffering of the people of Kosovo.
Even those who escape will be struggling
with what happened to them for a long, long
time. And this afternoon, I ask all Americans
to JOin with those who have urged us to ena e m a momen o
a c a
NOTE: The President spoke at 11:17 a:m. in the
Amphitheater at Arlington National Cemetery. In
his remarks, he referred to Maj. Cen~ Robert R.
lvany, USA, Commander, and Col. Edward T:
Brogan, USA, Chaplain, Military District of Washington; John .C. (Jack) Metzler, Superintendent,
Arlington · National Cemetery; and President
Slobodan Milosevic of the Federal Republic of
ugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).
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Radio Remarks on Memorial Day
May 31,1999
Since the. Civil War, Memorial Day has
been a time for Americans to take a moment
from our busy lives to remember the brave
men and women who gave their lives in service to our Nation.
· This has been a c~ntury of great progress
for the United States, but we must never forget that it came with a heavy price. At home
r-;-";j3~o~cr::oc::::r.-=e~a:-:::sr::e==m=-""'""a,....y:f-:t-m.-~I:-::;m;:;-;e:::-,-:I~n-t:-:o::::n;:;-;o~r:-o~~and abroad, our victories over adversity were
ose w o ave ven t e1r ves or our coun- made possible by those who were prepared
try.
to make the ultimate sacrifice, and those who
- I also ask all Americans to honor, along did make that sacrifice.
with those who have given their lives for our
· Today most Americans will enjoy a well
freedom, the living symbol of American deserved day off from the cares of work and
valor, our veterans and their families, the school; we'll relax at home and cherish the
present members of armed services and their company of loved ones. But as we confamilies, wherever and however they serve. . template the comforts and blessings of our
How .fitting it is that we are standing· lives and the well being of our Nation, I ask
against ethnic cleansing with our wonderful, you to pause just for a moment to remember
him
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SEQUENCE
E)oo!iicerpt from General Order No. \I
· isgued by
Headq_ uarters, Grand Army of lhe Republic,
\Vashing<on, DC. May 5, 1868
MUSICAL PRELUDE
WREATH LAVING
"AMERICA THF. BEAlJTIVUL"
:r US, r---HE.N, AT THE TIME APPOINTED,.
· ARRIVAL OFTHEOFFIClU PARTY
THER /LROUND THEIR SACRED REMAINS
PRESENTATION OF THE COLORS
D GARL-AND THE PASSIONLESS MOU!VDS
.-J.
iNV.OCAT!ON
Chaplain (Colonel) Micbul Du rharn
Command ChapSain
United States Army Mililary Di~trlct or Washington
OVE TF..-EM WITH CHOICEST FLOWERS OF
gj ! RINGTI.lliiME; LET US RAISE ABOVE THEM THE.
"NATIONAL ANTHEM"
.....
~
·~
I'AR OLr::;;;J FLAG THEY SAVED FROM DISHONOR
~
E-<
I
~ 'TUS
"BATTLE HVMN OF THE REPUBLlC"
!,.,- THIS SOLEMN PRESENCE REVIEW OUR
WELCOME
TO .4.1D AND ASSIST THOSE WHOM
Major General Rober1 R. h·any
Commanding G~neraJ
United Slates Amiy Military Oi~lrid t~f Wash111gton
~
u
•
1
EDGES
IEY·HA JE/E LEFT AMONG US AS SACRED
; IARGE.s= UPON THE NATION'S GRATITUDE,--'~
REMARKS
The Honorable WilliamS. Cohen
Sm'e1ary ofD~fense Uniled States of Amul[a
MEMORIAL DAY ADDRESS
ne Honorable Wiiliam Jeffenvn Clinton
Pre! ldent of lhf Unitfd Staler of Arn ~riel
"GOD OF OuR FATHER~''
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m , T~u~ audie~c~ i.1 in\'iled to rem~ in ~avere.d during the prognm
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Mu.ti9t prilrldd by The UniJ.ed Slllle:J 1\otarint Band
Coloael Tim11lb~ \','.Foley, DimlGr
BEN&DICTTON
Chaplain (Colonel) Mielmel Durham
.-I
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"TAPS'~
~·
RETiRING OF THE COLORS ·
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nrorm21ilm aboul Arli~g{on Na1iG~i!l Cemel~r~
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·~
POSTLUDE
�05/25/00
THU 12:29 FAX
11:21
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CABINET AFFAIRS
ft202El853379
141002
· - - - - ----'----·---
CEREMONIES
ANNEX A (SEQUENCE OF EVENTS)
ARMED FORCES FULL HONOR WREATH CEREMONY
ig)OOl/003
(AFFHWC)
FOR MEMORIAL DAY
ARMED FORCES FULL HONOR WREATH CEREMONY (PRE:SIDENTIAL)
TUS, ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETARY
DATE:
TIME:
PLACE:
HOST;
29 MAY 2000
1100 HOURS
ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY
MAJOR GENERAL ROBERT R. IVANY
SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
l.
DIGNITARY IS MET AT MEMORIAL GATE ENTRANCE TO ARLINGTON
NATIONAL CEMETERY AND IS ESCORTED THROUGH MCCLELLAN GATE
GUNS)
.
2.
DISMOUNTS ON FLAGSTONE WALK NORTH SIDE OF AMPHITHEATER
GREETED BY OFFICIAL PARTY (BRIEFED SY MG IVANY)
3.
OFFICIAL PARTY ESCORTED INTO POSITION
4.
NATIONAL ANTREM OF THE UNITED STATES,
BANNER"
5.
DIGNITARY AND MG IVANY MOVE TO TOMB, WREATH PLACED
"THE STAR SPANGLED
6·. . "4 MUFFLED RUFFLES/TAPS~~
7.
f'lOME:NT OF SILENCE {30 SEC)
8.
MG IVANY ESCORTS
9.
OFFICIAL PARTY ORGANIZED'FOR AMPHITHEATER PROGRAM
DI~NITARY
(REMOVE HEADGEAR)
INTO DISPLAY ROOM
10. AMPHITHEATER PROGRAM
11. DIGNITARY IS ESCORTED TO MOTORCADE
.
12. DIGNITARY DEPARTS ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY
13. CONCLUSION OF CEREMONY
UNCLASSIFIED
lll
n
(21 GUNS)
(21
�05/25/00
THU 12:28 FAX
CABINET AFFAIRS
The White House
OFFICE OF CABINET AFFAIRS
Date:
To:
Fax:
From:
S~AN
Pages:
- - - - - - - ( I n c l u d i n g this c:over sheet)
P. O'SHEA
Comments:
OLD EXECUTIVE OFFICE BUILDING+ ROOM 160 +WASHINGTON, DC 20502
. TELEPHONE {202) 456-2572 • FACSIMILE (202) 456-6704
141001
�5/25/00 U :30 am
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
MEMORIAL DAY OBSERVANCE.
ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY
MONDAY, MAY 29, 2000
We are blessed, today, to be able to gather again in this magnificent amphitheater, in our national
cemetery, to remember those who lost everyone they loved, to .defend the country. they loved.
We honor also the millions of living veterans here and elsewhere, who would have made that
same sacrifice,' if God had but called home his heroes in different order. Today, we remember
and honor them all.
As you entered the grounds this morning, you saw every gravestone decorated with an American
flag. Indeed, this day of remembrance was'-first known as Decoration Day-- launched in 1868
. by order of the Commander in Chief of the GrandArmyof the Republic who designated this day
"for decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country."
Some still remember that meaning. On the Thursday before Memorial Day, this year and every
year for more than forty years, the entire regiment of 1,200 soldiers of the 3rd U.S. Infantry has
honored America's fallen heroes by placing American flags before every one of more than
-
260,000 gravestones here at Arlington. And a contingent remains on patrol 24 hours, all
weekend long, to make sure each flag remains standing. On this Memorial Day, not a single
hero here has been forgotten; each and every one has· been remembered. I Want to recognize and
thank the members of the 3rd u.s Infantry- The Old Guard- for .their patriotism, their devotion
'
to duty, andtheir.commitment to honoring the original meaning ofMemorial Day.
�2
Here in Arlington, this hallowed earth embraces the bodies of soldiers from every one ofour
nation's wars, and tells the whole heroic_ range of our history:- in the lines on the gravestones,
and in the lives of those laid to rest be:p.eath them. Presidents Kennedy and Taft are buried here.
Generals Pershing and Bradley _are buried here. John Foster Dulles and Oliver Wendell Holmes.
Medgar Evers and Joe Louis. George Marshall and Audie Murphy. Three of the Marines
remembered forever for raising our flag on lwo Jima; they are buried here. And not oply the
famous, but unknown, unsung heroes of more than two centuries of fighting tyranny are also
buried here.
In the heart and history of America-,. this is sacred soil.
•',·
As we gather here and remember; our hearts,go out to those who can never forget. People
· whose wounds are still fresh twenty, forty, fifty years later: Young women, crushed with
sorrow, left to cancel a wedding. Expectant mothers, stunned with grief, left to raise a child
alone. young children who had said good night, every riight, to a picture- left, suddenly, with
only a picture.·
For those of us who have not lived it:..... it ishard to imagi~e it.
Seeing- with shock and dread- a uniformed officer and a chaplain step out of an Army staff car
and approach the front door.
Hearing a military officer expressing the·deep sorrow and gratitude of the United States.
Thinking "You can't be right." "You must be wrong."
�Wondering "What am I going to do?" "How will I raise our children?" "How will I tell our
children?'~
And asking: "How did he die?" "Who was with him? "Can I talk to someone who was with
him?" "When can I see him? When is he coming home?"
At such a moment, there is so little one can do -but that little is so vital. Our chaplains- blessed
by God with the ability to absorb the unbearable grief of others - answer questions, share hugs,
hold hands, and keep coming back to help.
To all families who have born this loss, and to any who may bear it in tge future, I want to renew
a national pledge: the United States will not forsake its fallen heroes. We will never abandon
their families. We will never abandon our heroes themselves. Wherever it takes us, as long as it
takes us, we will keep our sacred commitment to seek the fullest possible accounting.
I met this morning at the White House with sons and daughters and spouses of servicemen still
missing in action. There is nq better way to understand how important our continuous efforts
are to the hearts and minds of Americans, than to hear it from the family members themselves ..
I am pleased to announce today that the United States and North Korea have agreed to resume
talks the first week of June in Kuala Lumpur in the hopes of resuming recovery operations in
North Korea this year. As we prepare to observe the 501h anniversary of the invasion of South
�4
Korea by the North"'- we reaffirm our commitment to the more than 1.7 million American heroes
who served there, the more than 36,000 who lost their lives there, and the more than 8,100 still
missing there. We will honor their service and sacrifice by remembering those still missing, and
· doing everything possible to bring them home.
I also have the honor of telling you today of our latest American hero to come home. Just last
week our specialists identified finally and officially, the remains of a soldier of the
1st
cavalry
regiment of the America! division, whose Huey helicopter was "flying in the weeds" at 25 feet
over Laos in the summer of 1970 when it lost power and crashed. The soldier died immediately,
I
and was pinned in the wreckage. When others rushed to the. scene to bring out his body, they
were forced back by enemy fire. .When they tried a short time later, they were forced back
again. But we returned. Years later, with the help of several governments, extensive
interviews, excavations, and DNA testing, a positive identification was made. Army Specialist 4
John E. Crowley ofWilliamson, New York, forever 20 years old, was laid to rest here in
Arlington Cemetery this Friday with his mother and brother and cousins and nieces and nephews
at his side. To express ou·r nation's gratitude for John Crowley's life and sacrifice, I would to
ask hi.s brother, Daniel Crowley, to please stand.
America thanks you, sir, for your family's
sacrifice.
So many of you here today know personally the ever present pain of losing a friend or family
member in combat. Today, many fewer families know the pain ofthat"sacrifice. That is a
blessing. But to preserve and extend this blessing, we must never forget the sacrifices that
paved the way to peace.
�5
One champion of veterans causes."has been telling the story of how - four years ago - she asked
a
group of school children what Memorial Day means, and they said: that's the day the pool
opens.
That's not their fault. They don't know. We have to teach them.
a
That is why, today, I ask all Americans- in symbolic act of national unity- to pause wherever
they are at 3 pm local time to observe a national moment of remembrance for America's fallen
heroes.
At that time, the.melancholy tones of Taps- our national requiem- will be played all across
America- in the U.S. Capitol and the VietNam memorial; at Ellis Island and the Liberty Bell; in
VA Hospitals and National Parks; on Voice of America and Armed Forces Network; in Wal
Mart, K-Mart and the Mall'ofthe Americas.
In Yankee Stadium, [watch out for arainout] the chief umpire will step out from behind Home·
Plate, remove his mask, halt the game- and a capacity crowd will rise with hands on heartsand remember. And when little boys and girls tug on their parents' sleeve and whisper:
"Mommy, Daddy, what's happening?" A new generation of Americans will hear for the first
time about our fallen heroes.
�.---------------~--------------------------
6
Of course, remembering their sacrifice is but a first step. We also must remember to .fulfill the
'
.
I
obligation we incurred with their sacrifice. For if our heroes could talk to us today, they might
well say: '"America, we gave up our youth and. our future for you. '
we made our wives widows.
and our children orphans for you. · Have you made our sacri!Jce matter?"·
At the dawn or'this new century, we can answer with solemn pride:
You fought to keep us strong. We are today the most powerful, most prosperous nation on earth
-with a military feared and revered around the world. Yes, we have. made your sacrifice matter.
/
You fought and died so others might live. As we enter the 21st century, America's young are not
\
dying in war, nearly as much as they did before. Yes, we have made your sacrifice matter.
You fought for freedom in foreign lands ~ knowing it would protect our freedom at home.
Today, freedom is advancing all around the world. For the first time in human history; more
than half the worl.d's people choose their own leaders. Yes, we have made your sacrifice matter.
. You fought to conquer tyranny and bring unity to Europe- where more than 100,000 American
heroes are buried today in France, England, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg- in places
like Flanders Field and Ardennes and Normandy.
Today Europe is less divided, more democratic and more peaceful than any time in its history.
We have three new allies across Europe's old divide. Central Europe is free and flourishing.
�7
And soldiers from almost every European country- the most bitter former adversaries among
them - are serving under a single command keeping the peace in the Balkans. Yes, we are
making your sacrifice matter. ;
But we have so much more still to do.
Today, I depart for Europe. I will visit Portugal, to att.end the 141h United States-E~ropean
Union surrimit of my Presidency. I will visit Germany, and make the first visit of an American
President to the free, democratic, undivided capital of Berlin. U~ited by a con1mon bond .of
democracy- we will continue work with our European allies to build peace, freedom, stability,
'
.•
'
'
.
I
within Europe and beyond.
I will visit Russia- the former worldwide sponsor of the communism so many Americans gave
their lives to contain. Russia has just ~een its first transition from one democratically-elected
'.
leader to another in a thousand years of history. And I will deliver the first speech ever by an
American President to a democratically-elected Russian parliament. We will continue to work
with Russia to encourage deeper democr.atic and economic reforin, to reduce nuclear danger, to
advance our arms control agenda.
I will visit Ukraine- a country whose people helped d.efeat the Nazis, but whose people have
been dominated by the Soviet system for seventy years, and are eager to cast off the legacy of
communism. We will stand by them as they embrace freedom and economic reform, and join
the peaceful, democratic mainstream of the transatlantic community.
�8
The world of today is not recognizable from ·so years ago. Adversaries have become allies.
Dictatorships have become democracies. Europe is more peaceful and united, and the
Communism we fought to contain in the Cold War, in VietNam, and Korea has collapsed,
retreated or reformed around the world. Heartened by our progress toward peace and prosperity
-'we will pursue the two remaining challenges in fulfilling the vision of a peaceful, democratic
and undivided Europe: we will intensify our efforts to integrate Southeast Europe and the former
states of the Soviet Union into the U.S.-European mainstream- and thus move closer to a goal of
our h~roes, whose h~pe was not only to win wars, but to help end :war.
On this first Memorial day of the 21st century, on behalf of the American people, I give thanks to
you - our fallen heroes '- for your defense of freedom, and democracy, and human dignity. You
never
foug~t
for empire, for territory, for dominance. Your enemies fought to defend tyranny;
but you ga~e your lives to defend fr·eedom. I wish you all could know - as we stand at the dawn
ofa century you never saw- that far from fading into the past, your sacrifice is shaping the
future. I wish you all could know- thirty, forty, fifty years after you're gone ~-~ your truth is
marching on.
May God bless ·you all. May God bless America.
###
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Title
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[Memorial Day] [1]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-011-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/654158e9122d93b5cf680dfefe5bc2f6.pdf
3e4254164b8dbd348ec4290241992be4
PDF Text
Text
Case Number:.2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. ·This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential .
Library Staff.
Folder Title: .
[Memorial Day] [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
48
~
Shelf:
'8
Position:
I
Stack:
3
v
�http://www.abmc.gov/am.htm
Aisne-Mame .
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
AISNE-MARNE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War I Aisne-Marne American
Cemetery and Memorial lies south of the village of
Belleau (Aisne), France six and one-half miles
northwest of Chateau-Thierry. It may be reached
by automobile from Paris via Route N-3, turning
left opposite the entrance pylons of the
Chateau-Thierry Monument which are about two
miles west of the town of Chateau-Thierry. The
total distance is 58 miles. The cemetery 'may also
be reached via toll Autoroute A-4 by taking the
Montreuil-aux-Lions exit ~nd following the
cemetery signs to Lucy-le-Bocage and proceeding
thn~ugh Belleau Wood to the entrance of the
de l'Est) to Chateau-Thierry. The journey takes
This forty-two acre cemetery with the headstones lying in a sweeping curve at the foot of the
hill where stands Belleau Wood. It contains the graves of2,289 American Dead, most of whom
fought in the vicinity arid in the Marne valley in ·the summer of 1918. From the hillside rises the
memorial chapel decorated with sculptured and stain glass details of wartime personnel,
equipment and insignia. On its interior walls are inscribed the names of 1,060 who gave their lives
in the serVice of their country and who are resting in unknown graves. The observation platform
in the chapel tower affords excellent views over the battlefield. During World War II, the chapel
was damaged slightlyby an enemy shell.
Belleau Wood adjoining the cemetery contains many vestiges of World War I. At the flagpole
is a monument commemorating the valor of the U.S. Marines who captured much ofthis ground
in 1918.
In the su111mer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the wifi't:er
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
ABMC MAIN CEMETERY LISTING NEXT CEMETERY
1 of 1
512412000 3:23 PM
�History 9f Taps
http://users. southeast. neU-ahrendU1 sttaps. htm
History of Taps
Its. sad, haunting melody is one of the most familiar tunes in America. It will be
played tonight, just as it has been played for the past 134 years, at United States
military establishments throughout the world. The sad tune not only marks the end
of the day for soldiers; it also denotes the end of their lives. The melody might
· spring to mind, but the title of the tune may not: The tune is Taps, and it was
written by Dan Butterfield. Butterfield was a Union General, awarded the
Congressional Medal of Honor,. and after the war he served as the Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury Department. He was born in Utica, New York, on
October 31st, 1831. He wasthe third son of John Butterfield, renowned for his
dealings with both the Overland Stage and American Express.
Taps sprang from Dan Buttefield's imagination in 1862. During the Civil War, as the
United States fought to either tear itself asunder or heal its differences, Buttefield
spent July in Virginia with his men. He was as restless as his men that night. Sweat
made it's sticky trailings under dirty blue uniforms; plastering the wool against the
too hot skin. The brigade was camped at Berkley Plantation, overlooking the
.James River near Tidewater. Buttefield sat on his cot and thought about the good
fortune he had had last month during the battle of Gaines' Mill - his wounds had not
been serious. Others, of course, hadn't shared his good fortune. Many dead and
wounded had been left behind. there. Those that had escaped might have fallen a
few days later at Malvern Hill, when Lee's troops attacked but fell back before the
Union soldie
rfield's ruminations were interrupted by his bugler
sounding )<tin uis
· hts.
.
Butterfiel
a never 1ked Extinguish Lights, a tune borrowed from the French and
played to signal the end of the day. He thought it too stiff and formal for everyday
use. In his ·
· · played a different melody to signal day's end - something
_peacef
o ·
ju~a:Qi.t:mefOnc~esides his soldiering skills,
·
a other talents4Fe reached into his pocket and drew forth a crumpled,
stained envelope. Whistling and humming, he·got down to work, ·finishing his
imagination's song.
O.W. Norton, Buttefi~ld's 22 year old bugler, recounts what happened next:
.. Buttefield, showing me some notes on staff written in pencil on the back envelope,
asked me to sound them on my bugle. I did this several times, playing the music as
written. ~e changed it somewhat, lengthening some notes and shortening others,
but retaining the melody as he first gave it to me. "After getting it to his satisfaction,
he directed me to sound the call thereafter, in place of the regular call. The music
was beautiful on the still summer nights and was heard far beyond the limits of our
brigade. The next day I was visited by several other buglers from neighboring
brigades asking for a copy of the music, which I gladly furnished ... The music also
drifted across the battlefield and was soon taken up by the Confederate.buglers.
Later, at a Union m iIita ry fu nera 1••.. ,-+Ttrap~sF-niwniansnsru;flbs1rt~it:rlut~e d~fnorS"'1t h1'lerrctF!umsHtottm::r1aHry~r-ifl_e_ __)
1
volleys at the graveside. It seem'EI
mon o 1cers
(.._...
1 of 3
________
00
00
___..-/
5/24/2000 6:04 PM
�Haunting History of Taps
http://www.lewis.army.mil/units/7th8de/taps.htm
.
'
Haunting History of "Taps"
Music is an integral part of the military; it wakes you up in the morning, and it
signals "lights out" at night. The story that follows is extracted from. Doug Storer's
Encyclopedia of Amazing but True Facts, published by Signet.
It all began in 1862, during the Civil War, when a Union Army. officer, Captain
Robert Ellicombe, was with his men near Harrison's Landing, Va. The Confederate
Army was on the other side of this narrow strip of land. During the night, Ellicombe
heard the moan of a soldier who lay mortally wounded oli the field. Not knowing if it
was a Union or Confederate soldier, the captain decided to risk his life and bring the
stricken man back for medical attention.
Crawling on his belly through the gunfire, the captain reached the stricken soldier
and began pulling him toward his encampment. When the captain finally reached·
his own lines, he discovered it was actually a Confederate soldier, but the soldier was
dead. The captain lit a lantern. Suddenly, he caught his breath and went numb with
shock.. In the dim light, he saw the face of the soldier. It was his own son!
The boy h.ad been studying music in the South when war broke out. Without telling
his father~ he had enlisted in the Confederate Army.
The following morning, the heartbroken father asked permission of his superiors to
give his son a full military burial, despite his enemy status. His request was partially
granted. The captain had asked if he could have a group of Army band members
play a funeral dirge for his son at the funeraL That request was turned down since
the soldier was a Confederate.
·
Out of respect for his father, they did say that they could give him one musician.
The captain chose a bugler. He asked the bugler to play a series of musical notes he
had found on a piece of paper in the pocket of the dead youth's uniform. This wish .
·
was granted.
The music was the haunting melody Americans now know as "Taps" used at all
military funerals.-HUB, U.S. Army Reserve Personnel Center
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7th Bde
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"WE SUCCEED"
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�While commanding during the American Civil War, General Daniel Adams Butterfield
thought the present military "end of day" music was too formal. In July 1862, he
hummed a version of a song to an aide. The aide later wrote it down in musical form.
General Butterfield then asked the brigade bugler to play the music for him instead of
the regulation music. The brigade loved the music and adopted it as their new bugle
call.
Although yet unnamed, other brigades began playing General-Butterfield's song as
well. After the war, the music was deemed the official An_ny ~ c_~ In 1874,
·
General Butterfield's song was named "Taps".
"Taps" is now played by the military at burials, memorial services, during the
lowering of the flag and to signal the end of a military day.
�http://users.southeast. net/-ahrendt/1sttaps. htm
History of Taps
ceremonial gunshots would set o
ack by the edgy Confederates. Taps was
well on its way to becomin
e nation's re wem. · ·was played when General Dan
Buttefield was laid to rest on July t ,
, 1nynine years after he spent a
steamy night in Virgina scribbling on an old envelope. Hewas buried at West Point
where his white marble monument still stands. In the Oneida, New York, Historical
Society's collection resides General Buttefield's Medal of Honor, his silver mess
gear, two of his swords and other memorabilia. That, and the haunting melody at
sunset, are all that's left of him.
.
UPDATE:
l,n Manhattan, a rather nice statue was erected in his memory. It stands in the park
named Sakura Park (if my memory is accurate) at West 122nd Street between
Convent Avenue and Riverside Drive. He stands on his pedestal with Riverside
Church to his left and Julia Grant's Tomb fixed in his gaze directly ahead of him.
Down on West 12th Street where he lived after the War, a noteworthy small
apartment building stands on the site of his home. This late 20th cenury building is
· called Butterfield House.
Thank you
Ron Haber who's wife is a great-great-great niece of General Butterfield.
(Kinderhook Lake, NY)
I have had
a request for the lyrics to taps here they are:
Day is done
gone the sun
from the Lakes
from the hills
from the sky
all is well
safely rest
God is nigh.
Fading light
· Dims the sight,
And a star gems the sky,
Gleaming bright,
·
From afar,
Drawing nigh,
Falls the night.
I
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Thanks and praise,
For our days,
Neath the sun,
Neath the st'ars,
Neath the sky,
As we go, This we know,
God is neigh.
thanks to Teresa Jones for this information.
Another Verse Was Sent to me By David Estes :
Fades the light
From afar
Goeth day,
cometh night
And a star
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History of Taps
Leadeth all,
speedeth all
their rest
·ro
By Thornware Consulting .
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US Army Military District of Washington homepageORIGINS OF "TAPS" ·
During the Civil War, in July 1862 when the
Army of the Potomac was in camp, Brig. Gen.
Daniel Butterfield summoned Pvt. Oliver
Wilcox Norton, his brigade bugler, to his
tent. Butterfield, who disliked the colorless
"extinguish lights" call then in use,
whistled a new tune and asked the bugler to
[Band Bugler.JPG (35024 bytes)] sound it for him. After·repeated trials and.
changing the time of some notes which were
scribbled on the back of an envelope, the
call was finally. arranged to suit Gen.
· Butterfield and used for the fi~§t time that
night. Pvt. Norton, -who on several occasions,
had sounded numerous new calls. composed ·by
his commander, recalled his experience of the
origin of "Taps" years later:
"One day in July 1862 when the Army of the Potomac was in camp at Harrison's
Landing on the James River, Virginia, resting and recruiting from its losses
in the seven days of battle before Richmond, Gen. Butterfield •summoned the
writer
to his tent, .and whistling some new tune, asked the bugler to sound it for
him. This was done, not quite to his satisfaction at first, but after
repeated trials, changing the time of some of the notes, which were scribbled
on the back of an envelope, the call was finally arranged to suit the
general.
"He then ordered that it should be substi~uted in his brigade for the
regulation "Taps" (extinguish lights) which was printed in the Tactics a~d
used by the
whole army. This was done for the first time that night. The next day buglers
from nearby brigades came over to the camp of Butterfield's brigade to ask
the meaning of this new call. They liked it, and copying the music, returned
to their camps, but it was not until some time later, when generals of other
commands ,had heard its melodious • notes, that . orders were issued, or
permission given, ·to substitute it throughout the Army of the -Potomac for' the
time-honored call ~hich came down from West Point.
In the western armies the regulation call was in use until the autumn of
1863. At that time the XI and XII Corps were detached from the ·Army of the
Potomac and sent under command:of Gen. Hooker to reinforce the Union Army at
Chattanooga, Tenn. Through its use in these corps it became known in the
western armies and was adopted-by them. From that time, it became .and remains
to this day the official cali for "Taps." It is printed in the ~resent
Tactics and is used throughout the U.S. Army, the National Guard, and all
organizations of veteran soldiers.
Gen. Butterfield, in composing this call and directing that it be used for
"Taps" in his brigade, could not have foteseen its popularity and the·use for
another purpose into which it would grow. Today, whenever a man is .buried
with military honors anywhere in the United States, the ceremony is .concluded
�'\
by firing three volleys of musketry over the grave, and sounding with the
trumpet or bugle "Put out the lights. Go to sleep" .. ;There is something
singularly beautiful and appropriate i~ th~music of this wonderful call. Its
strains are melancholy, yet full of rest and peace. Its echoes linger in the
heart long after its tones ha~e ceased to vibrate in the air."
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�http://www. optonline.com/comptons/ceo/03 3 55_A.html
NATIONAL CEMETERIES
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National cemeteries are\permanent cemeteries on United States
territory. There are almost .1 00 such burial gro~nds, including
one each at Sitka, Alaska; Honolulu, Hawaii; and San Juan,
Puerto Rico.:. The National Memorial• Cemetery of the Pacific in
Honolulu is the burial place for many who died in World War II
and the Korean War. The cemetery at Antietam, in Maryland, is
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NATIONAL CEMETERIES
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Resting Place of Famous Soldiers
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Unknown Soldier
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Tomb of the Unknown
Soldier
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The best known is Arlington National Cemetery, across the
Potomac River from Washington, D.C. It was created in 1864,
st men to be buried there were a Union and a
en. 11p en an,
. eorge ewey, Rear Adm. Robert
E. Peary, Gen. John J. Pershing, and Maj. Pierre Charles
L'Enfant, who drew the plans for the city of Washington. Two
presidents; William Howard Taft and John F. Kennedy, are
interred at Arlington. Two of President Kennedy's infant children
are buried beside their father. In 1968 his brother Robert F.
Kennedy was buried at Arlington. (See also Kerinedy,John F.;
Kenned Famil .)
Veterans Day
Since 196
urial has been limited to mea dyiag on active duty.
re ersonnel, Medal of Honor holders_, and the milit~ in
htg government office. Their families may also be interre at
Ailmgton. The restncuons were waived in 1981 for the burial
t e
f Joe Louis, the former heavyweight boxing champion. In
1986 e remains of two astronauts of the space shuttle
allenger were une a
mg on.
There are more than 0_0;000 graves· the cemetery. Nearly aU
are marked by simple s
onuments stand above the graves
of famed military men. Special memorials honor men who fell in
American wars. Services are held in a marble amphitheater.
The marble Tomb of the Unknown Soldier honors unidentified
servicemen of the United States whq were killed in action. It was
designed to receive the body of an unknown soldier of World
War I. His remains were laid in it on Armistice Day, Nov. 11,
1921. The remains of an unknown hero of World War II and of
the Korean War were interred in crypts on Memorial Day; May
30, 1958. On Memorial Day, 1984, remains of an unknown
soldier of the Vietnam War were interred.
The Department of the Army and the Department of the Interior
operate the riatiomil cemeteries, which include such historic areas
as Gettysburg, in Pennsylvania; Antietam, in Maryland;
Battleground, in Washington, D.C.; Fort Donelson, Shiloh, and
Stones River, all in Tennessee; Fredericksburg, Poplar Grove,
andY orktown, all in Virginia; and Vicksburg, in Mississippi.
There are cemetery sections in Andrew Johnson and Custer
Battlefield national monuments, in Tennessee and Montana,
respectively. There is also a cemetery section in Chalmette
National Historical Park iii Louisiana.
...
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Arlington National Cemetery
Arlington is one of more than 100 national cemeteries;
however, it is the only one of two national cemeteries
administered by the Army. The cemetery at the Soldiers'
and Airmen's Home in Washington, D.C., also falls under
the administration of Arlington National Cemetery.
Nearly 4 million visitors pay their respects to over
250,000 fallen military heroes entombed at Arlington
each year. Because of limited space, burials at Arlington
National Cemetery are restricted to specific categories of
honorably discharged U.S. service·inen.and women.
The 612 acres of Arlington National Cemetery were once
part of the 1,100-acre Arlington plantation owned by
Mary Ann Randolph Custis, one of George Washington's
relatives. She married Lt. Robert E. Lee on June 30,
1831, and lived at Arlington House for 30 years.
Lee resigned his commission in 1861 when the war
between the states se·emed certain, and left the estate
forever, rather than fight against his native Virginia.
Federal troops crossed the Potomac not long after that,
fortified the estate's ridges, and turned the home into the
Army of the Potomac's headquarters.
Soldiers from the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 were reinterred at Arlington. lA Freedman's
e, employment training·
VIllage established at the estate m June 1863 prov1 e oo , ousmg, me 1c
and education for more than 30 years for former slaves who migrated to the area.
.:~an
8.00 black~ f_r~m FreedJ?~n's Village are buried at Arlington;-!!!§ir headstones-noting their
.......-names and the word "c1v1han" or t•cnrzen.u. .'
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Fact Sheets about Arlington National Cemetery
Arlington National Cemetery Map
National Cemetery System Home Page
U.S. Army Home ~age
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The Military District of Washington Home Page.
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Arlington Mansion and 200 acres of ground immediately surrounding it
were designated officially as a military cemetery June 15, 1864, ,
. by Secretary of War ~dwin M. Stanton.
More than 260,000 people are buried at Arlington Cemetery.
Veterans from II the nation's wars re buried in the cemetery, from the American
Revolution throu
e ers1an u f War and Somalia. Pre-Civil War dead were
rem erred after 1 0.
The federal government dedicated a· model community for freed slaves, Freedman's
Village, near the current Memorial Amphitheater, Dec. 4, 1863. More than 1,100 freed
slaves were given land by the government, where they farmed and lived during and after
the Civil War. They were turned out in 1890 when the estate was repurchased by the
government and dedicated .as ~ military installation.
In Section 27, are buried more than 3,800 former slaves, called "Contrabands"·during the
Civil War. Their headstones are designated .with the word "Civilian" or "Citizen."
Arlington National Cemetery and Soldiers Home National Cemetery are administered by
the Department of the Army. All other National Cemeteries are administered by the
Department of Veterans Affairs, or the Nationai·Park Service.
Arlington House (Custis-Lee Mansion) and the grounds in its immediate vicinity are
administered by the National Park Service.
The flags in Arlington National Cemetery· are flown at half-staff from a half hour before
the first funeral until a half hour after the last funeral each day. Funerals are normally
conducted five days a week, excluding weekends.
~including interments and inu"!ment~-~~
With more than 260,000 people buried, Arlington National Cemetery has the
·
e-Yru ed States.
second-largest number of people buried of any nati
e
Arlington National· Cemetery conducts approxima ely 5,400 burials each Y,ear.
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The Tomb of the Unknowns is one of the more-visited sites at Arlington National
Cemetery The Tomb is made from Yule marble quarried in Colorado. It consists of seven
pieces, with a total weight of 79 tons. The Tomb was completed and opened to the
public April 9, 1932, at a cost of $48,000.
Three unknown servicemen are buried at the Tomb of the Unknowns:
• Unknown Soldier of World War I, interred Nov. 11,
1921. President Harding presided .
• Unknown Soldier of World War II, interred May 30,
l1958. P,resident Eisenhower presided.
• Unknown Soldier ofthe Korean Conflict, interred
May 30, 1958. President Eisenhower presided, Vice
President Nixon acted as next of kin .
• An Unknown Soldier of the Vietnam Conflict, interred
May 28, 1984. President Reagan presided.
The remains of the Vietnam Unknown were disinterred
May 14, 1998, and were identified as those of Air Force
1st Lt Michael J. Blassie, whose fa'mily has reinterred him
· near their home in St. Louis, Mo. It has been determined
h
a U.S. flag outstretched
t~at the crypt at the Tomb of the Unknowns that contained
above the casket bearing the
remains of the Vietnam
the remains of the Vietnam Unknown will remain empty.) · ·
Unknown, while President ·
Ronald Reagan places a wreath The Tomb of the Unknowns is guarded by the U.S. Army
at the casket's head during
24 hours a day, 365 days a year. The 3rd U.S. Infantry
entombment ceremonies at
(The Old Guard). began guarding the Tomb April 6, 1948:
Arlington National Cemetery.
On July 24, 1998, U.S. Capitol Police Officers John Michael Gibson, 42, and Jacob
·Joseph Chestnut, 58, were killed in the line of duty. They are buried in Arlington National
Cemetery. Special Agent Gibson is buried in Section 28·. Officer Chestnut, a retired Air
Force master sergeant, isburied in Section 4.
·
In addition to in-ground.burial; Arlington National Cemetery.alsp has one of the·larger · · ·
. columbariums for cremated remains in the country. Four courts are currently in use, each.
with 5,000 niches.
·
When construction is complete, there will be nine courts with a total of 50,000 niches;
·capacity for 100,000 remains. Any honorably discharged veteran is ·eligible for inurnment .
in the columbarium.
Frequently asked questions
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BURIAL IN ARLINGTON NATIONAL' CEMETERY
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Because of limited space, burials at Arlington National Cemetery are restricted to
specific categories of honorably discharged U.S. service men and women. These
categories are:
---------------------
• Service members who die while on -;;uve-duty;--e ept those serving on active
y
duty for tra1mng p
• , Any veteran retired from active military service with the armed forces
• Any veteran retired fro~ the reserves; drawing retired pay and served a period of
active duty other than for training is eligible upon reaching the age of 60 ·
• Any veteran of the armed forces separated honorably before Oct. 1, 1949, for
medical'reasons with a 30 percent or greater disability rating effective on the day
of discharge
.
• Holders of th
·
edal of Honor; Distinguished
Service Cross, 1r orce Cross, Navy Cross, Distinguished 'Service, Medal Silver
Star or the Purple Heart
• The current and former presidents of the United States
• Any former member of the armed forces who served on active duty for other than
training purposes and held the position of: an elective office of the U.S.
·
government; Chief Justice of the United States or Associate Justice of the
Supreme Court of the United States; an office listed in 5 USC 5312 or 5313
(Levels I and II of the Executive Schedule) at the time the person held the
position; or the chief of a mission who, at the time during his or her tenure was
classified in Class I under the provisions of Section 41.1, Act of 13 August 1946,
60 Stat. 1002, as amended (22 USC 866) or as listed in· State Department
memorandum dated March 21, 1988
• Any former prisoner of war who, while a prisoner of war, served honorably in the
active military, naval or air service, whose last period of service terminated
honorably, and who died on or after Nov. 30, 1993
• The spouse, widow or widower, minor children, permanently dependent children
and certain unmarried adult children of any of the above eligible veterans
• The widow or widower of a member of the armed forces lost or buried at sea or
officially determined missing in action; a member of the.armed forces buried in a
U.S. military cemetery·overseas maintained by the American Battle Monuments .
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Commission; or a member of the armed forces interred in Arlington National
Cemetery as part of a group burial
• The parents of a minor child or permanently dependent child whose remains,
based on the eligibility of a parent, is buried in Arlington National Cemetery. A
spouse divorced from the primary eligible or widowed or remarried is not eligible
for interment.
·
• The surviving spouse, minor children or permanently dependent children of any
eligible veteran buried in Arlington National Cemetery
• Provided certain conditions are met, a former member of the armed force·s may be
buried in the same grave with a close' relative who is buried in Arlington National
Cemetery and who is the primary eligible.
,_
All veterans eligible for in-ground burial and their
dependents may have their cremated remains
placed in a designated unmarked area of the
cemetery. Subsequent burials of eligible family
members will also be in this area of the cemetery.
Ashes must be in biodegradable containers or be
placed in the gravesite without containers. A
permanent register of all burials in this special area
is maintained at the cem~tery's administration
, ~ building.
Service members who do not meet these
requirements may qualify for inurnment in the
cemetery's·columbarium complex, which houses
cremated remains. Any honorably discharged
veteran, spouse and dependent children may be
inurned in the same family niche.
Space assignment in Arlington National Cemetery is
done only when there is need. No site may be
reserved, and only one gravesite will be assigned
per family. If a spouse or eligible child dies first, space will be assigned for the spouse
. or child's interment, provided the service member agrees in writing to be buried in the
·same site.
·
·
''•.!;.),,
olj 1il,,]il
There is no charge for a grave (or columbarium niche) in Arlington National Cemetery,
for opening or closing a grave, gravesite care, burial flags or for government headstone
or marker or concrete grave liners. Except for active-duty service members, all other
costs must be borne by the family.
Requests for exceptions to burial-eligibility policies will not be.considered until the death
of the individual. Letters requesting exceptions should be mailed. or faxed to:
Superintendent
Arlington National Cemetery
Arlington, VA 22211-5003
FAX (703) 697-4967
Letters should include: Name of deceased; reason the deceased should by favorably
considered; all relevant information regarding military service or special service to the
nation; all documentation of military service-- DD Form 214, award certificates, orders,
etc. If interment is to be in the grave with an immediate-family member, include that
decedent's full name, burial location and relationship; a point of contact with day and
evening phone numbers; a completed copy of Arlington National Cemetery's public
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disclosure form-- available by calling (703) 695-3175 or 3191 --signed by next of kin or
representative. Decisions are generally provided by telephone within 48 'hours after
receipt of request.
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THE ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY COLUMBARIUM
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In April 1980, the first 5,000-niche section of Arlington
National Cemetery's Columbarium for cremated
remains was opened for use. Eventually, 50,000 niches
will be provided.
·
The Columbarium is in the southeast section of the
Cemetery, about a half mile from the'·Memorial Gate.
Eligibility
Because of space limitation, ground burial in Arlington
is quite restricted. The criteria for the Columbarium is
more liberal and extendecl to all honorably discharged
veterans. Those qualifying for inurnment include:
• Any member of the Armed Forces who dies on
active duty .
• Any person eligible for in-ground burial at
Arlington National Cemetery
• Any former member of the armed forces who served on active duty (other than for
training) arid whose last service ended honorably
• Any former mefTlber of the armed forces retired from· active duty
• Any member of a reserve component who dies while on active duty for training or
performing full-time service under Title 32, United States Code; while performing
authorized travel to or from that duty or service; while on authorized inactive-duty
performed as a member of the Army National Guard or Air national Guard (23 USC
502); while hospitalized or being treated at the expense of the U.S. government for an
injury or disease incurred or contracted while on that duty or service, performing that
travel or inactive-duty training or undergoing that hospitalization or treatment at the
expense of the United States
• Any citizen of the United States who, during any war in which the United States has
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been engaged, served in the armed forces of any government allied with the United
States during that war, whose last service ended honorably by death or otherwise,
and was a citizen. of the United States at the time of entry into that service and at the
time of death
·
• Any member of the Reserve Officers'
Training Corps of the Army, Navy or
Air Force whose death occurs while
attending an authorized training
camp; on an authorized practice
cruise; performing authorized travel
to or from that camp or cruise; or
while hospitalized or receiving
treatment at the expense of the
United States for injury or disease
incurred while attending that camp or
cruise, performing that travel, or
receiving that hospitalization or
treatment a,t the expense of the
United States
• Certain commissioned officers of the U.S: Coast and Geodeti~ Survey, National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration or the U.S. Public Health Service
• The spous'e, minor children and certain adult children of those listed above
• A fqrmer member of a group certified as active military service for the. purpose of ·
receiving benefits by the U.S. Dep.artment of Veterans Affairs by the· provisions of
Section 401, Public Law 95~202 ·
Those Not Eligible
. • Parents, brothers, sisters, or in-laws -- even if they live with, or are dependents of, an
eligible person
'
• A person whose last separation froni the armed forces was under less-than-honorable
conditions, even though he or she may receive veteran's benefits
• A person who has volunteered for the armed forces but has not entered upon active
duty
.
• A remarried former spouse of a deceased service member (unless the remarriage is
terminated by divorce from or death of the second spouse)
Dependents are not eligible unless the primary eligible person has been, or will be inurned
in the Columbarium. This does not apply to cases where the primary eligible has been lost
or buried at sea or officially determined to be permanently missing, or missing in action.
Columbarium Plaques
Each niche, which accommodates no more than two urns, is sealed with a marble plaque
inscribed with the names, highest military grades and years of birth and death of those
inurned. The plaques are automatically ordered when inurnment is requested and are
provided at no cost. Neither flowers nor other commemorative items are allowed in the
Columbarium.
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This tradition, known a
as been
e Old Guard was·
conducted annually since
designated as the Army's official ceremonial unit in
1948.
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Every available soldier in the 3rd U.S. Infantry .
participates, placing small. Ame'rican flags one foot
in front and centered before each grave marker.
During an approximately three-hour period, the
soldiers place flags in front of more than 260,000 ·
gravestones and about 7,300 niches at the ..
cemetery's columbarium.
Another 13,500 flags are placed at the Soldier's and Airmen's Cemetery. As part of this
yearly memorial activity, Old Guard soldiers remain in the cemetery throughout the
weekend, ensuring that a flag remains at each gravestone.
American ~ags are also placed at the graves of each of the four unknown service men
interred at the Tomb of the Unknowns, by. the Tomb Sentinels.
All fla,gs are removed after Memorial Day befo.re each·cemetery is opened to the public.
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5/17/2000 4:15PM
�VOLUME
19
Meyer to Nauvoo
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AMERICANA
INTERNATIONAL
EDITION
COMPLETE IN THIRTY VOLUMES
FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1829
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EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE
PRESIDENT LIBRARY
Room 308 OEOB
wasl:l,ingt.on, DC
GROLIER
INCORPORATED
International Headquarters: Danbury, Connecticut
06816
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755
NATIONAL BUREAU OF STANDARDS-NATIONAL CITY
The locations of U. S. national cemeteries,
NATIONAL BU.REAU OF STANDARDS, an agency
of the U: S. Department of· Commerce, with listed according to the responsible agency, follow.
headquarters in Gaithersburg, Md., and addiVETERANS ADMINISTRATION
tional facilities in Boulder, Colo. The NBS was
St. Louis, Mo.
Mobile, Ala.
Springfield, Mo.
Sitka, Alaska
established in 1901 as the reference laboratory
Maxwell, Nebr.
Prescott, Ariz.
for measurements and standards within the UnitBeverly, N.J.
Fayetteville, Ark.
ed States. As the nation's central laboratory, its
Salem, N.J.
Fort Smith, Ark.
Fort Bayard, N. Mex.
Little Rock, Ark.
role is to apply science and technology, through
Sante Fe, N. Mex.
Los Angeles, Calif.
improved measurements, for the benefit of inBath, N.Y.
Riverside, Calif.
dustry, government, and the public. It develops
Brooklyn, N.Y.
San Bruno, Calif.
Elmira, N.Y.
San Diego, Calif.
national standards of measurement for length,
Farmingdale, N.Y.
San Francisco, Calif.
mass, time, volume, temperature, light, color,
New Bern, N. C.
Denver, Colo.
electric energy, radioactivity, X-ray intensity,
Raleigh,· N. C.
Fort Lyon, Colo.
Salisbury, N. C.
Bay Pines, Fla.
viscosity, sound; radio frequency, and other physWilmington, N. C.
Pensacola, Fla.
ical quantities. In research, NBS scientists make
Dayton, Ohio
St. Augustine, Fla.
contributions to such fields as nuclear, thermal,
Fort Gibson, Okla.
Marietta, Ga.
Portland, Oreg.
Honolulu, Hawaii
and solid-state physics, spectroscopy, fluid meRoseburE:, Oreg.
Alton, Ill.
chanics, and kinetics. They also study the propWhite C1ty, Oreg.
Danville, Ill.
erties of various materials.
Annville, Pa.
Mound City, Ill.
Philadelphia, Pa.
Quincy, Ill. ·
The NBS is organized into institutes. They
Bayamon, Puerto Rico
Rock Island, Ill.
include the Institute for Basic Standards, the
Beaufort, S. C.
Springfield, Ill.
·Institute for Materials Research, the Institute
Florence, S. C.
Indianapolis, .Ind.
Fort Meade, S. Oak.
for Applied Technology, and the Institute for· Marion, Ind.
Hot Springs, S. Oak.
New Albany, Ind.
Computer Sciences and Technology. ·
. · Keokuk, Iowa ·.
Sturgis, S. Oak.
.The first direCtor of the NBS was Samuel W .. Fort Leavenworth, ·Kans. Chattanooga, Tenn.
Knoxville, Tenn.
Fort Scott, Kans.
Stratton. Later directors included George Vt/ ..
Madison, Tenn.
Leavenworth, Kans.
Burgess, Lyn1an G. Briggs, Edward U. Condon,
Memphis, Tenn.
Danville, Ky.
Alleri V. Astin, Lewis M. Branscomb, and Richard
Mountain Home, Tenn.
Lebanon, Ky.
Fort Bliss, Texas
W. Roberts.
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Lexington, Ky.
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; NATIONAL CEMETERIES' are ·burial groun s es-
companies serve
whose recomby the board of
e policy-making
ibility t~at inregulatory and
See AuouooN
a ballet company
company was
and chowho was di4, modeled the
Britain's Sadkr's
of the company
ballet, but nurepresented in
ers who have
tablished by the U.S. Congress for. the interment
of any member or former member of the U.S.
armed forces whose last .service terminated
.
honorably. The veteran's husband or wife may be
buried in ·a··national cemetery. Their minor chi!-' t
·
dren or auu 1 ch'l-'
1 uren w ho are depen dent b y
reason of physical or mental disability may be
interred in the grave of one of the p~r
.
'fhere IS no cost f or t h e grave s1te.
·
·
The federal government maintains abo
150
national cemeterieL. throughout the Un
States and in other countries. The National Cernetery System ·was transferred by the National
Cemeteries Act of 1973 from the Department of
e Ar
to the Veterans Administration ( V .
he V
ow has responsibilit for more tha 100
o
e national ceme enes. ourteen na wna
·
eteries are t he responsi bility o f t he Department
<if the Interior because they are situated within
· storica Sl
maintained by that .. department.
The Arm
as responsibility for two~the Solorne National. Cemetery, situated in .
. Washington, D. C., a.!!,d Arlington National Cemetery, located in VjrgmJil. See also ARLINGTON
-_. NATIONAL· CEMETERY.
·
.
The remaining 23 natiori~l cemeteries, all in
. A
ot her countries, are maintaine d b Y t h e merican
Battle Monuments Commission. One cemetery,
111 MeXICO Ctty, contams the · remains of 750
Ame r.l·cans who fell during the Mexican Vllar.
Ei ht cemeteries in Europe contain the dead o f
s
re!l!-1est o their next of kin. Use of each cemetery site has been granted by the host government to the United States, free of rent and taxes.
Legislative authority to· establish national
cemeteries dates to 1862, during the Civil War,
when Congress gave President Abraham Lincoln
permission to purchase cemetery grounds.
Louisville, Ky. (2) ·
Nancy, Ky.
.
Nicholasville, Ky.
Perryville, Ky.
Baton Rouge, La.
Pineville, La.
Zachary, La ..
Togus, Me.
Annapolis, Md. ·
Baltimore, Md. (2)
Bourne, Mass.
M_inneap~lis, Minn.
Bllo.xl, Mls~.
Connth, MISS.
Natchez, Miss.
Jefferson City, Mo.
Houston, Texas
. Kerrville, Texas ·
San Antonio, Texas (2)
Alexandria, Va.
Culpeper, Va.
Danville, Va.
Hampton, Va. (2)
Hopewell, Va.
Leesburg, Va.
Mechanicsville, Va.
Quantico, Va.
Richmond, Va. (3)
Sandston, Va.
Staunton, Va.
Winchester, Va.
Grafton, W. Va.
Wood, Wis.
DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY
Washington, D. C.
Arlington, Va.
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
Washington, o. c.
And rsonville, Ga.
a i, La.
Sharpsburg, Md.
Vicksburg, Miss.
Crow Agency, Mont.
Gettysburg, Pa.
·
Dover, Tenn.
Greeneville, Tenn.
Murfreesboro, Tenn.
Shiloh, Tenn.
Fredericksburg, Va.
Petersburg, Va.
Yorktown, Va.
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS· COMMISSION
Mexican War
Mexico City, Mexico
World War 1
Waregem, Belgium
Brookwood, England
Belleau, France.
Bony, France
·
Fere·en-Tardenois, France
Romagne, France
Seine; France
Th'1aucourt, Franee
Neuville-en-Condroz,
Belgium
Cambridge, England
Draguignan, 'France
~pinal, France
St. Avoid, France
St. James, France
st. Laurent. France
Florence, Italy
Nettuno, Italy
L
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b
uxembourg, uxem ourg
Margraten, Netherlands
World War 11
Henri·Chapelle, Belgium
Manila, Philippines
Carthage, Tunisia
NATIONAL CITY is a city of southwestern California, in San Diego county, on San Diego Bay
just south of San Diego. Its industries include
· meat processing, the production of lumber, furniture, submarine cables, and missile parts, and
the state's largest orchid nursery. The mothballed
Pacific Reserve Fleet is anchored near the city.
National City was settled in 1868 and incorporated in 1882. ·It has a council and city manager form of government; .. Population: 54,249.
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5/24/00 9 pm
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM' JEFFERSON CLINTON
· MEMORIAL. DAY OBSERVANCE
ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY
MONDAY, MAY 29, 2000
We are blessed;today, to be able to gather again ip this magnificent amphitheater,".in our national
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cemetery, to remember those who lost everyone they loved, to prolect the country they loved.
As you entered the grounds this morning, you saw ~very gravestone~ecorated with an
American flag. Indeed, this day of remembrance was first known as Decoration Day -- launched
in 1868 by order of the Commander in Chief of the Grand Army of the Republic who designated
this day "for decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country."
Some still remembe®,at m.eaning.
~e
Thursday before Memorial Day, this year and every
. year for more than ~ears, the entire regiment of 1,200 soldiers of the 3rd U.S. Infantry has
~
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·honored AiBsrisa!s fallen heroes by placing American flags before_ every one of more than
260,000 gravestones here at Arlington. Alld a contingent remains on patrol 24 hours, all
weekend long, to make sure each flag remains standing.
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~~membered, by the proud anti G€lVQted wewb€l~s of th~ 3rd I I S. infan1f,y.
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aJJt
tr5Jnk them
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for their patriotism, their devotion to duty, and their commitment to honoring the original
meaning of Memorial Day. ·
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~re in Arli~gton, the ~ panorama of our
oJ )
roic history in etched between the
lines.~
every
graveston'~reside~ts Ke~edy and Taft a~ _ uried here. Generals Pershing and Bradley are
buried here. John Foster Dulles andOliv r Wendell Holmes. Medgar Evers and Joe Louis.
ee of the Marines remembered forever for raising our
.George.Marshall and Audie Murphy.
flag on Iwo Jima; they are buried her . And not onlythe famous, but the unknown heroes of
In the heart and history of America
more than two centuries of fighting t
-this is sacred soil. ·
As we
ga~her
here and remember, our hearts go out to those who· can never forget. People
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whose. wounds are still fresh twenty, forty, (lfty years later: Young women, crushed with
kk-4 ~ lf/ ~
'/:~j"ho ~~r Jieddings.
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Expecu;J mothers, stunned with grief, who raised their
~ne. ~children who had said good night, every night, to a picture - suddenly left
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with only a picture.
For those of us who have not lived it- it is hard to imagine it.
Seeing- with shock and dread-. a uniformed officer and a chaplain step out of an Army staff car
and approach the front door.
r;;earing the only high-ranking military officer ever to .s.et foot in your house expressing the deep
~rrow and gratitude of the United States.
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Thinking "~can't be right." "You must be mistaken." "My husband, my brother, my son is
still alive."
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Wondering "How did he die?'' "Who was with him? "Can I talk to someone who was with
him?"
~~king:
"What am I going to do?'' "How am I going to raise our children?" "How am I going
to tell our children?"
And finally:
"When can I see him? When is he coming home?''
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At a monient like that, there is so little one can do- but that little is vital. Our chaplains, blessed
by God with the ability to absorb the unbearable grief of others, answer questions, hold hands,
ahd keep coming back to help.
To all families who have born this loss,. and to any who may bear it in the future, I wan:t to renew
~
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'(®}if
®national pledge: the United States will lim forsake its fallen heroes. We will never abandon
the cause of freedom our heroes gave their lives for. And we will never abandon our heroes
themselves. Wherever it takes us, as long as it takes us, we will keep our sacred commitment to
seek the fullest possible accounting.
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�I met this morning ~t the White. House with sons and daught. ers and spouses of s~rvicemelft stil) .
,
.
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missing in action. There is no better way to understand how important this is to the hearts and
minds of Americans, than to. hear the family members say it for themselves.
o~, the remains of a soldier of the 1st cavalry regiment of the America! division, whose
Huey helicopter was "flying in the weeds"~~ they say) at 25 feet, over Laos in 1970 when it lost
power and crashed. He died immediately, and was pinned in the wreckage. When others
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rushefthe scene tried to try to.bring out his body, they were forced out by enemy fire. A later
effort met the same fate. But he was never forgotten. Years later, with the help of several
~ovemrnents, extensive interviews, excavations, and DNA testing: a positive identification was
made. Army Specialist 4 John E. Crowley ofWiiliamson, New York, forever 20 years old, was
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laid to rest here in Arlington Cemetery this Friday with his mother and brother at his side.
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~ ~ wish to announce the United States is resuming talks with North Korea the first week
~f June in Kuala Lumpur in the hopes of resuming recovery operations in North Korea this year.
As we prepare to observe the 50th anniversary ofthe invasion of South Korea by the North-- we
reaffirm our commitment to the more than 1.7 million who served there, the more than 36,000
who lost their
se~ice
home.
live~ there, and the more than 8,100 still missing ther~-~ ~ will honor their
by remembering the colleagues left behind, and doing everything we
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eMt
to bring them
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�So many of you here today know personally the ever present pain of losing a friend or family
member. Today, many .fu._wer families know the pain of that sacrifice. That is a blessing. But it
c·an tum to a curse if we forget the sacrifices that have made the world safer for Americans.
~
One friend ofveterans has told how she asked a group of school children in Washington four
years ago what Memorial day means, and they said: that's the day the pool opens.
That's not their fault. They don't know. We have to teach them.
That is why, today, I ask ail Ameri'cans- in a symbo,lic act of national unity- to pause wherever
they are at 3 pm local time to observe a national moment of remembrance for America's fallen
heroes.·
At that time, the melancholy tones of Taps- our national requiem- will be played all across
America- in the Capitol Rotunda and the VietNam memorial; at Ellis Island and the Liberty
Bell; in VA Hospitals and National Parks; on Voice of America and Armed Forces Network; in
Wal Mart, K-Mart and the Mall of the Americas.
And in Yankee Stadium, the chief umpire will step out from behind Home Plate, remove his
mask, halt the game- and a capacity crowd will rise with hands on hearts, hear Taps -and
remember. And when little boys and girls tug on their parents' sleeve and whisper: "Mommy,
Daddy, what's happening?" A new generation•nmel:"i6iBs will hear for the first time about
<..
·~fallen heroes.
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f these heroes ws:re giveu. a voic@ toElay, they might well say~ "Ameiicah~e gave tip our·· \~
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youth and our future for you. We made our wives widows and children orphans for you,\
__
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,,""
Please tell us,_~ou have made our sacrifice matter." .
At the dawn of this new century, we
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can~
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with solemn prideQtH·
)lave t:t:u:tde yonr !ilacrifiee matter.
·You fought to keep us strong. We are today the most powerful, most prosperous nation on . rth
-with a military feared and revered around the world·. ' e have made your sacrifice matter.
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You fought for freedom in foreign lands....:. knowing it would. protect our freedom at home.
_your sacrifice matter.
~,W~t-~u. -~~
You fought
fo~lii
iii ..Vittctly dMJed E>tlepe
where American heroes are
buried today in twenty cemeteries, from Flanders to Ardennes to Normandy.
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history. NATO has three new allies from across Europe's old divide. Central Eutope is free,
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and flourishing. And soldiers from almost every European country- the most bitter former
dversaries among them- are serving under a single command keeping the peace in the Balkans.
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I depart for Europe today. I will visit Portugal, to attend the 14th U.S.-EU summit of my
. Presidency. I will visit Germany, and make the first visit of an American President to the free,
democratic, undivided capital of Berlin. United by a common bond of de~ocracy- we are
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sharing with our European allies the responsibilities of building peace, freedom, stability, within
Europeandbeyond_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4ffiMM~~~~~~~~~
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"'~"IP1Ctmnmo~v~e'"l1ai'i'ln>all'fil7'cTiiesrnrt['7'C"ll'arras~e..,on-fF-_m~":!t~,...,_----
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I will visit Russia- former worldwide sponsor ofthe.communism so many of you gave your
_lives to battle .. Russia has just seen its first transition from one democratically-elected leader to
0\,
another in ~thousand years of history. And I will deliver the first speech ever by an American
President to a democratically-elected Russian parliament. We will continue to work with Russia
to encourage deeper democratic and economic reform, to reduce the nuclear danger, to advance
our arms control agenda.
I will visit Ukraine...:.. a country whose people helped defeat the Nazis, but which has been
dominated by the Soviet system for seventy years, and is eager to throw off the
:.~f
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commu~ism, embrace freedom and economic reform, andjoin the peaceful democratic
rpainstream of the transatlantic community.
The world of today is not recognizable from 50 years
h"~d·~.
a~p·
\Adversaries have become allies.
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D 1~tators 1ps emocrac1es. w· e ~~ente a maJor wm Ifturope, andhC ommumsm we
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fought to contain in the Cold War, in VietNam, and Korea has collaps~o
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d the
world. Heartened by our progress, we _will intensify our efforts to integrate Southeast Europe
and the former states of the Soviet Union into the U.S.-European mainstream. These are the two
.remaining challenges in fulfilling the vision of a peaceful, undivided, democratic Europe- and
moving closer to a goal of our ~heroes, whose hope was not only to win wars, but to
help end war.
On this first Memorial day of the 21st century, I thank you - our fallen heroes - for your defense
of freedom,
dominance.
j~d human dignity.
You never fought for empire, for territory, for
~Your enemies fought to defend tyrannyt you gave your lives to defend
e, ilk
freedom. I wish you all.could know__:_ as we stand at the dawn of a~ century you never sawthat far from fading ffito the past, your. sacrifice is
future. I wish you all could know
-thirty, forty, fifty years after you're gone ... your truth is marching on.
May God bless you all. May God bless America ..
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·.
;
history of Mem .day-- decorattion day-- flags at the 260,000 graves.··
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Check this: (website: www.nidw.army.mii/FS-A09.HTM)
.
Following opening acknowledgments: . ··
This day was originally known as decoration· day, ·and the first national
.observaric~ was launched in 1868 by order of the Commander;in Chief of
the Grand Army of the Republic who designated this day ''for decorating
the;graves of comrades who .died in defense of their country."· ·
Some still remember and -honor that original meaning. Each year for more
than 40 years; the 3rd U.S. Infantry (The Old Guard), the Army's
·
qfficial ceremonial unit, has honored America's fallen heroes by
placing A.merican flags before every gravestone here at Arlington just ·,
before Memorial Day weekend.
·
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They know the tradition as "flags in." Every soldier in the 3rd
infantry participates. And many remaiq here all weekend --to make sure
a flag remains at each gravestone. Look around you; there is a flag
planted before every one of more.than 260,000 gravestones. America's
heroes buried here have been remembered this Memorial Day-- each and
Members
every one-- by a proud and devoted member·of the Old Guard.
of the Old Guard present, will you stand: Thank you for your
atriotism, your devotion, and your commitment to remember your fellow
American heroes.
·
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Understanding the sacr-ifice --what it is like to get the news.
· we have to make their sacrifice matter.
1 report
to you:
how many have died in wars is dwindiing --the causes for whi~h you died
is rising
··
trip report·-- item by
it~m:.
Your truth is marching on.
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I know those of you who have lost loved ones, talk to them sometimes,
and believe that somehow, somewhere, they can hear. I want to say a
few words to those in this burial ground and others, in this country and
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others, who gave their lives for us, who in the words of Geri. Logan,
used their breast~ as a barricade between our country and its foe).
I stand before you -- as commander in chief of the United States Armed
Forces at the turn of the century, reporting to you --America's fallen
heroes -- on what we as a nation have done with your sacrifice.
· war deaths way down. Our children don't die in war, as much as they
did before ..
. democracy way up.
So many of you who gave your lives in Europe; so many of you who gave
your lives in the battle against Comm.unism.
I am departing today for Europe -- where more than a dozen cemeteries
, are tragic monuments to yow sacrifice,
from Flanders Field to
hold the remains of so many of you.
I will visit Portugal where so many of the European nations divided for
centuries are partners, allies.
Germany-- I will visit Germany, whose tyranny, so many of you (get
figure) gave your lives to defie. Any you mocked the words of its
leader who thought the sons and daughters of democracy did f}Ot have the
steel and mettle to match the fire and will of a captive people.
I will visit Russia and Ukraine former republics of the Soviet Union -a central pillar and proponent of the communism you gave your lives to
fight in Korea and Vietnam.
(You would have wished in your moments that the Soviet Union would a, b,
c,.
The United States does not fight for empire, for territory. The sons
and daughters of nations you fought cannot make the claim they died for
freedom. Tragically, many died to defend tyranny. You gave your life
to defend the truth of freedom. It must make you proud to know -- so
many years after you're gone; your truth is marching on.
May God bless you and hold you in his arms; as we hold on to you in
memory.
And may God never stop blessing America with heroes like you.
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.150 national cemeteries
cemeteries abroad;
8 cemeteries in europe contain American dead from ww 1
14 foreign cemeteries contain dead from ww2
(carthage) and one in the Philippines,
12 in europe one in tunisia
famous cemeteries abroad of WW I Flanders Field -- most recognizable
name. Meuse-Argonne,
famous from WW 2 -- Normandy, brittany, ardennes.
Notes from Betsy and Hans:
components:
* trip preview
* include some preview of the upcoming 50th anniv of Korea.
* returning remains
* flags in- old guard TomI did a little telephone sleuthing and came up with the following information regarding
the Old Guard's effort to put flags at every grave (called "flags-in"). A good contact for
what it takes to actua
flags in (coordination, timing etc.) is S~_rgeant First
Class Pearsori
03)696-3011. F r more of the history of their efforts (how long 1ts
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been done, wh~n and how it originated) he~ontact the' Arlington
.
Cemetery historian, Mr. Tom Sherlo~~
Hope this helps you.
Betsy
"old glory" can we read some lines?
Preview: Asian Americans - denied medal of honor because of racism:
among them. also check notes on nakashima that I got from metzler.
*
inoue is
* whole purpose of European unity is what these guys fought and died for.
(cite european contribution to the balkans)
* russia - new, young dynamic leadership- a sentence or two on arms control - a new
opportunity for cooperation with Russia.
* should there be a balancing graf on Africa -as with Europe, we are eager to see
more and more countries volunteer to take part in peacekeeping missiones, etc.
message: we can't give up on these regional efforts; us can't do it all everywhere
help other regions of the world prepare themselves for this.
* Look at POTUS speech on Armed forces day- he improvised on the decision about
·where to send troops.
* THEME: we have many fewer casualties today, but we still have sacrifices. high·
operations tempo. we believe by taking these actions, we prevent a wider conflict.
note in the 1930s we had neutralit laws.
_J
* Moment of remembrance.
NOTES on ARlington book of history
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Carmela La Spada 395 7373 ·
1996 - kids were asked -what is memorial day and they said the day the pool opens.
kids touring washington.
talked about freedom.
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Taps and going to events. Taps really say it. It lingers in the heart. maybe we coul
dtry this where: people gather.
Audio and video tape of taps.
checked on response. sent it out to Malls~ People said th~nks. we're remembering.
what was really great baseball.
midpithc.
Yankee stadium and orioles 1997 . .they stopped in
Ladis and Gentleman, everyone sat atattehtiot:l. they did a video. voiceover with
~l:Je
Taps- the whole stadium stood up. ti was thrilling and fantasi , add what was that
about. baseball has been great. this year, there will be three ... Yankee sta 1um.
Cleveland and. Colorado home games. 3 pm.
stop the game.
.
Home plate umpire will stop the' game. Video on Jumbo Tron. They
dotheintrotoT8ps.*~ .,.J-
.p...-....1£3 =~4u'IL
We're proud to remmeber on this day.
What IS actuayon the tape.
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Then we have Amtrak; they couldn't play tap. on all their trains. Amtrak will blow
All 200 trains on a scheduled runs. they will announce, __ then theywill blow the
whistle. One minute moment of remembrance.
·
Kmart and WaiM~rt- radio system.
They play the audio.
We send them the audio tape. and Video.
that will have taps
Malls, including the mall of America.
1997 - was the first year o the effort.
7
~
vJ.·.
~-
~- M1
-J),...
1
�6
',I
When I talked to Podesta. it should not be an organizaiton. it should be from the
caommander in chief as a white house initiative. I would like to have it change in time .
. President mentioned in 1998 Potus mentioned for the first time .
. We have greyhound. they asked .for 100 tapes for all their terminals. they're asking
people to pause. ·
·
Several airports. First year, the older people stOod at attention. ·younger people didn't
get it at first.
Minnesota airport has a live bugler. skyharbor. Port Authority in New York.
Airports, Airlines,
race tracks involved.
NBA. they're on at
Indy does it a day before.. nascar is not at that time .. PGA
"
'
3 pm local time.
At 6 pm on C_SPAN House will vote. To call on the President to encourage all
Aemricans to participate in this national moment ofremembrance.
We got times sqyuear CNBC will play a videotape- all national parks. VA hospitals.
federal prisons.
I'm going to get alist of all participants.
want that list and the blurb for the video.
background- with other countries. 275 million. Israel does it·for the sirens.
UK for vets day. they've been having a moment of silence.
Netherlands 8 pm.
· they're all trying to do 2minutes.
·
�,,
'
7
.
275 million Americans. even some pools. press would support it. ·radio stations.
tune into this station. observe the. moment as we play taps. cars asked to turn on their
headlights. .
transit metro - they will ma_k_e_th_e~a n7"'n:::Q:::_.u_n_c_e_m_e_n_t...:_·-:----__..::.__ _ _ _ _ __
7
rt of the pu · . If they hear taps wherever they are, place their han s
res
over their hearts and remember.
each commander in chief hereafter will do this.
podesta ietter on Dear Abby.
asking boaters to participate. wherever anybody is to observe.
the whole idea is for americans to reflect on their heritage. to rededicate themselves to
national service. to live together as human beings to connect.
This is the start of igniting that fire. that they should give back to this country.
they don't know what
call on peple to play it and respond to it.
white house web site:
fact sheet.
what's going to appear in Dear Abby.
www.whitehouse.gov/remembrance
~kf
Deaths in major wars of this century:
ww1
-
served:
5340~
4,743,826
in battle,
63, 114 other - total
wounds not mortal 204,002
...
ww2 -
served:
16,353,659
1i6,. 516
�8
r·
'
wounds not mortal 670,846
korea -
served:
33,652
3262
persian gulf
5, 7641 143
36,914 wounds not mortal 103,'284
served:
148 battle deaths;
467,939
151 other deaths;
467 wounds not mortal;
NOTES from reading:
Timothy 2/4/7 - I have fought a good fight,
course, I have kept the faith.
I have finished my
more than a quarter million - from every war since the
r~
use:
shaking with (silent) sobs
or stunned into
silenc~.
dazed in grief and disbelief.
make it vivid:
94: · today, somewhere in America a curious
child, rummaging through.an attic, will stumble upon
-deployment around the world today
mention:
~
get it from vets day.
veterans of all the wars of the 20th century.
(no veterans from this century) .
One strong graf or two on the path ahead.
(sometimes we ·focus too much on the moment and miss the broad
sweep of history- let's look at what has happened over the last
century.
�9
Check Freedom House for the nurrlber of free societies now ·and· at
the beginning of the century.
We will not close the book - ever - on our sons lost in war.
Gen Logan's.order came in 1868 -so the first memorial day
celebration at Arlington came in that year.
making this the
123rd annual ceremony.
p
37
164 victimes of the explsotion of the battleship maine that
started the
~panish
american war were interred in arlington in
1899
Old Guard:
In 1926, the Third U.S. Infantry, known ~s the Old Guard,
commence suplpying ~n Honor Guard for the Tomb.
What began as
only a daylight watchj becamse in 1937, a 24 hour vigil which
has continued without interruption.
four million visitors to arlington national cemetery every year.
in the authors words:
Arlington."
"people who have earned their place at
Three of the six men pictured raising the flag on Iwo Jima are
buried in Arlington (and profiled in the book) .
People in here - the son of Abraham Lincoln.
the father of
Douglas MacArthur.
John and robert kennedy.
Oliver wendell
holmes. EXPLORER edwin peary who discovered the North Pole
pershing and bradley GEorge Marshall, Shttle astronauts.. Apollo
One astronauts. William Howard Taft - president and chief
justice.
Earl Warren,
John Foster Dulles.
Nicholson - shot by the soviets in beilin in 1985·.
�.
10
,,
Paderewski - Rodsevelt said his body would stay here at
Arlington until Poland was free - it stay~d there thtoughout the
war. was pres~dent of the p6lish gov't in exile after the Nazi
invasion.
ASK IF PADEREWSKI IS STILL AT ARLINGTON OR IF HE WENT HOME.
442 reg. combat team.
asian americans whose families were from west coast, put in
internment camps. army made.this regiment to fight in the war,
they were unsure if they fight in japanese ancestry, sent to
europe, most decorated in WW 2.
21 ASian Americans will be
receiving medal of honor from ww.2.
a number from the 442.
two brothers buried side by side. 442~. white house military
office. names 442 regimental combat team. names:
adjoining
graves
pvt. raito nakashima company B 442.
brotehr sgt
wataru nakashima company m
442.
units been researched. . most decorq.ted unit in ww 2 in the
army. will get medal of honor.
they were fighting two typs of tyranny.
in their own country.·
axis powers. prejudice
survival assistance officer.
and chaplain. usutally a letter
from the chief of staff. notification were made in person.
call chaplains of the military services. chief of chaplain's
office, casualty assistance.
how it was done on large scale.
chief of chaplain's office.
how the notification is made.
rick army chief of chaplain- 703 695'1133
office of chief of
chaplain. Major General gunhus. Depy chief of chaplain brg gen
Hicks. exec. officer col -ask to talk to chief.
�11
Phil
morning.
give him a call· first thing
told me to call him~
normal goes thru notificaiton teams through .casutality branch.
they go personally with chaplain and team. notificaiton through
the army - by commander. as opposed to a chaplain.
someone
who notifies is the bad guy.
chaplain is good guy.
in
notifying,
how the person died, what they were thinking and
doing. were they doing somethig pursposeful, was their deatb noc
in vain.
then. they say it couldn't possibly be t_rue. you've
made a mistake.
can I talk with him.
-
can I talke with those who talked to him.
stunr:i.ed silenc!3.
it has to be a mistake.
it's impossible.
you're mistaken. peopre on the scien is mistaken~ it wasnFt
really him·.
sometimes a telegram was sent; sometimes you amy beat the
telegram. sometimes not. during gulf war, they did preset up
teams.
take notifications drecitly personally.
actually going to the ho~se.
during viet nam might have received have received a telegram
first.
Private Ryan- first scene accurately. mothers .with
four children.
she saw staff car driving up to the house
people got out priest officer, officer handed telegram. that
three of her sons had died.
a telegram and a visit.
why are these people in uniforms.
training is express sorrow and gratitude of the USG.
inform
gently,. chaplain offer his services. becomes a discussion·
group.
perons had been killed in trianing accident, went with batallion
commander. wife and mother of solider were living together.
~\ when the two of us were there,
the look of shock and puzzlement
~ and dread.
I'll never forget.
tney knew it was bad,
we told
them of the death.
they. dissolved in tears.
swore there w:;~?
way it could be theirs.
get these people over~the bump.
made several vis~st after the fact.
casutally assistnce
officers. helped them with details.
thorough ~ystem to help
with these arrangements.
�12 '
two small children .involved..
wife was more· devastated than the
mother.
she saw the life planeed was gone and llte she hope for
for her chidlren 'was ~- had to be streong for her hcildren.--'>
~·
was catholic. were the children in the house at the
they were not i~ the room. we made sure that was the
case. about 5 pm. one kid was in bed.
wanted to make sure
they were home.
was there maybe batallion commander. he was the one to realy
information.
deanil and disbelief went pretty quickly.
then
began.to ask questions: what do I do now?
Theri desribe the
details we have it under control and will help them.
anyone is
hit with details. burial expenses, where do we do it - all
details of survivors. where do I live now. how will I ·get the
money to raise.
first was all personal fright and fear and'expression of
impotence.
there is nothing we can do. we can't do anything.
deails of how did he die who ·was ther~ did it
research the dtails carefully'before we go over.
they want to talk to someone who was there.
friend.·
hap~ we
if they had a good
what was he doing, what was he saying, was it an accident. was
he engaged in purposeful duty. ques~ions abotit his welfare at
the time~ was a priest there to annoint him.
What do we do now?
What am I going to tell my children? how an I going to raise my
children. how will they live wi thollt their father.
,.----.
if they want to bring th echildren in then, we will tell them.
or we will leave it to them. or their own priest or clergy men.
gradually l~t theirchildren in.
can absorb;
depends how much the children·
I would neve rtell the children. we tell. them together mother
be the ·spoke·sman. daddy has died.
31 years 10 times I
personal~y.
went.
�13
each is unique.
whatstikes me most is when I talked wth the
children.
12 year old girl was inconsolable.
dissolved in
t~arns.
could hold her, wait it oui.
we asked her to come
in. her mother, you have to know your dad is not go~ng to be
w~=·h us.~~·
iricreduclous
what not coming home.
dead
\...
dissovled in tears
went on for 25 minutes.
cases of training accidents - it just seems senseless.
quickly~Joe
they susually want to know very
th~y want to be part of
and.want to know how.
rest.
is
comin~
alyin~
him to·
we talk of. closeure but - when they finally see a person int eh
flesh, it makes a huge differenct. he is here they know where
they are.
my g~mother lost my uncles in the battle of the bulge - buried
in flanders . a.lways had some vagueness'· didn't know where he·
really was.
had never layed him to rest. put his name on a
monument ina
they never really brought him home.
he had one of those
crosses in flanders field with his name.
they don't really know
it ·was him.
tremendous emotional content - -that is him, until we have him
somewwhere wher we know it is at peace. we must go after the
remains. we spent awufl notificaitons to make sure we trac~ the
pe~ple who have died and treat them with respect. it helps our
own troops.
if something happens. we .won't abandon them even. if
they're dead.
always fearing the telegram. either they had the fear or the
experience.
they see the clouds gathering, and hoep it passes
over.·
�14
potus should say:
stay away frbm intellecuta convince the
people:
I am trying to reach into your heart and make you
understand I know where you're at.
you ne~er get them. you
always reach them through their hearts.
convince them you feel
on their level. and your'e there.
when I go to houses. you simply hug them. physically ocntact.
holding a person is what they need most.
as you judge the
situation, you express, you want them t~ know you undersna the
enormity and that. you don't understand it.
----
I've said - I've told the story of the death of someone I have
felt painfully - the death of someone I felt.
I thought I
would never get over it.
I thought I was so devastated, my
heart had been ripped from me so much.
I am over it now.
Time does heal.
In one case wehre tank turned inot a guy - he got into that
position, he saw what was going to happen. he went to push two
guys out of the way. his head was caught.
he was saivnght elives of two of his friends.
risked his life.
it's not an accident - courageous dedicdaiotn got him killed~
reason: because they raised him that way.
They were the ones
who helped him to understand it was. important to do that for his
neighbors and his friends.
point: paint a pictureof his courage and bravery,
by the kind
of person he was had chosen the military and· had igiven his life
for his friends.
he died for a good rea~on.
not always easy to die for a good reason.
every one dies, not every one dies for good reason.
1136
./
people
the young generation may not understand.
It's not their fault.
it is a good thing.
. fewer people are dying. But when few
people have the experience
il
die.~~ey ~n
now, they have no personal
�15
But the reason fewer ar~ dying now - is the proud legacy of
those w9h~~~~~~~~~~
reasion people are not dying now - is because people did
such a good job before.
young folks can't see that.
maybe. go into a riff of how people remember their fallen ones.
.
.
ask the chaplain what are soothing ways to remember people.
casualty assistance officers.
they cah tell everything.
chaplain could tell you - what it would be like.
would be comforting.
ask them what
ask chaplain what it's like. ·what they think the veterans and
survivors would like to hear.
get them to reenact what it would be like in WW or earlier
times.
as the wife sits there
dazed in grief and
disbelief.
historian 1 tom sherlock- 703 695 1622.
robert frost. '
Supt Metzler- 703 695 3175
�16
no more than 10 minutes. ·hits a lot of
the veterans go. WW2
Korean
Viet Nam
it
.expression= when these men were yooung they were the youth and
vitality.
they have the legacy of the past.
270,000 buried
here in the cemetery have given their se.rvice to their country.
pro:
presi.
sec cohen -
maj gen.
m~ybe.
attending 6,000.
chaplain. supt.
general ivaney willintroduce the President.
Veterans and families.
clinton for vets day last year. made announcement - today
remains are being returned·from n. korea.
that was a big
reaction. more remains had been returned or worked on.
that's
very senstivie here at Arlingon
92,000 not come back from the wars of this century.
sensitive.
those who sacarified
very
t~ willing t 0
Vicent krebs korean veteran - lost his brother in Korea.
very humble' man - ooutsanding individual he and brother both in
korean war.
vince krebs entered war with
borther became POW never madeit
back,
f~~end of brothers ca~ried a picture in his wallet.
frantic serach krebs.
carried.
korean war venteredn
koreaSO.ar.my.mil
we've located first and 'only american at 38th parallel - a guy
from connecticut. lost his hearing in Korea.
only June 25
have newspaper articles on
hi~
that local newspapers.
�17 .
Jack said:
if w~ invited Vincent Krebs to sit i~ one ofhte
boxed areas - to get him to be acknowledged. have him stand up
for a moment.
Col Fisher could make that happen. we can get him here with his
wife. get him tot eh WH· breakfast.
talk to VA.
Jack Metzler put me in touch with these guys who are korean war
·specialists working on· the soth.
lt col jim fisher
'
703 604 0827
lt com jeff bender 703 602 6076
writer
statistics.
2000 WW I
v~terans
living today.
Korea war veterans are gearing up - next four years korean war
commemoration.
they feel that they're forgotten.
TomI talked to Brian Peterman on the N~tional Moment of Remembrance. He suggested
you call Carmel Ia LaSpada from No Greater Love ( a non--profit that seeks to be sure
we continue to remember those who've given the ultimate sacrifuce for the freedoms we
enjoy). Her# is (202)783-4665. She can give you more background on the idea and
their goals.
I
At the time of WW 2 and the Korean war - note how many american
deaths.
what percentage of the people of America knew someone
who fought and died, or at least who came under fire.
the
percentage had to be huge (as Korea ptarted 6 years after WW 2
ended. The percentage now is down .. ·a very low percentage know
l
Get some facts. about Americans who died in Wars - show the drop
in the last fifty years.
You did the job so well that ~e have tiot had to sacrifice to
that extent since.
It is great, but there is a risk that
freedom will not be understood and appreciated but those who did
not fight for it (careful) . rhe percentage is plunging so there
�18
is a risk they may not know the price.
of Remembrance."
segue to National Day
tie in - precursor we're getint ready for the kick ·off to the
Korean war.
opening .cermoney - June 25
pres~
will speak june 25
atht eKorean Memorial.
important reference to Korean WAr.
info National moment of rememb.race.
brian peterman has be~n working on it.
pi6ked up interest at
NSC.
Cos· is interested
3 pm on afternoon of 29th.
asking
everyone to stop wherever they are.
ose who sacrificed their lives, but those who
when you look at
look at the region -- It is our task to make their sacrifice
matter.
weave the word "truth" in earlier and throughout so that it
give~ more force to the close ..
The truths'he died for.
Talk aboiut - when the Cold War grew hot - in Vietnam and Korea.
Last centuries wars
~~;kd:~~u1~~~:~ :~~~~ti~e~;~~~~t:~o:~~8w~!r:h~:ecan
get some details of the survivors.
Then explore for a moment the notion of ·sacrifice·.
the
calculus - there is something more important than me - there is
~':::~:;:~=,.I~~~~~===~:s-- c:::::.=::- ......--..
cs~~
�19
=-
g1ven o aavance I , 1t is good.
(maybe seek quotes from a
military hero on the idea of givinS'one's life for something)
is true, it is our sacred duty to make
They died for truth - Dickison poem
Consult also .Whitman death and war poems.
What has .America and the world done with their sacrifice.
wants it to matter.
One
But there is a compact,
not. only. that they will die defending
us, but that we will(§!"ry on in a. way we·. could not ha~ That
something new will grow.
Poem - whitman - there is no such thing as death and if there is
it lead~ life forward.
not the famous people in Arlington:
Find some unknowns
unknown soldier - unknown
~tories:
tell some of the stories of those who died in Europe - on the
day of his departure for Europe:
EU, Germany, Russia,
Ukraine: ,
note who may have given their live~ to defeat Germany:
who have fought in Korea and Vietnam.
I'~
those
going to Germany and Russia
1
'
Germany was an old adversary we brought into the democratic fold
in the 20th century.
It took ten years after the .fall of Berlin
before they joined NATO.
Russia is a former adversary we can
integrate in the 2oth century. ·. ,
You have given your lives to subdue Germany in WW 2.
contain the Soviet Union in'WW2.'
To
�~ I
20
Today - I say to the souls of all those who lie here having
served not just their nation, but the principles their nation
stands for: ~justice, liberty, equality, humanity.
I say to you today, as I set out for your Europe.
That th~
chaotic and divided continent that drew you from your homes so
many decades ago:
I am going to visit it this week.
it is more
united than it has ever been. Your sacrifice change the world.
That the Germany~you fought against.
I am leaving today to pay
a visit.
It has become our friend:
Your sacrifice helpedchange the world. Moscow, the center of the Soviet Union you
took up arms against:
I am leaVing today to pay a visit.
It
has thrown off communist and elects its leaders.
Your sacrifice
helped changed the world.
As America's President~to its fallen ~heroes. On this first
Memorial day of the 21 5 ~ century, I thank you for your sacrifice
that we still feel today; I thank for your defense of freedom,
and justice, and liberty, and humanity.
You may be proud to
know- that as we stand at the. dawn of a new century you never
saw (your sacrifice changed the world) . _far from fading into
the past,
~
sha inq our future.
Far from lo;tng
s lmpact
of memory, your truth is marching on
You have served Your truth is marching on.
Tell those resting here:
your truth is marching on.
each individual: their circumstances, how they died, who
was lefi behind, what the KIA lost in years, opportunities,
children and family members, and then say:
we grieve over your
loss, but your sacrifice changed the world.
know - ten twelve twenty, fifty years after
you are gone - your truth is marching on.
(weave the word
truth in earli~.
every one seeks meaning after a death.
survivors of People who
die of gunshot wounds fight to control handguns.
People who die
of diseases hope to fight infections.
People who die of
accidents seek greater safety. Survivors of people who die
fighting tyranny are obliged to intensify their efforts to
eliminate tyranny.
So that others don't have to die this way.
�21
Death of a loved one
of~en
transforms us by its shock.
The deaths of all these promising young people who lost their
lives fighting tyranny, should redouble our efforts to end
tyranriy.
Their sacrifice is not something we pocket and thank them fori
it is .an obligation.
It confers an obligation. _Their job is
to sacrificei our job is to make their sacrifice matter.
They
d1dn 1 t die just for the gio~y of giving their lives for ,
seomthing.
they died so that we· might build a free, better
society.
(have life and have it abundantly).
We seek peace - but where good and evil collide, peace and
justice cannot prevail together.
They didn't just give their lives. Made wives widows and
children's orphans- forced parents to bury their children.
(some breathtaking piece of poetry about death)
POLICY/THEMES ACCOMPLISHMENTS FROM TOM'S STUFF
III.
The Solution:
Constructive Integration
1. If the overarching threat in a globalized world is
disintegration, part of the answer is to promote integration
around common interests and values.
It is to puild, adapt,
and expand institutions that ·allow nations to ·gain more by
cooperating than by competing in zero. sum games.
Hence our
focus on buildin~vided Euro~dapting NATO,
·
elevating the OSCE, urging EU expansion, encouraging regional
security arrangements in Asia and Africa, creating the WTO,
the Summit of the Americas process, the Middle East economic
summits, and so on. We have also encouraged institution's to
expand their membership to countries undergoing important
transitions, .using their entry req~irements to leverage the
outcomes we seek - for example; using NATO eniargement to
encourage reform in central and eastern Europe, and using the
WTO to promote change in China.
Address to the UNGA, 1997:
"To seize the opportunities and move against the threats of this
new global era,
need a new. strategy of security.
Over the
past five years, nations have begun to put . that strategy ' in
.
we
�22
place through a new network of institutions and ar~angements
with distinct missions, but a common purpose -- to 'secure and
strengthen the gains of democracy and free markets while turning
back their enemies.
We see this strategy taking place. on every continent -- expanded
military-alliances like NATO, its Partnership for Peace, its
partnerships with a democratic Russia and a democratic Ukraine;
free t~ade arrangements like the WTO and the Global Information
Technology Agreement; and the move toward free trade areas by
nations in the Americas, the Asia Pacific region, and elsewhere;
'
strong arms control regimes like the Chemical Weapons Convention
and the Nonproliferation Treaty; mult~national coalitions with
zero tolerance for terrorism, corruption, crime, and drug
trafficking; binding international commitments to protect the
environment and safeguard human rights.
Through this web of institutions and arrangements, nations are
now setting the international ground rules for the 21st century,
laying a foundation for security and prosperity for those who
live within them, while isolating those who challenge them from
the ou.tside. "
2. Our Cold War military alliances were not merely a temporary
response to a transitory threat. They remain vital in
deterring future dangers and promoting constructive
integration among nations that share our values.
They are not
merely defensive, but . instr.uments for advancing common
interests; they are defined not merely by what they are
~gainst, but what they are for.
H~nce our decision to
preserve and adapt our European and A~ian alliances; by no
means an obvious course at the end of the Cold War.
USIP, 4/7/99:
"Among the first decisions I made in 1993 was to preserve the
alliances that kept the peace during the Cold War.
That meant
in Asia, we kept 100,000 troops there, and maintained robust
alliances with Japan, Korea, Thailand, Australia and the
Philippines.
We did this, and have done it, not to contain
China or anyone else, but to give confidence to_ all that the
potential threats to Asia's security will remain just that
potential -- and that America remains committed to being
involved with Asia and to Asia's stability.
I
Address to Future Leaders of Europe, 1/9/94:
�23
"I am committed to keeping roughly 100,000 troops in Europe.
It
is not habit, but security'and partnership that justifies this
continuing commitment. And just as we have worked in partnership
with Europe on every major security challenge in this century,
it is time for us to join bu~lding the new security for the 21st
century.
. The old security was based on the defense of. our
bloc against anothe·r bloc. ....Ihe new securi.ty must be found in
Europe's inte ration, an integration of security forces, of
arket economies, of national
San Francisco, 2/26/99:
"The century's bloodiest
worked h
democratic and
America helped
upholds common
confidence .a~n:d=-~~~~~~~~~~~
Address to Future Leaders of Europe, 1/9/94:
My administration supports European Union, and Europe's
development of stronger institutions of common purpose· and
·common action.· We recognize we will benefit more from a.strong
and equal partner than from a weak one.
Integration among states can also be an answer to th~ specific
problem of disintegration within states.
The President has
argued that countries divided ethnically are more likely.to
resolve their problems if they can benefit from belonging to
larger communit.ies that encourage transnational cooperation and
make borders less relevant to people's lives.
That's ancither
reason we have pursued the goal of an· undivided Europe, and why
we have focused on the integration of the Balkans as the long
term solution to its problems.
3.
A Peaceful, Democratic, Undivided Europe
Eight years ago, Europe's formal division. had been overcome.
But NATO still treated the Iron Curtain as something meaningfuli
�24
it seemed to many we would be allied with Europe's old
democracies forever, but its. new democracies never.
Central
Europe feared becoming a zone of poverty and instability outside
thi European mainstream. Genocidal violence was erupting in the
former Yugosl~via.
Western Europe responded with ine~fectual
pleading; America claimed it had "no dog" in t;,he fight.
' ' :roday
Europ~
is less divided, more democratic and .more peace ul
NATO has three new allies fr
across Europe's old diyide,· real partnerships with all its new
democracies, and unchallenged credibility as the guarantor of
Europe's security.
Central Europe is flourishing and
integrated. The Balkans are being stabilized, with democracy iri
Croatia, an increasingly secure peace in Bosnia, ethnic
cleansing reversed in Kosovo- only a·rump Serbian state left
under Milosevic ,·s sway.
Soldiers from almost every European
country - the most bitter former adversaries among them - are
·serving under·a single command keeping the peace in the Balkans.
Greece and Turkey are making progre~s toward reconciliation and the EU, has recognized Turkey as a candidate for membership.·
All of these developments were championed· by the :President.
No
would have. ha ened without .American leadershi .
[AND
GIVE MEANING TO AMERICAN SACRIFICE] .
I
~ \~that at any time in its histo:r;y.
(i(
\l
Meanwhile, America's partnership with our core allies in Europe
is so focused on shared global interests and common global.
agendas that our summits with the EU elicit from the press yawns
of boredom. With no fundamental issues dividing us, attention
is focused on a few narrow trade disputes.
But our larger
economic rela.tionship with Europe is thriving:
US investment in
·Europe multiplied seven-fold bet,.jeen 1994 and 1998.
4.
Russia
Eight years ago, everyone knew that at the very best, a
democratic transformation in Russi~ would take a generatiort or
more to be complete. But no one knew if Russia had.any time to
experiment and struggle toward that goal, before a nationalist
or communist backlash reversed its gains.
Our efforts bought
Russia time.
Patient outside support helped Russia to conquer
hyperinflation, to. liberalize prices, to make the ruble
convertible, and to ·survive.financial shocks, preserving its
chance to endurethe transition from communism.
Despite the
setbacks and suffering along the way, ·Russians have embr~ced
democracy and repeatedly rejected a returri to the past. And we
have stood by our principles:
insisting on market reforms as a
condition for assistance,;aiding Russians struggling io build a
~
VV
�25
free media and to defend the. rule of law, defending the
sovereignty of Russia's neighbors, denouncing Russia's tactics
·in Chechnya and seeking an international presence there.
In the meantime, we negotiated the withdrawal of Russian troops
from the Balti~s, mobilized Russian support for a j~st end to
the .Kosovo war, brought Russian troops into NATO~led missions in
the Balkans. We won Russian ratitication of START II, disproving
critics who said that would never happen if we stuck to our guns
in the Balkans and stood by our aspiring NATO allies in central
Europe. And we. agreed on the outlines of a START III Treaty
that will reduce our arsenals·by 80% from their Cold War height.
We also forged a successful partnership with Russia and the
other New Independent States to meet the most urgent security
challenge of the post-Cold War era:
reducing and securing the
old Soviet arsenal of WMD. Our·efforts have helped deactivate
almost 5,000 former Soviet nuclear warheads, to eliminate
nucl~ar weaporis from Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan, to
strengthen security at over 100 sites in the region, to improve
export controls, to engage over 30,000 weapons scientists in
civilian research, and to purchase hundreds of tons of highly
enriched urabium from dismantled Russian wea~ons.
The doomsday
.scenario many predicted when the Soviet Unio'n collapsed-- of
loose nukes ahd of_scientists selling their services to the
highest bidder -- has not come to pass (despite Congressional.
pressure to cut our vital a~sistance programs) ~
7.
Democracy and Human Rights
Freedom has steadily advanced over the last seven.and a half
years.
In 1995· [check], for the first time, more than half the
world's people lived under governments of their own choosiQg.
In 1999, with the democratic transitioris in Indonesia and
Nigeria, more people won the right to elect their leaders than
in 1989, the year the Berlin-Wall fell .. We had helped organize
international pressure against the dictatorship in Nigeria, and
. I
pressed Soeharto to transfer power in Indonesia.
(From JBS Princeton:
Let us look first at Russia. Russia is in the midst of not one, . but three, monumental transitions:
from an empire to a nation state; from a command economy to a market economy; Communism
to democracy.
·
·
·
·
�26
Not long ago, Americans would have been delighted to see even one such transition. Few
expected to see the day Russia would forsake Communism, pull its troops out of Central Europe
and the Baltics, privatize its economy, slash military spending, reduce· its arsenal of nuclear
·
weapons, and elect its leaders. ·
Today, Russia has done all these things. And of all the frightful scenarios sketched out for
Russia in 1991, none have come to pass. No "loose nukes," no nuclear confrontation, no return
to Russian dictatorship, no new Russian empire, no new anti-Western alliance.' President Y eltsin
did not postpone or cancel the Presidential elections in 1996, as some had feared, neither did he
find some pretext to cling to power past his second term. And predictions that Russia would
tum its back on the international community because ofNATO enlargement and Kosovo have
both proved wrong.
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject: National Moment of Remembrance
Here's the statement we edited.
----------------------Forwarded by Betsy Pimentei/NSC/EOP on 05/18/2000 12:13 PM---------------------------
Record Type:
To:
Record
Carmella A. LaSpada/WHO/EOP@EOP
cc:
Loretta M. Ucelli/WHO/EOP@EOP, Sonya N. Hebert/WHO/EOP@EOP, Philip H.
Cullom/NSC/EOP@EOP, Betsy Pimentei/NSC/EOP@EOP
Subject: National Moment of Remembrance
Carmella- Per our telephone conversation, I want to suggest that you be sure to
emp~asize that the National Moment of Remembrance is to remember those from our
Armed Forces that have given their lives for.our country. The recent statement
released by the President doesn't make that clear.
Here are suggested changes:
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
CALLING ON ALL AMERICANS TO .JOIN IN A ~ATIONAL MOMENT OF
REMEMBRANCE
�j
j
.•
27
"As we contemplate the comforts and blessings of our lives and the well-being of our nation, I ask you to
pause just for a moment to remember those who gave their lives to protect the values that give meaning to
our lives. "
.
.
President Bill Clinton
May 31, 1999
On Memorial Day, President Clinton will ur e all Americans to articipate in a National Moment of
Remembrance o honor those who died in service to our nation. he Moment, which will occur at 3:00
p.m. local time, is intended to raise awareness and unite t e nation in acknowledging the contributions
made by the men and women who gave their lives for our country's freedom. The commemoration has
been established as a presidential initiative and has been introduced in c;ongress as a joint resolution ..
Putting the "Memorial" Back in Memorial Day. Like many national holidays, Memorial Day is
frequently regarded as a day off rather than one to remember our nation's ideals and those men and
women in the Armed Forces who gave their lives to preserve them. In May 1996, the idea of a
moment of remembrance was born when a group of school children touring the.nation's capital was asked
what Memorial Day meant to them and they responded, "That's the day the pools open!" Determined
that those who died for our country. not be forgotten, No Greater Love, a national humanitarian
organization, began a campaign to designate a specific time on Memorial Day when Americans could
stop and reflect on the true meaning of the holiday. At 3:00p.m. on the followin Memorial Day, "Taps"
was played on radio and television stations across the a Ion as mericans paused to remember t ose who
g~ve their lives to the cause of freedom. Known as the National Moment ofRemembnince, this
nationwide observance has since been repeated every year, and this year President Clinton and Congress
are joining together to endorse the commemoration.
Uniting Americans in Honor of our Falleri·Heroes. Memorial Day was established as a national
holiday in 1868 to pay tribute to those who died serving our country. The goal of the National Moment of
Remembrance is to reclaim the holiday as the solemn event it was intended to be by:
•
Bringing Americans together to simultaneously pause, remember, and honor those who gave their
lives in service to our
nation and the preservation of our freedoms;
•
Highlighting the importance of service to the community, the nation, and the world;
•
Recognizing the value of our freedom and t~e contributions our military heroes who made to
eep us free;
.
.
Making Memorial Day relevant to younger Americans and increasing their awarness of
d
past and present sacrifices of those who serve in our Armed Forces.
Carrying On a Tradition of Remembrance. This year's National Moment of Remembrance willtake
place on Monday, May 29th· for one minute, beginning at 3:00p.m. local time- a time when most
Americans will likely be making the most of the freedoms we enjoy. At that time, Americans around the
world are urged to pause from whatever they are doing for a moment of silence or to listen to "Taps", in
tribute to those men and women in uniform who realized that "freedom isn't free" and
gave their last full measure of being defending our nation's valued ideals. All
federal departments and agencies will participate in the Moment of Remembrance and will encourage
participation by state and local governments, organizations; trade unions, corporations, and individual
citizens. The White House has established a website for more infomiation on the National Moment of
Remembrance at www. whitehouse.govlremembrance.
�·-.
f
Arlingto]iNational Cemetery Website
•
http://www.arlingtoncemetery.com/
.
~;'L#
/
MemQriai . . Day· 2000.
u.~fcrt kin?( .who shall k;ct1Je
bo1·ne the bitttle fi,n;d]or . .
ttd(iow (lnc(his orphan·~ .. " .
Lilicoln·
ington NiJtional C~:mctcryWcbsitc
~ . ':Hv/ViV/A~IingtonCc~~tcr,r<;~in:
For Information On Memorial Day Ceremonies At Arlington National Cemetery,
Please Click Here Then Select "Public Events"
I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement,.
and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost,
and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid so costly
a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.
•• Abraham Lincoln, November 1864
"War dr~w us from our homeland in the sunlit springtime of our youth.
Thos·e who did not come back alive remain
in perpetual springtime ··forever young ••
And a part of them is with.us always."
··Author Unknown
1HE
NATid:::-;,NA~L-1
D-0\Y
MEIM.ORTAL
RJlJNDATI01
~
~g~
.~~.~~
If you were at all moved by the bravery and dedication of the United States forces
portrayed in the motion picture "Saving Private Ryan," click on the logo to the left to help the National
D-Day Memorial Found<ltion formally remember those who sacrificed so much for us!
I have fought a good fight, .
2 of4
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�http://www .arlingtoncemetery .com/
Arlington National Cemetery Website
I have finished my course,
I have kept the faith.
--.Timothy 2:4:7
When he shall die,
Take hirri and cut him out in little stars,
And he will make the face of heaven so fine
That all the world will be in love with night,
And pay no worship to the garish sun.
)
.
•• Scene 2, Romeo and Juliet
William Shakespeare.
Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget
falls drop by drop upon the heart, until, in our own despair,
against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God.
Aeschylus.
Click on this logo to learn about "The Virtual Wall."
[ Previous I List I Next.
I Random I Join )
This National Military Cemetery Webring
This site is owned by Michael Robert Patterson
Sites
We Are Honored To Have Been Critically Acclaimed
By The Genealogy Exchange • Click Here For The Details
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�http://www.arlingtoncemetery .com!homepage.htm
•homepage
The Caisson Platoon, "The Old Guard"
Photo (c) Michael Robert Patterson, July 1997
"Where Valor Proudly Sleeps"
(The Bivouac of the Dead)
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�http://www .arl'ingtoncemetery. comlhomepage .htm
bomepage
"Day Is Done... "
Click Here For A New Feature: Gravesite Photos Of Arlington National Cemetery
Click Here For An Improved Map Of Arlington National. Cemetery
Tell them of us and say,
For their tomorrow,
We gave our tocJay."
--The Kohima Epitaph
"It is better to have lived
one day as a lion
than one thousand
days as a sheep."
This appears on a monument
erected at the British military
cemetery at Kohima, Assam,
India, in memory of those who died in
World War ll's largest Asian land battle
near there in 1944.
2 of4
Inscription on the stone of
Lieutenant Colonel
Charles G. Clinger, USA,
Section 8, Arlington National Cemetery.
"I went - it was not long ago to stand again upon that crest
........
"In great deeds something abides.
On great fields something stays.
I
5/17/2000 3:46PM
�,homepage
http://www.arlingtoncemetery .comlhomepage.htm
whose one day's crown of fire has
passed into the blazoned
coronet of fame.
I sat there alone on the storied crest,
till the sun went down
as it did before over the misty hills,
and the darkness crept up the slopes,
till from all earthly sight I was
buried as with those before.
But oh, what radiant companionship
rose around,
what steadfast ran~s of power,
what bearing of heroic souls.
Oh, the glory that beamed
through those nights and days.
Forms change and pass;
bodies disappear; but spirits linger,
to consecrate ground for the
vision-place of souls.
And reverent men and women from afar,
and generations that know us not
and that we know not of,
heart-drawn to see where and by whom
great things were suffered and done for them,
shall come to this deathless field
· to ponder and dream;
And lo! the shadow of a mighty presence
shall wrap them in its bosom,
. and the power of the vision pass into their
souls."
Nobody will ever know it here!
I am sorry most of all for that.
The proud young valor that
rose above the mortal,
and then at last was mortal after all."
-- Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain
· Commenting on his return to
Gettysburg and the great battlefield there.
--Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain
Commenting on his return to Little
Round Top, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania,
in 1913. Chamberlain~ awarded the
Medal o~nOJ:ia[his serv~ there.
. Executive Mansion
Washington, November 21, 1864
To Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Mass.
Dear Madam,
I have fought a good fight,
I have finished my course,
I l')ave kept the faith.
Timothy 2:4:7
~
I have been shown in the files of the War
Department a statement of the Adjutant General
of Massachusetts, that you are the mother of five·
sons who have died gloriously on the field of
battle.
~
I feel how weak and fruitless must be any
Alone and far removed from earthly
care
words of mine which should attempt to beguile
you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming.
The noble ruins of men lie buried here.
But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the
You were strong men, good men
Endowed with youth and much the will Consolation that may be found in the thanks of
to live
the Republic they died to save.
I hear no protest from the mute lips of
the dead.
I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the
They rest; there is. no more to give.
anguish of your bereavement, and leave
you only the cherished memory of the loved and
lost, and .the solemn pride that must be yours, to
So long my comrades,
have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of
Sleep ye where you fell upon the field.
Freedom.
But tread softly pleaseMarch o'er
my heart with ease
Yours very sincerely and respectfully
March on and on,
But to God alone we kneel.
A. Lincoln
-
--Au die
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0
Muq~hy
5/17/2000 3:46PM
�,
Burials tn Arlington National Cemetery
http://www .arlingtoncemetery.comlburials.htm
Burials At Arlington Cemetery
·~fact~
headstone represents a story to be told,
A past to be remernbered. •· _
Command~r Charles E. Bigler ,
"War drew us.from our homeland in the
sunlit springtime of our youth.
Those. who did not come bacli alive
.remain in perpetual springtime -- forever young -and a part of them is with us always."
--Author Unknown
The thundering line of battle stands,
And in the air death mo_ans and sings;
But Day shall clasp him with strong hands,_
And Night shall fold him in soft wings.
•• Julian Grenfell
Killed-In-Action, 1915
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�-------------------------~------
Burials l:g. Arlington National Cemetery ·
http://www.arlingtoncemetery.com/burials.htm
Biographical Information: Some Of Those Buried In Arlington
Medal of Honor Recipie·nts Buried In Arlington
Air Force C-141 Crew Laid To Rest In Arlington· April1998
Air Force C-130 Crew From 1958 Laid To Rest In Arlington· September 1998
Air Force C-130 Crew Lost In 1970 Buried In Arlington -1995
Air Force AC-130 ·crew Lost In 1969 ·Buried lil Arlington In 1995
Air Force Helicopter Crew LaidTo Rest In Arlington· October 1998
..
Arlington National Cemetery Map
Bat-21 Rescue Crew Laid To Rest After 25 Years
Blackjack, United States Army Horse
Capitol Police Officers Chestri"ut and Gibson Buried At Arlington·
Gander, Newfoundland, Victims Buried At Arlington National Cemetery
Gravesite Photos • Many Are Courtesy Of Ron Williams
Jews Buried In Arlington National Cemetery
Laos Aircrew Laid To Rest In Arlington· March 1990
Naval Air Crew Buried In Arlington National Cemetery ·1957
The Old Guard Remembers JFK's Funeral
Shuttle Challenger Crew
Special Remembrances
The· Strange Case Of The Burial Of A Single Tooth
·Terrorist Bombing Of USMC Barracks· Beirut, Lebanon
They Fought With Custer • Battle of the Little Big Horn, June 1876
Unknowns Buried At Arlington.National Cemetery
USS Forrestal Casualties
USS Liberty Crewmembers ·June 1967
USS Serpens Crew Buried At Arlington National Cemetery
World War II Crew Laid To Rest In Arlington -1996
·World War II Aircrew Laid To Rest In Arlington· August 1970
World War II Aircrew Laid To Rest In Arlington· January 1998
World War II Laid To Rest In Arlington· February 1998
World War II Crew Located And Buried In Arlington: April1998
World War II Crew Laid To Rest In Arlinciton • becember 1998
)
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1iiJijijijijijj
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' Medal of Honor
Things To See
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US Air Force
US Marlnet
'
'
VIsiting Arlington
Webrnaster
I
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�.-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.pub. whitehouse.gov/uri- .. .~oma.eop.gov. us/1996/5/2911. text. I
,THE WHITE· HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 27, 1996
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT MEMORIAL DAY CEREMONY
The Amphitheater
National ~emetery
Washington, D.C.
Arlin~ton
11:31 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you.
Gen~ral Foley, Chaplain O'Keefe
-- (CAR HORN HONKING) -~that's a new form of honors there.
(Laughter.)
Secretary Brown, Deputy Secretary White, General Ralston, members of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Let me say a special word of thanks to Mr. Jack
Metzler for all of the work he has dorie on this_magnificent cemetery and
for the work that he and others have done to get the amphitheater ready
again this year for a reopening.
It is an extraordinarily beautiful
place of honor for those who have served in our Armed Forces.
To all the members of the Armed Forces who are here, to the
distinguished leaders of our veterans organizations, to all of you who are
veterans and your families, my fellow Americans: We come together this
morning, as we do every year, to honor those who gave their lives so that
future generations of Americans might live in freedom.
All across our
wonderful country, in crowded cities and country towns, America bows its.
head today in thanks to our fallen heroes. With flags at half-mast, with
.
flowers on a grave, with colorful parades, with quiet prayers, we take
-~
this time to remember their. achievements and renew our commitment to their
~ ~
L
ideals.
~-~ .l"'
Here on this p~aceful hillside, the silent rows of headstones
tell tales of service and sacrifice that are so much the story of our
nation.
Here lies the spirit that has guided our country for more than
200 years now.
Nurses and drummer boys, scouts and engineers, warriors
and peacemakers -- joined by a shared devotion to defend our nation,
protect our freedom, keep America strong and proud.
~-
As we honor the brave sacrifices in batt~e that grace our
nation's history, let us also remember to honor those who served in times
of peace, who preserve the peace, protect our interests and project our
values.
Though they are the best-trained, best-equipped military in the
world, they, too, face their share of dangers.
Less than three weeks ago, two Marine Corps helicopters
collided at Camp Lejeune, North Carolina.
Fourteen fine young Americans
were killed --~ne
,
Navy, 12 from the Marine
C~~e hav
ost,more than 200 of oui serviceme and women in training
accid~or in
e course o regu
u y Slnce last Memorial Day. And
though we work hard on safety, the work they do defending us has inherent
dangers, and about that many Americans in uniform give their lives for our
freedom every single year.
These sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, mothers and
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fathers -- they are American heroes, too, and we are .all in their debt.
On this special day, we pay our respects to all who gave their lives for
America.
We know our country is strong and great today
because of them. We know to honor their truly extraordinary sacrifice,
we must all resolve to keep the United.States the world's leading force
for peace and security, ·for prosperity and freedom . . And we know that
now, as ever, the burden of doing this job weighs heavily upon our men
and women in uniform.
round the world, from Korea to the Centra
epublic, from the shores of Liberia to the skies over Ira , o
are standing watch on liberty's front lines. ~Their·s rength and s~~ll
( gav-e-'fhe people of Haiti· a chance to reclaim their democracy and their
.dreams.
They stopped the slaughter of innocents in Bosnia and now are
giving people exhausted by war the chance to create a lasting peace there
for themselves; to restore stability to Europe and, in so doing, to make
the future more secure for all the rest of us as well.
·
On this Memorial Day, let us draw inspiration from the spirit
that surrounds us, to give thos~ who still defend our freedom and security
in the military today'the support they need and deserve to fulfill their
important mission.
And let us remember as we stand on eve of a bright new
century, the origins of this commemoration.
The practice of honoring
America's fallen began near the close of the Civil War, the deadliest and
most divisive conflict our nation has ever known.
Today is a time to
remember what joins us as one America.
service of just five brave Americans who have
in this hallowed ground.
Marine Corporal Erik.
an , w o dreamed of becoming an officer and was killed in i
helicopter accident earlier this month at Camp Lejeune.
A brilliant member of my staff, Air Force Colonel Nelson
Drew, who perished in Bo~nia last August while working to end the
suffering and the slaughter. A proud Army veteran, our Commerce Secretary
Ron Brown, who was taken from us last month on a foggy mountainside in
Croatia as he was leading a mission of pea~e and hope to restore a broken
land. And in that terrible crash, we also lost Tech Sergeant Cheryl Ann
Turnage, a member of the Air Force crew who hoped to pursue a career in
law. And just last week, we said goodbye to the Navy's fiercest champion
and most·beloved sailor, Admiral Mike Boorda.
These five were very'
different in their backgrounds and in their service.
But they were joined
in their love for America.
Their lives reflect the spirit of our
democracy, the strength of our diversity, the energy and opportunity that
make our country so great.
We are descendants of a common creed -- one nation, under
God.
Partners with a common purpose; to keep our nation free and strong;
a force for peace and progress; a place where people who work hard and
take responsibility have the chance to make the most of their own lives,
build good, st~ong families, and live out their dreams in dignity and
peace.
May God bless the souls of our departed and always bless the
country they gave everything to serve.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
END
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(Applause. )
11:38 A.M. EDT
4/12/2000 3:22PM
�..
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/
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�Administration of William]. Clinton, 1993 I May 31
Remarks at a Memorial Day Ceremony at Arlington National Cemete:ry in
Arlington, Virginia
·.
· .
·
·
May 31, 1993
Thank you very much. General Gordon, di~
tinguished leaders of the armed services, the.
Defense Department, the Cabinet, the Congress, the leaders of our veterans organizations·
here, to all the veterans and their families who
are here and to all those ·here who are f~ily
members of veterans buried in this cemetery
or in any other place around the globe, and
to my fellow Ameri.cans: We come together this
morning, along with our countl)'IT!ei'l'>and women
.)44~·
in cities across the land, to honor those who
died that we might live in freedom, the only
way that Americans can ever truly live.· Today
we put asjde our differences to better reflect
on what :u'nites us. The lines so ofteri drawn
between and among us, lines of region or race
or partisanship, all those lines fall away today
as we gaze upon the lines of markers that surround us on these hallowedt,:hills. The lines of
difference .are freedom's priviTh'getf"The lines of
these markers are freedom's cost.
..t
Today Americans all across our land draw together in shared experience and shared remembrance. And whether it is an older veteran in
Florida, or a teenager in New Mexico, or a
mother in Wisconsin, all .today will bow their
heads and put hand to heart. And without knowing each other, still we will all be joined in
spirit, because we are Americans and because
we know we are equal shareholders in ·humanity's most uplifting dream.
·
·
Today, as we fly the American flag, some \viii
recall the pledge we began to · recite daily as
youngsters in grade school, with .solemn faith
and awkward salute, some of us even before
we learned the difference between our right
and left hands. Others will remember the flag
waving over public gatherings, large and very
small. But on this day, in this serene and solemn
setting, conscious of the past, eonscious, too,
of the perils all too present, what we see most
vividly in that flag are the faces of American
soldiers .who gave their lives in battle and the
·faces of t,his generation of young service men
and women, very, very much alive, still training
and preparing for possible conflicts tomorrow.
Fr9m· the first militiaman downed at Lexington
to today' s rawest recruit, the flag unites them,
"
"
. soldiers living and dead, and reminds the· rest
of us that we are all the inheritors of a sacred
trust.
It is With that. flag and that trust in mind
that we resolve this May morning to keep America free, strong, and proud. We resolve in this
era of profound change and continuing peril to
be ever vigilant against any foe that could endanger us and against any undercurrent that
might erode our security, including the economic security that is the ultimate foundation
of our Nation's strength. We resolve, as well,
always to keep America's Armed Forces the finest in the world. And we resolve that if we
ask them to fight in our behalf, we will give
them the clear mission, the means, and the sup,
port they need to win.
In honoring those who died in the defense
of our country, we must never neglect to honor
as well our living American veterans. The Nation
owes a special debt to the millions of men and
women who took up posts at home or abroad
to· secure our defenses or to fight for our freedom. Because of what they have done for us,
their health and well-being must always be a
cause for our special concern.
Here by the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier,
we renew our Nation's solemn pledge also to
the POW and MIA families from all wars, a
. pledge to provide not just the· prayers and me. morials but also to the extent humanly possible
to provide the answers you desenie. And we .
vow, with the new Korean War Memorial
project finally underway, that no future conflict,
if conflict there must be, must ever be regarded
as a forgotten war. The inscription on the Tomb
of the Unknown Soldier says that he is, quote,
"Known only to God." But that is only partly
true~ While the soldier's name is known only
to God, we know a lot about him. We know
·he served his country, honored his community,
and died for the cause of freedom. And we
know that no higher praise can be assigned to
any human being than those simple words.
Today we are at peace~but we live in a.troubled world. From that/flag and from these, our
honored dead, w~ draw' strength and inspiration
to carry on in our time the tasks of defending
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�May 31 I Administration of William]. Clinton, 1993
and preserving freedom that· were so nobly fulfilled by all those we come here to honor in
this time. In that effort and in the presence
of those buried all around us, we ask the support of all Americans in the aid and blessing
of God Almighty. Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 11:30 a.m. at the
Memoriai.Amphitheater. In his remarks, he referred to Maj. Gen. F.A. Gordon, USA, commander of the Military District of Washington.
•'
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Remarks at a Memorial Day Ceremony at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial
May 31, 1993
. Thank you very much. General Powell, General McCaffrey, and my good friend Lew Puller,
whom I did not know was coming here today,
I thank you so much.
To all of you who' are shouting, I have heard
you. I ask you now to hear me. I have heard
you. Some have suggested that it is wrong for
me to be here with you today because I did
not agree a: quarter of a century ago with the
. decision made to send the young men and
women to battle in Vietnam. Well, so much
the better. Here we are celebrating America
today. Just as war is freedom's cost, disagreement is freedom's privilege, and we honor it
here today. But I ask all of you to remember
the words ·that have been said here today. And
I ask you at this monument: Can any American
be out of place? And can any Commander in
Chief be in any other place but here on this
·
day? I think not.
Many volumes have been written about this
war and those complicated times. But the message of this memorial is quite simple: These
men and women fought for freedom, brought ·
honor to their communities, loved their country,
and died for it. They were known to all of
. us. There's not a person in this crowd today
who did not know someone on this wall. Four
of my high school classmates are there. Four
who shared with me the joys and trials of childhood and did not live to see the three score
and ten years the Scripture says we are entitled
to·.
Let us continue to disagree, if we must, about
the war. But let us not let it divide us as a
people any longer. No one has come here today
to disagree about the heroism of those whom
we honor. But' the only way we can really honor
their memory is to resolve to live and serve
today and tomorrow as best we can and to make
786
America the best that she can be. Surely that
is what we owe to all those whose names are
etched· in this beautiful memorial.· As we all
resolve to keep the finest military in the world,
let us remember some of the lessons that all
agree on. If the day should come when our
service men and women must again go into
combat, let us all resolve they will go with the
training, the equipment, the support necessary.
to win, and most important of all, with a clear
mission to win.
·
.
· Let us do what is necessary to regain control
over our destiny as a people here at home,
to strengthen our economy and develop the capacities of all of our people, to rebuild our communities and our families where children are
raised and character is developed. Let us keep
the American dream alive.
Today, let us also renew a pledge to the families whose names are not on this wall because
their sons and daughters did ·not come home.
We will do all we can to give you not only
the attention you have asked for but the answers
you deserve.
Today I have ordered that by Veterans Day
we will have declassified all. United States Government records related to POW's and MIA's
from the Vietnam war, all those records, except
for a tiny fraction which could still affect our
l)ational security or invade the privacy of their
families. As we allow the American public to
have access to what our Government knows,
we will ·press harder to find out what other
governments know. We are pressing the Vietnamese to provide this accounting not only because it is the central ·outstanding issue in our
relationship with Vietnam but because it is a
central commitment made by . the American
Government to our people, and I intend to keep
it.
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�Administra~ion
of William]. Clinton, 1993 I June 1
You heard · Gen~ral Powell quoting President : tim~· to ma~ing America a better place for their
Lincoln: "With malice toward none and charity·.· 'childre'n·and for our ch.ildr~~. ;toe;>. , 4 ,... •
for all let us bind up the Nation's wounds."
Thank you all for coming here ...today. God
Lincoln speaks to us today across the years. Let bless you, and God bless' .America:-' ·..
us resolve to take from this haunting and beau_ .• . -:.; ~:· c ...,..' .. , , ,. , ·
tiful memorial a renewed sense of our national NOTE: The President spoke" at· 2:07 p.m. at the
unity and purpose, a de.eP:e'n~~· gra.tit1-l~~ fqr, t,he, _:. m~mopal. !r 'his r.em,~ks, he ~~f~rred to Lewis
sacrifice of those whose names we touGhed and·' B:"Ptiller, •Jr:, Vietnam veteran .~d'Pulitzer prize.,
whose memo~es we revere, ~d a finer dedica- winning author.
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tially equivalent to the competitive opportuniSection ll05(b)(1) of the·0mnib~s':rrade.and.
ti~s. provided by 9oncessi,ons made by the Unit·
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ed: Stat~s Under trade..-agreements entered into
Competitiveness Act ~f 1988
under section ll02(a) and (b) of the Act, for
. Secti~n. ll05(b)(1) ofthe Omnib~s Trade a~~·. \·.(tp_e ·Co'mm.er~e Qf ,suyh country in the United
'· '··· · ' r . , · '
Competitiveness Act of 1988 (Pub he Law 100- · Stat~s. ·.
48; 19 U.S.C: 2904(b)(l)) ("the Act"), provides
Sine~ the United States has not entered into
that the President shall determine, before June any agreemen t s un d·er . sec t'IOn 1102( a ) or (b)
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1, 1993, whet her any maJOr m ustn country of the Act, I hereb . determine that there has
has failed to make concessions under trade been no failure to :ake concessions thereunder.
·agreements entered into under section ll02(a)
and (b) of the Act (19 U.S.C. 2902(a) and (b)).
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
Repre:~efitatib'e
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Remarks to the Community in Milwaukee, Wisconsin
June 1, 1993 ·
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The President. Thank you very much. Senator. · somewhere." But it's dark. I can't see. I brought
Kohl, Congressman Barrett, Mayor Norquist, Ia- with me the former chancellor of the University
dies and gentlemen, it's wonderful to be back of Wisconsin, now the Director of the Departin Wisconsin and back in Milwaukee again for·. m_ent of Health and Human Services, Donna
the first time since I became President. I sup- Shalala, who is. here;. the chairman of the Joint
pose I ought to begin by thanking the State Economic Committee in the House, your Conof Wisconsin for your electoral votes. I'm very gressman, David Obey, is here with me somegrateful for that. i'd also like to thank the Met- where there; and we were met at the airport
· ropolitan Milwaukee Association of Commerce by Congressman Gerry Kleczka, who is here,
arid the Public Policy Forum for hosting this Gerry; and Congressman-elect Peter Bare~, who
opportunity for me to visit with you, and is also here somewhere. Thank you.
You lnow, a ·lot of times when 1 get out
through you, all the people of Wisconsin, about
the ecqnomic issues facing our country.
in the country now, people · who worked for
I'd like to introduce some other. people who me-or who didn't, who just feel like they can
are he_re, up there som·ewhere. I asked Senator come up and talk-say, "Well, aren't you worKohl where they were, and he said, '_'Up .there ried about getting isolated up there in Washing-
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·.··
WHITE HOUSE
· Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 30, 1994
REMARKS BY.THE PRESIDENT
AT ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY WREATH CEREMONY
Arlington National Cemetery
11:33·AoMo EDT
.
.
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much, Mrs. Mcintosh, for your fine
introduction and for your service to our nation in Asia during the
Second World War .. To you and your husband, Professor Shriner, who
sang so well, I could imagine him at the age of 24 singing again.
To
Katy Daley, all t6e others here; and· General Gordon; distinguished
leaders of our Armed Forces; the Congress and the .administration; to
the ~eaders of the veterans' organizations present here.
To all of
you who are veterans and your families, my fellow Americans.
This morning we join, as we always do on thls da~, to honor the
sacrifices that have made our nation f!ee and strong. All across our
nation, small towns are holding quiet Memorial Day ceremonies.
Proud
veterans are pinning oh their ~edals. Children are laying wreaths.
Men and women in uniform everywhere stand a little bit taller today
as they salute the Colors.
Arlington,
row of headstones, aligned in silent
reminds
high cost of our freedom.
Almost a'
rter of a million America
rest here alone, _tram eyery war since
the Revo u ~n.
ong t em are many names we know: General
~ershing 1 Audie Murphy, General Marshall and so many others.
But far more numerous are the Americans whose names are not famous,
whose lives were not legenq, but whose deeds were the backbone that
secured our nation's liberty.
Today we honor them.
We honor them
all as heroes -- those who are buried here and those who are buri
all around the nation nd-fnewor
If you look ~t the headstones, they dqn't tell you whether the people
buried there are poor or rich.
They make' no distinction of race, or
They simply stand, each of them, for one
of age, or of condition.
American.
Each reminds us that we are descendants, whatever our
differences, of a common creed --unbeatable when we are united, one
nation under God.
Jt~J
Fifty years ago, the world learned just what Americans are capable of
when we joined in common cause in World War IL
Later this week it
will be my great honor to represent our nation in Europe at the .
commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the World War II campaigns
at Normandy and in Italy.
World War II was an era of· sacrifice unequalled in out own history.
Over 400,000 Americans died in the· service of our nation. At D-Day
alone, over 5,200 were killed or wounded in Normandy.
But the battle
that was fought there was not just between· two armies; it was, as
clearly as any conflict in all of human history, a battle between two
ways of life.
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The totalitarians whose tanks had overrun so much of the earth
honestly believed democracies were too undisciplined to survive.
Hitler believed a free people would never muster the unity of purpose
to win the Second World War.
But in the chaos of battle, it was the
independence and the can-do confidenq~ of the sons and daughters of
Affierica and the other democracies that won the day.
Today, too many of our youngest Americans know too little about what
the heroes of that war did.
The children and grandchildren of that
generation have not been taught enough about the meeting of Normandy
or Anzio or Guadalcanal or Midway. And that's why the commemorative
ceremonies this year are so very i~portant to all of us; to honor, we
must rememper.
\.
Today, somewhere in America a curious child, rummaging through an
will stumble upon his grandfather's insignia patches, a pocket
guide to France, a metal cricket, a black an white photo of a smiling
uniform.
But learning about those times and those deeds
than accidental.
Fortunately, many of our. fellow Americans understand that.
Gail
Thomas of Brentwood, Missouri was one of them.
Her parents both
served in World War II.
She's a librarian at the Mark Twain
Elementary School in her community. And every year she brings in
veterans of D-Day and other battles to speak to the students.
She
says, the kids can't believe what those gray~haired men did when they
were young.
Then they understand that American is the way it is
today because of what people gave up 50 years ago.
That is the
lesson we must all remember, not only for·the veterans of World War
II, but for all our veterans on Memorial Day, on Veterans Day, and
every day.
The American veterans of World War II, though they fought in a
terribly destructive conflict, at heart were builders. When they
came home, they laid down the ribbons of interstate highways across
this land; and through the G.I. Bill, those who had fought and won
the war were educated ·so they could win the fruits of victory in
peaceful cooperation.
In countries ravaged by war, they helped to
lift cities from rubble to renewal.
They created the international
institutions that have undergirded our security' for a half a century.
Now, our generation honors them for what they did 50 years ago,
knowing full well that the greatest ho~or we can give is to build for
the futtire.ourselves at home and abroad-- revitalizing our economy
so that our.people can live to their fullest capacities;
strengthening the fabric of our communi tie's and our families; putting
our children first and giving them the values they need to do well in
a difficult world; making our government work for all the people, for
it took all the people to win the Second World War, and to keep this
country going forward.
·In this l1~_certain world, we must also remain vigilant again~
Today, American men and women in uniform stand se~all
around the globe -- in Europe, in the Adriatic, in Korea, and on
bases here at home.
They are the finest, best-trairied, bestmotivated fighting force the world has ever known. And our highest
commitment must be to ensure that they remain exactly that.
If they
must be sent in harm's way, we owe them the support they need and
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deserve.
On this day, we hono
·let us
also hold~ special
eterans.
We owe them a lasting debt of gratitude and their well being. must be
always the cause of our common concern.
~r~~~aga·n
our solemn~<U:.i.oB-tu ·flnmwe-FS__ for t
e whose loved ones
~~
~e neve£ accou~
A year ago today, just before I came to this hallowed place, I spoke
at the Vietnam Memorial to honor those who .died in that war.
I was
proud to be joined there by a remarkable man who became a friend of
mine, Lewis Puller, Jr.
This year, as virtually all of you must
know, he rests here on this holy place.
This morning when I got up I
thought of Lew Puller and the countless heroes h.e has joined, and the
.terrible sacrifices men and women had been willing to make for this
great land.
Every one of them-- no matter.what war they ,served in or what
battlefield they died on -- every one helped to build a nation we
love.
Let us remember them.
Let us pray for their souls and those
of their families and resolve. to carry on the never-finished work of
I
freedom.
Thank you and God bless you all.
END11:42 A.M. EDT
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Admi~istration
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as well. That; too, is an astonishing development
in the history of warfare. And the American
people are indebted to all of you who have ,
played a role in this remarkable endeavor.
Thanks to our new relationship with Russia,
we're also making progress on the MIA cases
from World War II, the Korean War, Vietnam,
and a number of cold war incidents. The U.S.- ·
Russia Joint Commission on POW-MIA'_s has
gained access to thousands of pages of onceclassified documents, conducted hundreds of
interviews in Russia and in the other New Independent States, received ·important information
about the fate of American service personnel.
Those missing from the war in Korea, along
with the MIA's from all our Nation's conflicts,
will not be forgotten in the heart of Am'erica.
Our work will go forward until we have done
all there is to do. We owe it to them, to their
families, and to our country to work on this
until the job is done.
,
And we must remain true to our entire commih~ent to stand by all those who stood watch
for freedom. Whether it is protecting benefits
that/ veterans have earned or improving health
care! or breaking the cycle of despair for homeless !veterans or confronting the legacy of Agent
Or~ge or getting to the bottom of Gulf warrelated illnesses, we must uphold our solemn
obligation to our veterans, not for a few months
or for a few years but for the entire lifetime
of this Nation.
And we owe it to the legacy of our veterans
to protect the national security in the future.
We Iare working hard to end the legacy of the
cold war. The United States and Russia are·destro}ring nuclear arsenals. And I am proud that
1
~~ r;;;~e £~1;~ the
nuclea.
age, there are no nuclear weapons pointed at
the children of the United States of America.
I am proud that the United States and Russia
joined together to secure the indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, so that
more and more nations will be making and
keeping a promise not .to develop nuclear weapons.
But we know that we have challenges from
other weapons as well, from biological and
chemical weapons. We must work to contain
them; AQd we know that we have the challenge
not only of nations that still seek to do us and
other freedom-loving peoples . harm but also .
from terrorists around the world and here at
home who would threaten our security and our
way of life.
.
We must stand up to all these security threats
as a way of honoring those who have' sacrificed
and served our country. They brought us t()
this point, and we owe it to them to give our
children the opportunities we have all enjoyed.
So on this Memorial Day, I say to all of
you, we honor the sacrifices .of those who never
came home, the sacrifices of those who were
imprisoned but came home, the sacrifices of
all who gave and all who 'serve. God bless you
all, and God bless America.
And now, for the proper unveiling of this
much..:deserved stamp, let me introduce our very
· fine Postmaster Genenil, Mr.. Marvin Runyon,
and thank him again for the outstanding job
he has done.
Mr; Runyon.
NoTE: The President spoke at 9:15 a.m. e~
South Lawn at the Wh;te Hou,e.
·I.~
Remarks at a Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia
Mdy 29, 1995
.
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1hank you very much, Secretary Perry, Secret*ry Brown, Major General Gorden, Chaplain
Cottingham, General and Mrs. Shalikashvili, and
to /the other members. of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff and liJeir wives, to all the members of
th~ Armed Forces who are here, and the veteran~, especially to the POWs and their family
m~mbei'S and the family members of MIA's
760
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whose sacrifice and. service we hono
today ·
of
just a few. moments ago with the unveil1
the special stamp in honor of POWs and MIA's,
and of course,. to Sergeant Major Rodriguez and
Mrs. Rodriguez.
Sergeant Major, if you had known 50 years
ago you were going to be here today and had
50 years to get ready, you could not have done
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any better job than you did, and we thank you. uniform, and no one could say even then who
This fine American was decorated by' President would survive.
In the Pacific war, fighting raged on in the
Roosevelt with the Purple Heart for his action
in combat on Iwo Jima. He later led an honor Philippines. Okinawa, the bloodiest battle in the
guard for President Truman. He represents the Far East, was already almost 2 months old and
vital ties to .the past that inspires us today, and far, far from over. By the time it ended on
we thank him and all others for: their service. June 22, that small island would claim the lives
Today we feel· close to that past and to all of more than 12,000 Americans.
those who · stood fast when our freedom was
Still, our forces never faltered.' Half a ~orld
in peril 50 years ago. We remember the valiant away from their homes, far from their families,
individuals from all of our wars who fell while they fought for their country, their loved ones, ~
defending our Nation. They fought so that we and for the ideals that have kept this country ~
might have the freedom which too many of us going now for more than 200 years. They knew. (I
take for granted but, at least on this day, we their mission. was unparalleled in human history: 1ftknow is still our greatest blessing.
·
to fight for freedom, for democracy, and fo
•~
At this sacred moment, we put aside all that human dignity all the world over. In tJ:tose dis '
might otherwise divide us to recall the honor tant places and harrowing times, ordinary peopl a .
. that these men and . women brought to their . performed extraordinary deeds.
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Many who fell there are now here in Arling- _,..ami ies an
eir communities an the glory ton, in. this hallowed ground. We come here
they bestowed upon our beloved Nation. All
to honor their sacrifice,, to give them thanks
d
across our great country today, in cities and
for safeguarding our homes an our liberties
towns great and small; wreaths and flags adorn and for giving us another 50 years of freedom.
our cemeteries. Friends and family members But we, also come here because we understand
and those who simply are grateful for their lib- what they fought for. Here, among the dead,
erties will gather for a parade or visit the graves in the perfect rows of stone, we see the life
of some of these heroes, tell a new generation of Ameri
·
acrificed so much.
the stories ·of how America was kept free and
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Four graves aroun
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strong. We must remember to do J"ustice to their
story. 1g o
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memories. We must remember that so we can
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the grave of Colonel Justice Cham ers of the i{/f".A
g
United States Marine Corps Res
.
·
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Especially in this last year, the 50th since extraordinary courage in taki vital hi h ound .'yt•
World War II, we Americans have remembered during the landing on Iwo Jima, e was awar ed
and paid homage to the generation that fought the Congressional· Medal of Honor. Just next
that great struggle in ceremonies in Normandy, to him lies Lieutenant Commander Barbara
at Nettuno Beach in Italy, at Cambridge Ceme- Allen Rainey. She was' the mother of two daughtery in England, the Manila Cemetery in the ters and the Navy's first· female aviator. She
Philippines, the Iwo Jima Memorial here in Ar- died in a plane crash in 1982. Further down
the walk lies the grave of Rear Admiral Richard~
lington, and in Moscow.
As we look across the gulf of time and look E. Byrd; Jr., known throughout the world as
at the veterans of that conflict who still are the first person ever to fly over :the North Pole.
among us, we continue to draw strength from And next to him lies General Daniel "Chappie"
their marvelous achievement. We remember James, a Tuskegee Airman who flew nearly 200
anew the indomitable power of free men and combat missions, a pilot in Korea and Vietnam
as well. He rose through the ranks to become.
women united by a just cause.
·Fifty years ago today, 'the war in Europe was the first African-American four-star general.
over. American armed forces worked to restore
These four were very different in race and
order to a wrecked continent, taking charge of gender, service and generation. But they were
shattered communities, tending to the survivors united in their service .. to America. Together,
of the awful concentration camps. But the cele- their lives are proof of perhaps our greatest
bration of victory was short because our battle- American truth: that a nation of many really
weary Nation was shifting troops and energies can be brought forth as one. Together, they
from one theater to another. Little was certai~. show the tremendous strength that not only our ·
. Virtually every household still had someone in ~ed
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May 29 I Administration of William]. Clinton, 1995
from· our remarkable diversity. They remind' us Soviet Union and the United States were on
of the riches our ~emocracy creates by bringing the ·same side, asking countries to forswear ever
the benefits of liberty to all Americans, regard- developing nuclear weapons.
less of their race or gender or station. in life.
I know we have more to do in trying to stem
They remind us of why so many have sacrificed · the proliferation of biological and chemical
so much for the American idea.
weapons and ·to defeat the forces of terrorism
Today, more than ever, we rededicate our- around the world. No ·free country is immune
selves to the vision for which they live. Genera- from them. But we can do this, and we must.
tions before ours met challenges to democracy
In honor of all those who have fallen, from
and freedom, defeated the threats of fascism the dawn of our Nation to this moment, we
and communism, and now it is for us to rise resolve to uphold not only their memories but
to the new challenges posed by the forces of their ideals: the vision of America, free and
darkness and disintegration in this age at home. strong, conferring the benefits of our beloved
and abroad.
land on all our citizens. They sacrificed so that
In
certain world, we still know we mu
we could do this.
ntain armed forces that are the best-trained,
Our debt is, therefore, to continue freedom's
·
best-equipped, and best- re ared ·
never-ending work, to build a Nation worthy
......~.....-.. surest guarantee of our security and of all those who fell for it, to pass to coming
the surest .guarantee that we will .not repeat generations all that we have inherited and enthe mistakes of the past, when America dis- joyed. This must be our common purpose: to
armed encouraged people to abuse the decent make sure all Americans are able to make the
liberties we all are willing to fight for.
most of their freedoms and their God-given
Now, we must finish the security work of abilities and still, still, to reaffirm our conviction
the last 50 years by ending the nuclear ·threat that we are, from many, one.
once and for all. I am very proud of the fact,
And so we go forth from this place today,
and I know all of you are, that today, we and remembering the lives of people like Chambers,
the Russians are destroying the weapons of our Rainey, Byrd, and James. From their example,
nuclear arsenal and that for the first time since let us carry forth that passion and let us
the dawn of the nuclear age, no Russian missiles strengthen our national unity.
are pointed at the people of the United States
God bless you all, and God bless America.
of America. I am proud of the fact that the
xtend
nations of the world recen
indefinitely the
- roliferation
d NOTE: The President spoke at 11:32 a.m. at Arthat Russia and tH ot er states o
lington National Cemetery..
,
Remarks on Clean Water Legislation
May 30, 1995
Thank you very much. This country would
be better off if we had a few more little old
ladies in tennis shoes, don't you think, like
Minny Pohlmann? [Applause] Thank you,
Minny, for your introduction, and more importantly, thank you for. the many years of work
you have done to clean up the · Potomac and
to set an
example about
responsible
environmentalism.
Secretary Babbitt; Administrator Browner; to
the CEQ Chairman, Katie McGinty; George
Frampton; Bob Stanton; Mike Brown; to Neal
762
Fitzpatrick, the conservation director of the Audubon Naturalist Society; and the two young
people who came up with me, Hannah and Michael-where are they, where are the young
people· who were with me? Thank you very
much. And to all the schoolchildren who are
here-I wish you could have heard what they
were saying over there ~ I was looking at some
of the species that live in this water, because
it is still not as pure as it ought to be, and
reading the sign over there. Have you all read
the sign on the creek? "Fish from these waters
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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[Memorial Day] [2]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/09d4f9128f9189950a1fb566c7a22e40.pdf
933a48b1a92313d808804f8e1ccc6f42
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
r-·
Folder Title:
[Memorial Day] [3]
..
----
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
8
3
v
.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
To President Clinton from Samuel Berger and Stephanie Streett.
Subject: Communications plan for your trip to Portugal, Germany,
Russia, and Ukraine (7 pages)
·n.d.
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Memorial Day] [3]
2008-0703-F
'm621
RESTRICTION CODES
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PI
P2
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b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency )(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute )(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information )(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes )(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
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b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�-·
Administration of William f Clinton, 1997 I May 26
recovery; -they can't rebuild homes and busi- must provide a balance ..We should act out of
nesses; farmers can't dig out their fields to plant compassion, as many- Americans have, to help
crops. These people are in dire need, and Con- the victims. And in Government, we must act
gress has failed to act for them. That is uncon- because that is our duty as Americans. We canscionable. It flies in the face of the spirit of - not leave the victims without the help they need
bipartisan cooperation we saw in our budget and deserve. We have to act.
I urge Congress to do its part and to do
negotiations, and it's not how we treated other
Americans when they were in similar dire straits it quickly. Disaster doesn't take a holiday. Let's
work together to bring relief to people who
over the last 4 years.
In North Dakota, I saw not only the devasta- need it-now.
tion of the floods, I saw the determination of
In closing, I want to wish you all a _happy
the people, proud people' doing their -level-best Memorial Day weekend. Drive safely, drive
to survive ru:td get on with their lives. They slowly, and buckle up.
don't expect free rides or handouts, but they
Thanks for listening.
do have a right to expect us to do the right
th-ing by them, as we have by their fellow AmerNOTE: The address wa~ recorded at i:08 p.m. on
icans when they were down 'and out.
May 23 in the Roosevelt Room at the White
The wrath of nature can be random, swift,
a'hd unforgiving. That's where human nature House for broadcast at 10:06 a.m. on May 24.
Remarks at a Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia
May 26, 1997
.
'
1
:
"I
Thank you very much. General Foley, Chaplain Schwartzman, Mr. Metzler, to the members
of the Cabinet, General Shalikashvili and the
leaders of our Armed Forces, to Members of
Congress, and especially to the members of the
Armed Forces who are here, the leaders of our
veterans organizations, all of you who are veterans and your families, and all of you who are
family members of those who have given their
lives in the service of our country.
My fellow Americans, we gather here today,
as we do faithfully every year, to pay tribute
to our country men and women ·who fell in
the line .of duty, who gave their lives to preserve.
the liberties upon which our Nation was founded and which we have managed 'to carry forward
for more than 200 years now. All across America, our grateful Nation comes together today
to honor these ·men and women, some celebrated, others quite unknown, each a. patriot
and a hero.
.
·
· For many of our schoolchildren who have
known no war, today may seem to be little more
than a day off from school or a welcome start
to the summer. But on this day, and all that
we pause to remember, there are essential lessons for the young and, indeed, for all the rest
-
-
of us as well: Appreciate the. blessings of freedom; recognize the power and virtue of sacrifice;
respect those who gave everything on behalf
of our common good.
This day reminds us of what we .can achieve
when we pull together as one nation, respecting
each other with all of our myriad differences,
but coming together, we can fight. any battle
and face any challenge .
It reminds us of our .duty to honor not only
those we ·have lost in freedom's cause but also,
through attention and care, the service .men and
women who came back home and are nqw our
veterans, as well as the families of tlwse for
whom there tragic<illy has never been ·a final
accounting.
t
.......
ttt reminds us of our obligation to take care
of thqse who have talten care of us. and those
who take care of us today. That means ensuring
that our men and women in uniform have the
best trainin~ and equipment ~ !:~b:R
possible too their jobs for frePdouq karuse
even in times of peace, we must remain vigilant
in a very new and still uncertain world.
And above all, it reminds us of America's
responsibility to remain the world's leading force
for peace and prosperity and freedom as we
655
�"')
May 26 I. Administration of William]. Clinton, 1997
enter the 21st century, so that future generations of young Americans who wear our uniform
will never have to endure the losses in battles
that our predecessors did in the 20th century.
Behind me, just a few yards from where we
gather today, lies the
of General George
Marshall_.. an heroic sol ·er in war and a vision..
ary statesman for peace after the Second World
War. He built the armies that enabled freedom
t~ triumph over tyranny in World War II. And
· after the war, along with President Truman,
Senator Arthur Vandenberg, and others, he inspired America to make the investments and
forge the institutions that built the peace,
reached out to former adversaries, spread democracy . and prosperity, and ultimately won the
cold war. General George Marshall was the very
first full-time soldier ever to win· the Nobel
. ) Prize for Peace~ A half-centmy ago be knew-,
·
·
e
that in
at home,. we had to lead. the world to a more
secure and
·
Now, at the en of the cold war, when there
appears to be no looming threat on the horizon,
we must rise to Marshall's challenge in our day.
We must remember the lessons of those who
gave their lives in World War II and those· who
worked so hard to make sure that we would .
prevail in the cold war and not have to. go back
to war again. We must create the institutions
and the understandings that will advance the
security and prosperity o( the American people ·
for the next .50 years.
.
This great endeavor must begin i Europe.
Twice in this century-indeed, twic
·. ·
period of a few decades~Americans went over
there and gave their lives in defense of liberty.
Manv more stood sentry \vith our European al.- lies through the long mgli:t of the cold war.
·1'0ciay, our generation has been given a precious-.
chance to redeem that sacrifice and service, to
\ build an undivided, democratic Euro e
Con~ ) J men at eace or t
v
time in history.
Over the course of this week, beginning this
evening, I will travel to Europe .to advance this
goal. Tomorrow in Paris, President Yeltsin of
Russia, my fellow NATO leaders, and I will join
an historic signing of the Founding Act of the
NATO-Russia partnership, opening a new era
of cooperation in Europe to bridge the historic
divisions there. Then I will have the great honor
to represent you in The Netherlands, joining
with leaders from all over Europe to celebrate
the 50th anniversary. of the Marshall plan, the
{Jtve
.,
S'·
6.56
plan that helped Europe to recover its prosperity and secure its liberty. I will challenge Europe's people to work together with America
to complete the work that General Marshall's
generation began, extending the reach of security and prosperity to the new democracies in
Europe that once were on the other side in
the cold war. Finally, I will have· a chance to
meet with the new Prime Minister of Great
Britain to celebrate our unique partnership with
our old and close ally.
.
My fellow Americans, if you look at all the
gravestones here today, you will see that they
have not died in vain, when you see what we
enjoy today and that we stand at the pinnacle
of our power, our success, and our influence
as a nation. But that means we stand at the
pinnacle of our responsibility. ·
At the end of World War II, General Marshall
could make that case to America. We fought
a bloody war because we did not assume that
responsibility at the end of World ·war I. Today
it is perhaps more difficult because we feel .no
impending threat as we did from the Communist forces in the cold war.
.
But I ask you when you leave this place today
to ask yourself, as an American, what can I
do to honor the sacrifices of those we honor
here today? For what did George Marshall dedicate his ·life? For what did these people fight
and die? And how can we make sure that we
have· a new century in which we do not repeat
the mistakes of the last one?
, I will say, the only way that can happen is
if America refuses to walk away from the world
and its present challenges. We must learn the
lessons General Marshall and his generation left -"'
us. Their sacrifice and their spirit call· upon us
to seize this moment, to shape the peace of
the present for future generations, to tum the
hope we share into a history we can all be
proud of.
·
And so on this day when we remember those
who gave everything for our Nation and its freedom, let us resolve to honor them by ·renewing
our commitment, on the edge of a new century
and a new era, .to lead the world toward greater
peace and security, freedom and prosperity. In
doing that, we will make Americans safer. We
will allow our men and women in uniform to
stancl, sentinel for our freedom with less· risk
to their lives.
May God always . bless the American heroes
we honor today. May· He bless those fallen and
�Administration of William]. Clinton, 1997' I May 27
those who still stand at the ready. May He always bless the United States, and may He always give us the wisdom to _do what is right
for tomorrow.
'!"hank you, and God bless you all. ·
his remarks, he referred to Col. Joel R.
Schwartzman, USAF, Chief of Chaplains, Bolling
Air Force Ba5e; John Metzler, Superintendent,
Arlington National Cemetery; President Boris
Yeltsin of Russia; and Prime Minister Tonv Blair
of the United Kingdom.
-
NOTE: The President spoke at 11:30 a.m. in the
Amphitheater at Arlington National Cemetery. In
he
ey
Remarks at the Signing Ceremony for the NATO~Russia Founding Act in
Paris, France
May 27, 1997
no
m-
ay
I
or
eli-
President Yeltsin gave me this cane; now he's chance to build a lasting peace. Deepening our
partnership today will- make all of us stronger
giving it to me twice. [Laughter]
Ladies and gentlemen, on this beautiful spring and more secure.
day in Paris, in the twilight of the 20th centUry,
The historic change in tl1e relationship bewe look toward a new century with a new Russia tween NATO and Russia grows out of a funand a new NATO, working together in a new damental change in how we think about each
Europe of unlimited possibility. The NATO-Rus- other and our future. NATO's member states
sia Founding Act we have just signed joins a recognize that the Russian people are building
great nation and history's most successful alli- a new Russia, defining their greatness in terms
ance in common cause for a long-sought but of the future as much as the past. Russia's trannever before realized goal: a peaceful, demo- - sition to democracy and open markets is as difcratic, undivided Europe.
ficult as it is dramatic. And its steadfast commitThe United States feels a great deal of grati- ment to freedom and reform has earned the
tude today. The world my predecessors dreamed world's admiration.
.
of and worked for for .50 years is finally within
In tum; we are building a new ::\ATO. It
reach. I want to thank President Chirac. for his will remain the· strongest alliance in his ton·, \vith
strong leadership in making this day possible
smaller, more flexible forces, prepared
proand for hosting us. I thank President Yeltsin
. vide for our defense but also trained for peacefor his courage and vision, for his unbelievable
keeping. It will work closely \\ith- otl1er nations
capacity to imagine a future that is different
that share our hopes and values •md interests
from the past that imprisoned us. I thank his
through the Partnership For Peace. It ,,;ll be
Foreign Minister, Mr. Primakov, for his negotiaan- alliance directed no longer against a hostile
tions in good faith to make this day possible.
I especially thank Secretary General Solana for_ bloc of nations but instead designed to advance
his brilliant and persistent and always good-na- the . security of. every democracy in· Europe,
tured efforts that made this founding act a re- NATO's old members, new members, and nonality. I thank my fellow leaders of the North members alike.
I know that some still see NATO through
Atlantic Treaty Organization and especially our
senior leader, Chancellor Kohl, who has worked the prism of the cold war and that especially
longer and paid a higher price for the dream in NATO's decision to open its doors to Central
Europe's new democracies, they see a Europe
of a united Europe than any other leader.
For all of us, this is a great day. From now still divided, only differently di\ided. But I ask
on, NATO and Russia will consult and coordi- them to look again, for this new ~ATO will
nate and work together. Where we all agree, work with Russia, not against it. And by reducwe will act jointly, a5 we are in Bosnia where ing rivalry and fear, by strengthening peace and
a Russian brigade serves side by side with cooperation, by facing common threats to the
NATO troops, giving the Bosnian people a security of all democracies, NATO will promote
to
us
of
he
be
ter
In
Ve
657
_,
�SC&!2
Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 / May 26
by Verona Devney, a legal secretary who
decided to help the needy by sewing and
donating clothes, today HOPE distributes
clothes to some 5,000 families a year. In San
Antonio, Texas, Nick Monreal founded
Teach the Children, and this organization
has raised tens of thousands of dollars to
provide school supplies to thousands of children from economically disadvantaged families. And in Philadelphia, a group called
Wheels has been providing transportation
for the sick and handicapped to and from
hospitals and doctors' offices since 1959.
There is no charge and no reliance on government funds.
.-·
One private sector initiative I find most
moving is called Christmas in April. Founded by Bobby Trimble of Midland, Texas,
Christmas in April organizes volunteers
across the country to repair the homes of
needy older and handicapped Americans.
Right here in Washington, Christmas in
April helped a woman named DeLois Ruffing. DeLois ran a home for the elderly that
badly needed repairs. The ceiling was virtu-
.
'
~·
ally falling down around her. With her permission, early one April day more than a
dozen volunteers-attorneys, journalists,
housewives, even a judge-arrived to do
what was needed. Ten hours later, the
plumbing and ceiling had been fixed, arid
the walls were gleaming. And today DeLois
is a Christmas in April volunteer herself.
As these and. so many other organizations
prove, the generosity and character of the
American people that de Tocqueville observed more than 150 years ago remain a
powerful and life-giving force. So, let us reflect this Memorial Day weekend upon the
unselfish millions who are improving the
quality of life for all Americans in so many
wonderful ..ways. And as always, let us remember those who gave the greatest gift of
all, the gift .of their lives, so that we today
might live in a nation of freedom.
Until next week, thanks for listening, and
God bless you.
·
Note: The President spoke at 12:06. p.m.
from the Oval· Office at the White House.
Remarks at a Memorial Day Ceremony at Arlington National
Cemetery in Virginia
May 26, 1986
Today is the day we put aside to remember fallen heroes and to pray that no heroes
will ever have to die for us again. It's a day
of thanks for. the valor of others, a day to
remember the splendor of America and
those of her children who rest in this cemetery and others. It's a day t() be with the
family and remember·.
I was thinking this morning that across
the country children and their parents will
be going to the town parade and the young
ones will sit on the sidewalks and wave
their flags as the band goes by. Later,
maybe, they'll have a cookout or a day at·
the beach. And that's good, because today is
a day to be with the family and to remember.
·
Arlington, this place of so many memories, is a fitting place for some remembering. So many wonderful men and women
rest here, men and women who led colorful, vivid, and passionate lives. There are
the greats of the military: Bull Halsey and
the Admirals Leahy, father and son; Black
Jack Pershing; and the GI's general, Omar
Bradley. Great men' all, military men. But
there are others here known for other
things.
Here in Arlington rests a sharecropper's
son who became .a hero to a lonely people.
Joe Louis came from nowhere, but he knew
how to fight. And he galvanized a nation in
the days after Pearl Harbo~ when he put on
the uniform of his country and said, "I
know we'll win because we're on God's .
side." Audie Murphy is here, Audie Murphy
of the wild, wild courage. For what else
· would you call it when a man bounds to the
· top of a disabled tank, stops an enemy advance, saves lives, and rallies his men, and
I'
671
a
�May 26 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 ·
all of it singlehandedly. When he radioed of Vietnam-boys who fought a terrible and
for artillery support and .was asked how vicious war .without enough support from
close the enemy was .to his position, he said, home, boys who were dodging bullets while.
"Wait a minute and I'll let you speak to we debated the efficacy of the battle. It was
them." [Laughter]
often our poor who fought in that war; it
Michael Smith is here, and Dick Scobee, was the unpampered boys of the working
both of the space shuttle Challenger. Their class who picked up the rifles and went on
courage. wasn't wild, but thoughtful, the the march. They learned not to rely on us;
mature and measured courage of career . they learned to .rely on each other. And
professionals who took prudent risks for they were special in another way: They
great reward-in their case, to advance the chose to be faithful. They chose to· reject
sum · total of knowledge .in the world. the fashionable skepticism of their time.
They're only the latest to rest here; they They chose to believe and answer the call
join other great explorers with names like of duty; They had the wild, wild courage of
Grissom and Chaffee.
youth. They seized certain'ty from the heart
Oliver Wendell Holmes is here, the grea.t of an ambivalent age; .they stood for some·
jurist . and fighter for the right. A poet· thing.
searc~ing for ·an image of true majesty
And we owe theni something, those boys.
could not rest until he seized on "Holmes We owe them first a promise: That just as
dissenting in a sordid age." Young Holmes they did not forget their missing comrades,
served in the Civil War. He might have neither, ever, will we. And there are other
been thinking of the crosses and stars of promises. We must always remember that
Arlington when he wrote: "At the grave of peace is a fragile thing that needs constant
a hero we end, not with sorrow .at the inevi- vigilance. We owe them a promise to look
table loss, but with. the contagion of his at the world with a steady gaze and, percourage; and with a kind of desperate joy haps, a resigned toughness, knowing that
we go back to the fight."
we have adversaries in the world and chalAll of these men were different, but thev lenges and the only way to meet them and
shared this in common: They loved Americ~ maintain the peace is by staying strong.
That, of course, is the lesson of this centuvery much. There was nothing they
wouldn:t do for her. And they loved with ry, a lesson learned in the Sudetenland, in
the sureness of the young. It's hard not to Poland, in Hungary, in Czechoslovakia, in
think of the young in a place like this, for Cambodia. If we really care about peace,
it's the young who do the fighting and we must stay strong. If we really care about
dying when a peace fails and a war begins. peace, we must, through our strength, demNot far from here is the statue of the three onstrate our unwillingness to accept an
servicemen-the three fighting boys of ending of the peace. We must be strong
Vietnam. It, too, has majesty and more. Per- enough to create peace where it does not
haps you've seen it-three rough boys walk- · exist and strong enough to protect it where
ing together, looking ahead with a steady it does. That's the lesson. of this centur/
gaze. There's something wounded about and, I .think, of this day. And that's all I
them, a kind of resigned toughness. But wanted to say. The rest of my contribution
there's an unexpected tenderness, too. At is to leave this great place to its peace, a
first you don't 'really notice, but then you peace it has earned.
see it. The three are touching each other, as
Thank all of you, and God bless you, and
if they're supporting each ot_her, helping have a day full of memories.
each other on.
I ·know that many veterans of Vietnam · Note: The President spoke ~t 10:10 a.m. at
will gather today, .some of them perhaps by. · the Memorial Amphitheater. Prior to his rethe wall. And they're still helping each · marks, he placed a wreath at the· Tomb of
other on .. They were 9uite a group, the boys the Unknown Soldier.
!
:·.
672
�May 25 I Adminis~ration of Ronald Reagan, 1984
eases and related nutrition problems is a
national concern. The week of May 20,
1984, marks the first anniversary of the initiation of a national digestive diseases education program. Its goals are to encourage
the digestive diseases community to edu~
cate the public and other health care practitioners to the seriousness of these diseases
and the methods available to ·prevent, treat,
and control them, and to inform the public
that diseases of the digestive system are a
major health priority.
In recognition of the important efforts to
combat digestive diseases, the Congress, by
Senate Joint Resolution 228, has designated
the week beginning May 20, 1984, through
May 26, 1984, as "National Digestive Diseases ·Awareness Week," and· authorized
and requested the President to issue a proclamation calling for observance of this
week.
Now, Therefore,. I, Ronald Reagan, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, do
hereby proclaim the week of May 20, 1984,
through May 26, 1984, as National Digestive Dis~ases Awareness Week. I urge the
people of the United States, and education~
al, philanthropic, scientific, medical, and
health care organizations and professionals
to participate in appropriate ceremonies to
encourage further research into the causes
and cures of all types of digestive disorders
so as to alleviate the suffering of their victims.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set
my. hand this twenty-fifth day of May, in
the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
eighty-four, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the two hundred
and eighth.
RONALD REAGAN
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 4:52p.m., May 25, 1984]
Remarks at a Ceremony Honoring an Unknown Serviceman ofthe
Vietnam Conflict
· ·
·
· May 25, 1984
An American · hero has returned home.
God bless him.
We may not know of this man's life, but
we know of his character. We may not
know his name, but we know his courage.
He is the heart, the spirit, and the soul of
America.
.
Today a grateful nation mourns the death .·
of an unknown serviceman of the Vietnam
conflict. This young American understood
that freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. He may not
have wanted to be a hero, but there was a
need-in the Iron Triangle, off Ya'nkee Station, at Khe Sanh, over the Red River
Valley.
·
.
.
He accepted his mission and did his duty.
And his honest patriotism overwhelms us.
We understand the meaning of his sacrifice
and those of his comrades yet to return.
746
This American hero may not need us, but
surely we need him. In Longfellow's words: .
So when a great man dies,
For years beyond our ken,
The light he leaves behind him lies
Upon the paths of men.
We must not be blind to the light that he
left behind. Our path must be worthy of his ·
betra his love of ·"'
trust. And we mu ·
country._)t's up to us to ~rotect t e pr
heritage nnw in our hands , and to hve '"tn
peace as bravely as he died in war.
..
·an· this day, as we hono?imr unknown
serviceman, we pray to Almighty God for
His mercy. And we pray for the wisdom.
that this hero. be America's last unknown.
~
Note: 'The President spoke at 3:07 p.m. in
the Rotunda at the Capitol.
�:·
May 26 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984
in over 30 years. Today, some ·106 million weak, but . is now regammg strength-naof us are working-more than ever before· tional defense. Our ability to deter war and
in our history. And last year, some 100,000 protect our security declined dangerously
new businesses started up. That's a 5-year during the. 1970's. By 1979 defense spendhigh that means more jobs for the future. ing, as a percent of our total economy, had
Housing'is coming back. Three years ago, reached its lowest level in 20 years. Since
even the smallest house seemed completely 1981 we've begun to rebuild America's seout of reach. The median monthly mort- curity and restore the morale, trai11ing, and
gage payment shot up from $333 in 1977 to readiness of our ·Armed Forces. Our pre$688 in 1981. During that time, the median cious freedoms are more secure today than
price for a home went up by $23,000. Since. they were 3 years· ago.·
then monthly mortgage payments have
A stronger economy and grea~er security
risen only $10. Today, more Americans can are good news, but we still face great chalafford homes, and more of us are buying lenges. We must eliminate billions of dollars
homes-some 10,000 each day.
in wasteful government spending. We.must
The auto industry is recovering~ Domestic make our tax system more simple and fair
car sales dropped by almost 3 million units so we can bring your personal income tax
between 1977 and 1981. Since then they've rates down further and keep our economy
increased by 1 million, and they're selling growing. And we must keep our defenses
at the fastest rate in 5 years;
strong, so the Soviets will decide it's time to
Past recoveries from recession were .return to the negotiating table and work
snuffed out by a rekindling of inflation. with us to reduce armaments and assure a
. Well, this time inflation is staying down, more peaceful world.
and we mean to keep it down. In the .last
We've made a new beginning. Americans
12 months, the Producer Price Index for feel prouder and stronger that things are
finished goods-one indicator of future in- getting better, and rightly so.
Until next week, thanks for listening, and
flation-has risen less than 3 percent. If inflation stays down; interest rates will come God bless you.
down, too, and our economy will keep exNote: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m.
panding.
.
There's another area where America was. from Camp David, MD.
Remarks at Memorial Day Cer~monies Honoring an Unknown
Serviceman of the Vietnam Conflict
May 28, 1984
My fellow Americans, Memorial Day is a
day of ceremonies and speeches. Throughout
America. today, we honor the dead of our
wars. We recall their valor and their sacrifiCes. We remember they gave their lives so
that others might live.
We're also gathered here for a special
event-the national funeral for an unknown
soldier who will today join the heroes of
three other wars ..
When he spoke at a ceremony at Gettysburg in 1863, President Lincoln reminded
us that through their deeds, the ·dead had
748
spoken more ·eloquently for themselves
than any of the living ever could, and that
we living could only honor them by rededicating ourselves to the cause for which they
so willingly gave a last full measure of devotion.
.
We.ll, this is especially so today, for in our
minds and hearts is. the memory of VietnafD,
and all that that conflict meant for those
who sacrificed on the field of battle and for
their loved ones who suffered here at
home.
· Not lqng ago, when a memorial was dedicated here in Washington to our Vietnam
�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 1 May :28
''
veterans, the events surrounding that dedi- group of ·Americans-the families of those
cation were a stirring reminder of Ameri- still missing in the Vietnam conflict.
ca's resilience, of how our nation could
They live day and night with uncertainty,
learn and grow and transcend the tragedies with an emptiness, with a void that we
of the past.
.cannot fathom. Today some sit among you.
uring the dedication ceremonies, the Their feelings are a mixture of pride and
rolls of those who died and are still missing fear. They're proud of their sons or huswere read for 3 d;:tys in a candlelight cere- bands, fathers or brothers who bravely and
mony at the National .Cathedral. And the nobly answered the call of their countrv.
veterans of Vietnam who were never wel- But some of them fear that this ceremoriv
comed home with speeches and bands, but writes a final chapter, leaving those the~
who were never defeated in battle and love forgotten.
. ·
were heroes as surely as any who have ever
Well, today then, one way to honor th~se
fought in a noble cause, staged their own who served or may still be serving in Vietparade on Constitution Avenue. As America
am IS to gat er
watched them-some in wheelchairs, all o
selves to se
them proud-there was a feeling that this lie of ·;;~~m~is~s~in~~~~-n~a~c~ti·on.
as the
nation-that as a nation we were coming Members of Congress, t e eaders of veterto ether a ain and that we pad, at long last, ans groups, and the citizens of an entire
e come t e o s
nation present or listening, to give these
ea ing went on," said one families your help and your support, for
o o
· combat veteran who helped organize sup- they still sacrifice and suffer .
. port for the memorial. And then there was
Vietnam is not over for them. They
this newspaper account that appeared after
cannot rest until they know the fate of
the ceremonies. I'd like to read it to you.
those they loved and watched march off to
"Yesterday, crawds returned to the Memoserve their country. Our dedication to their
rial. Among them was Herbie Petit, a macause must be strengthened with these
chinist and former marine from New Orleans. 'Last night,' he said, standi~g· near the events today. We write no last chapter~
wall, 'I went out to dinner with some other close no books. We put a~a~ ~o final
ex-ma~ines. There was also a group of col- "'fTflmlories. An end to Amenca s mvolvelege students in .the restaurant. We started ment in Vietnam cannot come before we've
talking to each other. And before we left, achieved the fullest possible accounting of
they stood up and cheered us. The whole those missing in action.
This can only happen when their families
week,' Petit said, his eyes red, 'it was worth
know with certainty that this nation disit just for that.' " .
It has been worth it: We Americans have charged her duty to those who served nobly
learned to -listen to each other and to trust and well. Today a united people call upor."'
each ,other again. We've learned that gov- Hanoi with one voice: Heal the sorest
ernment owes the people an explanation wound of this conflict. R5.1;urn our sons to_
and needs · their support for its actions at America. End the grief Of those who arc
home and abroad. And we have learned, -tHnocent a'nd undeserving of any retribu.
and I pray this time for good, the· most tion.
The Unknown Soldier who is returned· to
valuable lesson of all-the preciousness of
us today and whom we lay to rest is symb~l
human freedom.
·
It has been a lesson relearned not just by ic of all our missing sons, and we w1ll
Americans but by all the people of the present him with the Congressional Me?al
world. Yet, .while the experience of Viet- of Honor, the highest military decoratiOn
nam has given us a -stark lesson that ulti- that we can bestow.
About him we may well wonder, as
mately must move the conscienc.e of .the .
world, we· must remember that we cannot others have: As a child, did he play on some
today; as much as some might want to, close street in a great American city? Or did ~e
this chapter in our history, for the war in work beside his father on a farm out m
ffi'erica's heartland? Did he marry? Did he
. Southeast Asia still haunts a small. but brave
~~749
�\
May 28 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984
have children? Did he look expectantly to duty. A grateful· nation opens her heart
return to a bride?
today in gratitude for their sacrifice, for
We'll never know the answers to these their courage, an~ for their noble service.
questions about his life. We do know, ,Let us ·if we must, debate the le~sQas
though, why he died. He saw the horrors of .Jearned . at ~om~ 9tA8r tiR;I.e. Today, we
war but bravely faced them, certain his . simply say with pride, "Thank you, dear
own cause and his country's cause was a son. ~ay God cradle you in His loving
noble one; that he was· fighting for human arms.
dignity, for free men everywhere. Today
We present to you our nation's highest
·we pause to embrace him and all who award, the Congressional Medal of Honor,
served us so well in a war whose end of- for service above and beyond the call of
fered no parades, no flags, and so little duty in actiori with the enemy during the
Vietnam era.
Thank you.
thanks. We can be worthy of the values and
ideals for which our sons sacrificed-worthy
of their courage in the face of a fear that Note: The President spoke at 2:15 p.m. at
few of us will ever experience-by honoring the Amphitheater at Arlington National
their commitment and devotion to duty and Cemetery.
country.
· Earlier in the day, the President returned.
Many veterans of Vietnam still serve. in to the White House following a weekend
the Armed Forces, work in our offices, on stay at Camp David, MD. Upon his arrival
our farms, and in our factories. Most have. by helicopter on the South Lawn, he prokept. their experiences private, but most ceeded to the motorcade for the drive to the
have been strengthened by their call to · cemetery.
Interview With Brian Farrell of RTE-Television, Dublin, Ireland, on
Foreign Issues
May 28, 1984
The President's Trip to Ireland
Mr. Farrell. Good evening. Welcome to
"Today-Tonight," the
Library, White
House, Washington, DC. On Friday, the
President of the United States, Ronald
Reagan, begins. his European tour with a
state visit to Ireland.
Mr. President, it's not your first visit to
Ireland, of course. It is your first visit as
President and .in an election year. So, is it a
sentimental journey? Is it electioneering?
The President. Well, it is true, I have
been there more than once in a previous
occupation when I was a performer in the
entertainment business, and then, subsequently, .when I was Governor-and when
.you and I met, when I was sent there by
President Nixon on a mission for him. Actu-.
ally, I would be going even if I were not a
candidate, so it isn't a part of an election
process. But 'I'm accepting an invitation
that was first made by former Prime Minister Haughey and repeated by your present
Prime Minister FitzGerald when he was
here.
But there . is another reason, a personal
reason, why I'm going, also. I have known I
would be going one day because up until I
became President I had no knowledge of
my father:s family beyond him and his parents. He was orphaned at less than 6 years
of age. So, he . had no knowledge of his
family roots. And I must say, the people of
Ireland and the Government of Ireland
have been very kind and generous, and I
found when I arrived here in this job that
they had gone to great lengths and have
traced our family roots and found that Ballyporeen is the locale and so forth.
So, I've always known I was going to have
to go there. I want to go there.
Mr. Farrell. But it's not going to do you
-"'
�.. ;
May 29 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982
~·
· In my recent· speech at Eureka College, I
save as you see fit.
Serious problems remain, such as the presented a proposal for substantial reducneed for a sol.ind budget and, above all, tions in strategic arms. We and our allies
unemployment, here and in Europe where hope the Soviets will respond positively,
it's at record levels. But we're making eco- and we're prepared to begin START-that's
nomic headway, and our common security Strategic Arms Reduction Talks-immedirequires that we continue to work together ately. But arms control can't happen in a
as friends and allies. That will be my main vacuum. Over the past decade, the Soviet
theme at the· seven-nation economic Union has engaged in a pattern of direct
summit in France next week.
and indirect aggression and suppression in
But prosperity has little meaning· unless places as varied as Afghanistan, Poland, and
we also act to. maintain our freedom and Latin America, and that's made it harder
protect the peace. The remarkable strength for progress in arms control.
and success of the Western Alliance in preWe must always remember that, in dealserving the peace for over three decades ing with the condition in the world today,
lies in the fact that we're a voluntary group- Western solidarity and defense prepareding of free peoples, soon to be joined by still ness are essential to meaningful arms conanother new democracy-Spain. The over- trol negotiations. That's the message I'll
riding success of NATO is that for almost 40 take with me-the message of a strong, free
alliance, working together to . protect its
years, Europe has been at peace.
To lliy the basis for another generation of freedom and seek meaningful negotiations
peace and prosperity, I'll meet with my 15 to build a Il10re peaceful world.
I'm optimistic for the future of our partNATO colleagues in Bonn, the capital of
the Federal Republic of Germany.
nerships and the future of freedom. The
Our allies know that America has both values for which we and our fellow democthe will and the resources to defend itself racies stand are of enduring and universal
and to live up to its . commitments. Last worth. Ours is a mission for peace and freeNovember 18th, we offered to eliminate all dom through western unity and streng~h,
of our Pershing II and ground-launched and with your prayers, it will succeed.
cruise missiles if the Soviets eliminate their
Next Saturday, I'll be talking to you from
SS-4, 5, and 20 missiles, now targeted on Europe. Thank you, and God bless you.
our allies. This offer has the strong support
of our NATO allies and has been spelled out Note: The President spoke at 9:06 a.m. from
in detail at the U.S.-Soviet negotiating table 'Rancho del Cielo, his ranch near Santa Barbara, Calif.
in Geneva.
Remarks at -Memorial Day Ceremonies at Arlingtol). National
Cemetery
·
May 31, 1982
Mr. President, General, the distinguished
guests here with us today, my fellow citizens:
In America's cities and towns today, flags
will be placed .on graves in cemeteries;
public officials will speak of the sacrifice
and the valor of those whose- memory we
honor.
In 1863, when he dedicated a small
cemetery in Pennsylvania marking a terri-
ble collision betWeen the armies of North
and South, Abraham Lincoln noted the ·
swift obscurity of such speeches. Well, we
know now that Li.pcoln was wrong about
that particular occasion. His remarks commemorating those who gave their "last full
measure of devotion" were long remembered. But since that . moment at Gettysburg, few other such addresses have
become part of our national heritag&-not
708
I
.\
\
�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982 I May 31
because of the inadequacy of the speakers, the state. Nor must we ever underestimate
but because of the inadequacy of words. the seriousness of their aspirations to global
I have no illusions about what little I can expansion. The risk is the very freedom that
add now to the silent testimony of those has been so dearly won.
.
It is· this honesty of mind that can open
who gave their lives willingly for · their
country. Words are even more feeble on paths to peace, that can lead to fruitful nethis Memorial Day, for the sight before us is gotiation, that can build a foundation upon
that of a strong and good nation that stands which treaties between our nations can
in silence and remembers those who were · stand and la5t-treaties · that can someday
loved and who, in return, loved their coun- bring about a reduction in the terrible arms
trymen enough to die for them·:
of destruction, arms that threaten us with
Yet, we must try to honor them-not for war even more terrible than those that
their sakes alone, but for our own. And if have taken the lives of the Americans we
words cannot repay the debt we owe these honortoday.
men, surely with our actions we must strive
In the quest for peace, the Unit~d States
to keep faith with them and with the vision has proposed to the Soviet Union that ·we
that led them to battle and to final·sacrifice. reduce the threat of nuclear weapons by
Our first obligation to them and ourselves negotiating a stable balance at far lower
is plain enough: The United States and the levels of strategic forces. This is a fitting
freedom for which it stands, the freedom occasion to announce that START, as we
for which they died, must endure and prosall
d
h
h
it, strategic arms re uctions, t at t e
per. Their lives remind us that freedom is . c
· negotiations between our country and the
not bought cheaply. It has a cost; it imposes Soviet Union will begin on the 29th of June.
a burden. And just as they whom we comAs for existing strategic arms agreements,
memorate were willing to sacrifice, so too
ill fr . fr
t"
h" h
d
t
must we-in a less final, less heroic way-be we w re am om ac wns w tc un ercu .
them so long as the Soviet Union shows
willing to give of ourselves.
It is this, beyond the controversy and the equal restraint. With good will and dedicacongressional debate, beyond the blizzard tion on both sides, I pray 'that we will
·
achieve a safer world.
of budget numbers and the complexity of
modern weapons systems, that motivates us
Our goal is peace. We can gain that peace
in our search for security and peace. War by strengthening our alliances, by speaking
will not come again, other young men :will candidly of the dangers befcire us, by assurnot have to. die, if we will speak honestly of ing potential adversaries of our seriousness,
the dangers that confront us and remain by actively pursuing every chance of honest
and fruitful negotiation.
strong enough to meet those dangers.
It is with these goals in mind that I will
It's not just strength or courage that we
need, but understanding and a measure of · depart Wednesday for Europe, and it's altowisdom as well. We must understand gether fitting that we have this moment to·
enough about our world to see the value of reflect' on the price of freedom and those
our alliances. We must be wise enough who have so willingly paid it. For however
about ourselves to . listen to. our allies, to important the matters of state before us this
work with them, to build and strengthen next week, they must not disturb the solemthe bonds between us.
nity of this occasion. Nor must they dilute
Our understanding must also extend to our sense of' reverence and the silent gratipotential adversaries. We must strive to tude we hold· for those who are buried
speak of them not belligerently, but firmly · here.
and frankly. And that's why we must never
The willingness of some to give their lives
fail to note, as frequently as necessary, the so that others might live never fails to
wide gulf between our codes of morality. evoke in us sense of wonder and mystery.
And that's why we must never hesitate to One.gets that feeling here on this hallowed
acknowledge the irrefutable difference be- ground, and I have known that same poigntween our view of man as master of the ant feeling as I looked out across the rows
state and their view of mlll1 as servant of of white crosses and Stars of David in
a
709
,
�May 31 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982
Europe, in the Philippines, and the militar
ceme
ere in our own land.
h one
ar s the resting p ace o an American
hero and, in my lifetime, the heroes of
World War I, the Doughboys, the GI's of
World War II or Korea or Vietnam. They
span several generations of young Americans, all different and yet all alike, like the
markers above their resting places, all alike
in a truly meaningful way.
Winston Churchill said of those he knew
in World War II they seemed to be the only
young men who could laugh and fight at
the same time. A great general in that war
called them our secret weapon, "just the
best darn kids in the world." Each died for
a cause .he ceasicleFecl mere ~mpertant. than
hiSown li~ ~~ ~ey didtt't ~n~~r to
-die; they v~hrn;;;ered to defeniv;lllPS for
Wliich men have alwa s been willin to die
nee
e the values which make u what
we call civilization. And how they must
nave wished, in all the ugliness that war
brings, that no other generation of young
men to follow would have to undergo that
.,
arne experience.
As. we honor their memory today, .let us
pledge that their lives, their sacrifices, their
valor shall be justified and remembered for
as long as God gives life to this nation. And
let us also pledge to do our utmost to carry
out what must have been their wish: that
no other generation of young .men will
~very have to share their experiences and
repeat their sacrifice.
Earlier today, with the music that we .
have heard and that of our National
Anthem-1 can't claim to know the words
of all the national anthems in the world, but
I don't know of any other that ends with a
question and a challenge as ours does: Does
that flag still wave o'er the land of the free
and the home of the brave? That is what
we must all ask.
Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 11:35 a.m. at
the cemetery in Arlington, Va. Prior to his
remarks, he placed a wreath at the Tomb of
the Unknown Soldiers.
. '
Joint U.S~-u~s.S.R. Announcement on the Strategic Arnis
Reduction Talks
•
May 31, 1982
The United States of America and the The U.S. delegation will be led by AmbassaUnion of Soviet Socialist Republics have dor Edward Rowny and the Soviet delegaagr~ed to begin formal negotiations on the . tion will be led by Ambassador V. P.
limitation and reduction of strategic arms Karpov. Both sides attach great importance
· on June 29, 1982, in Geneva, Switzerland. to these negotiations.
Nomination of Robert H. Phinny To Be United States Ambassador
to Swaziland ·
june 1, 1982
The President today announced his intention to nominate Robert H. Phinny to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Swaziland.
He would succeed Richard Caviils · Math~
eron.
Since 1957 Mr. Phinny has been self-em-
710
ployed with the R. H. Phinny Co. (investments and business interests) in Fremont,
Mich. He was with Gerber Products Co., in
Fremont, Mich., in 1949-1957 as salesman
and then assistant to the director of public
relations. He served in the United States ·
�http://www .pub. whitehouse.gov/uri-.. ./oma.eop.gov. us/1998/5/27 /2. text.l
...
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
May 25, 1998
For. Immediate ,Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN OBSERVANCE OF MEMORIAL DAY
Arlington National Cemetery
Arlington, Virginia
11:30 A.M. EDT.
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you.
Secretary Slater, Secretary West,
Deputy Secretary Gober, National Security.Advisor Berger, Congressman
Skelton, Secretary Dalton, General Shelton, General McCaffrey,
Superint~ndent Metzler, Chaplain Cooper, the leaders of our veterans
organizations,· vete~ans, members of the armed forces, friends and
families, my fellow Americans, I"would like to begin this Memorial Day
service in a somewhat unusual fashion, but I think an entirely
appropriate one.
Major General Foley, who just spoke, the Commander of the Military
District of Washington, is about to moye on to higher responsibilities.
He is, I believe, now the only person still serving in uniform to have
won the Medal of Honor -- (applause) -- which he won for repeatedly
risking his life for his comrades in Vietnam, and I thank him for his
service.
Thank you, sir.
(Applause .. )
As spring turns to summe·r, Americans arou-nd the nation take this
day to enjoy friends and family.
But we come again to Arlington to
remember how much was given so that we could enjoy this day and every
day in freedom.
We come to this sacred ground out of gratitude and
profound respect for those who are not here but who gave all so that we
might be here.
·
most deadl conflict, the Civil War.~
To
Gettysburg spread flowers over the
graves of those who fell there . . But the debt began to run up, of
course, much earlier, for our nation emerged from a war to establish a
truly revolutionary new society, which enshrined life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness as the birthright of all Americans, and dedicated
our nation to the permanent mission of forming a more perfect union.
To preserve and advance those birthrights and that mission, our
founders pledged their lives, their fortunes, their sacred honor.
Those
we honor today paid the ultimate price to redeem that pledge.
From the
American Revolution onward, from Concord to Khe Sanh to Kuwait,
America's men and women have stood up for their country.
Often we have erected monuments to them; happily the most recent
one is the Women in Military Service for America Memorial dedicated here
at Arlington last October to the 1.8 million women who have served our
nation, and we thank them.
(Applause.)
Thanks to these heroes, our
nation in over 220 years has grown into something truly extraordinary.
We have so much to be grateful for today: peace, prosperity, the
spreading power of our original ideas.
For. the first time in hi_story, a majority of the people on this
. earth live under governments of their own choosing.
In 1, 000 different
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languages, people are saying yes to democracy and to a•new era of
international cooperation. ·Around the world people are struggling to
overcome ancient animosities by embracing the idea that if we are all
equal in God's eyes, then what we have in common surely must be more
important. than our differences of politics, race, or religion.
Today we are especially grateful for the overwhelming vote for
peace in Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic to which so many of us
trace our roots.
(Applause.)
As we look toward the future, Memorial Day also invites us to
remember the past and apply its lessons.
Let me recall just two events
from 50 years ag~, at the time when democracy was 1mper1led by the dawn
of the Cold War.
I was recently in Berlin, where we, commemorated the
airlift that supplied 2.5 million people for 11 harrowing months between
1948 and 1949. Those were difficult days for freedom, but America never
soared higher.
I would like to salute especially today the men and
women who participated in that remarkable humanitarian etfort -- a
reminder that the will for freedom can always find a way.
(Applause.)
And 50 years ago our armed forces helped to promote greater
democracy at home, too.
For it was in the summer of 1948 trat President
Truman ordered the integration of Amer1ca' s armed forces because h,e felt
strongly that all those willing to risk their lives for our country
should enjoy the full rights of citizenship.
Today United States troops
set a shining example of how well different people can work together as
one.
As we ask other nations to resolve their differences and as we
continue to work on the business o.f resolving ours, we are strengthened
by the powerful message of hope that comes from our own military, so
strong in its diversity, giving every9ne a chance, holding everyone to
high standards, meeting every challenge with flying colors, a model for
the world.
(Applause.)
~wnen-ypu ~alk out of here today and look once again at all the
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written in these hi"i.J:s
each headstone a page of ollr hi story.
George (~It"~~
Washington is a part of the history of this hallowed ground.
There are
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graves here from the Revolution and every conflict since.
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On these stones are engraved the names of the most famous
Americans and those who are famili?r only to their families and loved
ones.
On each tablet is a name, a date of birth, a date of death, the
name of a state, a religious symbol, perhaps a few details about rank
and service -- simple facts on simple stones, each standing for a person
who believed the idea of America was worth fighting for.
And all the
stones standing together are th~ enduring monument to our greatness and
eternal promise, including the stones which have no names.
Eleven days ago a Vietnam veteran was removed· from the Tomb of the
Unknown Soldier.
It was the right course of action, because science has
given us a chance to restore his name and bring comfort to his family,
and we had to seize it.
But whatever happens, we must always remember
that that stone represents the many unknown soldiers still in Vietnam
and Korea, in other the·aters where Americans lie. far away from home,
missing in action, still with us in spirit.
They may be unaccou::;te
.
for, but we must all be accountable for their memories as welL.
(Applause. )
We take comfort in something Chaplain Leo Joseph O'Keeffe reminded
us of at the ceremony on May 14th, that if some names are unknown to us
on earth, all names are known to God in heaven.
I ask Americans to join·
me in a moment of remembrance at 3:00p.m. toda
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And, ladies and gentlemen, during-that moment we can give special
thanks on this Memorial Day.
Last December we negotiated an ·agreement
with North Korea that entitled us to send five teams to their country to
search for Americans.
Early this morning at 2:00a.m., the remains of
two soldiers believed to be Americans were repatriated to the UN Command
Honor Guard at Panmunjom on the DMZ.
They are coming home this Memorial
Day.
(Applause. )
~
I thank all the veterans here today from all the wars of the 20th
giving all of us the chance tone here with you.
I think of /
the children here today who will spend most of their lives in the next
century.
The youngest among them will not even remember the 20th
century.
It is possible, with medical advances, that they may glimpse
the 22nd century.
centur~for
For them, we must do our duty to enhance freedom and opportunity
at home, to strengthen the bonds of our own union as we grow more
diverse, to advance the causes of democracy and human rights, prosperity
and peace, around the world. We must strengthen our own freedom by
maintaining America's role in leading the. world.
That is the central
lesson of the 20th century: we abdicate responsibility at our peril.
To do so now would be to renounce the sac,rifice of 10 generations of
Americans.
Yet, often today, we hear voic.es urging us to abandon our
obligations -- to the multinational organizations we did so much to
create or to the causes of peace we are winning in cooperation with our
allies, as in Bosnia. Too often we hear calls for actions in our
foreign policy which would isolate us from our allies without achieving
our objectives.
As the world grows smaller and smaller for the children heie and
we become more and more interconnected with our neighbors in every way,
we must strengthen the ties that bind free\people, work with those who
share our values and really want to share our burden. Of cour~e, we
must always be prepared to act alone when our values and our interests
demand it.
But whenever we can, we ought to work with our friends to
make a better world together.
(Applause.)
1
We can make the 21st century a century of peace. We can write a
new chapter of unprecedent~d po~sibility and prosperity in our nation's
history.
In so doing, we can extend the glory of the patriots who lie
here, missing from our lives but eternally present in our memories. My
fellow Americans, on this Memorial Day, let us commit ourselves to a
future worthy of their sacrifice.
Thank you, and God bless America.
END
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ENCYCLOPEDIA
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COMPLETE IN THIRTY VOLUMES
FIRST.PUBLISHED IN 1829
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF T.r:i:B
PRESIDENT LIBRARY
Boom 308 OEOB .
Wasbing•, 00 10600
GROLIER INCORPORATED
International Headquarters: Danbury, Connecticut
06816
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· ·ARLINGTON-ARM
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ARLINGTON, ar'ling-t:ni, a town in northeastern
tomac River from the city of Washington
is the largest national cemetery in the'
States, .covering 420 acres (170 ha).
contains the graves of tens of thousands
icans killed in war, other members or
of the armed services, and·distinguished
who served the country. In some cases,
of their families also are buried there.
Among those buried in Arlington
als John J. Pershing and George C.
mirals ·william F. Halsey, Robert E.
Richard E. Byrd; the political leaders
Jennings Bryan and John Foster Dulles;
idents William Howard Taft and John F. ··~··•uelh.ilil
In the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier
JUDITH E. STROMDAHL
unknown dead,. one each· from World
Robbins Library
World War II, the Korean War, and the
ARLINGTON, ~ir'ling-t~n, a city in Texas, in Tar- , nam War. This tomb is guarded at all times
sentry. Other military memorials in the
·rant county, midway between Fort Worth and
tery include·the Memorial Amphitheater
Dallas. It manufactures cans, rubber and paper
products, trailers, machinery, and chemicals and ·the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier; the
the Unknown Dead of the Civil War;
assembles automobiles. The city is the home of a
federate Monument; and the mast of the
branch of the University of Texas. The Texas
Rangers baseball team of the AmeriCan League 'ship Maine, sunk in Havana harbor in 1898.
marble stones mark thousands of individual
plays its home games at Arlington Stadium. ·
The land was once owned by George
Arlington was established soon after the Civil
ington Parke Custis, adopted grandson .of
War, laid out 'in 1876, arid incorporated in 1883.
Washington, and. later by Gen. Robert E.
P!)pulation: 261,721.
The Custis-Lee family mansion overlooking
JOHN A. HUDSON
cemetery is now a national memorial. The
Librarian, Arlington State College Library
. g<;>v~rnment acquired _the land in 1864, and
ARLING.TON, Ur'ling-t;m, a county in Virginia. It
first burial was made m that year.
is an urban community directly across the PotoARM, the term used technically to denote
mac River from Washington, D.C. Arlington is
upper part of the limb of the body
the fourth-smallest county in the United States
from the shoulder joint to the elbow. The
(2.5 ..5 sq mi, or 66 sq km), and contains no incorarm is used popularly, however, to denote
porated cities or towns. It has some light industry and industrial \esearch firms but is princi- · the arm and the forearm.
The arm proper has one large, strong
pally a residential suburb of Washington. Fedthe humerus, which is covered by strong
eral installations and historic sites in the county
cles that protect the blood vessels and
include Arlington National Cemetery, Fort Myer,
the arm. The upper end of the humerus
the Iwo Jima Statue, and the. Pentagon, headone end of the shoulder blade (scapula) and
qtmrters of the U.S. Department of Defense. Also
situated there are. Washington National Airport
the collarbone (clavicle) forms the shoulder
and 1vlarymount College.
.
. The end of the humerus is held in the shcmfclerl
joint partly by ligaments but mainly by the
Originally named Alexandria county, the area
was ceded by Virginia to the federal govern· ,f
cles attached to it.
ment in 1789 to f(Jrm · part of the District of
The musculature of the arm permits it
move in several directions. Muscles
Columbia planned for the. capital, but it was
returned to Virginia by the U.S. Congress in 1846.
During the Civil War. it was occupied by Union
fin-ces. who built there some 20 forts as part of
.ARM
the defenses of Washin~:,>ton. The riame was changed
in 1920 to Arlington, afte·r the home of Gen.
Robert E. Lee, which is· situated withiri the Ar.. :.:
lington National Cemetery reservation. Population: 170,936.
Massachusetts, in Middlesex county, 6 miles (10
km) northwest of Boston, of which it is a residential suburb. Situated along the route to and
from Concord, Arlington has many landmarks of
the Revolutionary War, including the Jason Russell House, where a number of patriots sought
refuge from British troops on Aprill9, 17.75, the
day ·of the battles of Lexington and Concord.
The first settlement was made in 1630 in a part
of Cambridge bearing the indigenous name Menotomy. The town, incorporated as West Cambridge
in 1807, obtained its-present name in '1867. Population: 44,630.
:i
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. JEANNE RosE
Arlington County Department of Libraries
ar'ling-t~n hns, a village
in•lllinois and a residential'suburb of Chicago. It
is situated in Cook county, 30 miles (48 km) by
road ni>rthwest of Chicago's Loop. Commercial
aCtivities include small manufacturing,. publishing, and imrsery farming. Just north is Long Grove ·
· Village, a restored 19th-century town. On the
western edge of the village is · Arlington' Park
Race Track. The community was settled in 1836
and was incorporated in 1887. Population: 75,460.
ARLINGTON HEIGHTS,
ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY,
ar'ling-t~n,
situated in Arlington county, Va., across the Po-
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. MEMORIAL'J:)AY AND VETERANS DAY
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Two national Holidays, Memorial Day and Veterans Day, honor the sacrifice of
Americans who seNed in the U.S. Armed Force.s and celebrate the people who seNed
and the values Americans hold as a nation: duty, honor and civic responsibility.
The:holidays, though
they commemorate the
sacrifices of thousands of
American seNice
members, are distinctly
different.
(From left) Guests and dignitaries render honors as a U.S. Army
Band, "Pershing's Own," bugler plays "Taps" at the Tomb of the
Unknowns in Arlington National Cemetery as part of Memorial
Day activities.
Memorial Day is the older
of the two holidays,
having its roots in the
Civil War. First known as
Decoration Day, it was
instituted by former
Union Army Maj. Gen.
John A. Logan, to honor
those who died in the
armed .forces.
Logan, later a U.S. senator from Illinois, became the first commander-in-chief of the
organization of Union veterans called the Grand Army of the Republic.
With General Orders No. 11, Logan designated May 30, 1868, "for the purpose of
strewing with flowers or otherwise decorating the graves of comrades who died in
defense of their country" and conduct special seNices as circumstances permitted. "Let
no vandalism of avarice or neglect, no ravages of time, testify to the present or to the
coming generations that we have forgotten, as a people, the cost of free and undivided
republic," he declared. He also asked that the nation renew its pledge to assist the
soldier's and sailor's widows and orphans.
The general said he inaugurated the obseNance "with the hope it will be kept up from
year to year, while a suNivor of the war remains to honor the memory of his departed
comrades." The obseNance has continued, although now Memorial Day is obseNed as
the last Monday of May.
·
·
The establishment of Veterans Day as a national holiday had a different purpose. It
stems from the armistice that ended combat in World War I, Nov. 11, 1918. It honored
all who had seNed in the U.S. Armed Forces in World War I. The holiday was officially
called "Armistice Day" in 1926 and became a national holiday 12 years later.
It would probably still be known as Armistice Day had World War I, "The War to End All
Wars, lived up to that nickname. A few years after the day became a national holiday,
the United States entered a war-- World War II-- that called on.more than 16.5 million
American men and women to seNe in the U.S. military. Of those, some 292,000 died in
battle:
Representative Edwin K. Rees of Kansas proposed that Nov. 11 be set aside as an
occasion to honor those~~ ssCv'ed Am7r~ in all wars instead of only World War I.
Shortly afterward, in 195\ resident Dw1g~Eisenhower signed the bill which officially
changed the name ofthe holiday and broadened its purpose.
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In 1968 a congressional law attempted to inove Veterans Day to this forth Monday in
October, but the .original date of Nov. 11 was kept because of its historic significance.
Memorial Day and Veterans Day honor the sacrifices of innumerable individuals who
sacrificed themselves to
e freedoms all Americans enjoy, with Memorial Day
remembering thos
ho gave their lives nd Veterans Day honoring all who served in
the U.S. Armed For s.
\
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Return to MOW Information Directory
Return to the Military District of Washington Home Page
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�Tlie Origin~;' of Memorial Day
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Blac.k Histoiy· ·
Memorial Day: Pt II
When we left offlast week, I was discussing plY
favorite veteran's (my dad) fascination with the Civil
War, and the fact that Memorial Day began as
Decoration Day, a day to honor the Civil War dead.
So it seemed as good as spot as any to stop there and
to continue this week with the story behind
Memorial Day, its origins, and how it has evolved.
:colo'riiai.Ameri~~ • ',, . . Claims to the Origin of the Holiday: Waterloo,
:ciime'in .6.-m·eric.a ·:. ·.. : NY.
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There are some 25 locations that lilY claim to .
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originating the holiday. I shall mention but a few.
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·Histo.y·eool<s .~:. ~:;:·; >.1·~· In 1966, by congressional resolution and presidential
·History Vid~·o$·; • •· · ' · · •· proclamation, the town ofWaterloo, New York was
designated as the birthplace of Memorial Day. In.
·H-olidays ..
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'Inventors'~ ; ·
1865, Henry Welles and General John Murray
gathered support for a committee for devising a ·
program of observance for decorating the Civil War
graves with flowers, a "Decoration Day" if you will.
On May 5, 1866, Waterloo flags were at half-staff,
and a parade matched to the three village cemeteries,
and repeated the process the following year. In
accordance with the inaugural nationwide Decoration
Day ceremonies sponsored by the Grand Army of the
Republic (an organization ofUnion veterans), the
·· Waterloo date was c
e o ay
,
..
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't:abor Hi~toty
'Musueins·
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Military'Hi$tbry.
'Native Americans~', ..
'Periodicals·, · · · · ·~ ·
Related sites
Wcimen;s,Hi'story.' ..
World war 11 · . ·
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(then natiOnal commander of the GAR), who
proclaimed the holiday,became involved. One story
All articles on this topic. has Logan's wife remarking to her husband of her
·;.;..;;.;;:.:...-.......,___._ _ __"___, trip to the area around Richmond in March 1868, and
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seeing decorated graves and tiny flags. Another story
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···., Subjedt.'L~brary. there are _different versions as to how General Logan ',1 ~!h .Cen,turj History, ··.
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Tlie Originli of Memorial Day
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Find books related to this has the adjutant-general of the GAR receiving a letter 'Qulture·· .:· · •.. · ' · ·.
topic Click Here
from a German-born Union soldier stating that in
;News·pap~rs':~~~us . ,
German , it was a custom each s rin to decorate the :.u.s: Pofitics::.C.utreht
Videostore
graves of the war ea March 12-the _
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fieldengeden!ctag "the Heroes Memonal Day"). And ·(fs GBv:·; ,"'.
topic Click Here
yet another version (one I like), has a service being
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service, in which veterans themselves decorated
graves of comrades fallen in battle.
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In any case, General Logan approved wholeheartedly
of the idea for the holiday, and wrote General Order
#11,
"The 30thofMay, 1868 is designated
for the purpose of strewing with flowers,
or otherwise decorating the graves of
· comrades who died in defense of their
country during the late rebellion, whose
bodies now lie in almost every city,
village and hamlet churchyard in the
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~-~...,.,.--
( In that year ceremonies were held at Arlington
-Na.tional..Cemetery.
.
The GAR then pressured to have the day set aside as
a legal holiday. New York was the first state to do so
in 1873.
There are more than a dozen other stories I could
present here, some dated before 1866, but for
brevity's sake (I know, unusual for rriy columns), I
will confine myself to the three most accepted (even
more than Waterloo) "claims": Columbus,
Mississippi; Boalsburg, Pennsylvania; and
Richmond, Virginia.
Columbus, Mississippi
Columbus, Mississippi is perhaps the most '
publicized. On April29, 1866 (the 1st anniversary of
General Johnston surrendering the last of the major
forces of the Confederate Army), four women in
Friendship Cemetery decorated the graves of the
. Confederate dead. They then placed magnolia
blossoms on the graves of 40 Union soldiers buried
there. This being during the start of our nation's
Reconstruction Era, it was a time of great tension-( an ,·
impoverished South was under military occupation).
So when news ofthis generous and noble gesture
made its way up north, the editor of the New York
Herald Tribune (and later presidential candidate),
Horace Greeley, wrote a glowing tribute to these four.
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ladies~ Francis Finch of ithaca, New York read the
tribute and wrote a very popular poem about this,
"The Blue and the Gray", which appeared in the
September 1867 "Atlantic Monthly",
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Sadly, but not with upbraiding,
The generous deed was done:
In the storm of the years that are fading
No braver battle was won:
Under the sod and the dew,
Waiting the Judgment Day;
Under the blossoms, the blue,
Under the garlands, the Gray .
.Another Columbus
In another documented possibility, in a March 12,
1'866 Southern newspaper, a letter is printed from a
woman in Columbus, Georgia appealing to women
to cover soldiers graves with flowers on April 26
(once again, for Johnston's surrender).
Boalsburg, Pennsylvania
Yet others credit Emma Hunter of Boalsburg,
Pennsylvania. In 1864 she carried flowers to the
tomb of her father, who commanded a regiment at
Gettysburg . .She met a woman named Mrs. Meyer,
who lost a son in the war. The two women decided to
also meet the next year to decorate the graves again,
and gradually other townspeople joined in.
0
Richmond, Virginia
Richmond, Virginia lias a few versions. One has a
Cassandra Moncure decorating graves in the
Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond. Another version
has a service taking place on Belle Island (in the
James River at Richmond) on May 30, 1866. The
school superintendent and the mayor of Richmond
planned a program, and several teachers and a nurse
(according to a writer at the NY Tribune) went to the
burial ground ofUnion soldiers there, who had died
in the Confederate prison on that spot. The reason fot
the date (The traditional date for decades to come) of
May 30th is unclear, although it is roughly the
anniversary of the last band of Confederate Army
holdouts to surrender (Kirby Smith's troops), making
allowance of course for rounding off to the nearest
weekend. Another variation has the Women's
Memorial Society in Westchester, Virginia on June 6
(the anniversary of the death of Confederate General.·
Turner Ashby). Yet others in Virginia list memorial's
on different days in that time period, marking several.·
anntversanes.
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Tli.e Origirrs of Memorial Day
Suffice to say, I'm sure all of the above claims are
valid. It was spontaneous actions by those honoring
friends, loved ones·; and comrades lost in The Great
· Conflict. And for some it was an attempt at
reconciliation in. those desolate, mournful times
following the war and the death of Lincoln.
Observances Since...
. Most of the country observes Memorial Day on the
last Monday in May. Most ofthe Southern States
have independent observances. Alabama, Georgia,
Mississippi and Florida observe Memorial Day on
April26 (for reasons mentioned above). North &
South Carolina celebrate on May 10. Virginia is with
the rest of the country (the last Monday in May),
while Louisiana and Tennessee have a memorial
observance on June 3rd, the birthday of Jefferson
. Davis. And Texas, always the maverick, celebrates
Confederate Heroes Day on January 19th. Quite
often "Dixie", and "The Conquered Banner" and
"How Firm a Foundation" (General Lee's favorite)
are sung.
Through Wodd War I, the GAR had charge of
Memorial Day (the name was changed from
Decoration Day when it was declared a holiday) in
the Northern States until the American Legion took
over the duty after World War I. That was also when
the holiday was changed from being a day to honor
the Civil War dead, to the.honoring the dead of all
American wars. Later it was extended to pay homage
to all dead, military and civilian. Also since the time
of World War I, Memorial Day has also been Poppy
Day. This is why volunteers sell small artificial
. poppies to help disabled veterans.
.}
On Memorial Day in 1958, at the Tomb of the
Unknown Soldier in Arlington National Cemetery
two unidentified servicemen of World War II and
Korea were interred there beside the unknown
. soldier's casket that had been placed there on
Armistice {Veteran's) Day in 1921.
Reflecting back to last week's column, Memorial
Day has become a day of parades, decorating graves,
afternoon baseball games, and of course the
Indianapolis 500. It is ironic how a day dedicated to .
the dead is the date for a high-speed race with
crashes and sometimes death, not to mention one of
the (if not the #1) weekend of driving fatalities on
our highways.
·
Stay home, watch the parade, eat a hot dog and apple
pie, and watch a ballgame, under a flagpole with the
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�Tli.e Origi~ of Memorial Day
wysiwyg://3 3/http :/Iamericanhistor. . .istory/library/weeklyI aa0602 9( .htm
flag unfurled in the wind~
Kinda gets ya rightthere.,. and no, it's not the hot
dog. Try it next year, see what I mean, and write
back to .me.· Keep your loved ones close.
What is your favorite Memorial Day Memory?
Let me know what you think at
http://americanhistor)'.about.com/mpboards.htm
Till next week. ..
David
Add"itional Resources:
As a res~lt of a commercial relationship between
About.com, its Guides and Amazon.com online
'booksellers, these titles· can be purchased directly
from Ainazon.com by following the links below.
(Note: Amazon.com is solely responsible for
fulfillment of book orders placed through these
links.) ·
All About American Holidays by Maymie R. Krythe
Celebrations-The Complete Book of American
·Holidays by Rober:t J. Myers
'\
America Celebrates! by Henning Cohen, Tristram
Potter Coffin
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�Boalsburg, Pa.:MEMORIAL DAY Birthplace</B>
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http://www .rootsweb. com/~pacentre/memory .htrn
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BQalsburg, Pa·., Birthplace of
MEMORIAL DAY
Boalsburg is a quaint little village situated in Centre County, Pa~, just off Route 322, in the picturesque
foothills of the Alleghenies. It's only a dot on the map, and you as a casual driver might drive past it
without even being aware that it is nestled there in the rolling valley beneath a coverlet of oaks and pines
and cedars - were it not for a plain little marker by the side of the road: "aoalsburg. An American
Village- Birthplace ofMemorial Day."
What about that boast?
It happened in October, 1864. It was a pleasant Sunday and in the little community burial ground behind
the village the pioneers of colonial times slept peacefully side by side with the recently fallen heroes of
the Civil War.
It was this day that a pretty; young teen-age girl, Emma Hunter by name, and her friend, Sophie Keller,
chose to gather some garden flo'Yers and to place them on the grave of her father, Dr. Reuben Hunter, a
surgeon in the Union Army, who died only a short while before. And it was this very same day than an
older woman, a Mrs. Elizabeth Meyer, elected to strew flowers on the grave of her son Amos, who as a
private in the ranks, had fallen on the last day of battle at Gettysburg.
·
And so the two with their friend met, kneeling figures at nearby graves, a young girl honoring her officer
father, a young mother paying respects to her enlisted-man son, each with a basket of flowers which she
had picked with loving hands. And they got to talking. The mother proudly told the girl what a fine
young man her son had been, how he had dropped his faim duties and enlisted in the Union Army at the
outbreak of the war, and how bravely he had fought.
The daughter respectfully took a few of her flowers as a token and placed them on the son's grave. The
mother in tum laid some of her freshly cutblooms on the father's grave. These two women had found in
their common grief a common bond as they knelt together in that little burial ground in Central
·
Pennsylvania where Mount Nittany stands eternal guard over those who sleep there. Nor did they realize
at the same time that their meeting had any particular significance- outside of their own personal lives;
it was just that they seemed to lighten their burdens by sharing them. But as it happened these two.
women were participating in their first Memorial Day Se~ice.
For the story goes that before the two women left each other thatSunday in October, 1864, they had r
agreed to meet again on: the same day the following year in order to honor not only their own two loved
ones, but others who now might have no one left to kneel at their lonely graves. During the weeks and
months that followed the two women discussed their little plan with friends and neighbors and all heard
it with enthusiasm. The report was that on July 4, 1865- the appointed day- what had been planned as a
little informal meeting of two women turned into a community service. All Boalsburg was gathered
there, a clergymen- Dr. George Hall- preached a sermon, and every grave in the little cemetery was
decorated with flowers and flags; not a single one was neglected.
· It must have been an impressive ceremony that. took place that day in this peaceful mountain-rimmed
valley where not so long befqre the red men had held their councils. It must have been such a scene as
this that inspired Longfellow 'to write:
·
Your silent tents of green
We deck with flagrant flowers:
Yours has the suffering been,
The memory shall be hours.
It seemed such a fitting and proper way of remembering those who had passed on that the custom
became an '!-nimal event in Boalsburg, and one by one the neighboring communities adopted a similar
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plan of observing "Decoration Day" each spring. On May 5, 1868, just four years after that first meeting
in the little burial ground, Gen. John A. Logan, then commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the
Republic, isued an order, naming May 30, 1868, as a day "for the purpose of strewing with flowers or
otherwise decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country." He signed the order
"with the hope thatit will be kept up from year to year." And so it has.
Ceremonies at first were held to honor only those who had served the Union cause in the Civil War, later
the program was broadened to embrace the men who faught m gray as well as m blue, finally to include
all heroes who have made the supreme sacrifice in all American conflicts from the Revolutionary War to
World War II. Which, of course, is as it should be if Holmes' immortal words are not to become an
·empty, meaningless phrase-- "One flag, one land, one heart, one hand, one nation evermore."
As a matter of fact, Memonal Day - and it should be noted that in 1882 the GAR urged that "proper
designation of May 30 in Memorial Day"- not Decoration Day- is now observed by most people as a
day when we pay respect to all who have died, in war or in peace, as soldiers or as civilians. To a very ·
large extent Memorial Day has lost its pure military significance and in a broader sense has become the
one day in the year when all of us pause in respectful tribute to those who have walked these paths
before.
Of course, some people will tell you that this custom of honoring the dead originated in the South. And
in a way this is true. Many southern women did strew flowers on the graves of their fallen heroes - no
doubt many northern women did too - and several of the Southern states still observe their own dates.
But all this does not necessarily conflict with the story told by the people in Boalsburg, and does not
weaken the claim which they so proudly make. This writer now has no way of verifying the facts; I
cannot state with certainty that there was any conrtection between the order issued by General Logan in
1868 and the events in the Boalsburg cemetery that day in 1864; I know only what the people tell me.
But somehow I like to believe - and I do believe - that Memorial Day, as we know it and observe it
generally today, was born in that tiny Pennsylvania graveyard on the outskirts of "An American
Village," when a proud mother and a grieving daughter met to scatter flowers over the final resting
places of a brave son and a gallant father.
The above is an excerpt of an article which was written by Herbert G. Moore for the National Republic
Magazine in May 1948 and which then Congressman James Van Zandt, representing his Centre County
constituents, had reprinted in the Congressional Record ofMay 19, 1948.
NOTE: Twenty-four (24) communities nationwide lay claim to being the birthplace of Memorial Day. In
May 1966, Pres. Lyndon Johnson on behalf of the U.S. government sanctioned Waterloo, New York, as
the "official" birthplace ofMemorial Day because that community's earliest observance 100 years earlier
in 1866 was considered so well planned and complete. Among the earliest communities which felt
inspired to set aside a special day for remembrance of its war dead were Mobile, Ala.; Montgomery,
Ala.; Camden, Ark.; Atlanta, Ga.; Milledgeville, Ga.; New Orleans, La.; Columbus, Miss.; Jackson,
Miss.; Vicksburg, Miss.; Raleigh, N.C.; Cincinnati, Ohio; Charleston, S.C.; Fredericksburg, Va;
Portsmouth,Va.; Warrenton, Va.; and, Washington, D.C.
·
Visit the Tombstone Inscription Project site, which was begun in commemoration of Memorial Day
1997, for more information about tombstone preservation.
.
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Memorial Day
http://www .rootsweb .com/-nyseneca/memorial.h
Memorial Day
. In 1865, Henry C. Welles, a druggist in the village of Waterloo, NY, mentioned at a social
.
gathering that honor should be shown to the patriotic dead of the Civil War by decorating their
graves.
In the Spring of 1866, he again mentioned this subject to General John B. Murray, Seneca County
Clerk. General Murray embraced the idea and a committee was formulated to plan a day devoted
to honoring the dead.
. .
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Townspeople adopted the idea wholeheartedly. Wreaths, crosses and bouquets were made for each
veteran's grave. The village was decorated with flags at half mast and draped with evergreen
boughs and mourning black streamers.
On May 5,1866, civic societies joine.d the procession to the three existing cemeteries and were led
by veterans marching to martial music. At each cemetery there were impressive and lengthy
services including speeches by General Murray and a local clergyman. The ceremonies were
repeated on May 5, 1867. , ·
·.
The first official recognition of Memorial Day as such was issued by General John A. Logan, first
commander of the Grand Army of the Republic. This was General Order No. 11 establishing
"Decoration Day" as it was then known. The date of the order was May 5, 1868, exactly two years
after Waterloo's first observance. That year Waterloo joined other communities in the nation by
having their ceremony on May 30. ·
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In 1965, a committee of community leaders started plans for .the Centennial Celebration of
Memorial Day. The committee consisted ofVFW Commander James McCann,. chairman,
American Legion Commander Oliver J. McFall and Mayor Marion DeCicca, co-chairman, along
with Village Trustees, M. Lewis Somerville, Roscoe Bartrali, Richard Schreck, Tony DiPronio,
a,nd VFW Vice-Commander, Kenneth Matoon. Their goals were: "to obt_ain national recognition
of the fact that Waterloo is the birthplace of Memorial Day through Congressional action" and
"to plan and execute a proper celebration for such centennial observance."
In May of 1966, just in time for the Centennial, Waterloo was recognized as the "Birthplace of
Memorial Day" by the United States Government. This recognition was long in coming and
involved hours of painstaking research to prove the claim. While other communities may claim
earlier observances of honoring the Civ"
one can claim to have been so well planned
and complete, nor can they aim t e continui of observances at Waterloo can.
The Centennial Celebration t at year rought dignitaries from government, military, veteran's
organizations and descendants of the original. founders of Memorial Day. A once luxurious home
on Waterloo's Main Street, built in 1850, was purchased from the county and restored. Now the
Memorial Day Museum, it houses artifacts of the first Memorial Day and the Civil War era.
Memorial Day is commemorated each year in Waterloo. The parade, speeches, and solemn
observances keep the meaning of Memorial Day as it was originally intended to be.
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Waterloo is hosting 5 day celebration of Memorial Day 2000. Please visit the
Schedule of Events to learn more.
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�Memorial Day
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.
NOTE: Other communites throughout the United States also lay claim Memorial Day. While Waterloo,
NY has been sanctioned by the U.S. Government as being the birthplace, other communites have
interesting and touching stories concerning their first observance. Among these communities is
Boalsburg, P A.
·
Memorial Day; That We Shall Never Forget Observances in Surfside, Florida and a link to the South
Florida Military Museum and Memorial at NAS Richmond Project.
.
A nice tribute to ancestors and great links for veterans and military interests. Every day is Memorial Day
.
.
Visit the Penns~lvania Memorial Da~ site.
The Sons ofUmon Veterans of the Ctvil War camp, David G. Caywood #146, maintains the veterans'
section of the Willard Asylum cemetery.
Visit the Memorial Day Tombstone Inscription ProjeCt site for more information about Memorial Day
and tombstone preservation.
.
·, .
Memorial Day Links ·
General John A. Logan Museum
Credit: Some of the information for this article was obtained from Centennial Celebration·, souvenir
edition of the Geneva Times, printed May 24,1966.
Return to Seneca County Page
Comments? Suggestions? Please f~""l Diane Kurtz
You are the 45953rd visitor since·May 22, 1998.
Thanks for visiting! Come again soon!
2 of2
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�http://www.mountaindragon.com/memorial/backgrnd.html
BACKGROUND
There is also evidence that organized women's groups in the South
were decorating graves before the end of the Civil War (such as a
hymn published in. 1867, "Kneel Where Our Loves are Sleeping" by
Nella L, Sweet which carried the dedication "To The Ladies of the
South who are Decorating the Graves of the Confederate Dead"
(Source: Duke University's Historic American Sheet Music,
1850-1920).
Memorial Day was first officially proclaimed on 5 May 1868 by
General John Logan in his General Order No. 11, and was first
observed on 30 May 1868, when flowers were placed on the graves
ofUnion and Confederate soldiers at Arlington National Cemetery.
The South refused to acknowledge Decoration Day, honoring their
dead on seperate days until after World War I. It is now celebrated ·in almo'st every state on the last
Monday in May (passed by Congress in 1968 to ensure a three day weekend for Federal holidays),
though several southern states have an additional, separate day for honoring the Confederate war dead.
Sources and related links:
• Boalsburg, Pa., Birthplace of Memorial Day [www.rootsweb.com/~pacentre/memory.htm]
• DC City Pages: History of Memorial Day. [www:cnn.com/US/9805/25/memorial.day.wrap!J
• General Logan's General Order 11 [http://suvcw.org/logan.htm] also at
[www.pbs.org/memorialdayconcert/general_order. html]
• Historic American Sheet Music, 1850-1920 (from Duke University).
[memory.loc.gov/ammem/award9 7lncdhtml/hasmhome. html]
-
• History of TAPS. [www.ngl.org/html/taps.html]
• How to Observe Memorial Day. [www.mountaindragon.com/memorial/observe.htm]
• Memorial Day [americanhistory.miizingco.com/library!weekly/aa052697.htm]
By David Schwalbe of About.Com's American History website .
• Roy, Nuhn. Portfolio: To Honor The Memory of the Departed. American History Illustrated
1982 17[3]: 20-25.
• Waterloo, Official Birthplace of Memorial Day. [www.rootsweb.com/~nyseneca/memorial.htm]
Memorial Day Home
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The New
Encyclopredia·
Britannica
Volume 7
MICROPIEDIA
Ready Reference
..
FOUNDED 1768
15TH EDITION
Encyclopredia. Britannica, Inc.
Robert P. Gwinn, Ch,airman, Board of DireGtors
Peter B.· Norton, President
Robert McHenry,.Editor in Chief
Chicago
Auckland/Geneva/London/Madrid/Manila/Paris
Rome/Seoul/Sydney /Tokyo /Toronto
�imi's most influential soci'ological work · foli~wing the .collapse of Confederate
Memminger resigned.
)Ionized"), an analysis of the situations
He retired to 'Flat Rock, N.C.,. and Jived
h the colonizer and the colonized, who there until after the Civil War was over. Then
bute to their· own entrapment in their he returned to Charleston and, granted a prestive roles. Among Memmi's other stud- ide~tial pa.rdon, began to practice law once
human oppression are his two-part Por- agam. Dunngthe final two decades ofhis·Iife
f'un Juif ( 1962 and 1966; "Portrait of a. · he was involved in chemical manufacturin'
and L'Homme domine (1968; "Domi- and in assisting the public school system i!
Man"), a collection of essays examining Charleston.
..
tuations of women, blacks, and other
·
onally dominated groups. Memmi con- Memnon, in Greek mythology, son ~f .
~d to'North· African literature as a critic Tithonus (son of Laomedon, legendary king.
I as an author, in part through his estab- of Troy) and Eos (Dawn) and king of tlie
!nt and direction of a resejlrch group on Ethiopians. He was a post-Homeric hero, who
Africa!) literature at the Ecole Pratique after the death of the Trojan warrior Hector'
[autes Etudes in Paris, where he also went to assist his uncle Priam, the last king
:sociology at the Universite de Paris.
of Troy, against the Greeks. He performed.
prodigies of valour but was slain by the Greek
mingen, city, Bavaria Land (state), hero .Achilles. According to tradition; Zeus,
!rn Germany, on the Ach River (a small the king of the gods, was moved by the·tears
1ry of the lller), south of Ulm. First ofEos and bestowed immortality upon Memoned in 1128, it was founded as· a town non. His companions were changed into birds,
1ke Welf VI in 1160; ·it later belonged called Memnonides, that came every year to
! Hohenstaufens. It was a free impe- fight and lament over his. grave. The comty from 1286 until it was absorbed by bat between Achilles and Memnon was often
ia in 1803. Historic landmarks include represented by Greek artists, and the.story of
ns of the fortifications, the Protestant Memnon was the subject of the lost Aethiopis
nage church of St. Martin with finely of Arctinus of Miletus (fl: c. 650 ac).
I Gothic choir stalls, and the Church
In Egypt the name of Memnon was conIT Lady with notable late-Gothic wall
nected with the colossal (70-foot [21-metre])
ngs. The Renaissance town hall dates stone statues of Amenhotep III near Thebes,
1568'-89 and there are old patrician, two of which still remain. The more northerly
and burghers' houses. The Baroque of these was partly destroyed by an earthquake
an,nsbau ( 1766) incorporates the munic- in .27 Be, resulting in a curious phenomenon.
tuseum. Ottobeuren, just southeast, has Every inornirig, when th~ rays of the rising
:>rmous Benedictine abbey, first founded sun .touched the statue, tt gave forth musi4, with 250 rooms, 20 halls, and six cal sounds like the twang of a harp string.
;; A rail junction, Memmingen's indus- · This. was supposed to ·be the voice. of Memnclude brewing and the manufacture of non responding to the greeting of his mother,
,s, .chemicals, electrical machinery, and Eos. · After the restoration of the statue by the
Roman emperor Septimius Severus (AD '170)
products. Pop. ( 1989 est.) 37,942.
minger, Christopher G(ustavus) (b. the sounds ceased; they were attributed to the
~. 1803, Nayhingen, Wiirttemberg-d.
passage of air through the pores of the stone
caused chiefly by the change of temperatu~
1 7, 1888, Charleston, S.C., U.S.), Conat sunrise ..
1te secretary of the. treasury; generally
esponsible for the collapse of his govern- me.:Ooir, history or record composed: from
s credit during the American Civil· War. personal observation and experience. Oosely
1 after his father's death while a soldier
related to, and often confused with, autobiogrmany, Memminger immigrated to the . raphy, a memoir usually differs chiefly in the
d States and settled with his mother degree of emphasis placed on external events;
arleston, S.C. In 1819 Memminger was whereas writers of autobiography are conated from South Carolina College, began cerned primarily with themselves as subject
tdy law, apd .subsequently went on to matter, writers of memoir are usually persons
1e a successful attorney: By 1830 he was who have played roles in, or have been close
~ng as a prominent public figure, notable · observers of, historical events and whose main
s opposition to the nullification move- purpose is io describe or interpret the 'events.
in South Carolina. Elected to the state The English Civil Wars of the 17th century, for
1ture in 1836, he served as chairman of example, produced many such reminiscences,
:iance committee and actively sought to .most notable of which are the Memoirs of
banks to maintain specie payments. Dur- Edmund Ludlow and Sir John Reresby. The
ts legislative career, Memminger gained French have particularly excelled at this gepre;·
1tation as a sound financier.
one of the greatest memoirists of his time was
ough dissatisfied with the Compromise . the Due de Saint-Simon, whose Memoires
50, Memminger opposed unilateral op- (covering the early 1690s through 1723), faon by South Carolina. He sided with the mous for their penetrating character sketches,
rvatives in his state, but, following the provide an invaluable source of information
Brown raid in. January 1860, he coun- ·about the court of Louis XIV. Another of the
joint defensive measures in the South great French memoirists was Fran~ois-Rene,
It Northern antislavery agitation. After vicomte de Chateaubriand, who devoted the
tam Lincoln's election', he wholeheart- last years of his life to his Memoires d'outrebacked secession and served in South tombe ( 1849-50; "Memoirs from Beyond the·
ina's secession convention.
Tomb"). In the 20th century, many distinaminger helped draft the provisional guished statesmen and military men have
itution of the Confederate states and ·described their experiences in memoirs. Noaccepted appointment by Pres. Jefferson table reminiscences of World War II are the
, to become secretary of the treasury for memoirs of England's Viscount Montgomery
~w Confederate government. He initially
(1958) and Charles De Gaulle's Memoires de
ed sparing use of treasury notes, but guerre (1954-59; War Memoi;s, 1955-60).
.
• •
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nancial obligations ·of the Confederacy
.
ed their massive issuance. By 1863 the memoria techmca. see mnemomc.
11cy had depreciated greatly, and, as.the.<:::::Mem..C!ti~L-Day; also called DECORATION
fell in value, more were printed to cover DAY; public legal holiday in the United States
nmental. expe":ditures. Military defeats and its territories and among its armed forces.
ne effecttve Umon bl.ockade of Southern honouring U.S. citizens who have died in war.
made the financial plight of the South . Originally commemorating soldiers killed in··
rate by early 1864. On June 15, 186~- the American Civil War, the observance~
\· . Iu:q.
1a:i~; extended to all
'ortrait du colonise ( 1957; "Portrait of
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u.s. war d~~/·M~s;-·-
states conform to the federal practice of ob- tempted to desc
serving the holiday on the lruit Monday in information (tr.
·May, which~ in 1971, but a few retain state), as well .,
the long-established day of celebration May One avenue of :
30. National observance is marked officially neurochemical .
by the .placing of a wreath on the Tomb of ble for creating
the Unknc;>wn .S~ld!er in Arlington National the nervous syst
Ca.m••tp•-v m Vtrg~ma. ..
. : .·
. A research me
The custom itself of honouring the graves ~f the investigatior.
the war dead began before the close of the Civil · been the mani;
War. In the South, the town of Columbus
words. Words r
Miss., claims origination of a formal obser: functional or str.
vance for both the Union and the Confederate speech, acoustic
·dead in 1866. Waterloo, N.Y., is cited as the together 'in suc•
birthplace of the observance in the North in the related feat
t~e same y~ar.. There was no jixed day of naof importance t
tional celebratiOn, however, until 1868 when . crease in recall
Commander in. Chief John A. Logan 'or the a new feature 1
1
Grand Army of the Republic issued a gen- performanee do
order designating May 30, 1868 "for the sentation of thr
purpose of strewing with flowers or ~therwise that the initial r.
decorating the graves of comrades who ·died not important 11 .
in defense of their country during the late
All. memory tr.
rebellion."
.
clusters of attri I
In addition to the national holiday, Confed- "blue eyes," etc.
erate memorial days continue to be celebrated clues in decodi;
in some Southern states. Similar commemo- closely the circu
rations are observed in numerous other coun- was learned are
, tries..
is to be recalled.
memory, the retention and retrievai in the. may be used to
some are more I
human mind of past experiences.
A. brief treatment of memory follows. For animal, vegetabk
more likely to be
full treatment, see MACROPAEDIA: Memory.
The function of remembering and its con- Errors made in
verse, forgetting, are normally adaptive. Learn- suggest ways thr
ing, thought, and reasoning could not occur the information
subject shown th
· :without remembering. On the other hand
forgetting has many functions, including tim~ claims to recogn
orientation by virtue of the tendency of mem- supposed that h<·
Forgetting. It
ories. to fade over time; adaptation to new
learning by the loss or suppression of old pat- time passes. the
terns;. and relief from the 11nxiety of painful ory tend to ch;1
engram is thougl
expenences. ·
Some' theorists believe memory is best de- A preeminent tl·
scribed as a single storage and retrieval system. haviorallevel is ;
Others conceptualize a short-term memory of interference, '
where a limited amount of information (about and deCoding pr.
five-nine items) can be held for a few seconds, tive inhibition, ,
after. whi\=h it is either coded. into a separate . the retention of
long-term system or lost. Organic evidence inhibition, learn.
is adduced in favour· of the two-system the- of the ol~ ThcS<
ory: persons who have suffered damage to an pothesis that a h;
memory input (I
area of the brain called the hippocampus. can ting). Memory rr
retain short-term memory functions but are forgetting are un,
apparently. unable to store any new long-term of learning for ali
memory.
one person's mer
Measuring' retention. The ability to recall provided they ha
information·and the ability to recognize someThe interferenc<
thing previously ·encountered are two .mea- is currently pre\':.
surable indications of retention. In a simple havioral evidenc<·
memory test, a subject is given a list to study gle-system model
and is later asked to recall as many items
Abnormalities .
'from the list as possible, either in sequence and techniques 1
or in random order. In recognition tests the memory disorder
subject is asked to pick ·out from a new list medical knowled
those .items which were also on the studied 19th century. Th
list. Once the subject is able to recall or rec- these disorders ill
ognize a certain quota (predetermined by the nature of the ph<·
test designer) of items from a list, he is consid- Ribot, a French 1
ered to have learned it. Then,· the difference vich Korsakov (J..
between this' basic rate of retention and the atrist; and Pierre
amount of information still retained at a later
The collective '
quiz determines the rate of forgetting over can be summari2:
the interval between the tWo. quizzes. A third though related to
indication of retention is the ability to do present without c
something more quickly when one has already . terics) and need 1
done it once; and some tests (called "relearn- of the ability to n:
ing tests") measure retention as a function of fact. be due to em.
subjects' increased efficiency in accomplish- Freud was to detr.
ing some task previously learned. Rates · of
Memory def~
retention vary according to whether. subjects quently observed ·
are asked to recall, recognize, or relearn. For fu~cti~n ~d rna~
instance, after six months a subject may be epileptiC SCIZW'C) '
able to recall ·nothing but may perform a task . head ·injury).· WI·
..
· ·~
. significantly faster.
· ·
ability to store n
Encoding. · Research into the physiological ~~from a1
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FI.RST PUBLISHED IN 1829
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EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE
PRESIDENT LIBRARY
Room 308 OEOB
Washington, DC 20500
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GROLIER
INCORPORATED
International Headquarters: D!!nbury, Connecticut
06816
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the Martin van' Nieuwenhove Diptych (1487;
Musee Memling); the Portinari Portraits (about
1470; Metropolitan Museum, New York); and
Guillaume Moreel (about 1483; Musees Royeaux
des Beaux-Arts, Brussels).
MEMMINGER, mem'in-jar, Christopher Gustavus
(1803-1888), American public official, who was
secretary of the treasury of the Confederate
States of America. He was born in Nayhingen,
Wiirttemberg, Germany, on Jan. 9, 18.03, and
very soon after his birth he .was taken to South
Carolina.
'
In spite of his attack on leading proponents of
states' rights in his satirical The Book of Nullification (1830), Memminger was elected to serve
in the state legislature in 1836. He became com· missioner of schools for the city of Charleston in
.
1855.
Memminger was appointed Confederate sec. retary of the treasury in 1861: His efforts to limit
the issuance of treasury notes were unsuccessful,
and the flood of paper money caused a serious
depreciation of the currency. He never was fully
supported by the Confederate Congress and,
blamed for the collapse of co·nfederate credit,
he resigned in June 1864. He died in Charleston,
S.C., on March 7, 1888.
Memling's Tommoso Portinari
MEMNON, mem'non, in Greek legend, the 'son
of Tithonus and the "goddess Eos (Dawn). A
handsome Ethiopian youth, he was a. nephew of
Priam and fought valiantly for the Trojans in the
J'rojan War. Although he was killed by Achilles,
(about 1470).
.at his mother's plea he was made immortal by
Zeus.
Memnon was venerated in Egypt, where huge
he died on statues of Amenhotep III at Thebes were called
the · colossi of Memnon. One, when broken,
emitted musical notes at sunrise. ( p'robably the
result of sudden heat on chilled stone), said to
. be Memnon's greeting to his mother. ·
~
I
PETER
University
Luvn
I
of Miami
440-I494), Flemish
religious works and
(or Memlinc) was
Frankfurt. He was
ainter in Cologne and
with Rogier van ·
and figure types
bought citizen'-_ •...:.~:;..
a workshop . :: -paintings for: c.~ .
houses, and f~~ . . · ·
a fortune IIJlU
··
I
are
�,---------------
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e§tivaG;
an£
. . . . . febra~tons'
o the rWorld
tJJictionaD'
Detailing More than 2,000 Observances from
All 50 States and More than 100 Nations
SECOND EDI'FION
. ~1eD!or1oJ
l:::w-j
-
.
�"5~{~\~.~~~~~~~~.:~\;?!_·~~.~~~~~~~:~;.t:;~ :-: '• ·.· ".
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Holidays, Festivals, and Celebrations of the W~rld Dictionary, i-nd Edition
CONTACT:·
German National Tourist Office
· 122 E. 42nd St., 52nd Floor
New York, NY 10168
212-661-7200; fax: 212-661-7174
became little more than a holiday celebrated in honor.of the
Magna Mater.
·
SOURCES:
· AmerBkDays-1978, p. 313
EncyRel-1987, vol. 4, p. 185
NewCentC/assHand-1962, p.
689
SeasFeast-1961, p. 185
·SOURCES:
FestWestEur-1958, p. 66
GdWrldFest-1985, p. 87
J
~I
ii
,,
I.,,
+ 1176 +Meitlisunntig
I
·Second Sunday in January
In the Seetal district of Aargau, Switzerland, the girls of
Meisterschwanden and Fahrwangen hold a procession on
the second Sunday in January known as Meitlisunntig. They
dress in historical uniforms and stage a military parade
before an all-female General Staff. The custom dates from
the Villmergen War of 1712, a conflict in which the women of
Meisterschwanden and Fahrwangen played a vital role in
achieving victory. The military-procession is followed by a
. popular festival.
+1174 + Meiji Setsu
November·3
This was formerly observed as the birthday of the Emperor
Meiji (1852-1912), who ruled Japan from '1868 until his
death. Meiji Tenrio abolished feudalism, raised the people's
standard of living, and secured Japan's reputation as a great
world power. It was during his reign that Japan made rapid
progress toward becoming a modern nation by using Westem institutions, technology, and learning as its model. It was
during this period that a constitution was adopted, a parliament was convened, civil.and criminal laws were codified,
and an educational system was established. Railways were
built, and electric lights and telephones were put into use ..
CONTACT:
Swiss National Tourist Office
608 Fifth Ave.
New York, NY 10020
212-757-5944; fax: 212-262-6116
SOURCES:
AnnivHol-1983, p. 8
Chases-1996, p. 65
Today, November 3 is still a national holiday, but it is known
BUNJ<A-No-HI, or Culture Day.
. + 1177 + Melbourne Cup Day
CONTACT:
Japan National Tourist
Organization
630 Fifth Ave., Ste. 2101
New York, NY 10111
212-757-5640; fax: 212-307-6754
The only public holiday in the world dedicated to a horse
race, Melbourne Cup Day has been observed in Melbourne,
Victoria, Australia, since the .first Cup race was held there in
· 1867. The event actually features seven races, including the
grueling handicap race of just under two miles, which is run
by _some. 20 thoroughbreds for a purse worth about $2
· million. The story of Phar Lap, the legendary New Zealand
thoroughbred who won the Cup in 1930 after neariy being
shot by. unscrupulous gamblers, was made -into a movieFar Lap (1984), directed by Simon Wiri.cer-that made the
Cup an event familiar to people all ove~the world.
·
-~
SOURCES:
.
BkFest-1937, p. 200
JapanFest-1965, pp. 204, 217 ·
I
+1175 + Meistertrunk Pageant (Master Draught ·
. ·
..
" Pageant)
Between May 8 and June 11; Pentecost
A celebration in the medieval town of Rothenburg-on-theTauber, Germany, to commemorate a gargantuan drinking
feat in 1631. The pageant is stagedfor the four days ending on
WHIT-MONDAY, and the play itself, Meistertr:unk, is also performed on various occasions during the summer. The best
1known of the Bavarian history plays, Meistertrunk dramatizes a chronicled ev~nt of the Thirty. Years' War: the town
was threatened with destruction by Imperial troops led by
the famed general, Johann Tserclaes Tilly. The general saw
the state wine beaker and decided to play a game with the
town's life at stake. If'a council member could drink off the
entire beaker of wine-about a gallon-in one draught, Tilly
promised to spare the town. Burgomaster George Nusch
accepted the challenge and emptied the beaker in one mighty
gulp and the town was saved.
First Tuesday in November
.
Cup Day is not only a legal holiday in the state of Victoria,
but is observed throughout the world. in offices where
Australians work. For those who attend, it is a particularly
glamorous event. The champagne flows, huge sums of mon. ey are wagered, and the women wear lavish hats while the
men tum out in grey top hats and dark morning suits. There
are similar races helc;l in other Australian states (see HoBART
CUP DAY), but the Melbourne Cup is still the number one
classic of the Australian horseracing circuit.
CONTACT:
Australian Tourist Commission
100 Park Ave., 25th Floor
New York, NY 10017
212-687-6300; fax: 212-661-3340
The play is performed out of doors with the entire town a
stage. Tilly's troops are camped outside the city walls, and in
the market square costumed children plead with the general.
The same beaker that Nusch drained in 1631 is used in the
reenactment.
A parade precedes the play, and the·"Shepherds' Dance" is
performed after it in the market square. The dance, dating to
1516, is in honor of St. Wolfgang, the patron saint of shepherds, and recalls the time a member of the shepherds' guild
raced from his pastures to warn the city of the approach of an
enemy.
267
SOURCES:
AnnivHol-1983, p. 141
DictDays-1988, p. 75
'·
\I
!)
!
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..
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. ,.
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....
·Holidays, Festivals, and Celebrations of the World Dictionary, 2nd Edition·
Both religious services and patriotic parades mark the day's
celebrations. In the national officia:I observance, a wreath is
placed on the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in
g on
-Nahonal Cemetery m Virginia. One of the more movmg --..
'observance;; ts at the Gettysburg Nahonal Cemetery m f>ennsylvania, where schoolchildren scatter flowers over the graves
t>(
of unknown soldiers of the Civil War.
l(f
~
The practice of decorating graves of war dead began befo~e
the close of the · ·1 War. However, an officially set day w~
established i 1868 hen Gen. John A. LOgan, commanderm-e
my o e epu tc, 1ssue an or er
naming May 30 as a day for "strewing with flowers or
otherwise decorating the graves of comrades who died in
defense of their country during the late rebellion." The day
became. known as Decoration Day, but as it was extended to
include the dead of all wars, it took the name Memorial Day.
CONTACf:
Arlington National Cemetery
Arlington, VA 22211
703-697-2131; fax: 703-697-4967
SOURCES:
AmerBkDays-1978, p. 501
AnnivHo/-1983, p. 73
BkFest-1937, p.18
BkHo/Wr/d-1986, May 30
Gettysburg National Military Park Chases-1996, p. 231
c/o Eisenhower National Historic DaysCustFaith-1957, p. 132
Site
DictDays-1988, p. 30
P.O. Box 1080
Fo/kAmerHo/-1991, p. 214
festival.,-among them the Zurich Chamber Orchestra; the
Chamber Music Ensemble of the Academy of St. Martin-inthe-Fields,':and the Zurich Collegium Musicum~ Students
from the Menuhin School in London and the International
Menuhin Music Academy in Gstaad are also· invited to
perform at least one concert each season: Menuhin's sister,
Hepzibah, and son, Jeremy, have performed as soloists at the
festival.
·
Alt}:l.ough the emphasis is usually on chamber music and solo
recitals, large orchestral pieces are. occasionally performed· as
well. Chamber music concerts are given in the cone-roofed
chapel at.Saanen.
CONTACf:
Swiss National Tourist Office
608 Fifth Ave.
New York, NY 10020
212-757~5944; fax: 212-262-6116
SOURCES:
MusFestEurBrit-1980, p'. 143
• 1181.~ Merchants' Flower Market ·
Between Mny 10 and June 13; the seventh Sunday
after Easter
Whitsunday, or PENTECOST, in the Dutch city of Haarlem is the
day qn which the famous flow:er market opens in the Grote
Markt (Great Market). Flower merchants arrive in the afternoon 9r early evening to set up displays of their flowers on
tables and carts. When all the flowers have been arranged,
the lights are turned off. As midnight approaches, the market
square fills with people. As the bells begin to ring in the
steeple of St. Bavo's Church, floodlights go on and thousands
of tulips, daffodils, irises, and geraniums appear as if by
magic. The festival continues all night until eight o'clock in
the morning, with dancing to the sound of barrel organs.
People buy herring, pastries, and ice cream from food vendors as Well as flowers to place in their windows or on their
dining-room tables in celebration of Whitsun tide.
Gettysburg, PA 17325
717-334-1124
• 1179 • Memphis in May International Festival
May
This month-long festival in Memphis, Tenn., focuses on a
different nation's culture each year; with exhibitions, lectures, films, performing arts presentations, sporting events,
and student exchange programs. Beginning on the first weekend in May (sometimes on April30 to encompass May 1 and
2), the festival opens with a salute to the nations honor~d in
past festivals and an international marketplace offering merchandise from around the world. The second festival weekend features a fiddlers' convention, the third weekend an
international barbecue cop1petition, and the fourth weekend
is the Beale Street Music Festival-Beale Street being "the
birthplace of the blues." There is also a Fine Arts Festival
with opera, performing arts, and music. Festival events take
place at Memphis' riverfront park, museums, botanical gardens, galleries, hospitals, theaters, shopping malls, and universities. The festival ends with the Memphis Symphony
Orchestra's rendition of Tchaikovsky's 1812 Overture, complete with live cannons and an impressive display of fire~orks.
See also LUILAK
CONTACf:
Netherlands Board of Tourism
355 Lexington Ave., 21st Floor
New York, NY 10017
212-370-7360; fax: 212-370-9507
SOURCES:
BkFestHd/Wr/d-1970, p. 65
FestWestEu~-1958,
p. 135
• 1182 • Merdeka Day
August 31
CONTACf:
SOURCES:
Memphis Convention and Visitors GdUSFest-1984, p. 176
Bureau
47 Union Ave .
. Memphis, TN 38103
800-873-6282 or 901-543-5300
fax: 901-574-5350
A national holiday in Malaysia to corruriemorate its merdeka,
from the British in 1957. Parts of Malaysia
were under the rule of various for.eign powers for centuries,
but by.the 1920sall the states eventually comprising Malaysia
were ruled by Britain. The Federation of Malaya was founded in 1957 and Malaysia was formed in 1963.
or.'independence~,
. The streets of towns and cities are decorated on this day, and
there are numerous parades, exhibitions, and stage shows.
+1180 • Menuhin Festival
Three weeks in August
The fashionable resort town of Gstaad, Switzerland, is the
setting for an annual summer music festival founded in 1956 · ·
by the wodd-renowned violinist Yehudi Menuhin (b. 1916).
· Menuhin's name and status have attracted internationally
known soloists, orchestras, and chamber music groups to the
268
CONTAct:
Malaysian Tourism Promotion
· Board ·
818 W. Seventh St., Ste. 804
Los Angeles, CA 90017
213-689-9702;fax:213-689-1530
SOURCES:
ArinivHo/-1983, p. 112
Chases-1996, p. 356
GdWrldFest-1985,·p. 131
Int/ThFolk-1979, p. 267
�SUVCW--Allied Orders of the G.A.R.
http://suvcw.org/logan.htm
··-- .....
GENERAL JOHN A. LOGAN'S
MEMORIAL DAY ORDER
·'·!...-."~··:.',
'.•u'
-~
'
-i:ilii
~--
General Order
No.ll
Headquarters, Grand Army of the Republic
Washington, D.C., May 5, 1868
If other eyes grow dull and other harids slack~ and other hearts cold in the solemn trust, ours
shall keep. it well as long as the light and warmth oflife re~ain in us.
·
Let us, then, at the time appointed, gather around their sacred remains and garland the
passionless mounds above them with choicest flowers of springtime; let us raise above them
the dear old flag they saved from dishonor; let us in this solemn presence renew our pledges
to aid and assist those whom they have left among us as sacred charges upon the Nation's
gratitude,--the soldier's and sailor's widow and orphan.
.
.
5117/2000 4:02PM
I of2
,·,
�SUVCW--Allied Orders of the G.A.R.
..
http://suvcw .org/logan.htm
;.,.·.
II. It is the purpose of the Commander-in-Chiefto inaugurate this observance with the hope
it will be kept up from year to year, while a survivor of the war remains to honor the
memory of his departed comrades. He earnestly desires the public press to call attention to
this Order, and lend its friendly aid in bringing it to the notice of comrades in all parts of the
country in time for simultaneous compliance therewith.
III. Department commanders will use every effort to make this order effective.
By command of:
JOHN A. LOGAN,
Commander-in-Chief.
N. P. CHIPMAN,.
Adjutant-General.
Return to SUVCW Home Page
·Return to SUVCW Web Site Index
Return to SUVCW History Page
Return to GAR and Related Links Research Page
KGH
\
2 of2
5/17/2000 4:02PM
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
To President Clinton from Samuel Berger and Stephanie Streett.
Subject: Communications plan for your trip to Portugal, Germany,
Russia, and Ukraine (7 pages)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA!Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Memorial Day] [3]
2008-0703-F
'm621
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ia)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
PI
P2
PJ
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�2
/
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�Major points:
history of Mem day -- decorattion day -- flags at the 260,000 graves.
Check this: (website: www.mdw.army.mil/FS-A09.HTM)
Following opening acknowledgments:
This day was originally known as decoration day, and the first national observance was launched
in 1868 by order of the Commander in Chief of the Grand Army of the Republic who designated
this day "for decorating the graves of comrades who died in defense of their country."
Some still remember and honor that original meaning. Each year for more than 40 years; the 3rd
U.S. Infantry (The Old Guard), the Army's official ceremonial unit, has honored America's ·
fallen heroes by placing American flags before every gravestont;here at Arlington just before
Memorial Day weekend.
'
They know the tradition as "flags in." Every soldier in the 3rd infantry participates. And many
remain here all weekend -- to make sure a flag remains at each gravestone. Look around you;
there is a flag planted before every one of more than 260,000 gravestones. America's heroes
buried here have been remembered this Memorial Day -- each and every one -"' by a proud and
devoted member of the Old Guard. Members of the Old Guard present, will you stand: Thank
you for your patriotism, your devotion, and your commitment to remember your fellow American
heroes.
'
Understanding the sacrifice --what it is like to get the news.
we have to make their sacrifice matter.
I report to you:
how many have died in wars is dwindling -- the causes for which you died is rising
trip report -- item by item:
Your truth is marching on.
I know those of you who have lost loved ones, talk to them sometimes, and believe that
somehow, somewhere, they can hear. I want to say a few words to those in this burial ground
and others, in this country and others, who gave their lives for us, who in the words of Gen.
Logan, used their breasts as a barricade between our country and its foe).
I stand before you-- as commander in chief of the United States Armed Forces at the turn of the
�century, reporting to you-- America's fallen heroes-- on what we as a nation have done with
your sacrifice.
·
war deaths way down. Our children don't die in war, as much as they did before.
democracy way up.
So many of you who gave your lives in Europe; so many ofyou who gave your lives in the battle
against Communism. ·
I am departing today for Europe -- where more than a dozen cemeteries from Flanders Field to
_ _ _·, are tragic monuments to your sacrifice, hold the remains of so many of you.
I will visit Portugal where so many of the European nations divided for centuries are partners,
allies.
Germany-- I will visit Germany, whose tyranny, so many of you (get figure) gave your lives to
defie. Any you mocked the words of its leader who thought the sons and daughters of
democracy did not have the steel and mettle to match the fire and will of a captive people.
I will visit Russia and Ukraine former republics of the Soviet Union -- a ceqtral pillar and
proponent of the communism you gave your lives to fight in Korea and Vietnam.
(You would have wished in your moments that the Soviet Union would a, b, c,.
The United States does not fight for empire, for territory. The sons and daughters of nations you
fought cannot make the claim they died for freedom. Tragically, many died to defend tyranny.
You gave your life to defend the truth of freedom. It must make you proud to know -- so many
years after you're gone; your truth is marching on.
May God bless you and hold you in his arms; as we hold on to you in memory.
And may God never stop blessing America with heroes like you. ·
�150 national cemeteries
cemeteries abroad;
8 cemeteries in euroep contain dead of ww 1.
14 cemeteries contain dead from ww2
Philippines.
12 in europe one in tunisia (carthage) and one in the
famous cemeteries abroad of WW I Flanders Field -- most recognizable name. MeuseArgonne,
famous from WW 2-- Normandy, brittany, ardennes.
�Page 1 of5
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For·Immediate Release
November 11, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT VETERANS DAY MEMORIAL SERVICE
Arlington National Cemetery
Arlington, Virginia
11:50 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, Secretary West, for your
eloquent remarks and your leadership and your· many years of devotion to
our country. Commander Smart, thank you for your leadership this year.
Chaplain Cook, Lee Thornton, thank you for always being here for our
veterans.
The leaders of our .veterans' organizations, members of
Congress here; Deputy Secretary Gober and members of the Cabinet;
General Ross and members of the Joint Chiefs; General- Davis and other
Medal of Honor recipients.
To the former POWs, the families of those
still missing in action; to our veterans and their families.
Let me begin by offering. a special word of appreciation .to the
Army Band and Chorus for their magnificent music today and. for making us·
feel so important.
(Applause.)
And I want to say a special welcome
today to a person you may have read about in the morning papers -Captain Earl Fox is the Senior Medical Officer at the Coast Guard
Personnel Command here in Washington.
He also happens to be the last
World War II veteran still on active military duty.
(Applause.)
Now, next week he w~ll retire at the tender young age of 80.
I think he has earned his retirement.
But, Captain, on behalf of a
grateful nation, we say thank you for your service.
Thank you.
(Applause. )
My fellow Americans, as we all know, we celebrate Veterans Day
on the anniver~ary of the ·Armistice ending World War I, on the 11th hour
of the 11th.day of the 11th month.
Eighty years ago today, President
Woodrow Wilson proclaimed this a day of solemn pride in the heroism of
those who died in the country's service.
For two full minutes in the middle of that day, all traffic in
business across our nation stopped, as. Americans took time to remember ·
family and.friends who fought and those who never came home from.the war
to end all wars.
I don't believe those men and women who were our
forebears could ever have imagined that so many other times in this
century young Americans would be asked again and again to fight and die
for freedom in foreign lands.
When the 20th century began, the headstones that stand in
silent formation on these beautiful hills covered fewer than 200 acres.
Today, at century's end, they c6ver more than 600 acres.
Hundreds of
millions of people in the United States and around the world sleep in
peace because more than a million Americans rest in ·peace.
Here, and in
graves, marked and unmarked, all across the world.
Today we come again
to say owe them a debt we can never repay.
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In a way, .the young men and women who have died in defense of
our country gave up not only the life they were living; but also the
life they would have lived -- their chance to be parents; their chance
to grow old with their grandchildren.
Too often when we speak of
sacrifice, we speak in generalities ~bout ~he larger sweep of. history,
and the sum total of our nation's experience.
But it is very important
to remember that every single veteran's life we honor today was j11st
that-- a life-- just like yours and mine. A life with.family and
friends, and love and hopes and dreams, and ups and downs; a life that
should have been able to play its full course.
Fifty-seven years ago this week, the-eyes of America were
focused on a small, sweltering island in the South Pacific.
Pearl
Harbor had been bombed the year before, and Japanese forces in the
Pacific were capturing one island after-another.
The task of stopping
them fell to a group of young Marines in an operation called Project
Watchtower, in a pla~e called Guadalcanal.
The battle was expected.to last six weeks.
It took six
months.
The jungle was so thick soldiers could hardly walk; fighting so
fierce and rations so thin that the average Marine lost 25 pounds.
Every night shells fell from the sky and enemy soldiers charged up the
hills.
The only weapons Marines had to defend themselves were
Springfield rifles left over from World War I.
But with the strength
forged in factories and fields back home, they turned back wave after
wave of hand-to-hand fighting, until, at last, the Navy was able to help
the Marines turn the tide in the naval battle that began 57 years ago
tomorrow.
That turned the tid~ of battle in the whole Pacific, and with
it, the tide of American history.
On that small island, in the Battle
of Guadalcanal, Americans proved that our nation would never again be an
island, but, rather allied with freedom and peace-loving people
everywhere, as the greatest force for peace and freedom the world has
ever known.
In the days and years that have followed, men and women,
forged from the same mettle, in every branch of. our military have built
on those sacrifices ·and stood for the cause of freedom, from World War
II to Korea to Vietnam to Kuwait City to Kosovo.
On the beach at Guadalcanal is a monument to those who fought
on the island.
In the hills that surround us, some of the 1,500 Marines
and sailors who lost their lives. in that battle are laid'to rest.
They
are some of the greatest of the greatest generation.
One of those who served at Guadalcanal was a 19-year-old
Marine lieutenant named John Chafee.
He went on to fight in Okinawa, to
lead troops in Korea, to serve as governor of Rhode Island and Secretary
of the Navy, and then, for more than 20 years, as a United States
senator.
He helped write the law that keeps our air clean.
His fights
for health care helped millions of veterans live better lives.
Yet he
was so humble that when he received a dislinguished award from the
Marine Corps Foundation last year, he·hardly spoke about his wartime
service.
Two weeks ago, this remarkable man passed away at the age of
77. At his funeral, Hillary and I spent time with his five children and
his 12 grandchildren. And I was proud to announce on that day that. the
Navy will be naming one of its most modern and capable destroyers after
John Chafee.
(Applause.)
Now, that was the measure of one man's life who fought in
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Guadalcanal and survived.
Today, in our imaginations, we must try to
imagine the measure of all the lives that might have been, had they not
been laid down in service to our nation. What about the more than 1
million men and women who have given their lives so that we could be
free? What would have been the measure of their lives? What else would
they have accomplished for their fa~ilies and their country, if only
they had had the chance?
Of course, we don't have any of those answers.
But because we
have the question, we cleariy have a r~sponsibility to stand in the
breach for them. We are not just the beneficiaries of their bravery.
We are the steward~ of their sacrifice. "Thanks to their valor, today,
for the very first time in all of human history, more than half of the
nati
their own choosing~ Our
prosperity and p9wer are reater than they have ever been. ~t·is,
~
. , our solemn obligation to preserve
e peace and t~ make the ~
most of this moment for our children and the children of the world, so
that.those who sacrificed so much to bring us to this moment will be
redeemed in the lives they could have lived by the lives that we do
live.
How shall we do this? It means at least that we must continue
to be the world's leading force. for peace and free~om, against terrorism
and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
It means we must
keep .the commitment, I. have had s:ln.ce the moment. I took the oath of
T-rice, that-our-men and women i~lll remain the
best-equipped, best·
. ,..J~
had zero combat fa tali ties, and only two planes
sho"t"ao '
pilots took heavy enemy fire every single day and
put their lives repeatedly at greater risks to avoid hitting civilians
on the ground.
That is a tribute to the professionalism we see every
day from our' milit'ary forces ell around the world;
(Applause.).
Last month I was proud to sign a bill that will keep us moving
in that direction, with the start of the first sustained increase in
military s~ending in a decade and the biggest pay increase for our
troops in a. generation.
(Applause.)
It means we must also do more to be faithful to our veterans
when their service is over.
President Theodore Roosevelt once said,
anyone good enough to shed his blood ·for his country is good enough to
be given a square deal afterward. ·
Over the past seven years we have opened more than 600
veterans' out-patient clinics across America.
This year we expect to
treat 400,000 more veterans than last year, including more disabled
veterans than ever before. We will continue to make sure that all
veterans receive the .care they deserve. And we must continue to make a
special effort to end something that must be intolerable. to all of us
the tragedy of homeless ·veterans.
I want to commend the reigning Mis.s America, Heather Renee
French, who is with us today, along with her family, her father -- a
disabled Vietnam veteran -- her mother, her brother, and her sister, for
all the work she is doing in her position finally to bring proper
national attention to the plight of homeless veterans. We thank you for
what you', re doing.
Thank you.
(Applause.)
We must not rest until we
have done everything we possibly can to bring them back into the society
they so willingly defended~
·
And-,we-mtts·t-bea.r-in_mind-the-s.p.ecial sacrifice of the more
th~p-l'"'[MoO veterans who were held in prison.. camp~nte~ned during
thlS'-ee.l:itury.
I want \o commend the Vletnam veterans Memorlal Fund for
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�Page 4 of5
completing a project they launched a year ago today to· create a special
curriculum on the Vietnam War, and send a copy to every' single high
school across America.
Part of that curriculum focuses on the men and
women who never came home.
We must not forget them.
(Applause.)
I am very proud to announce today that we have successfully
recovered the remains of. three more United States servicemen lost during
the Korean War.
They're coming home tonight.
(Applause.)
But we must
not waver in our common efforts to make the fullest possible accounting
for all our MIAs, for all their families to have their que~tions
answered.
(Applause.)
Finally; fulfilling our responsibility to lead for peace and
freedom, and to be faithful not only to our service personnel, but ou~
veterans, .requires us to do more than prepare people to fight wars and
take care of them when they come. home.· We must work with greater
determination to prevent wars.· Every American who gave his or her life
for our co~ntry was, in one 'way or another, a victim of: a peace that
faltered, 6f diplomacy that failed, of the absence ot adequate
.
preventive strength. _We know that if diplomacy is not backed by real
and credible threats of force,·· i.t can be empty, and even dangerous.
But
if we don't use diplomacy first, 'then our military will become our only
line of defense.
·
Of course, it also costs money to help struggling young
democracies to stand on thei~ feet as friends and partners of the United
States, as we've tiied to do from Pbland to Russia to Nigeria to
Indonesia.
It costs money to make sure nuclear weapons' in the former
Soviet Union are secure; for the terrorists and leaders who wish us harm
do not acquire the means to kill on a more massive scale.
It costs
money to support the peacemakers-in places like the Middle East and the
Balkans and'Africa, so t~at regional conflicts do not explode and
spread.
But all of you know, better than most, that freedom is not
free.
And all of you know, far better than most, that the costliest
p,eace is far cheaper than the cheapest war.
(Applause. )
I am pleased to report to you today th~t the Democrats and _
Republicans in Congress are working together on a strong compromise that
will allow us to meet some of our most urgent needs in foreign affairs,
to prevent wars.
We~re not ~inished yet; but there is a bipartisan
. center like that which has carried p.merica for .50 years -at this hopeful
mom'ent now at work in .the Congres~.. I am· grateful- for it, and our
children will be safer for it.
In less than two months, we'll. be able to say the conflict and
bloodshed that took so many American lives came from another century.
So we gather today for the last time in this century to qedicate
ourselves to being good stewards of the sacrifice of the veterans of our
country.
(Applause.)
As we look ahead to the large challenges and the grand
opportunities of the new century and a new millennium, when our country
has more prosperity than ever before, and for the first time in my
lifetime has the ability to meet those challenges and to dream dreams
and live them because we are unthreatened by serious crises at home and
security threats abroad, let us resolve to honor those veterans, to
redeem their sacrifice, to be stewards of t~e lives they never got to
live by doing all- we can to see that· the horrors of the 20th century's
wars are not visited upon 21st century Americans.
That is the true way
to honor the people we come here today to thank God for.
Thank .you very much, and God bless Arr)erica.
(Applause. )
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�.
·,.
..
..
END
Page 5 of5
12~08
P.M. EST
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�378
DocuMENTS oF AMERICAN HISTORY
United States would result in violent action
by that party? If a jury returned a special
verdict saying twenty years or even fifty years
the verdict could not be shown to be wrong.
The law, as thus construed, licenses the jury
to create its own standard in each case . . . .
The statute, as construed and applied,
amounts merely to a dragnet which may enmesh anyone who agitates for a change of
government if a jury can be persuaded that
he ought to have foreseen his words would
have some effect in the future conduct of
others. No reasonably ascertainable standard
of guilt is prescribed. So vague and indeterminate are the boundaries thus set to the
freedom of speech and assembly that the law
necessarily violates the guarantees of liberty
embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment.
The judgment is reversed . . . .
Mr. Justice VAN DEVANTER, with whom
joined Mr. Justice McREYNOLDS, SUTHD·
LAND, and BUTLER, dissented.
514. THE NEUTRALITY ACT OF 1937
May 1, 1937
( U. S. Statutes at Large, Vol. L, p. 121)
; 1
. ··~
Disillusionment with the results of American "The Neutrality Act of 1937," For. Pol. .Rep. Vol
participation in the first World War, growing XIII no. 14.
throughout the twenties, was aggravated by the
depression as well as by the continuation of the
jOINT RESOLUTION
"old diplomacy" in Europe, and · deepened by
To amendlthe joint resolution, approved A~
the findings of the Nye Committee on Munitions
Manufactures and by a host of books and articles 'gust 31, 1935, as amended.
Resolved . . .
arguing the desirability of isolation. The outbreak
of the Italo-Ethiopian conflict in May, 1935 led
EXPORT OF ARMS, AMMUNITION, AND
to the hasty passage of the Joint Resolution of
IMPLEMENTS OF WAR
Aug. 31, 1935 designed to prevent American
involvement in any international conflict. The
SECTION 1. (a) Whenever .the President
following year Congress strengthened this act by
shall find that there .exists· a state of war
prohibiting loans to belligerents, and in January,
between, or among, two or more foreign states.
1937 it took cognizance of the problem presented
by civil wars by forbidding the export of muni- the President shall proclaim such fact, and
tions for the use of either of the opposing forces it shall thereafter be unlawful to export, or
in the Spanish Civil War. Finally· on May 1, 1937 attempt to export, or cause to be exporied,
a ] oint Resolution recapitulated these earlier res- arms, ammunition, or implements of war from
olutions, strengthening them in some particulars any place in the United States to any belligerand giving larger discretionary powers to the ent state named in such proclamation, or to
President. A notable characteristic of this neuany neutral state fortransshipment to, or for
trality act was its failure to distinguish between
the use of, any such belligerent state.
aggressor and victim nations. In a curious fashion
(b) The President shall, from time to
the neutrality legislation of 1935-37 vindicated
time, by proclamation, extend such embargo
the position taken by. Sec. of State Bryan in
upon th!! export of arrns, ammunition, or im1914-15. The outbreak of the second World War
in September, 1939 forced a reconsideration of _plements of war to other states as and when
this act and the Neutrality Law of 1939 relaxed . they may become involved in such war.
in important particulars the provisions of the
(c)· Whenever .the Pre.sident shall find
present act. On the problem of neutrality see
that a state of civil strife exists in a foreign
C. A. and M. R. Beard, America in Midpassage;
state and that such civil strife is of a magniE. Borchard and W. Lage, Neutrality for the
tude or is being conducted under such condi·
United States; P. C. Jessup, Neutrality, Today
tions that the export of arms, ammunition.
and Tomorrow; H. W. Dulles and H. F. Armor implements of war from the United States
strong, Can America Stay Neutral; F. P. Davidto such foreign state would threaten or en·
son and G. Viereck, Before America Decides;
danger the peace of the United States, the
] . Raushenbush, The Final Choice; Dulles, "Cash
President shall proclaim such fact, and it
and Carry Neutrality," 18 Foreign Affairs, 179;
'
THE NEUTRALITY AcT oF 1937
379
shall thereafter be unlawful to export, or terials in addition to arms, ammunition, and,
attempt to export, or cause to be exported, implements of war from the United States to
belligerent states, or to a state wherein civil
arms, ammunition, or implements of war from
strife exists, is necessary to promote· the seany place in the United States to such foreign
curity or preserve the peace of the United
state, or to any neutral state for transshipment
to, or for the use of, such foreign state.
States or to protect the Jives of citizens of
the United States, he shall so proclaim; and it
(d) The President shall, from time to
time by proclamation, definitely enumerate shall thereafter be unlawful, for any American
vessel to carry such articles or materials to
the arms, ammunition, and implements of war,
the export of which is prohibited by this sec- any belligerent state, or to any state wherein
tion. The arms, ammunition, and implements civil strife exists, named in such proclamaof war so enumerated shall include those enu- tion issued under the authority. of section 1
merated in the President's proclamation Num- of this Act, or to any neutral state for transbered 2163, of April 10, 1936, but shall not shipment to, or for the use of, any such
include raw materials or any other articles or belligerent state or any such state wherein
materials not of the same general character civil strife exists. The President shall by
as those enumerated in the said proclamation, proclamation from time to time definitely
and in the Convention for the Supervision enumerate the articles and materials which
of the International Trade in Arms and Am- it shall be unlawful for American vessels to
munition and in Implements of War, signed so transport. . . .
atGenevaJune 17,1925.
(c) The· President shall from. time to time
(e) Whoever, in violation of any of the
by proclamation extend such restrictions as
provisions of this Act; shall export, or attempt are imposed under the authority -of this secto export, or cause to be exported, arms, amtion to other states as and when they may
munition, or implements of war from the be declared to become belligerent states under
United States shall be fined not more than proclamations issued under the authority of
$10,000, or imprisoned not more than five section 1 of this Act.
years, or both. . . . ·
(d)· The President may fiom time to
(f) In the case of the forfeiture of any
time change, modify, or revoke in whole or
arms, ammunition, or implements'of war by in part any proclamations issued by him under
reason of a violation of this Act, . ~ . such
the authority of' this section.
·
arms, ammunition, or implements of' war shall
(e) Except with respect •to offenses combe delivered to the Secretary of War for such mitted, or forfeitures incurred, prior to May
use or disposal thereof as shall be approved · 1, 1939, this section and all proclamations
by the President of the Unted States.
issued thereunder shall not be· effective after
May 1; 1939.
(g) Whenever, in the judgment of the
President, the conditions which have caused
FINANCIAL TRANSACTIONS
him to issue any proclamation under the authority of this section have ceased to exist,
SEc. 3. (a) Whenever the President shall
be shall revoke the same, and the provisions
have issued a proclamation under the auof this section shall thereupon cease to apply
thority of section I of this Ad, it shall therewith respect to the state or states named in
after be unlawful for any person within the
United States to purchase, sell, or exchange
such proclamation, except with respect to offenses committed, ·or forfeitures incurred, bonds, securities, or other obligations of the
prior to such revocation.
government of any belligerent state or of any
state wherein civil strife exists, named in
EXPORT OF OTHER ARTICLES AND
such proclamation, or of any political subMATERIALS
division of any such state, or of any person
acting for or on behalf of the government
SEC. 2.. (a) Whenever the President shall
of any such state, or of any faction or asserted
have issued a proclamation under, the augovernment within any such state wherein
thority of section 1 of this Act and he shall
civil strife exists, or of any person acting for
thereafter find that the placing of restrictions
on the shipment of certain articles or rna- or on behalf of any faction or asserted govern-
�.
380
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OF
AMERICAN
ment within any such state wherein civil strife
exists, issued after the date of such proclamation,·or to make any Joan or extend any credit
to any such government, political subdivision,
faction, asserted government, or person, or to
solicit or receive any contribution for any
such go·vernment, ·political subdivision, faction, asserted government, or person: Pro~
vided, That if the President shall find that
·such action will serve to protect the commercial or ether interests of the United States
or its citizens, he may, in his discretion, and
- to such extent and under su.ch regulations as
he may prescribe, except from the operation
of this section ordinary commercial. credits
and short-time obligations in aid of legal trans~
actions and of a character customarily used
in normal peacetime commercial transactions.
Nothing in this subsection shall be construed
to prohibit the solicitation or collection~ of
funds to be ·used for medical aid and assistance, or for food and clothing to relieve
human suffering, when such solicitation or
collection of funds is made on behalf-of and
for use by any person or organization which
is not acting for or on behalf of ·any such
government, political subdivision, faction, or
asserted government, but all such solicitations
and collections of funds shall be subject to
the approval of the President and shall· be
made under such rules and regulations as he
shall prescribe. .. . ..
(c) Whoever shall violate the provisions
of this section or of any regulations issued
hereunder shall, upon conviction thereof, be
fined not more than $50,000 or imprisoned
for not more than five years, or both. Should
the violation be by a cbrporation, organization, or association, each officer or agent
thereof participating in the violation may
be liable to the penalty herein prescribed.
I·'
EXCEPTIONS-AMERICAN REPUBLICS
ijl.
SEc. 4. This Act sh;all not apply to an
American republic or ·republics engaged in
war ·against a non-American state or states,
provided the American republic is not cooperating with a non-American state or states
in such war.
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II
NATIONAL MUNITIONS CONTROL BOARD
SEC. 5. (a) There is hereby established a
National Munitions Control Board (hereinafter referred to as the '.Board') to carry out
'
HISTORY
the provisions of this Act. The Board shali
consist of the Secretary of State, who shall
be chairman and executive officer of t!-.e
Board, the Secretary of the Treasury;! the
Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Na,·y_
and the Secretary of Commerce. Except as
otherwise provided in this Act, or by other
law, the ·administration of this Act is vested
in the Department of State. The Secretary
of State shall promulgate such rules and
regulations with regard to the enforcement
of this section as he may deem necessary to
carry out its provisions. The Board shall be
convened by the chairman and shall hold at
least one meeting a year.
(b) Every person who engages in the business of manufacturing, exporting, or importing any of the arms, ammunition, or implements of war referred to in this. Act, whether
as an exporter,· importer, manufacturer, or ·
dealer, shall register with the Secretary of
State his name, or business name, principal
place of business, and places of business in the
United States,· and a list of the arms, ammunition, and implements of war which he manufactures, imports, or exports.
(c) Every person required to register UD·
der this section shall notify the Secretary of
State of any change in the arms, ammunition,
or implements of. war which he exports, imports, or manufactures; . · ..
(d) It shall be unlawful for any person to
~xport, or attempt to export, from the United
States to any other state, any of the arms,
ammunition,· or implements of war' referred
to in this Act, or to import, or attempt to
import, to the United States from any other
sta'te, any of the arms, ammunition; or implements of war referred to in this Act,
without' first having obtained a license there·
for. . . .
(k) The President is hereby authorized to
proclaim upon recommendation of the Board ·
·fi-om time to time a list of articles which shall
be considered arms, ammunition, and-implements of war for t~e purposes of this section.
AMERICAN VESSELS PROHIBITED FROM
CARRYING ARMS TO BELLIGERENT STATES
Sec. 6. (a) Whenever the President shall
have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 of this Act, it shall thereafter
be unlawful, until such proclamation is revoked, for any American vessel to carry any
THE
NEUTRALITY
arms, ammunition, or implements of war to
any belligerent state, or to any state wherein
civil strife exists, named in such proclamation,
or to any neutral state for transshipment to,
or for the use ·of, any such belligerent state or
any such sfate wherein civil strife exists.
(b) Whoever, in violation of the provi. sions of this sec'tion, shall take, or attempt to
take, or shall authorize, hire, or solicit another
to take, any American vessel carrying. such
cargo out of port or from the jurisdiction of
the United States shall be fined not more than
$l0,000, or imprisoned not more than five
years, or both; and, in addition, such vessel,
and her tackle, apparel, furniture, and equipment, and the arms, ammunition, and implements ()f war on board, shall be forfeited
to the United States.
AcT
oF
1937-
381
ered its cargo or any part thereof to a warship, tender, or supply ship of a belligerent
state, he may prohibit the departure of such
vessel during the duration of the war.
SUBMARINES AND ARMED MERCHANT.
· VESSELS
SEC. 8. Whenever, during any war in which
the United States is neutral, the President
shall find that special restrictions p!aced on
the use of the ports and territorial waters
of the United States by the submarines or
armed merchant vessels of a foreign state,
will serve to maintain peace between the
United States and foreign states, or to protect
the commercial interests of the United States
and its citizens, or to promote the security of
the United States, and shall make proclama- ·
tion therefore, it shall thereafter be unlawful
USE OF AMERICAN PORTS AS BASE OF
for any such submarine or armed merchant
SUPPLY
vessel to enter a port or the territorial waters
SEc. 7. (a) Whenever, during any war in. of the United States or to depart therefrom,
which the United States is neutral, the Presi, except under such conditions and subject to
dent, or any person thereunto authorized by such limitations as the President may prehim, shall have cause to believe that any scribe. Whenever; in his judgment, the condi,-esse!, domestic or foreign, whether requir- tions which have caused him to issue his procing clearance or not, is about .to carry out· lamation have ceased to exist, he shall revoke ·I
of a port of the United States, fuel, men, arms, · his proclamation and the provisions ·of· this
I
ammunition, implements of war, or other sup- section shall 'thereupon cease to apply.
plies to any warship; tender, or supply ship of
TRAVEL 0!>!' VESSELS OF BELLIGERENT .
a belligerent state, but the evidence is not
STATES
deemed sufficient to justify forbidding the de·parture of the vessel as provided for by secSEc. 9. Whenever· the President shall have
tion 1, title V, chapter 30, of the Act approved issued a proclamation under the authority of
·June IS, 1917, and if, in the President's judg- section 1 of this Act it shall thereafter be unment, such action will serve to maintain peace lawful.for any citizen of the United States to
between the United States and foreign states, travel on any' vessel of the state o·r states
or to protect the commercial interests of the named in such proclamation, except in ac!Jnited States and its citizens, or to promote cordance witlf such rules and regulations as
the security or neutrality of the United States, the President shall prescribe: . . .
be shall ha~e the power and it shall be his
duty to require the owner,-master; or person . ARMING O_F AMERICAN MERCHANT. ·.VESSELS
PROHIBITED
in command thereof, before departing from a·
port of the United States, to give· a bond to
SEc. 10. Whenever the President shall have
the United States, with sufficient sureties, in issued a proclamation under the authority
such amotint as he shall deem proper, condi- of section 1, it shall thereafter be unlawtioned that the vessel will not deliver the men, ful, until such proclamation is revoked, for
or any part of the cargo, to any warship, ten- any American vessel engaged in commerce
der, or supply ship of a belligerent state.
. with any belligerent state, or any state wherein ·
(b) If the President, or any person there- civil strife exists, named in such proclamaunto authorized by him, shall find that a ves- tion, to be armed or to carry any armament,
sel, domestic or foreign, in a port of the United ·arms, ammu-nition, or implements of war, exStates, has previously cleared from a port of cept small arms and ammunition therefor
the United States during such war and deliv- which the President may deem necessary and
c
�382'.
DOCUMENTS
OF
AMERICAN
.. shall publicly designate for the preservation
of discipline aboard such vessels. ·
REGULATIONS
SEc. 11. The President may, from time to
· _lime, promulgate such rules and regulations.
HISTORY
not inconsistent with law, as may be necessary and proper to carry out any of the pro\i·
sions of this Act; and he may exercise any
power or authority conferred on him by this
Act through such officer or officers, or agency
or agencies, as he shall direct. . . .
515. REFORM OF THE. FEDERAL JUDICIARY
1937
(U. S. 75th Cong. 1st Sess. Sen. Report 71_1)
- The judicial invalidation of a large part of the
New Deal program revived the oft-expressed demand for judiCial reform. President F. D. Roose. velt argued, a5 had Theodore Roosevelt, that
the courts were out of harmony with democracy
and that some way should be found to force
them in line with the will of the people as expressed through the other branches of the government. President Roosevelt's specific program
called for a reorganization of the inferior federal courts to attain greater efficiency, and the
appointment of one new justice, up to six in
number; .for every justice of the Supreme Court
who, having passed the age of seventy and served
for ten years, failed to retire. The proposal
shocked many who felt that it violated the spirit
of the American constitutional system of checks
and balances and threatened the independence of
the judiciary. The ultimate rejection of the proposal by the Senate Judiciary Committee and by .
Congress was probably the most serious setback
which the President suffered during his eight
years of office, yet it is clear now that although
he lost the battle he won the campaign. We have
included here the proposed bill for the reorganization of the judiciary, the President's address
on the bill, the adverse report of the Senate J udiciary Committee, and the emasculated reform
act which finally emerged. See M. Ernst, The
Ultimate Power; I. Brant, Storm over the Constitution; R. K. Carr, Democracy and the Supreme Court; D. Alfange, The Supreme Court
and the National Will; W. Lippman, The Supreme Court, Independent or Controlled; J. Alsop and T. Catledge, The 168 Days; C. A. and
M. R. Beard, America in Midpassage; C. A.
Ewing, Judges of the Supreme Court, 1789-1937;
C. Fairman, "Retirement of Federal Judges," 51
Harv. L. Rev. 397. The Hearings are published, in
six parts, in U.S. 75th Cong. 1st Sess. Sen. Comm.
·on Judiciary, Hearings on 1392.
1. PROPOSED BILL.
Be it enacted, That(a) When any judge of a c'ourt of the
United States, appointed to hold his office
during good behavior, has heretofore or here.
after attained . the age of seventy years and
has held· a commission or commissions as
judge of any such court· or courts at least ten
years, continuously or otherwise, and within
six months thereafter has neither resigned nor
retired, the President, for each such judge
who has not so resigned or retired, shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate, shall appoint one additional
judge to the court to which the former is
commissioned: Provided, That no additional
judge shall be appointed hereunder if tht
judge who· is of retiremtnt age dies, resigns,
or retires prior to the nomination of such additional judge.
(b) The number of judges of any court
shall ·be permanently increased by the number appointed thereto under the provisions of
subsection (a} of this section. No more than
fifty judges shall be .appointed thereunder.
· nor shall any judge be so appointed if such
appointment would result in ( 1) more than
fifteen members of the Supreme ·court of the
United States, (2) more than two additional
members so appointed to a circuit court of appeals, the Court of Claims, the United States .
Court of Customs and Patent Appeals, or the
Customs Court, or ( 3) more than twice tht
number of judges now authorized to be appointed for any district or, in the case of
judges appointed for more than one district.
for any such group of districts . . . .
(d) An additional judge shall not be appointed under the provisions of this section
wlaen the judge who is of retirement age is
commissioned to an office as to which Congress has provided that a vacancy shall not
be filled.
SEc. 2. (a) Any circuit judge hereafter appointed may be designated and assigned from
time to time by the Chief Justice of the
:fEFORM
OF
THE
FEDERAL
United States for service in the circuit court
of appeals for any circuit. Any district judge
hereafter appointed may be designated and
assigned from time to time by the Chief Justice of the United States for service in any
district court, or, subject to the authority of
the Chief Justice, by the senior circuit judge
of his circuit for service in any district court
within the circuit. A district judge designated
and assigned to another district hereunder
may hold court separately and at the same
time as the district judge in such district. . . .
..,e designation and assignment of any judge
... y be terminated at any time by order of
·f,e Chief Justice or the senior circuit judge,
<
.e case may be. . . .
SEc. 3 (a) The Supreme Court shall have
power to appoint a proctor. It shall be his
duty (1) to obtain and, if deemed by the
Court to be desirable, to publish information
as to the volume, character, and status of
~ titigation in the district courts and circuit
courts of appeals, and such other information
as the ·supreme Court may from time to time
require by order, and it shall be the duty of
any judge, clerk, or marshal of any court of
the United States promptly to furnish such
information as may be required by the proctor; ( 2) to investigate the need of assigning
district and Circuit judges to other courts and
to make recommendations thereon to· the
Chief Justice; (3) to recommend,- with the
approval of the Chief Justice, to any court of
the United States methods for expediting
· cases· pending on its dockets; and ( 4) to perform ·such other duties consistent with his
office as the Court shall direct. . . .
SEc. 5. When used in this Act(a) The term "judge of retirement age"
means a judge of a court of the United States,
appointed to hold his office during good be~vior, who lias attained the age of seventy
years and has held a commission or commissions as judge of any·such court or courts at
least ten years, continuously or otherwise,
and within six months thereafter, whether or
not he is eligible for retirement, has neither
resigned nor retired. . . .
2. ADDRESS BY THE PRE!!IDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES, MARCH 9, ·1937
... Tonight, sitting at my desk in the
White House, I make my first radio report to
the people in my se.cond term of office: . . ..
jUDICIARY
383
The American people have learned from
the depression. For in the last three national
elections an overwhelming majority of them
voted a mandate that the Congress and the
President begin the task of providing that
protection-not after long· years of debate,
but now.
The courts, however, have cast doubts on
the ability of the elected Congress to protect
us against catastrophe by meeting squarely
our modern social and economic conditions.
We are at a crisis in our ability to proceed
with that protection. It is· a quiet crisis. There
are no lines of depositors outside closed banks. ·
But to the far-sighted it is far-reaching in its
possibilities of injury to America ..
I want to talk with you very simply about
the need for present action in this crisis~the
need to meet the unanswered challenge of onethird of a nation ill-nourished, ill-clad, ill~
housed.
Last Thursday I described the American
form of government as a three.·horse team .
provided by the Constitution to. the Ameri- ·
can people so that their field might be plowed.
The three horses are, of course, the three
branches cif government-the Congress, the
executive, and tile courts. Two of the .horses
are pulling in unison today; the third is not.
Those who have intimated that the President
of the United States is trying to drive that
team overlook the simple fact that the President, as Chief Executive, is himself one ·of
the three horses.
It is the American people themselves who
are in the driver's seat.
·
It is the American people themselves who
want the furrow plowed.
It is the American people themselves who
expect the third horse -to pull in unison with
the other two.
I hope that you have reread the Constitution of the United States. Like the Bible, it
ought to be read again and again.
It is an easy document to understand when
you remember that it was called into being
because the Articles of Confederation under
which . the. Original Thirteen States tried to
operate after the Revolution showed the need
of ·a National Government with power enough
to handle national problems. In its preamble
the Constitution states that it was intended
to form a more perfect Union and promote
the general welfare; and the powers given to
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ED .. I T I O N
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. ·.FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1829
EXEClmvE. OFFICE OF. THE
- PRESIDENT LIBRARY
. Room ·308 OEOB .
Washington, .DC . 20500
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G R 0 L I E R . I.N C 0 H
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p 0 R A :r.'E D
Connect i cuI
0 6.81 6
�state of North RhineIt is situated near
ver, opposite DUsindustrial· center,
Canal connects
, chemicals, furin Neuss, which
flour and lumber
and tool l~1ctories.
ancient Homan
Tacitus as Nocentury the
center 'durB<'>Id. the last.
besieged the
period 1474duke of Parma,
France from 1794
Pmssia in 1816.
of St. Quirinus
its 17th-centurv town
lei War II. Popttlation:
NEUSTADT.
the name lc>r the westish Empire dnring the.·
· the name indicated a
'he eastern part of the.·
strasia. Neustria means
eel to the land to the
Franks alter thev had
northei1stern Gatti.
vis in 511, the Frankish
·rallv was rnled as sevhicl1 was Neusttia. From
n these kingdoms were
Eventuallv the Austraa decisive victorv over
~1trv in 6H7. His tiesceneded in reuniting the
;tria identified onlv the
nd the Seine: Still-later
uy.
1 Joseph (11:l92-1970),
:eel, who did much to
velopment of U.S. archilienna on April l:l, 11:l92, ·
1er at the Vienna Instiserved an apprenticeit: !'vlendelsohn. In 1923,
ted States and worked
Wright. In 192(i he set
~os Angeles, Calif:, and
:.s. citizen.
:eutra concentrated on
1iques to patented prelation svstems len· build; and IH'mses. He brought
:·opean background i1ito
reviouslv had lacked the
Europe. In the Lovell
Grilllth Park, Los Ange·den ted use of light, prebled components while
vith. natural landf(mns,
IVimmiilg pool and exer· ,
ition involved a richer, .;
;ses and space than had
nples.
Richard N~utra's Kaufmann des. ert house, Palm Springs, Calif.,
strongly complements its site.
In the Kaufmann desert house ( 1946) . in
Palm Springs, Calif., and the \Varren Tremaine
house ( 1947) in Santa Barbara, Calif., Neutra
l'lllployed the concept of the pavilion, with horizontal planes extending over transparent walls.
The main block of the Kaufmann house loses its
n·dangular outline as it blends with the landscape. The Tremaine house also merges with the
landscape as it utilizes Wright's idea of the open
plan, but in a much. more subtle way.
.
Ncutra 's commercial and public· buildings reil<"ct the same design philosophy that he brought
to house design, and for this reason· they have an
'""'sually human scale ·and atmosphere. One exall!ple is· the Gemological Institute ( 1956). in
l,.,s:\ngeles.
. . ,
·
Neutra was also an enthusiastic educator· and
a11thor. His Sur~.;ival Through Design ( 1954) has
become a standard reference work in the field. ·
lk died in Wuppertal, West Germany, on April
pursue his ordinary courses·as if no war existed.
The neutral .._thus accepts certain . duties as a
government while disclaiming responsibility, for
the most part, for preventing individuals from
·
carrying on trade.
The development of modern means of communication, the changed character of modern
war, .and in general the interdependence of nations make it impossible for. a neutral to be impartial.in fact. Whatever he·does is bound to injure or aid one belligerent more than the other.
During World War·· 1, Germany claimed that the
United States was selling goods to its enemies
but not to it. This situation was due to the British blockade and not to partiality by the United
States. Had the United States changed its rule,
as requested by Germany, to forbid sales impartially to both sides, the result would have been
to oH'set the power of the· British Navy. Similar
situations appeared in the 1930's with the Japanese attack on China and the Italian invasion of
lfi. FJ70.
·
·
Ethiopia.
joHN FowLER
The neutral government has some specific
Architect
duties: It may not, as a government, lend money
NEUTRALITY, in international law, denotes the
or furnish troops or war materials to either· belliil·l!al status of a state that asserts a· position of
gerent. Its territory may not be used as a base
nonparticipation in respect to a war existing be- .for hostile operations. It must not allow prizes
fiii'Cll other states.
It is not merely abstinence
to be brought into its ports and there be adlm111 war. ' ·It is a relationship involving rights
judicated. Belligerent military persons found in
and duties on the part of ·neutrals toward
neutral territory must be interned. Likewise,
. lwlligerents and on the part of belligerents
warships must be held, though they may be alto\\'ard neutrals.
. .
lowed the use of a neutral pqrt for a limited time.
The status of neutrality was hardly known in
Although the neutral has no duty to prevent
tJ,.. ancient world. Its first statement as law was
individuals from trading with a belligerent, the
pmhahly in the Co11solato del mare ( 1494), a
latter has certain rights of interference with such
c"de of maritime law citing provisions from the' trade. It is the individual, rather than his governIHI'I·ious centmy. During the following centuries
ment, who· takes the risk. The belligerent may
'"'ll!rals made and upheld 1·arious claims, .and the
stop a neutral vessel on the high seas for visit
Ia\\' was further developed. President George
and search. Articles clearly intended for military
\\ ashington' s proclamation of neutrality ( 1793),
use are designated as absolute contraband and
"'hi!'h n·cognized neutral duties as well as rights,
may be captured and confiscated. Other articles
ll':ts widelv followed. The Declaration of Piuis in
that might be useful for military purposes may
l,'-;:')fi. asserting ·the general principle that free
·be taken if it can be shown that thev are destined
_,Jnps make free goods, was accepted by almost
for such use. Such articles are called conditi01wl
1' 1 1·n· state.
contraband. Articles not of a military. character,
A more definite statement of the
such as food for the· civilian population, -are non~1dcs of neutrality is to be found in Conventions
.) and 8, ·adopted at the Second Hague Confercontraband, and they are· therefore not subject to
1'fl~·e in 1907.
·
· ·capture.
On the ·other hand, a belligerent is permitted
Duties of A Neutrol. The law bf neutrality is a
to stop all articles, whether contraband or not,
eompromise between the desire of the belligerent
if he proclaims a blockade. This blockade 1'nust
}0 prevent his opponent fro~n obtaining supplies
be effective.:.that is, there must actually be ships
rom a neutral and the desire of the neutral ·to
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136
NEUTRALITY
before the blockaded port to stop vessels that
seek to enter. Finally, there is the doctrine of
· continuous voyage, according to which a belligerent may stop a neutral vessel en route · to a
neutral country if its cargo is really intended to
be transferred from the neutral to· the enemy.
Rights. The neutral has certain rights that
must be respected .by the belligerent. No act of
warfare may be performed by the belligerent
within the territory of the neutral-a rule that
, was violated by Germany in both world wars. A
belligerent may not maintain radio stations for
war communications within a neutral· country,
nor. commit acts of sabotage, such as the Black
Tom munitions explosion ( 1916) at Jersey City,
N.]., for which the United States was awarded
damages against Germany after World War I.
The legality of the capture of a neutral vessel
must always be adjudicated by a prize court or a
national court, unde·r 'international law. Because
national courts may be prejudiced, an effort was
made at the Second Hague Conference (1907) to
set up an international prize court, The effort
failed because states would not ratify the Declar. ation cif London ( 1909), which was intended to
state the law to be used by such a court.
A neutral state should have domestic laws to
enable it to perform its duties under international
law. The law of the United States was first
stated in an act of J nne 5, '1794, and later incorporated into the Code of Laws of the United
States of America ( 1934 ed. ). These laws make
it a misdemeanor for any citizen of the· United
States to accept a commission to serve a foreign
power in a war against a state at peace with the
United States; to enlist, or to induce to enlist, in
such foreign service; to fit out, arm, or augment
the force of any armed vessel to be used in such
service; or 'to provide the means for setting on
foot any military expedition against a friendly
state. No .belligerent vessel is allowed to provide itself with military supplies in the territory
of the United States. The use of force· is authorized to expel from its territorial waters any ship
not entitled to remain therein, or to detain any
ship not entitled to depart.
·· ·
It is debatable, though, . whether this law of
neutrality is acceptable as modern law. At the·
end of World War I it was left in a very uncertain position, and there ·has been. no effort to rebuild it. Experience with the conflicts in China
and Ethiopia · added to" the confusion, and in
World War II little attention was paid tci. the
rules stated above: The growth of interdependence between nations, technical developments,
and changes in the methods of . warfare have
made such rules unacceptable or inapplicable.
·On the other hand, the principle of collective
security laid down both by the League of Na. tions and the United Nations has· raised questions as to the validity of neutrality in principle
and in morals.
· .
The distinctions concerning contraband are
· of little value when practically all a·rticles are
used by a modern army. Moreover, the distinction ·between combatants and noncombatants
cannot be maintained when the entire population
of a nation is organized for war. Similarly, neu.. tral areas and resources are needed in wars
. fought. on so tremendous a scale that no one state
can draw from itself or its allies all that it needs.
Consequently, both contraband ·lists and blockades were extended by the belligerents in World
· War I, and with quite plausible reasoning, until
practically all neutral commerce with the enemy
was forbidden. Even commerce between neutrals
was much circumscribed. The United States and
other neutrals protested, but when the United
States entered the war, its protests were no lon.
ger heard. Its viewpoint as a, belligerent was
quite different from that as a neutral.
:,
The appearance of_powerful new weapons
.
warfare also made adherence to the old rules
difficult. A belligerent will not deprive itself of
a valuable weapon because of rules acceptable
under earlier conditions. One such rule required
a captured vessel to be brought in for adjudica.
tion. Another rule forbade sinking a vessel with~ ·
out warning and without saving lives. ·
Again, a blockade must be laid, not against ·
one port but against a continent, neutrals iri" .
eluded. Indeed, any trade in either direction is
stopped insofar as a belligerent is able to stop it. "I·
Such trade, even though not directly relevant to -~
war purposes, might bring money, the sinews or···
war, to the enemy. During World War I the :'
Allied blockade practically put the Netherlands ,·
and other European neutrals on a ration basis. ~
Neutral vessels could go only where they were ....
directed by the Supreme Allied War Council and ·
'could carry only what they were told to carry. _f·.
Radio made it possible to order neutral vessels ·
to put into a belligerent port,· at their own cost
in delay, for visit and search in port rather than ~·
by a warship on the high seas. They could not · .
proceed safely unless they had for their protec- .. ·
'(~:
tion a document called a "navicert."
. In the long struggle between the belligerent
and the neutral, the latter has been steadily
forced to give way. Even at its best, the law of .•
neutrality puts heavy responsibilities upon the _
neutral. During World War I a. small state like :
the Netherlands or Switzerland was obliged to ~
keep its armed forces fully mobilized to protect ~
home territories from violations of neutralitY. and
also to. care for thousands of interned beiliger- '
ents.
'
In World War II another small state, Urn- .
guay,. had to risk German vengeance by refusing sanctuary to a German warship, the Graf Spee, .:
for neutrality's sake. The Axis powers showed no •
hesitancy in swallowing up the smaller states
Europe that wished to remain neutral and even
attacked the two strongest neutrals, the United ·:
States and the Soviet Union, without warning. ·~'.
The \var then spread everywhere, and peoples
who had known nothing of it-such as those. in:.>~
northern Africa or the Pacific Islands-were
dragged into it. Latin American states that con· 7.
tributed no military power were lined up on the ;,
side of the Allies so that the law of neutrality
would not deprive the Allies of their ports or of ..
their resources. Even toward the end of the
other states had to sign the Declaration by the , ·
United Nations on Jan. 1, 1942,if they wished to,.;
be invited to the San Francisco conference that -.
planned the UN organization. Very few states"!'
were able to keep out of World War II. For the.
future, long-range weapons and the need for
faraway bases leave little hope for a state that
would like to be neutral.
·A Neutral's Dilemma. The neutral must
fight to defend his. position or be
suffer loss. He is at a disadvantage,
he au'~'"'"'•
not wish tci fight and is not prepared to
There have been few cases of armed
ity. The most notable was the effort of
tic states in 1780 and 1800 to enforce
�NEUTRALITY-NEUTRINO
137
the neutral doctrine that free ·ships make tions, kept its former status as a neutral und~r
goods. On Oct. 3, 1939, the American repub- the League of Nations. Covenant. Austria, a UN
issued a joint declaration inviting belliger- member, had adopted a law under the terms of
ents to stay outside of a zone some 300 miles its World War II peace treaty (1955) that decreed
'(480 km) from American coasts, but little atten- the permanent neutrality of the nation. Laos,
tion was paid to this demand, which, it was though it had been recognized as a neutral state
·claimed, went much further than the law of neu- 1 by the Declaration of the 14-nation Geneva Conference in 1962 and had pledged itself to remain
.. tralitv permitted.
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·
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...;.. The United States entered World War I m neutral, became a battleground in the late 1960's
·defense of its neutral rights:. It had fought the during the escalation of the War in Vietnam. FuWar of 1812 for the same reason. When the rise · ture efforts, it'would appear, must look toward a
.of Hitler brought apprehension of another war, new law fixing the status of states 'under some
·
there was a revulsion of feeling among the Amer- system of collective security.
See also. BELLIGEHENCY; BLOCKADE; 1:\'TEHNA. lean people, and it was said that if defense of
neutral rights led the couritry into war, then neu- TIONAL LAW; WAR, LAWS OF.
CLYDE EAC:LETON*
tral rights should not be defended. In 1935-1939, ·
Former Professor of lntcrnatimwl Law .
certain neutrality legislation was enacted, statNew York Unir:ersity
utes that could rjot properly be regarded as neutmlity laws. They were designed mainly for the
Bibiiography: Gabriel; Jurg Marti~. The American Con·
. purpose· of keeping the United States out of war.
ception of Neutrality after 1941 (~lacmillan l!Joo): l'icuhold, H.,
· · According to this legislation, when the presi- and Tbafberg, H~ The Euro,edn Neutrals in lntenwtional Affairs
dent or the Congress found that a state of war (Westview Press.l985); Ross, John E L., \'t:~~tmlity am/ lntcnw·
existed between foreign countries, it was unlaw- tiona/ Sanctions: Sweden, Switzerland, and Collcctirc Security
ful for anv American vessel to carry any materi- (Praeger 1989).
als or passengers to any countrv named as a bel11 ligerent; for any materials to be exported from .NEUTRINO, nOci-tre'no, a· stable neutral particle
tlit: ·United States· to such a· country until title that has zero rest mass, spin l/2, travels at the
·had been transferred to a foreign owner; for any spe.ed of light, and interacts extremely weakly
American citizen or vessel to proceed into an with matter. Of all the known particles in the
area designated as a combat area; or for any per- universe, the .neutrino mav be the most unusual.
son within the United States to lend rrioney (with Once created in a nuclear~decav process, it inter- .
._.. t!XCcptions) to a belligerent government. It was acts hardly at all with n1atter. For example, only
·purely domestic legislation, and the State Depart- · one of about 10 10 neutrinos that pass through the
ment maintained that . it did not diminish U.S. center of the earth will encounter another particle. Thus the neutrino is most di!Bcult to detect.
rights under international law.
The original hypothesis for the existence of
There was heated controversy over. this legis~
laticm, and after lengthy debates Congress passed the neutrino arose from a fundamental problem:
a new act, signed by President Franklin D. How is the conservation of energy and momenRoosevelt on Nov. 17, 1941. It repealed Section 2 tum preserved in a beta decay in which an unsta.. uf the 1939 act, which forbade commerce with ble nucleus emits an electron or a positron? In
states engaged in armed conflict; Section 3, which 1931, Wolfgang Pauli hypothesized that another
particle also was emitted.and that such an emis~uthorized the president to proclaim combat areas
· :·~. mtn which American vessels could not enter; and sion would account for the observed results and
also conform to the conservation of energy and
·.o, . Section 6, which forbade the arming of American merchant vessels. The U.S. attitude became momentum. In 1934, Fermi formulated a theorv
· increasingly unneutral, as evidenced by such steps of beta decay including this idea, and he called
as the Lend-Lease Act of 1941, and, finally, it this particle a neutrino ("small neutral particle").
Direct evidence for·the existen:ce of the neuwa~ forced into the war by the attack on Pearl
Harbor. Neither defense of neutral rights nor sur- . trino (actually, the antineutrino) was ·first established by the American physicists Frederick Reines .
render of them could avert war.
and Clyde L. Cowan, Jr., in 1956. h1 their work
· ·.' . the Future. An. altei·native is collective secuthey created antineutrinos in a nuclear reactor,·
~t}~.whieh, carried 'to its logical conclusion, would
~ r _ld neutrality. Membership in the League of and they observed the very rare antineutrino. capblatto~s was, in principle,' held to be incompati- tures in a huge detector. The neutrino v and the
e W1th neutrality, but the League Covenant did antineutrino v have the same properties, except
: estab~ish an obligation for members to take that the spin vector of the neutrino points in the
U ':5 agamst an aggressor. The Charter of the direction opposite to its direction of motion,
\\~ted Nati?ns does establish such an obligation. whereas the spin vector of the antineutrino points
the en hand 1f the· Security Council decides that · in the same direction as its direction of motion.
In 1962 it was demonstrated that there are
the ~s been an act of aggression, members of
ev mted Nations are obligated to act. How- either kinds of neutrinos and antineutrinos in addier, 11aw in the UN structure is the require- tion to the so~called electron neutrinos, v. and v.,
.,~! of Article 106 that the five permanent mem- emitted in beta decay. These are the so-called
r,.~·~;,.::.r.1. + Tohf t~e Security Council must be unanimous. mu neutrinos, v. and v..., which arise from the decay
· · ere has been no real effort to revise the ofmu:"·mesons, or muons.
Measurements of such characteristics as the
.· ftatu of neutrality, On the other hand, the idea
got rally persists, for a nation is not '.inclined to flux of neutrinos from the sun have been of great
0
and .wj r except on issues in which it is di~~ctly interest, and it is ·known that these neutrinos are
· beuiVIta 1 concerned. Current terms, such as non- created in nuclear processes that provide the sun's
Y
or thgeruen?y," "qualified neutrality" (for members energy. However, the field of netitrino physics is
·
e n1ted Nations), "intermediacy," or "neu- still in its infancy.
See also PAHTICLE, ELDIE!\'TAHY.
others), reflect this feeling. SwitzerGAHY MITCHELL, North ·carolina State University
not a member of the United Na-
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VOLUME V
National Urban League~Quasi-Judicial Agencies
Charles Scribner's Sons · New York
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NESHAMINY, a creek that flows in a generally southerly direction into the Delaware River about three
miles north of the Philadelphia city .line. Near its
banks was established in 1726 William Tennent's Log
College for the training of Presbyterian ministers.
Gen. George Washington encamped there, Aug. 10,
1777, while awaiting word of where the British army,
then at sea, would land .. He left Aug. 23 to meet the
British force when it unexpectedly sailed up the Chesapeake. The _Battle of Brandywine followed. .
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-NESTERS AND THE CATTLE INDUSTRY.
Beginning in the late 1860's cattle grazing on the
open range of the weste~n Plains from Texas to Mon. tana became the major industry. The cattlemen divided the public domain into large grazing tracts,
some of which they fenced. When farmers, contemptuously called nesters, attempted to settle on the
range, the cattlemen kept them out by intimidation
and in some rare instances by murder. The contest of
the ranger and the granger continued from 1867 to
1886. Congress passed a law, Feb. 25, 1885, prohibiting interference with settlers, and President Grover
. Cleveland followed it with an enforcement proclamation, Aug. 7, 1885. Of greater potency was the great
blizzard of January 1886. Freezing rain encased the
buffalo grass, on which the cattle depended for winter
feed, in a glare of ice. There followed driving snow
and zero temperatures. Range cattle died of freezing
and starvation, and most of the cattle barons were
financially ruined. Commencing with the _spring of
1886 homesteaders, streaming west in covered wagons on a· 1,000-mile front, occupied the public do~
main on the Plains. In the mountain states the contest continued in isolated areas into the 20th century.
[Edward Everett Dale, The Range Cattle Industry; T. A.
McNeal, When Kansas Was You~g.]
Buss lsELY
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[Samuel Flagg Bemis, A Diplomatic History of the
United States; John Bassett Moore, History and Digest of
International Arbitrations to Which the United States Has
Been a Party.]
SAMUEL FLAGG BEMIS
NEUTRAL GROUND. During the American Revolution, Westchester County, N.Y., especially the
Bronx, then within that county, ·was known as neutral
ground because it was not consistently occupied either by the British or by the Americans and the sympathies of its inhabitants were divided. In 1776 British Gen. William Howe began there his advance to
White Plains.
After 1806 the region between the Arroyo Hondo,
near Natchitoches, La., and the Sabine River, near
Nacogdoches, Tex., was also called neutral ground as
a result of the "neutral ground" agreement between
Gen. James Wilkinson and Spanish Lt. Comdr.
Simon de Herrera.
Another area received ·the designation "neutral
ground" in 1830, when the Sioux on the north and the
Sauk and Fox on the south each ceded twenty miles of
land along a line from the Mississippi westward to the
Des Moines River, leaving a neutral area forty miles
wide, largely in present-day Iowa, in which "they
could hunt but must remain peaceful.
[Walter F. McCaleb, The Aaron Burr Conspiracy;
Charles Pryer, The Neutral Ground.]
PHILIP COOI.,IDGE BROOKS
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Nova Scotia" to the arbitr'ation of the king of the
Netherlands, William I. Instead of deciding on the
points in difference, as obliged by the treaty, the
king, in 1831, laid down a compromise line that,
roughly speaking, "split the difference." Great Britain did not object when the United States refused to
.. accept the award on the valid ground that the king had
exceeded his authority. After much further dispute the
line was fixed by the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of
1842-which treaty line does not depart much from
the compromise ofthe arbitrator in 1831.
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NETHERLANDS AWARD. At the close of the War
of 1812 the Treaty of Ghent established a mixed
boundary ·commission to mark the northeastern
boundary· of the United States andCanada; it alsoprovided 'that if the commission could not agree, the
matter should be referred to the arbitration of some
friendly sovereign or state. A special treaty of 1827
referred specific points of difference in the commission concerning that part of the line between the
source of the Saint Croix and the "north west angle of
· NEUTRALITY. The concept of neutrality has two
aspects: it is a legal status and a political policy. Both
have figured prominently in American history from
1(76 to 1941, but both have declined in importance
since World War II.
The legal aspect of ·neutrality guided the relations
between belligerents engaged in a recognized war and
all other states notparties to the conflict. The purpose,
of neutrality was to reconcile the conflicting military
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necessities of belligerents that adversely affected neutrals with the neutrals' insistence that hostilities be
limited to the territories, armies, navies, and civilian
populations of the belligerent states.
Under traditional international law, a neutral state
has the following duties toward belligerents: (1) impartiality; (2) abstention from assistance to belligerents; (3) prevention of the use of neutral territory as a
base for belligerent operations; and (4) acquiescence
in belligerent interference with neutral commerce to
the extent permitted by international law. The belligerents had corresponding duties tqward the neutral:
(1) abstention from violations of neutralterritory (including territorial waters and air space); '(2) respect
for the neutral's impartiality; and (3) abstention from
interference with neutral commerce except under the
guidelines of international law.
Historically, the principal area of application of
neutral rights and duties was on the high seas. Neutrality was always a reflection of the legal status and
material characteristics of war. The traditional law of
neutrality d~veloped in a period when recourse to war
was a sovereign prerogative of all states. International
law and diplomacy did not impose conditions on the
decision of a state to go to war. The law was confined
to the role of registering the fact of formal armed
conflict and specifying the legal consequences of that
fact.
This international law of neutritlity developed in a
period of limited wars, in the 17th and 18th centuries.
The trend toward "total" wars, beginning as early as
the Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815), was at odds with
the traditional concept of neutrality. The intensity of
the stakes, the technological changes in warfare, and
the increased mobility of belligerents tended to make
wars more bitter, destructive, and widespread in their.
effects. All of these factors mitigated against the
traditional notion of neutrality as the international
equivalent of forming a circle around two men
·engaged in a fist fight. By World War I the contradictions between the assumptions of traditional neutrality and the realities of modern total war were evident. They were not adequately recognized, however,
until World War II.
The foregoing overview of the concept of neutrality
as a legal status explains in part the troubled history of
American neutrality. The United States came into existence just before such developments as the French
Revolution and the Industrial Revolution unleashed
the human and material forces that combined to make
total war the central problem of the international community. Accordingly, the struggling American repub-
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lie was obliged to seek neutral rights in an environment hostile to those rights.
For the United States, neutrality was a wise policy
as well as a legal status. George Washington's administration rejected alliance with the new French
republic and, indeed, with any foreign power. But the
desire to avoid foreign entanglements did not preclude foreign trade; The United States wanted to
avoid participation in foreign wars while profiting
'from them by trade with the belligerents. Under the
circumstances, even the traditional 18th-century neutrality proved precc:irious. Violations of neutral rights,
which had plagued European neutrals, were also inflicted on the United States. There were recurring
threats of war with Great Britain and the undeclared
war with France over neutral rights (1798-1800), all
before the more comprehensive phase of European
Napoleonic_, Wars.
·
Thomas Jefferson anticipated modern aspirations
for alternatives to armed force· in his attempts to protect American neutral rights through embargoes
against belligerents who consistently violated those
rights (1807-09). These embargoes apparently failed,
· although appraisal is difficult. It appears that the
·domestic American constituencies most adversely affected by British and French violations of their rights
(mainly in the Northeast) preferred to take their
chances with those belligerents rather than punish
both the belligerents and themselves by embargoing
trade. The Hawks of the period, not themselves the
principal target of belligerent violations of U.S. neutral rights, wanted to fight for those rights, inter alia,
because of their expansionist aspirations in the South
and West.
Although the War of 1812 was supposedly fought
with the protection of U.S. neutral rights as a major
objective, the results were inconclusive. The end of
the Napoleonic ,Wars in 1815 left a legacy of generally successful violation of neutral rights by the great
maritime powers, Britain and France. Tlie principal
change in the law of neutrality of the 19th century
came with the Declaration of Paris in 1856. This
agreement abolished privateering-that is, commissioning of private ships so as to give them belligerent
status to raid enemy shipping.
The United States did not adhere to the Declaration
of Paris, because of the declaration's inadequate recognition of the rights of private neutral property on
ships subject to search and seizure. However, the
American posture as a leading proponent of neutral
rights was altered considerably during the Civil War.
Enforcement of the blockade of the Confederacy led
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NEUTRALITY
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to adoption of many of the same practices earlier objected to by the United States. As a belligerent rather
than a neutral, the United States adopted the doctrine
of continuous voyage, in order to deal with the problems of transshipment of supplies destined for the Con.federacy through British and French possessions and
Mexico. These departures from traditional neutral
positions were later invoked against the United States
when it was once again a neutral in the early years of
World War I.
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A major issue was raised in the wake of the Civil
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War in the Alabama Claims Arbitration (1871). The
United States sought compensation from Great Britain for losses inflicted on U.S .. shipping by Confeder. ' ~. ···~ .
ate raiders outfitted and based in British territory. The .
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. final settlement was more of a political compromise
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than a legal decision. In a precedent of continuing im'·'•.'.\
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portance, Great Britain did agree that neutral territory
henceforth should not be permitted to provide bases
Jor belligerent operations. This precedent remains relevant even after the decline of the forms of maritime
warfare that gave ris·e to it. Thus, connivance or acquiescence in the use of a state's territory as a base for
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civil war, terrorism, subversion, or other kinds of indirect ag¥ression is contrary to contemporary international law,
The general U.S. policy of neutrality was potentially at variance with the Monroe Doctrine (1823),
:.··
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although the special interest claimed by the principle
..
of European nonintervention in the Western Hemisphere was never brought to a major test. By the end
of the 19th century the' United· States was adding a
further special interest to its claims, this time in insistence on the Open Door policy for China. This policy,
.'··
plus U.S. expansion in the Pacific, meant that the
logic and integrity of a general posture of isolation
and neutrality were questionable.
'''',
Efforts to.codify .the law of war and neutrality at
sea at the Hague conferences of 1899 and 1907 were
unsuccessful. A final attempt in the Declaration of
. ... '
London (1909) was never ratified. The greatest stumbling block was disagreement over the definition of
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tually all commer'ce with belligerents. World War I
began with the law of neutrality in disarray. The
:.,.,_, ;
United States attempted to maintain a policy of neutrality in this war and· to protect its neutral rights.
,.·:;
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World War I, the first modern total war, involved
the continuous mobilization of the whole societies of
the belligerents. Whatever distinctions had been previously possible between combatants and noncom-
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batants, public and private property, free goods and
contraband, were destroyed. The conduct of the war
was incompatible with such distinctions and rights.
Moreover, the heavy· dependence of the Allies on·
U.S. trade and financial support made U.S. policies
inherently unneutral and critically injurious from the
German-Central Powers viewpoint.
Other factors affected the U.S. policy of neutrality
and insistence on neutr'al rights: majority popular sentiment for the Allies over the Central Powers, effective Allied propaganda, heavy-handed Central Powers diplomacy, and attempts at subversion. But the
essential element was Allied dependence on U.S.
economic support-given at enormous profit-and
·the conviction of the Central Powers that this support
must be interrupted. In a growing record of infringement of U.S. neutral rights the character of German
violations arising out of submarine attacks overcame
the .substantial reaction against Allied. practices. The
·.United States went to war with neutral rights once
again foremost among its war aims, although given
the performance of the United States in the Civil War,
. it was not surprising that Allied total-war practices
../were immediately adopted and neutral rights virtually
·ceased.
·
American react~on against war, power politics,
foreign entanglements, and allies who did not repay
their war debts contributed to a return to an isolationist policy and to insistence on neutral rights in the
interwar period. This trend,was further encouraged by
broad revulsion against the munitions industries,
which, according to congressional investigations
(1934-36), were greatly responsible for war and U.S.
involvement therein. In the context of the failure of
attempts at disarmament (for example, at the Geneva
Conference, 1931-33), the failure of economic and
other sanctions against Japan after its· Manchurian
'tak~over ( 1931-32) and Italy during its Ethiopian
conquest (1935-37), and growing evidence of Nazi
aggressive intentions, the United States continued to
proclaim political and legal neutrality in preference to
support for collective security .
The complicated development of u.S. neutrality
laws in the late 1930's reflected the division between
strong isolationist sentiment in Congress and increasing determination. in the executive branch ·to resist.
aggression. Neutrality acts passed by Congress in·
1935, 1936, 1937, and 1939 reflected these differences, as did the uneven record of their enforcement
by the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt.
These differences erupted in the debate over American neutrality from the outbreak of World War II
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(September I 939) until the Pearl Harbor attack (Dec.
7, 1941 ). Roosevelt consistently sought liberalization
of the U.S. neutrality laws, beginning with "cashand-carry" armament sales by private concerns and
proceeding to the "destroyer deal," whereby the.
U.S. government directly supplied navy vessels; field
artillery, half a million rifles, and other arms and munitions to Britain in exchange for leases on Caribbean
bases. Meanwhile, Roosevelt and Prime Minister
Winston Churchjll planned all manner of increased
U.S. involvement, including participation in British
convoys and consequent loss of U.S. naval vessels in
combat. The concept of neutral impartiality was replaced with that of the arsenal of democracy.
U.S. interventions on behalf of Great Britain and
its allies were clearly unneutral and would have justified a·German declaration of war in defense of traditional neutral rights. Adolf Hitler's disinclination to
take this course does not alter the lesson that the concept of neutrality cannot survive the conviction of a
pow~rful neutral that one party to a conflict is an evil
aggressor and the other a victim to be saved. This
point is demonstrated in the case of the Declaration of
Panama of October 1939, which sought to ban belligerent action within an enormous security zone enveloping the Western Hemisphere south of Canada. In
addition to the practical impossibility of enforcing the
declaration against German submarines, manifest
nonapplication of the ban to Great Britain reflected
U.S. unneutral policies.
Thus, technological advances in warfare, total-war
attacks in an economically interdependent world, and
aspirations for collective security against aggressors
destroyed the foundations of neutrality as.a policy and
as a legal status. Since World War II these forces
have continued to preclude a return to traditional neutrality. Although true collective security under the
United Nations has not been feasible, nations such
as the United States still distinguish illegal aggressors from their victims, as in the Korean conflict
( 1950-53). The duty to cooperate with collective se-.
curity or collective defense measures-for example,
under the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or the
Organization of American States-generally overrides the presumption of neutral impartiality.
Ideological East-West rifts have produced a new
concept of neutralism or nonalignment. Nations in the
developing Third World have proclaimed their neutrality in the cold war's recurring conflicts and competitions. Additionally, some states such as Austria
have become "neutralized," somewhat following the
model of Switzerland. During the 1950's, Secretary
36
of State John Foster Dulles and other U.S. statesmen
denounced neutralism' and sought unity in the nonCommunist "Free World." By the 1970's the United
States had become reconciled to neutralism and had
moved cooperatively with the Soviet Union, the People's Republic ofChina, and other Communist states
to soften the edges of ideological conflict. Nevertheless, a return to the international system in which neutrality developed appears remote.
[William W. Bishop, International L(llr: Cases and Materials: Edwin Borchard and William Potter Lage, Neutrality for the United States; Cecil V. Crabb, Jr., The Elephants
and the Grass: A Study in Nonalignment: Charles G. Fenwick, International Law: Charles Cheney Hyde, International Law: Myres S. McDougal and Florentino P. Feliciano, Law and Minimum World Public Order: Roderick
Ogley, The The01y and Practice of Neutrality in the Twentieth Century: Robert W. Tucker, The Law of War and Neutrality at Sea: Marjorie M. Whiteman, Digest of International Law, vols. 10 and II.]
WILLIAM V. O'BRIEN
NEUTRALITY, PROCLAMATION OF. When
news arrived in the United States in April 1793 of the
declaration of war ·by France against Great Britain,
and the extension of the wars of the French Revolution into a great maritime war,- it was the general
disposition of the U.S. government and the people,
despite a strong predilection for the old ally France
(see Franco-American Alliance), to remain neutral. In
fact, France preferred its ally to be neutral, as a
source of foodstuffs and naval stores to be moved in
American neutral ships to France, despite the preponderant British navy, under the protection of the freedom of the seas if possible. President George Washington hurried from his home to Philadelphia, then
the nation's capital, and after earnest discussion with
his cabinet decided on a policy of strict neutrality. A
proclamation to that effect was drawn up by Edmund
Randolph, attorney general, and signed by the president and the secretary of state, Thomas Jefferson. At
Jefferson's suggestion, the proclamation studiously
avoided the word neutrality, hoping that the absence
of this would be noted by Great Britain and persuade
that power to make concessions of maritime practice
·to the United States in order to keep it neutral. The
proclamation of Apr. 22, 1793-a landmark in the
history of international law and neutral rights and
obligations-enjoined upon citizens of the United
States a friendly and impartial conduct and warned
them against committing or abetting hostilities against
any of the belligerent powers under penalty of "punishment or forfeiture under the law of nations," par-
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ticularly if they should carry "articles which are
·deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations."
Jefferson thought the use of the word "modern" very
significant in that- it might dispute the British traditional practice of including foodstuffs and naval
stores in the category of contraband, which was contrary to American practice.
Despite the absence of the word "neutrality" in the
proclamation, the. belligerent powers, and the neutral
world, regarded it as a genuine proclamation of neutrality-as indeed it was-and even the U.S. government soon lapsed into the habit of referring to the document as the proclamation of neutrality. The policy
fixed by the proclamation was carefully carried out, in
adherence to the strict letter of treaty _obligations, and .
the executive rules proclaimed to enforce it were soon
· legislated into the Neutrality Act of June 5, 1794. It
set American precedent and law for neutrality.
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United States; Charles Marion Thomas, American Neuirality in 1793.]
SAMUEL FLAGG BEMIS
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NEUTRALITY ACT OF 19~9. In the spring and
summer of 1938 impending war in Europe made the
administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt and, in' general, the public of the United States apprehensive lest
the Neutrality Acts of 1935, 1936, and 1937 prevent
Great Britain and France from purchasing arms, ammunition, and implements of warfare in the United
States during the war.· Under international law, a~
unamended by domestic legislation, belligerents had
a right to purchase contraband of all kinds in a neutral
state, and the power that controlled the seas would be
able to secure their safe delivery. But the existing
neutrality acts had superimpos'ed restrictions and-selfdenials on American· ~eutrality beyond' what was
cailed for by internatio-nal law. These self-denials,
particularly the embargo on the export of arms, ammunition, and implements of warfare to belligerents
in time of-war, had been accepted on the theory that
they 'would serve to keep the United States out of
the war.
The Neutrality Law of 1939 was approved on Nov.
4, after the war between Germany, on the one hand,
and Poland, France, and the British Empire, on the
other hand, had commenced in September. It was a
relaxation of previously self-imposed obligations of
neutrality and a deviation from strict juridical neutrality. It was in fact a diplomatic instrument, the purpose
of which was to help the Allies win the war without
American· military involvement.
Briefly summarized, the act set forth the following:
(1) "Whenever the President, or the Congress by concurrent resolution, shall find that there exists a state of
war between two states, and that it is necessary to
· promote the security, preserve the peace of the United
States or to protect the lives of citizens of the United
States, the President shall issue a proclamation,"
putting into effect the statute. By the provisions of
this section it is clear that the act did not apply to all
wars: it did not apply to civil wars (as did the Neutrality Act of 1937), and it did not apply to those wars
that bqth the president and Congress believed not to
aff~ct the peace or security of the United States or the
lives of its citizens·. For example, the law was immediately applied to the war between Germany and its
enemies, but not to the subsequent war between Russia and Finland. (2) It omitted any embargo on arms,
·ammunition, or implements· of. war, or on anything
else (in contrast to the neutrality legislation of
1935-37) but forbade American ships to carry arms,
ammunition, or implements of war. (3) It forbade
American ships to go to belligerent ports in Europe or
North Africa, as far south as the Canary Islands. (4) It
prohibited the arming of American merchant ,ships.
(5) It gave discretionary power to the president to forbid American ships to enter such "combat zones" as
he should, proclaim. Roosevelt immediately proclaimed, a zone that included the waters around the
British Isles and European Atlantic waters, from the
Spanish boundary to Bergen, Norway, including all
the Baltic coasts. (6) It prohibited American citizens
from traveling on belligerent vessels. (7) It allowed
American ships to carry all goods except arms, ammunition, and implements of war-but did' not exclude other contraband-to. belligerent and neutral
ports other than in Europe or North Africa or east of
66° west longitude and north of 35° north latitude.
(These .limits excluded them from the Saint Lawrence
estuary and the port of Halifax, but allowed them to
go to Saint John, in New Brunswick, Canada; Yarmouth; Nova Scotia; the Caribbean; Vancouver; and
all belligerent ports in the Pacific and .Indian oceans.)
They could carry any goods--except arms, ammunition, and implements of war-to such ports without
previous divesting of American title on leaving the
United States. (8) All goods shipped to European bel- ·
ligerent ports on foreign ships must first have their
title transferred from American ownership, so that
they might never be the source of spoliation claims of
any citizen of the United States. (This was in effect a
37
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pass-title-and-carry provisiOn, not a cash-and-carry .
clause, as popularly called.) (9) Like the Neutrality
Act of 1937, the act of 1939 forbade "any person
within the United States to purchase, sell, or exchange bonds, securities, or other obligations" of a
belligerent state) "or any person acting for or on
behalf of any such state," but allowed dealing in
securities issued previous to the act and did not prohibit ''renewal or adjustment o~ existing indebtedness." (1 0) Like the previous neutrality legislation,
the Neutrality Act of 1939 provided for the licensing
of all munitions exports in time of peace or war.
[William L. Langer and S. Everett Gleason, The Challenge to Isolation, 1937-1940.']
D. Roosevelt did not recognize the second SinoJapanese War as a war within the meaning of the act,
although he did sojudge the Italo-Ethiopian War) and
(b) by phraseology. that might exclude contiguous
states-Mexico and Canada-from the operation of
the cash-and-carry section.
After the outbreak of war in Europe in September
1939, this legislation was superseded by the Neutrality Act of that year.
·,i
[Samuel Flagg Bemis, A ·Diplomatic History of the
United States: Edwin M. Borchard, "Neutrality," in Frank
P. Davidson and George F. Viereck, Jr., eds., Before
America Decides.]
SAMUEL FLAGG BEMIS
SAMUEL FLAGG BEMIS
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NEUTRAL RIGHTS. The United States entered an
18th-century international community in which there
had developed some basic concepts of belligerent and
NEUTRALITY ACTS OF 1935, 1936, AND 1937
represented an. effort to reorient American neutrality
neutral rights in time of war. War was a sovereign
in anticipation of another conflict in Europe. The
prerogative that engendered rights to prevent nonprincipal provisions of this legislation were (1) prohibelligerents from assisting the enemy. These rights
bition, in time of war between foreign states, or of
· primarily concerned maritime commerce. Direct asforeign "civil strife," of the export from the United
. sistance to belligerents through shipment of arms and
States of ''arms, ammunition or implements of war,''
other war materials-that is, contraband of waras the same shall be defined by presidential proclamacould be prevented through blockades, interception,
tion, ''to any port of such belligerent state, or to any
search and seizure, and conversion of unneutral ships
neutral port for transshipment to, or the use of, a bel~
and property to the use of the belligerent.
Neutral rights sought to limit belligerent interferligerent country,'' with the exceptio~ of an American
ence with neutral impartiality, territory, commerce,
republic at war with a non-American state and not
and general international intercourse. Among the
·cooperating with a non-American state in such a war;
points most pressed by neutrals were the following:
(2) prohibition of loans or credits to a belligerent state
_./
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(1) blockades had to be real and effective, not
(with the same exception) by an American national;
"paper" proclamations; (2) "contraband" had to be
(3) delegation of discretionary power to the president
limited to munitions and to material closely related to
to forbid exportation on American ships to belligerent
the conduct of war; (3) the right of neutrals to trade
countries of articles or materials other than arms, am- ·
among themselves had to be respected, irrespective of
munition, or implements of warfare, and to forbid the
exportation of any American property in such articles
the ultimate destination of commerce.
or materials in foreign ships (the so-called "cash-andInternational law rights require a degree of general
carry" feature limited to two years, which expired
observance and/or enforcement. In retrospect, tradiMay 1, 1939); (4) establishment of government li- .
tional neutral rights were defined by Great Britain and
censing and control of the munitions industry in tiine
France. Despite the attempt by the United States to
of peace and war; (5) delegation of power to the presidefend its neutral rights in the undeclared war with
dent to forbid to belligerent submarines or armed ·
France (1798-1800), Thomas Jefferson's embargo of
all belligerents (1807-09), and U.S. involvement in
merchant ships the use of American neutral ports; and
(6) prohibition of the arming of American ships tradthe War of 181?, the United States was never able to·
obtain satisfactory recognition of these rights. When
ing to belligerent countries.
the European nations ended privateering and sought
Except for the first and second provisions, which
were mandatory, the president retained a large meato codify the maritime law of war in the Declaration
sure of discretionary power in the execution of these
of Paris in 1856, the United States refused to adhere
acts, and even these provisions were brought mea~
because of 'inadequate protection for noncontraband
surably under his discretion (a) by the power he had to.
neutral property. More unsuccessful codification atdecide what was or was not a war (President Franklin
tempts in the Hague conferences of 1899 and 1907
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SENIOR EDITORS
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Thomas G. Paterson
PREPARED . UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
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SENIOR CONSULTING EDITOR
Nicholas X. Ri'zopoulos
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NEUTRALITY ACTS OF THE 1930S
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Netherlands was the first NATO country to react posi... Netherlands accorded sanctuary to the German kaiser,
tively to the U.S. offer for deployment of tactical nuclear
·, ·;,;·just prior to the armis~ice w.h~n U.S. troops ~ere still
weapons on European soil and for placing them under
. : ··committed, U.S. public optmon turned agamst the
NATO command .. The Netherlands also consistently
.
. .: ·:;. Netherlan'ds.
.
supported the U.S. position of excluding the People's
· .· 'ix:~· J· <'":.·;·.With the advent of World War II, both the United
Republic of China from UN membership and even
· · ~: · .. '.:: : States and the Netherlands again attempted to pursue
defended early U.S. involvement in Vietnam.
<.:; ~ .~; :/ ~~·eutralism. However, Hitler's invasion of the Netherlands
Starting in the 1970s, however, the Netherlands began
the Spring of 1940 and subsequent occupation until
':>:.t(194S forced Queen Wilhelmina to move her 'government
to demonstrate a desire for some distancing from the
' : ·.···~ 0 London in exile. BefsHe the invasion and U.S.
superpower rivalry, despite its continuing commitment to
·,,~\entrance into the war, President Franklin Roosevelt,
NATO membership and military cooperation with the
•:/ . ,-' ·:· motivated in part by his family's Dutch ancestry, offered
United States. In 1972, for example, the Dutch criticized
the Christmas bombings of North Vietnam and they pro~p::)·~·,:: . the royal family safe haven in the United States. The
·~:;·~·,:.: jsubsequent intimate cooperation between the free
vided development aid to Cuba and North Vietnam from
_;·/,,J'•·• ·.
1973 to 1977. In 1977, the Netherlands led the drive
· ·;j~l·li'~''IDutch and the U.S. -armed forces created a· bond
.:: ~>::-·.: .i;';between the two nations and people that had never been
against President Carter's intention to produce the ne'utron
· ·.~;·?.:stronger. U.S. participation in the liberation of the
bqmb and deploy it in Western Europe and in ,1979, the
.. >~<Netherlands and the establish~ent of the Marshall Plan
Dutch also resisted NATO deployment of new generation
:. ,:-.,:~. ~iri 1947 to aid in postwar reconstruction ushered in a new intermediate-range nuclear missiles on their territory.
.eralof close U.S.-Dutch relations.
.
·
With the end of the Cold War, containment and
· · ' • , , Under the Marshall Plan, the Netherlands received
nuclear issues are no longer points of disagreement
·· !iriore than $1.1 billion in aid, the fifth largest recipient
between the United States and the Netherlands. Dutch
. ,. 1 { :after Great Britain, France, Italy' and West Germany, and
leaders in 1991 reaffirmed their commitment to a strong
·' :the .largest recipient in terms of aid per capita. The UnitNATO, demonstrating that military and diplomatidinks
. ed States, however, did usc Marshall Plan aid as leverage
remain strong. Economic relations· also arc close as
.:to dissuade the Netherlands from reestablishing control
Qutch foreign direct investment in the United States
over its former East Indies possessions. When the Dutch
continues to rank third, exceedyd only by British and
!took military action in Indonesia in 1948,. they were
japanese foreign direct investment in the United States.
.denounced before the United Nations by the U.S. repreREllECCA BRITTON
.sentative, and the termination of Marshall Plan aid was ·
See also· Indonesia; Marshall Plan; North Atlantic Treaty
·threatened. The Dutch ul~imately acquiesced to U.S.
Organization; World War II
··.·pressure despite regarding it as undue .interference. From
·the U.S. perspective, the pressure seemed appropriate
FURTHER READING
given the onset of the Cold War ahd U.S. fears of antagoFlynn,' Gregory, ed. NATO's Nonhem Allies: The National Security
:nizing nationalist forces in Asia and the Middle East and·
Policies of Belgium, De11mark, the Netherlands, and Norway .
..' · driving them into the Soviet sphere of influence. U.S.
'lorowa, N.J, 1985.
· · ...., ._,anticolonial sentiments and widespread sympathies in
Reichenbach-Consten, Gertrude, and Abraham Noordergraaf, eds.
· . . Congress for the cause of Indonesian nationalism also·
Two Hundred Years of Netherlands-A'mericau Interaction. Bryn
·
Mawr, Pa., 1985.
drove policy. Later, President Kennedy also pressured
the Dutch to cede Dutch New Guinea to Indonesia in an · Schulte-Nordholt,'J.W., and Robert P. Swiercnga, cds. A Bilateral.
Bicentennial: A History of Dutch-American Relations, I782-1982 ..
effort to lure the Indonesian leader, Sukarno, away from
· 1bronto, 1982.
Moscow. Again, the Netherlands grudgingly relented.
The United States and the Netherlands proved to be
-strong military allies within the NATO alliance and polit- ·
NEUTRALITY ACTS OF THE 1930S
ical allies within the United Nations. The Netherlands
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sent a combat unit of volunteers to join fourteen other
Legislation designed to keep the United States out of
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future wars, passed by Congress and signed by the president in '1935, 1936, 1937, and 1939. Endlessly debated
ahd frequently revised, these acts became the central
During that decade-and in the 1960s-the Dutch were
element of U.S. foreign policy from 1935 to 1941.
willing to leave matters of NKfO strategy to the United
The legislation had its origins in three sometimes.States, trusting in the reliability of U.S. strategic guaranconflicting streams of thought, all of which can be seen
' · · '· · ., · . te.es to Europe and firmly rejecting the formation of an
as interpretations of the U.S. experience in World War I.
·
independent European nuclear force. In 1957 the
The. first held that in the face of the massive changes in
· · .': ·.in
·,."_~.t~:; s;~~:.;;~:~EF~:~~~.~~~~;:;:~:i.~r·~~~~~~~
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2.12
'\IXTI{\LITY ACTS OF THE 1lJ30S
1rarbrL· in the tll·entieth eenrur\'. some rr<tditional neutral
ri,c;hr-: lud ro hc relinquished to mainrait1 the neutralitv
of the l :nired States in future inrernational conflicts.
This conecpt. 11·hich was advanced bY Secretary of State
I leiu1· L ..'ltimson in the waning days of the Hoover
,tdminisrr:~tir1n. 11as widelY promotcd by cxperrs in intern:ttion,tl L111 and 11·as substantiallv adopted by the
lkp,trrmcnt of State in 10.35. A second clement was the
idc,t rhat. to maintain peace and therebY promote its own
sccmitl·, thc l'nited States should cooperate with intern,ttional collccrive securitv cfforrs that promoted dis,trmamcnr ,,nd the cutting off of arms shipments to nations
'H \l.,tr: Stimson had tried unsuccessfullv to move in' that
dirccrion. and the new administration of President
1:ranklin D. Roosevelt pursued it in 1933 and 1934. The
tlnal. and ultimately the determining, elcment in neutralitY legislation was the isolationist impulse, which
sottghr to insulate the United States against war by prohibiting :1cti1·itics that were deemed to have brought the
coumr1· inw World War I. A majoritv of the members of
Congress. and almost certainly a majority of the American pc<>plc, shared th,H impulse for most of the decade of
the 1lJ30s.
In 1935, thc Roosevelt adminisrration sought amhori;ation from Congress for a discretionarv embargo on
the sale of arms to hclligcrcnrs, hoping to bring an end to
the C:h,lco War hcnrecn Bolivia and Paraguay and, 'if possible. to a1nt an impending Italian attack 01i Ethiopia.·
l ;llllcr the influencc of rc1·elations produced by the
im·estigation of the munitions industry by the Senate
committee headed h\' Gerald P. Nye, and with pressure
prm·idcd b1· pmrcrful isolationists who feared that the
discrction:u·1· application of embargoes might involve the
t:nitcd Statcs in \lar, Congress instead passed the Neurralitv :\ct of 1<J.)S. This act required the president, in the
n·em of \l·:n anV\\·hcrc. ro bar the shipmcnr of arms and
.amnlltniti<'m to all ·participanrs, regardless of which ones
had been the :1ggrcssors. Arms shipmenrs to the Allies
during \\'orld War I. it 11·as argued, had been a major
c:tusc of l !.S. entrY into the war, and banning such shipmcnts 1untld do much to keep the cotmtr\· our of future
11:1rs. 'l'hc hill p't~sed both the Senate and rhc I louse b:·
an mcn1·helming vote of 79 to 2 in the Senate and was
signcd h1 Roosevelt on .) I August. The ;\eutr,\litv Act of
1li.),'i, hml·e\·cr, lcft the presidcnt SOme discretion both in
the definition of what constitu~ed·arms and ammunition
:IIH.l in thc application of·tiJC la1\· to new belligerents
entering :tn existing conflict. While it scr up a National
\lunirions Board to license and super,·isc all arms shipmciHS :tnd t(Jrbadc munitions destined for bclligerenrs to
hc c:trricd on l.i.S. ships, it allowed the president to
cilllosc whether to bar the shipmenr of supplies from
l'.S. ports on ,·csscls of a bclligcrcnr.powcr. to keep such
:1 crJUJtrr\ 's suhm:1rincs out of l :.s. ports. and to proclaim
li
I
that American citizens traveling on belligerent ships did
so at their own risk.
·
Even this partial compromise between Congress and
the prcsidcnt had been difficult to achieve, and the law
was to expire in six months. The presumed lessons of
. World \Var I were to be found in its every clause. Roosevelt invoked the new law in the lralian-Ethiopian War
on 5 October, but he noted its unnemral effects:
Ethiopia was denied access to American arms it desperately needed (but had no realistic possibility of acquiring), while well-armed Italv ran its ranks and planes on
increasing quantities of U.S. oil. Still eager to use neutrality laws as a foreign policy tool, Roosevelt now sought
to gain discretionary embargo powers for war material
other than arms. A large majority of Congress remained
suspicious of presidential discretion and of two minds on
the trade issue. In February, the Neutrality Act of 1936
was approved by a vote of 353-27 in the House of Representatives and without a· record vote in the Seriate. It
extended the mandarory arms embargo for a year and,
drawing another ostensible lesson from World War I,
added a ban on loans to belligerents. The next armed
conflict to break our in Europe was not in war between
nations bur an internal conflict in Spain: in 1936, General
Francisco Franco, supported by Italy an~! Germany,
sought to o\'erthrow the government of the Spanish
Republic, which was, in its turn, aided by the Soviet
. Union. U.S. neutrality legislation did not apply to civil
wars, bur Roosevelt undertook to extend it. He was motivated in part by the wish to cooperate with the Nonintervention Committee established by Great Britain and
France in hopes of limiting the Spanish conflict, and he
acted in the mistaken belief that extending the embargo
to Spain would hurt Franco's rebel forces more than the
elected government. Congress, primarily interested in
keeping the United States out of war, approved the necessary legislation with only a single dissenting vote on 6
Januarv 1937.
By rhar rime, discussion of the "permanent" NeutralitY Act of 1937 was already under way. Once again Congress tried to insulate the United States against fuwre
conflicts while the Roosevelt administration sought to
retain some flexibility that would allow cooperation with
collective securitv efforts. The House agreed to a compromise 1i1easurc.bv a vote .of 376-12, but in the Senate,
whose isolationists made a strong stand, the conference
report which agreed with the Ho~1sc bill was accepted by
a vote of only 41 to IS, with 39 abstentions. Signed by
Roosevelt on I l\lay, the measure applied to all wars and
required the president to embargo arms and implements
of war. ro ban loans and American travel on belligerent
ships, and to t(Jrbid the arming of American merchant
ships trading with warring states. Irs new "cash-andcarrv" clause allowed the president to limit trade with
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· ..· belligerents in war material other than arms by requiring
: .' that such goods be paid for before they left the country
:·'and not be carried on American ships. This legislation
·,did not insulate the United States against wars elsewhere
. ·;in the world any more than its predecessors had. It was
>marginally helpful to Great Britain and France, which
·;' ~ould have greater access to moneyand ships than their
".potential adversaries in any foreseeable future war, and,
·; · it been invoked, would have helped Japan in its war
China. It may have given encouragement to Adolf
moves toward. building a greater German Reich,
he might now virtually take .for granted th.at the
States would do nothing to stop him.
',.~:··The rationale for neutrality legislation came increas. ·i~~ly into question as Germany's annexation of Austri(:l in
·;f938 and its territorial demands on Czechoslovakia in
. ' '938 arid early 1939 appeared to be threats not only to
\V~rld peace, but to American security as well. In the
'r· ·
of 1939, Roosevelt proposed scrapping the arms
and putting all trade with belligerents on a
"''~11-o, .. u-carry basis, thereby making military aid to
Britain and France possible. But the "selling arms
war" mood in Congress remained strong enough
·""~"F•n• passage. When the House voted to restore an
slightly modified arms embargo to the administraproposal and, by a vote of 217 to 173, refused to
it, the measure was effectively dead. Only after
War II broke out on 1 September 1939 and Hitler's
overran Poland in less than a month was Congress
that attempts to insulate the United States
foreign conflict no longer served the nation's needs.
, the Neutrality Act of 1939 which Roosevelt signed
4 November retained all the provisions of the earlier
··except for the arms embargo.
:,Over the next two years the 1939 act was· circumventin various ways, most spectacularly by the president's
'1i:leorember 1940 agreement with. Great Britain .to swap
American destroyers· for the right to establish U.S.
·and air bases on British territory in the Wester~
thus giving Great Britain the use of ships of
officially neutral U.S. Navy; and by the passage of the
Lease Act. in March 1941, which negated the
portion of the cash-and-carry provision of the
Act. Not until October 1941, however, did
request formal revision of that law. Congress·
..
nded in November by voting, by margins of SO to 37
. ::; i.n the Senate but only 212 to 194 in the House, to permit
· ·tbe arming of American merchantmen and their ·entry
·:-.~:into war zones and belligerent ports. Though the United
·~·.States had by this time moved far away from anything
' ..;..that might be properly described as neutrality, remnants
of.the neutrality acts were still in place wheri the Japan-·
.e~e attacked Pearl Harbor.
.
MANFRED jONAS
See also America First Committee; Austria; Bolivia; Collective Security; Czech Republic; Ethiopia; Franco, Francisco; Germany; Hitler, Adolf; Isolationism; Italy; Neutral Rights; Nye, General Prentice; .Paraguay; Roosevelt,
Franklin Delano; Spain; Stimson, Henry Lewis; World
War II
FURTHER READINQ
Cole, Wayne C. Roosevelt and the Isolationists, 1932-1945. Lincoln,
· Neb., 1983.
Divine, Robert A. The Illusion of Neutrality. Chicago, 1968.
Ginsburg, Thomas N. The Pursuit of Isolationism in the United States
Senate from Versailles to Pearl Harbor. New York, 1982.
Jonas, Manfred. Isolationism in America, 1935-1941. Ithaca, N.Y.,
1966 and Chicago, 1990.
NEUTRALITYFROCLAMATION
OF 1793
See Washington, George
NEUTRALITY PROCLAMATION
OF 1914
See World War I .
NEUTRAL RIGHTs··
The trading rights of neutral states in time of war. The
assertion and defense of neutral rights were important
elements in American foreign policy from the nation's
earliest days, and on two occasions, in 1812 and 1917,
played a major role in bringing the United States into
war. The concept of neutral rights developed during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, as the world's
oceans became major commercial highways and sea
power acquired a decisive role in European wars. Belligerents sought to preveiu all nations from trading with
their enemies. Neutrals, caught in the middle and dependent on trade for their prosperity, sought to trade as
freely as possible and claimed\ "neutral rights." Maintaining the right of neutrals to trade in wartime (even
with belligerents) required layi':lg down rules of blockade
and definitions of contraband as well as developing a set·
of ground rules that defined the rights and duties of neutral states. Although bellige~ents were rarely inclined to
recognize the rights of neutrals, they were frequently
compelled to do so in order to prevent retaliation or a
wider war, and over the course of time these rights were
incorporated into treaties, domestic legislation, and the
rulings of prize courts, where they became part of international law.
�Flanders Field
http://www.abmc.gov/fT.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
FLANDERS FIELD AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
· The World War I ·Flanders . Field American
Cemetery and Memorial lies on the southeast edge
of the town ofWaregem, Belgium, along the
~tilj il~l~l Lille-Gent AutoRoute E-17. It is located 175 miles
north of Paris, France and 46 miles west of
Brussels. The cemetery is within 30 miles of
Brugge (Brugges) and Gent (Gand), the two
largest cities in Flanders. Waregem may be
reached by train from Brussels via Gent (Gand) in
approximately one hour; from Paris, Gare du
Nord, in about five hours via Rysel (Lille) and
Kortrijk (Courtrai), and five and one-half hours
·via Brussels and Gent. Taxi service is available
The cemetery occupies a six acre site. Masses of graceful trees and shrubbery frame the burial
area and screen it from the passing traffic. At the ends of the paths leading to three of the corners
of the cemetery are circular retreats with benches and urns. At this peaceful location rest 368
American. military Dead most of whom gave their lives in liberating Belgium in World War I.
Their headstones are aligned in four symmetrical areas around the white stone chapel which
stands in the center of the cemetery,
The altar inside the chapel is of black and white Grand Antique marble having draped flags on
each side; above it is a crusader's sword outlined in gold. The chapel furniture is of carved oak,
stained black and white veining to harmonize with the altar. On the side walls are inscribed the
names of 43 of the Missing in Action who gave their lives in the service of their Country, but
whose remains were never recovered or identified.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
HOME PAGE CEMETERY LISTING NEXT CEMETERY
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Ardennes
AMERICAN BA-TTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
ARDENNES AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World Warn Ardennes American Cemetery and Memorial is located near the southeast
edge of Neupre (Neuville-en-Condroz), Belgium, twelve_ miles southwest of Liege. The main
highway to Marche passesthe cemetery entrance. Liege can be reached by express train from
Paris (Gare du Nord) in about five· and a half hours; from Brussels and from Germany via
Aachen. Taxicabs and limited bus service to Neupre·are available from Liege. There are several
hotels in the city.
The approach drive leads to .the memorial, a rectangular structure bearing ori its facade a
massive American eagle and other symbolic sculptures.· Within are the chapel, three large wall
maps composed of inlaid marble, marble panels depicting combat and supply activities and other
ornamental features. Along the outside of the memorial, inscribed on granite slabs, are the names
of 462 American Missing who gave their lives in the service of their country, but whose remains
were never recovered or identified. The cemetery, ninety acres in extent, contains the graves of
5,328 American military Dead, many of whom died in the so-called "Battle of the Bulge." Their
headstones are aligned in straight rows which compose the. form of a hug'e Greek cross on the lawn
and are framed by tree masses. The cemetery served as the location of the Central Identification
Point for the American Graves Registration Service of the War Department during much of the
life of the Sen:ice.
TheJacade on the far (north) end, which overlooks the burial area bears the insignia in mosaic
of the major United States units which operated in the Northwest Europe in World War II.
In the summer the cemetery.is open to visitors daily from 9.:00 am to 6:00 pin and in the winter
·
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
If you would like to learn more in detail about the Ardennes Cemetery, the Commission has a
booklet that you can obtain· in two ways:
1. You may write to us at:
Colonel Anthony N. Corea
Director of Operations .and Finance
Americ~n Battle Monuments .Commission
Courthouse Plaza II, Suite 500 ...
2300 Clarendon Boulevard
Arlington, VA 22201
Telephone (703) 696-6897
2. If you have an Adobe Acrobat, you may down load the booklet with or without pictures. If
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�Normandy
http://www.abmc.gov/no.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
NORMANDY AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Normandy American
Cemetery and Memorial is situated on a cliff
overlooking Omaha Beach and the English
· Channel in Colleville-sur Mer, France. It is just
east of St. Laurent-sur-Mer and north west of
Bayeux about one hundred and seventy miles
west of Paris. The cemetery may be reached
from Paris by automobile via Highway A-13 to
. Caen, then Highway N-13 through Bayeux to
Formigny, then following D-517 to St.
Laurent-sur-Mer and D-514 to.
Colleville-sur-Mer. A large stone directional
· sign designates the cemetery entrance. There is
regular rail service between Paris (Gare St.
Lazare) and Bayeux, where taxicabs and tour
· bus service are available. Travel by rail takes
three hours. Hotels are available in Bayeux and
Port-en-Bessin. The cemetery is located on the
. site of the temporary American St. Laurent ~
Cemetery, established by the U.S. First Army
on June 8, 1944, the first American cemetery on
European soil in World War II.
The cemetery is at the north end of its one
half mile access road and covers one hundred
and seventy two acres. It contains the graves of · ·
9,386 American military Dead, most of whom
gave their lives during the landings and ensuing
ope~ations of World War II.
n the walls of the semicircular garden on the east side of the memorial are inscribed the
names of 1,557 American Missing who gave their lives in the service of their country, but whose
remains were not located or identified. The memorial consists of a semicircular colonnade with a
loggia at each end containing maps and narratives of the military operations. At the center is a
bronze statue titled, "Spirit of American Youth." An orientation table overlooks the beach and
depicts the landings at Normandy. Facing west at the memorial, one sees in the foreground the
reflecting pool, the mall with burial areas to either side and the circular chapel beyond. Behind
the chapel are statues representing the United States and France.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00pm.
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�--------c-----------------~----
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Sean P. O"Shea
~~~~~~~Rnr---------------~/
0572672000 02:56:22 PM
Record Type:
,-f
Record
To:
Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
bee:
Subject:. Re: DoD Contact
IJ
Acknowledgements :
Secretary Cohen, Secretary West, Secretary Slater, General McCaffrey
Thomas M. Rosshirt
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Thomas M. Rosshirt
05/26/2000 02:53:35 PM
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Record Type:
To:
cc:
· Subject:
Record
Sean P. O'Shea/WHO/EOP@EOP
Re: DoD Contact
IJ
just heard from gen. ivany's aide; thanks for your help.
also: do you do the acknowledgments for this? Do you give them to the President separately?
�i•'
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(
Record Type:
To:
Record
Tomasz P. Malinowski/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
Subject: Memorial Day remarks
as we discussed-- here's one of the e-mails with the acknowledgements. thanks
------------~---------
'
*"•
.•
•
Michele Ballantyne
Record Type:
To:
Forwarded by Loretta M. Ucelli/WHO/EOP on 05/26/2000 07:22 PM ---------------------------
05/26/2000 06:44:31 PM
Record
Loretta M. Ucelli/WHO/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject: Memorial Day remarks
------------:---------- Forw~rded by Michele Ballantyne/WHO/EOP on 05/26/2000 06:44 PM ---------------------------
~
..•
•
Michele Ballantyne
Record Type:
To:
05/26/2000 04:08:31 PM
Record
Justin H. Sibereii/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Mara E. Rudman/NSC/EOP@EOP
Subject: Memorial Day remarks
Podesta said that the President's remarks should mention the National Moment of Remembrance, and
mention by name Carmella LaSpada (WH Liaison for the
·
oug as~
Thanks.
�http://www.abmc.gov/br.htm
Brittany;
I
. AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
BRITTANY AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Brittany American Cemetery and
Memorial lies one and a half miles southeast of the village
of St. James (Marche), France, twelve miles south of
Avranches and fourteen miles north of Fougeres. It may
be reached by automobile from Paris via toll Highway ·
A-ll to Laval, then D-31 to Ernee, N-12 to Fougeres and
finally D-798 to St. James, a total distance of 220 miles
from Paris. The cemetery is reached by rail, bus and
taxi. From Paris take the high speed train (TGV) at the
Montparnasse Station to Laval. Change to the SNCF bus
to Fougeres and from there to St. James by taxi. Travel
-~~;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;;y;~~a~y~ov~e~r~~~~~~.
·There are hc:>tels at St. James, Avranches, Pontorson
·
Mont St. Michel (15 miles). ·
At this cemetery, covering twenty eight acres of rolling farm country near the eastern edge of
Brittany, rest 4,410 American Dead, most of whom gave their lives in the Normandy and Brittany
campaigns in 1944. Along the retaining wall of the memorial terrace are inscribed the names of
498 American who gave their lives in the service of their country but res~ in unknown graves.
Brittany American Cemetery is located on the site of the temporary American St. James ·
Cemetery, established on August 4, 1944 by the U.S. Third Army. It marks the point where the
American forces made their ,famous breakthrough from the hedgerow country of Normandy into
·the plains of Brittany during their offensive around Avranches.
The gray granite memorial contains the chapel as well as two large operations maps and flags
of our military services and overlooks the burial area. Interesting stained glass and sculpture aid
in embellishing the structure. The lookout platform of the chapel tower, reached by 98 steps,
·affords a view of the stately pattern of the headstones as well as the peaceful surrounding
countryside stretching northward to the sea and Mont St. Michel.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
·
·
If you would like to learn more in detail about this cemetery, the. Commission has a booklet
that you can obtain in two ways:
.
1. You may write to us at:
Colonel Anthony N. Corea
Director of Operations and Finance
American Battle Monuments Commis.sion
Courthouse Plaza II, Suite 500
2300 Clarendon Boulevard
Arlington, VA 22201
Telephone (703) 696-6897
2. If you have an Adobe Acrobat, you may down load the booklet with or without pictures. If
you do not have a copy of Adobe's Acrobat Reader currently installed on your PC, you will need
to download and configure a free copy before you can read and print the booklet.
Download Adobe Acrobat
Download Booklet with pictures (0.7 M- t·akes about 7 minutes).
1 of2
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�· http://www.abmc.gov/bk.htm
Brookwood
·AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
BROOKWOOD AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
. The. World War I Brookwood American
· Cemetery and Memorial is located southwest of'
the town ·of Brookwood, Surrey, England, about
six miles north of.Guildford and nine miles
north-east of Aldershot. It may be reached by
automobile from London, a distance of
twenty-eight miles, or by train from Waterloo
Station in less than an hour. The cemetery is
about 300 yards from the Brookwood Station.
·.There are hotels and.restaurants at Woking,
Guildford, Aldershot and other nearby towns:
This small cemetery of four and a half acres lies
within the large civilian cemetery of the London
Necropolis Company and contains the graves of 468 American military Dead from World War I.
Close by are ·military cemeteries and monuments of the British Commonwealth and other Allied
nations. Automobiles may drive th~ough the.Necropolis to the American cemetery.
Within the American cemetery the headstones are arranged in four plots, grouped about the ·
flagpole. The regular rows of white marble headstones on the smooth lawn are framed by masses
of shrubs and evergreen trees which form a perfect setting for the chapel, a classic white stone
building on the northwest side of the cemetery. The interior of the chapel is of tan-hued stone.
Small stained-glass windows light the altar and flags and the carved cross above them. On the
walls :within the chapel are inscribed the names of 563 of the Missing in Action, who gave their
lives in the service of their country and wh~se graces are at sea. •
·
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter ·
from 9:00am to 5:00pm on weekdays and 10:00 am to 6:00pm on weekends and holidays.
ABMC MAIN CEMETERY LISTING NEXT CEMETERY
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�Cambridge
http://www.abmc.gov/ca.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
•
•
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CAMBRIDGE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Cambridge American Cemetery and Memorial is located! three miles west
of the university city of Cambridge, England on Highway A-1303 and sixty iniles north of
London. It takes about four and a quarter hours driving from London. By automobile.
Cambridge may also be reached by railroad from the Liverpool Stre~t Station. Travel time is
about one and a half hours. Train service is frequent. Taxicab service to the cemetery is available
at the Cambridge Station. There are excellent hotels in the city.
The site, thirty and a half acres in extent, was donated by the University of Cambridge. It lies
on a north slope with wide prospect. The west and south· sides of the cemetery are framed by
woodland. There are 3,812 American military Dead buried there. On the wall running from the
entrance to the chapel are inscribed the names of 5,126 Americans who gave their lives in the
service of their country, but'Yhose remains were never recovered or identified. Most of these died
in the Battle of the Atlantic or in the·strategic air bombardment of Northwest Europe during
World War II.
Graves Area
From 'the flag platform near the main entrance the great mall with its reflecting pool stretches
eastward. From this mall the headstones in the burial area form a sweeping curve across the
green lawn. Along the south side of the mall is the Wall of the Missing. At its far end is the chapel
containing two huge military maps, stained glass windows bearing the State Seals and military
decorations, and its mosaic ceiling with a memorial to otir Air Forces Dead.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 ain to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00pm.
If you would like to learn more in detail about the Cambridge Cemetery, the Commission has
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�Ep~nal
http://www.abmc.gov/ep.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
-,
EPINAL AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Epinal American Cemetery and Memorial is located approximately four
miles southeast ofEpinal (Vosges), France on Road D-157 in the village ofDinoze-Quequement. It
can be reached by automobile via toll Autoroute A-4 eastward to the Nancy Exit. Take Highway
N-57 and exit at Arches-Dinoze. Rail service is ~vailable from Gare de l'Est, Paris via Nancy,
where it may be necessary to change trains. The journey by train takes about five hours. Air
travel is available from Paris to the Epinal-Mirecourt Airport. Travel by air takes forty-five
minutes. Adequate hotel accommodations and taxi service can be found in Epinal and-vicinity.
The cemetery, forty-eight acres in extent, is located on a plateau one hundred feet above the
Moselle River in the foothills of the Vosges Mountains. It contains the graves of 5,255 American
military Dead. It was established in October 1944 by the 46th Quartermaster Graves Registration
Company of the U.S. Seventh Army as it drove northward from southern France through the
Rhone Valley into Germany. The cemetery became the repository for the fatalities in the bitter
fighting through the Heasbourg Gap during. the winter of 1944-45.
The memorial, a rectangular structure with two large bas-relief panels, consist of a chapel,
portico and museum room with it~ mosaic operations map. On the walls of the Court of Honor,
which surround the memorial, are inscribed the naines of424 Americans who gave their lives in
·
·
the service of their country and who rest in unlk.nown graves.
Stretching northward is a wide tree-lined mall which separates two large burial plots. At the
northern end of the mall the circular flagpole plaza forms an overlook affording a view of a wide
sweep of the Moselle valley~
On May 12, 1958, thirteen caskets draped with American flags were placed side by side at the
memorial at Epinal American Cemetery. Each casket contained the remains of one World War II
"Unknown" American serviceman; one from each of the thirteen permanent American military
cemeteries in the European Theater of Operations. In a solemn ceremony, General Edward J.
O'Neill, Commanding General of the U.S. Army Communication Zone; Europe, selected the
"Unknown" to represent the European Theater. It was flown to Naples, Italy and placed with
"Unknowns" from the Atlantic and Pacific Theaters of Operation aboard the USS Blandy for
transportation to Washington, DC for final selection of the "Unknown" from World War II. On
Memorial Day, 1958, this "Unknown" was buried along side the "Unknown" from World War I
at the Tomb of the Unknow~ Soldier at Arlington National Cemetery.
In the summer the cemetery is opento visitors daily from 9:00am to 6:00pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
If you would like to learn more in detail about the Epinal Cemetery, the Commission has a
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�,-------------------
Florence
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
·http://www.abmc.gov/tlhtm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
FLORENCE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
Central Mall
The World War II Florence American Cemetery and Memorial is located on the west side of
Via Cassia, about seven and a half miles south of Florence, Italy. The Roine-Milan highway
(Autostrada) passes near the cemetery. Its Certosa-Florence exit is two miles to the north. There
is excellent train service to Florence from the principal cities in Italy. :n:t is also served by some of
. the international trains. The "SITA" bus station provides frequent bus service along Via Cassia ..
There is a bus stop conveniently located just outside the cemetery gate.
The site covers seventy acres, chiefly on the west side ()f the (;reve River. The wooded hills
which frame its west limit rise several hundred feet. Between the·two entrance buildings a bridge
leads to the burial area where the headstones of 4,402 American military Dead, representing
thirty-nine percent of the U.S. Fifth Army burials originally made between Rome and the Alps.
Most died in the fighting which occurred after the capture of Rome in June 1944. Included among
them are casualties of the heavy fighting in the Apennines shortly before the war's end. On May
2, 1945, the enemy troops in northern Italy surrendered. At Florence, the headstones are arrayed
in symmetrical curved rows upon the hillside. Abov~ the burial area on the topmost of three
broad terraces stands the memorial marked by a tall pylon surmounted by a large sculptured
figure. The memorial has two open atria or courts joined by the Tablets of the Missing upon
which are inscribed the names of 1,409 Americans who gave their lives in the service of their
country and who rest in unknown graves.
The atrium at the south end of the Tablets of the Missing serves as a forecourt to the chapel
which is decorated with marble and mosaic. The north atrium contains the marble operations
maps recording the achievements of the American Armed Forces int~is region during World War
II.
.
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�http://www.abmc.gov/hc.htm
Henri-Chapelle
.
I
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMI.SSION
HENRI-CHAPELLE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Henri-Chapelle American Cemetery and Memorial is located two miles.·
northeast of the village of Henri-Chapelle,.Belgium, which is on the main highway from Liege (18 ·
miles) to Aachen, Germany (10 miles). Henri-Chapelle is four and a half miles northwest of the
Welkenraedt Exit (seven miles from the German border) on the Aachen-Antwerp Autorotite.
Welkendaedt, the n~arest railroad station with taxi service to the cemetery. It may be reached by
··
train from Paris (Gare du Nord), Brussels and Aachen.
At this cemetery, covering fifty seven acres, rests 7,989 American military Dead, most of whom
gave their lives during the advance of the American Armed Forces into Germany during Worl~
War II. Their headstones are arranged in ·gentle arcs sweeping across a broad green lawn which
slopes gently downhill.
'
.
·
A highway passes through the reservation. West of the highway an overlook affords an \
excellent view of the rolling countryside, once a battlefield. To the east is a long colonnade, which
with a chapel and museum at either end, overlooks the burial area. The chapel is simple but
richly ornamented. Two maps ofmilitary operations, carved in black granite, with inscriptions
recalling the achievements of the American Armed Forces are in the museum. The cemetery
possesses great military historic significance as it accommodated the fallen Americans of two
major efforts- one covering the U.S. First Army's drive in September 1944 through northern
France, Belgium, Holland, and Luxembourg into Germany - and second covering the Battle of the
Bulge
·
·
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�Henri-Chapelle
http://www.abmc.gov/hc.htm
.,
. On the rectangular piers of the colonnade are inscribed the names of 4SO Americans who gave
their lives in the service of their country but whose remains were never recovered 'or identified.
The seals of the states· and territories are also carved on these piers.
It was from the temporary cemetery at Henri-Chapelle that the first shipment of remains of
American War Dead were returned to the U.S. for permanent burial. The repatriation program
·began on July 27, 1947 at a special ceremony at Henri-Chapelle American Cemetery when the
disintennent began. The first shipment of 5,600 American Dead from Henri-Chapelle left
Antwerp, Belgium the first week of October 1947. An impressive ceremony was held with over
30,000 reverent Belgium citizens attending and representatives of the Belgium government and
senior Americans presiding.
·
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
If you would like to learn more in detail about this cemetery, the Commission has a booklet
that you can obtain in two ways:
1. You may write to us at:
(
Colonel Anthony N. Corea
Director of Operations and 'Finance
American Battle Monuments Commission
Courthouse Plaza II, Suite 500
2300 Clarendon Boulevard
Arlington, VA 22201
Telephone (703) 696-6897
2. If you have an Adobe Acrobat, you may down load the booklet with or without pictures. If
you do not have a copy of Adobe's Acrobat ~eader currently installed on your PC, you will need
to download and configure a free copy before you can read and print the booklet..
Download Adobe Acrobat
Download Booklet with pictures (0.7 M- take·s about 7 minutes).
Download Booklet without pictures (takes less than a minute).
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�.,
'
. http://www.abmc.gov/lo.h~
Lorraine
\
I
AMERICAN BATTLE.MONUMENTS COMMISSION
LORRAINE AME:RICAN CEMETERY AND'MEMORIAL ...
.. The World War II Lorraine American Cemeter
· and .Memorial is located three quarters a mile nort
.·of the town of St. Avoid (Moselle), France on Highw
N-33. St. Avoid, which is twenty eight miles east of
Metz and seventeen miles southwest of Saarbrucke
can be reached by automobile from Paris via toll
. Autoroute A in about four hours. Trains from Par
(Gare de l'Est) take abo:ut three and a half hours to
.the St. Avoid Station, which is three mil.es from the
cemetery. There ate hotels at St. Avoid, Forbach,
Saarbrucken. and Metz.
\
·3.
. The cemetery, one hundred and thirteen acres i .
. · extent, contains 10,489 American Milita'ry Dead,th
largest number in ou(military cemeteries of World.
War II Dead in Europe. Mos't.of the De~d here wer
killed in 4riving the German forces from the fortre
city of Metz toward the Siegfr:ied Line and the Rhin
River~ Initially, there were over·16,000 Americans
. interred in the St. Avoid region, mostly from the U
.Seventh ~.rmy's Infantry and Armored Divisions a
.its Cavalry Groups. Their headstones. are arrange
· in nine plots. in a generally elliptical design extendi
over the beautiful rolling terrain of eastern Lorrain
and ~ulminating in ~ promin'ent overlook feature.
Avoid served as a vital communications center for
vast netw9rk of enemy defenses guarding the.weste
. border of the Third Reich. ·
The memorial, which stands on a plateau to the
west ofthe burial area, contains ceramic.operation
maps with narratives and service flags. Higli on its
exterior. wall is the figure of St.~ Nabor, the .martyre .
Roman soldier, who overlooks the silent host. On
each side of the memorial and parallel; to its front
stretch the Tablets of the Missing on which are
inscribed the names of 444 Americans who gave th
lives in the service of their country but whose rema
· were not recovered or identified.. The entire area is
·framed in woodland.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors
daily from .9:00am to·6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9!00 am to 5:00 pm.·
·
. lf·y~u would like to learn mo._-e in detail abqut
this cemetery, theCommission has. a booklet that ·
, . you can obtain in two ways: .
The .1\·Jerllo.-inl from the Gt-nves Area .
1 of2
1. You may write to. us a~:
5/24/2000 3:25PM
�http://www.abmc.gov/lx.htm
Luxembourg
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
LUXEMBOURG AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The Memorial from the Burial Area
.
Cemetery and
of Luxembourg City, about three miles east of the center of ~+LI'I"ft"'''""'~-ft.,-~l'ft"llr'-.'"'"""""'-
train from Paris (Gare de l'Est) in approximately four hours, from· Liege, Belgium and from
Fninkfurt-am-Main, Germany. The airport is three miles northeast of the cemetery. Taxicabs
are available at the Luxembourg Station and at the airport. There are several excellent hotels in
the city.
The cemetery, fifty acres in extent, is situated in a beautiful wooded area. Not far from the
entrance stands the white stone chapel sitting on a wide circular platform nearly surrounded by
woods. It is embellished with sculpture in bronze and stone, a stained glass window with .
American unit insignia and a mosaic ceiling. In front of the chapel at a lower lever are two large
stone pylons with operations maps made of inlaidg·ranites and accompanying inscriptions
describing the achievements of American Armed Forces in the region during World War II.
Additionally these pylons are inscribed with the names of 371 American who gave their lives in the
service of their country who lie in unknown grave's. The cemetery was established on December
29, 1944 by the 609th Quartermaster Company of the U.S. Third. Army while Allied Forces were
stemming the enemy's desperate Ardennes Offensive, one of World War II critical battles. The
city of Luxembourg served as headquarters for General GeorgeS. Patton's U.S. Third Army.
General Patton is buried at the Luxembourg American Cemetery.
. Sloping downhill from the memorial is the burial area containing 5,076 American Dead, many
of whom gave their lives in the "Battle of the Bulge" and in the .advance to the Rhine River.. Their
headstones follow along graceful curves. The nearby trees, fountains and flower beds contribute
to the dignity of the cemetery.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
·
from 9:00 am to 5:00pm.
If you would like to learn more in detail abou·t this cemetery, the Commission has a booklet
that you can obtain in two ways: ·
1. You may write to us at:
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�http://www.abmc.gov/ma.htm
Meuse-Argon:ne
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
MEUSE-ARGONNE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
Cemetery and l!.!.:~.l;2..!~~~~~~~~~~
France· and about twenty-six miles northwest of
Verdun. It may be reached by automobile from Paris via toll Autoroute A-4 or Highway N-3 to
Ste. Menehould, about one hundred and fifty-two· miles. Follow Highway N-3 to Clermont-enArgonne, then via Varennes-en-Argonne about nineteen mile to the cemetery. It may also be
reached from Verdun via Consenvoye or Dun_;sur-Meuse a distance of about twenty seven miles.
Rail service from Paris (Gare de l'Est) to Verdun takes about three and a half hours. Hotels and
taxis are available at·Verdun.
·
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Meuse-Argonne, covering one hundred and thirty acres, holds the largest number of American
Dead in Europe, a total of 14,246. Most of those buried here gave their lives during the
Meuse-Argonne Offensive ofWorld War I. The immense array of headstones rises in rectangular
.rows upwards beyond a wide. central pool to the ch~pel which crowns a ridge. A beautiful bronze
screen separates the chapel foyer from the interior, which is decorated with stained glass windows
portraying American unit insignia. Behind the altar are th.e flags of the Allied nations.
I
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On either side of the chapel are memorial loggias. One panel of the west loggia contains a map
of the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Inscribed on the remaining panels are the names of the 954
American Missing whose remains were never recovered or identified to include those Missing
during our expedition to northern Russia during 1918-1919.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
··
HOME PAGE CEMETERY LISTING NEXT CEMETERY
.
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�http://www.abmc.gov/ne.htm
Netherlands
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
NETHERLANDS AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Netherlands American
Cemetery and Memorial is the only cemetery in
the Nether lands. It lies in the village of Margraten
six miles east of Maastricht. Maastricht can be
reached by train from Paris (Gare du Nord) via
Liege, any city in Holland or from Germany via
Aachen. Bus service to the cemetery runs from the
Maastricht Railroad Station. The Maastricht
Airport is five miles to the north. Taxicabs are
available. The cemetery's site has a rich historical
background, lying near the famous
Cologne-Boulogne highway, originally built by the
Romans and used by Caesar during his campaign
in that area. The highway was also used by
Charlemagne, Charles V, Napoleon, and Kaiser Wilhelm II. In May 1940, Hitler's legions
advanced over the route of the old Roman highway, overwhelming the Low Countries. In
September 1944, German troops once more used the highway for the withdrawal from the
countries occupied for four years.
·
· The tall memorial tower can be seen before reaching the cemetery
which. covers sixty five acres. From the cemetery entrance the visitor
approaches through the Court of Honor with its pool reflecting the
chapel tower. The visitors' building is on the right and the museum with
its three engraved operations maps describing the achievements of the
American Armed Forces in the area during World War II is on the left.
At the base of the tower facing the reflecting pool is a statue representing
the· grieving mother of her lost son. ·
The walls on either side of the Court of Honor contain the Tablets of
the Missing on which are recorded the names of 1,723 American ·Missing
who gave their lives in the service of their country and who rest in
un~nown graves.
Beyond the chapel and tower is the burial
area which is divided into sixteen plots. Here rest
8,301 American Dead, most of whom lost their
lives nearby. Their headstones are set in long
curves. A wide tree-lined mall leads to the flag
staff which crowns the crest.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors
. daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
·
If you would like to learn m~re in detail about
this cemetery, the Commission has a booklet that
you can obtain in two ways:
1. You may write to us at:
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�Oise-Aisne
http://www.abmc.gov/oa.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
OISE-AISNE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War I Oise-Aisne American
Cemetery and Memorial lies one and a half miles
east ofFere-en-Tardenois (Aisne), France and
about fourteen miles northeast of
Chateau-Thierry. It may be reached from Paris
by automobile by taking toll Autoroute A-4
forty-nine miles to the Chateau-Thierry Exit, turn
left onto Highway D-1 to Fere-en-Tardenois about
twelve miles. Hotels are available in
Chateau-Thierry, Reims (27 miles and Soissons (18
miles). There is railroad service to each of these
cities where taxicabs may be hired.
At this cemetery site of thirty six acres, beneath
the broad lawn surrounded by stately trees and shrubbery, rest 6,012 Americans who died while
fighting in this vicinity during World War I. Their headstones are aligned in long rows and rise in
a gentle slope from the entrance at the far end. The burial area is divided into four plots by wide
paths lined by trees and beds or roses. At the intersection of the paths is a circular plaza and
flagpole.
The memorial is a curving colonnade, flanked
at the ends by a chapel and a map room. It is built
of rose colored sandstone with' white trim bearing
the sculptured details of wartime equipment. The
chapel contains an altar of carved stone. Engraved
upon its walls are the names of 241 Americans who
gave their lives in the service of their country and
whose remains were never recovered.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors
daily from 9:00 ~m to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
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�Rhone
http://www.abmc.gov/rh.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
RHONE AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War II Rhone American Cemetery
and Memorial is located in the. city of Draguignan
(Var), France about twenty miles west of Cannes
and sixteen miles inland from the Mediterranean
Sea. It can be reached from Paris by toll
Autoroutes A6/A7I AS and taking the Le Muy exit
onto Highway N-555 to Draguignan. Railroad
trains from Cannes, Marseille and Paris stop at St.
Raphael where taxicab and bus services are
. available to the cemetery twenty miles away.
Hotel accommodations in Draguignan are limited
but there are many hotels in St. Raphael, Cannes
and other Riviera cities.
Drag
was
selec
for
the
ceme
site
for
its
his to
locat
alon
the route of the U.S. Seventh Army's drive up the Rhone Valley. It was established on August 19,
1944 after th.e Seventh Army's surprise landing in southern France. This cemetery, twelve acres in
extent, is located at the foot of. a hill clad with characteristic cypresses, olive trees and oleanders of
southern France, rest 861 American Military Dead. Their headstones are arranged in straight
lines and divided into four plot~ grouped about an oval pool. At the end of the crosswalks is a
· small garden.
·
·
On the hillside overlooking the burial area is the chapel with its large sculptured figure and
decorative mosaic within. Between the chapel and the burial area is a great bronze relief map
recalling the military operations·in the region. On the retaining wall of the terrace are inscribed
the names of294 American Missing who gave their lives in the service of their country.and who
rest in unknown graves.
·
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00am to 6:00pm and in the winter
from 9:00 a:m to 5:00 pm.
·
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�Sicily-Rome
' http://www.abmc.gov/sr.htm
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
SICILY-ROME AMERICAN CEMETERY AND M·EMORIAL
The World War II Sicily-Rome American Cemetery and Memorial is situated at the north
edge of the town ofNettuno, Italy. It is just east ofAnzio and thirty miles south of Rome. The
cemetery can be reached by automobile from Rome along Via Cristoforo Colombo which runs
into Via Pontina (Highway 148). Drive south approximately thirty-seven miles and exit at
Campoverde/Nettuno. Turn right to Nettuno and go five and a half miles to the cemetery There is
hourly train service from Rome to Nettuno where taxicabs can be hired. There are numerous
hotels in Anzio and Nettuno.
The cemetery site covers seventy-seven acres, rising i~ a gentle slope from a large pool with an
island and cenotaph flanked by groups of cypress 'trees. Beyond the pool-is an immense field of
headstones of 7,862 American military Dead arranged in gentle arcs which sweep across the broad
green lawns beneath rows of Roman pines. Many-of the Dead interred or commemorated here
lost their lives in the liberation of Sicily (July 10 to August 17, 1943); in the landings at Sabeno
Area (September 9, 1943) and in the heavy fighting northward; in the landings at Anzio Beach
and expansion of the beachhead (January 22, 1944 to May 1944: and in air and naval support in
the regions.
At the head of the wide central mall stands the memorial, a building rich in works of art and
architecture, expressing America's remembrance of its Dead. It consists of a chapel to the south, a
peristyle and a museum to the north. On the white marble walls of the chapel are engraved the
names of 3;095 American Missing who gave their lives in the service of their country and whose
'remains were never recovered or identified. The museum room contains a bronze relief map and
four fresco maps depicting the military operations in Sicily and Italy. At the north end of the
·
memorial is an ornamental garden.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
'
If you would like to learn more in detail about the Sicily-Rome Cemetery, the Commission has
a booklet that you can obtain in two ways:
1. You may write to us at:
Colonel Anthony N. ·corea
Director of Operations and Finance
American Battle Monuments Commission
Courthouse Plaza II, Suite 500
2300 Clarendon Boulevard
Arlington, VA 22201
-Telephone (703) 696-6897
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�· http://www.abmc.gov/so.htm
Somme
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
SOMME AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War I Somme American Cemetery
is located one-half mile southwest of the village of
Bony (Aisne), France, which is one and one-half
miles west of Highway N-44, thirteen miles north
of St. Quentin and fourteen miles southwest of
Cambrai. The road leading to Bony leaves
Highway N-44 ten miles north of St. Quentin, a
short distance north of the Bellicourt American
Monument. The cemetery, ninety-eight miles
northeast ofParis, can also be reached by
automobile via the Paris-Brussels toll Autoroute
A-1 to Peronne, then via Vermand and Bellenglise,
or Brussels-Reims toll Autoroute A-26 exit 9, via
ay
sou
seven
on
miles to·Bony. Hotel accommodations are available
at Peronne, St. Quentin and Cambrai, which may be reached by train from Paris (Gare du Nord) ..
This fourteen acre cemetery, sited on a gentle
slope typical of the open, rolling Picardy
countryside contains the graves of 1,844 American
military Dead. Most lost their lives while serving
. in American units attached to British Armies or in
the operations near Cantigny during World War I.
The headstones, set in regular rows, are separated
into four plots by paths which intersect at the
flagpole near the top of the slope. The longer axis
leads to the chapel at the eastern end of the
cemetery.
A massive bronze door, surmounted by an American eagle, leads the way into the chapel
whose outer walls contain sculptured pieces of military equipment. Once inside, light from a
cross-shaped crystal window above the marble altar bathes the subdued interior with luminous
radiance. The walls bear the names of 333 heroic American Missing in Action who gave their
lives in the service of their Country, but whose remains were never recovered or identified. There
are three Medal of Honor recipients interred at the cemetery.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6!00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
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�.--------------------------
http://www.abmc.gov/sm.htm
St. Mihiel
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION
.
.
ST. MIHIEL AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War I St. MihielAmerican
Cemet~ry and Memorial is located at the west edge
of Thiaucourt, France.· The cemetery can be
reached by automobile from Paris by toll
Autoroute A-4. Take the Fresnes-en-Woevre Exit
following Route D-904 south to Beney-en-Woevre
then D-67 to the cemetery. There is direct rail
service from Paris (Gare de l'Est) to Onville. At
Metz, Nancy and Verdun, hotel accommodations
are available and taxicabs may be hired.
This cemetery, 'forty acres in extent, contains
the graves of 4,153 American military Dead from
World War I. Most of these gave their lives in the
great offensive which resulted in the reduction of the St. Mihiel salient that threatened Paris.
Their headstones are aligned in long rows and divided into four plots by tree lined walks. At the
center of these walks is a large sundial surmounted by an American eagle. To the right (west) end
of the walk is a small monument and to the left is a semicircular overlook.
Beyond the burial area to the south is a white stone memorial consisting of a small chapel, a
peristyle with a large rose granite urn in the center and a museum. The chapel contains a
beautiful mosaic portraying an angel sheathing a sword. On the end walls of the museum are
recorded the names of 284 American Missing who gave their lives in the service of their country
and whose remains were never recovered or identified. Oil the wall opposite the door is a large
inlaid marble map describing the St. Mihiel Offensive.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 p~. .
·
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1 of 1
5/24/2000 3:27 PM
�..---~~~~~~~~~-----------------------~~~~~~~~~~~~~~--~~~c-~~~~~~~~-
http://www.abmc.gov/su.htm
Suresnes
AMERICAN BATTLE MONUMENTS COMMISSION.
SURESNES AMERICAN CEMETERY AND MEMORIAL
The World War I Suresries American
· Cemetery and Memorial is located in the suburb .
of Suresnes five miles west of the center of Paris.
It can be reached by automobile, taxicab or
suburban trains which depart from Gare St.
Lazare to the Suresnes Mont Valerien Station
every twenty minutes. From the Suresnes Station
it is a ten minute walk to the cemetery. Lo.cated.
high on the slopes of Mont Valerien, the cemetery
affords a fine panorama of a large part of Paris.
This cemetery, seven and a half acres in extent,
contains the graves of 1,541 American military
.
Dead from World War I and twenty-four graves of
American Unknown Dead from World War II. Bronze tablets on the walls of the chapel record
. the names of 974 American Missing or buried or lost at sea in 1917 and 1918.
.Originally a World War I cemetery, Suresnes now shelters American Dead from both
wars. The World War I memorial chapel was enlarged by the addition of two loggias dedicated to
the Dead of both wars. In the rooms at the ends of the loggias are white marble figures in memory
of those who gave their lives in these two wars. Inscribed on the walls of the loggias is a summary
of the loss of life suffered by our Armed Forces during these great conflicts listing the location of
all overseas military cemeteries where American Dead are buried. Senior representatives of
American and French Governments assemble at Suresnes Cemetery on ceremonial occasions to
honor the memory of the American Dead.
In the summer the cemetery is open to visitors daily from 9:00 am to 6.:00 pm and in the winter
from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm.
·
·
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CEMETERY LISTING
5/24/2000 3:27PM
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
[Memorial Day] [3]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Medium
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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5/13/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7585792-20080703f-002-013-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/907f78970aee3ac66a89be3db54241f6.pdf
9335a4ffdd98c7f2ccb87c88d452da9a
PDF Text
Text
----------------------
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
l
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrativ e marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Middle East] [1]
Staff Office-Indi vidual:
Speechwriting-Rosshi rt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
Secti on:
48
6
Shelf:
·s
Position:
Stack:
3
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
OO!a. email
00 I b. schedule
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
To National Security Advisor from Thomas M. Rosshirt. Subject: Tel
Aviv remarks (I page)
05/15/2000
P5
re: Draft remarks of Samuel R. Berger, Assistant to the President for
05115/2000
P5
n.d.
P6/b(6)
National Security Affairs, at the Ceremony on the Conferment of
Honorary Degrees at Tel Aviv University (7 pages)
002. note
Phone No.'s (Partial) (I page)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Middle East] [1]
2008-0703-F
'm183
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the -PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
.
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�--------~----
C<>I~entialletter from Israeli P ... resident Truman, November 29, 1948 http://www. whistlestop.org/study_ c ... s/israelllarge/folder4/isd03-1.htm
/
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Confidential letter from Israeli President Chaim Weizmann to
President Truman,.November 29, 1948
Page 1
Next Page
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.,
1 of 1
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5/15/2000 8:04PM
•
�letter from Israeli P ... resident Truman, November 29,
1948http://www.whi~tlestop.org/study_c.~:s/israel/large/folder4/isd03-2.htJ
Confidential letter from Israeli President Chaim Weizmann to
President Truman, November.29, 1948
Page 2
. 1 of 1
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. 5/15/2000 8:04PM
�Letter from Dr. Chaim Weizmann to President Truman, May 13, 1948
I
•
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http://www.whistlestop.org/study_c ... s/israel/large/folderl/isa05-3.htn
Letter from Dr. Chaim Weizmann to President Truman, May 13,
1948
Page 3
1 nfl
Previous Page
Return to Folder Contents Page
�In Remethbrance of Jerusai'em
http://www.angelfire.com/ct!halevi/halevi-poem4.html
#
The Poetry and Prose of Yehudah ha-Levi
In Remembrance of Jerusalem
A poem by Yehudah ha-Levi
Beautiful land,
Delight of the world,
City of Kings,
My heart longs for you from the far..;offwest.
I am very sad when I remember how you were.
Now your glory is gone, your homes. destroyed.·
If I could fly to you on the wings of eagles,
I would soak your soil with my tears.
·.·
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1 of 1
5/15/2000 6:55 PM
�.,
MAY )ag, 2000
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PUBLIC: AFFAIF~$ DIVISION
To:
Mr. Tom Rosshirt
Fox:
00-1-202-456-9210
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Prom: Yoram E. Shamir
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As promised here are three !Opecches delivered at our Confcnncnt cercn~oni~s.
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PAGE 02
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AMOS OZ
Doctor Phllosophlae Honoris Causa
of Tel Aviv University
suddenly feel unreal; longings for Iaraway places; skepticism,
Irony, even 'self-hatred; political siege conceived as emotional
siege; persistent, tormented, moral ambiguities. And ultimately,
the effort, wt)ich used to be .so typical of the great generation. to
seize ~ithin fluid language a fluid, transitory reality.,
a
The lasting conflict with t~e Arabs, 70 years of bloodshed and
Address on behalf of the recipients
five full-scale wars. has not turned our literature into either a
at the 1992 Ceremony of the Conferment of Honorary Degrees
patriotic battle cry or else a shallow whining pacifist manifesto.
The conflict ,has been conceived In Israeli literature as a Greek
tragedy, a clash between right and right, rather than· as a Wild
West film with good guys and bad guys. l'ne sufferings of the
Ladies and gentlemen, friends, good evening, Shalom, Erev ;
1 Palestinian Arabs are often. confronted in a tragic way with the
Tov. I can thank Tel Aviv University on behalf of the other
historical or~eal of the Jews. On the other hand, Arab fanaticism
recipients of the honorary doctorates. But there is no way that 1:
and ruthlessness are mirrored in several recent works by tho new
can speak on behalf of anyone. On a lucky night I sometimes
Israeli arrogance and short-sightedness. .
manage to represent myself, and I hope this Is going to be one of .
Very muc~ In the footstep~ of Bronner and his fellow writers of
those. I also just said that I am a terrible, hopeless'chauvinist for:
"The Great: Generation.'' some contemporary poets and
tho Hebrew language. The fact that I just switched into English of :
sorts, has to do with my standing commitment to compromises. I storytellers ~end to fuse the private, personal experience with
speak English tonight provided that all of you people learn Hebrew · public. politi~al and historical dimensions of reality. To many
by next year's ceremony.
· Israelis. history Is a biographical experience - while biography is
soaked with ~istory.
:
. . ·
My Intention tonight is not to deliver a lecture, but rather to tell
Every line ·by a bus stop In Israel is likely to catch a spark and
you a story. At least to try to compress some of the saga of
turn into a passionate, souH~earching, theological street-seminar,
modern Hebrew literature into a short story. So, where exactly
with its partiyipants, while speculating about the real significance
does my story begin? The usual dilemma of all storytellers, since
ol Jewish hi~tory, or about secret divine schemes, about politics
the creation ol literature.
and sex, are ronetheless elbowing their way to the top of the line.
Maybe my story begins right at number 48 Mile End. Road,
If you prorr)ise to take the following with a grain of salt, I will tell
Whitechapel, London, in the year 1906 with 26 year old Yosef you that this nation of 5 million citizens is roally neither a nation
Chaim Brenner who·fived there at that address. He was a Jewish nor a countr>!: it is an uneasy coalition of 5 million prime ministers,
refugee from Russia in a miserable rented room. He worked as a 5 million sel.f-appointed prophets and messiahs. The current
typesetter and lived on cabbage and potatoes. Yet he was putting literature ref\ects this very vividly: you are not likely to find an
together nothing less than a fresh, modern, non-conformist Israeli novel, :say, about an academic writer unablo to produce hi
Hebrew literary magazine. He printed it with his own hands, and next book. qashlng to see his analyst ove~ this, ending up by
bound It with cheap glue, and carried it in a sack on his back to the writing yfilt another bloodless, anemic novel about an author who
post orflce, to be mailed to his 212 subscribers scattered in 8 or 9 went to discu,ss hls writer's block with his analyst. Rather you will
countries, hardly halt a dozen or them In London itself, wnere find in our c\)rrent literature family stories reflecting the general
Brenner resided.
social crisis; :or the public crisis becoming the background for a
Just a bunch of lunatics like himself, who in the year 1906 had family tale. tne politrcal tends. to turn ·metapnysical. An intimate
not abandoned Hebrew, but were, nevertheless. bitterly divided pain begetting a theological quest. A struggle between parent and
into half a dozen literary movements. Not that Brenner had much child, reflecting the gap between tt1e magmtude of the initial
dreams and' visions, and the dreariness of petit bourgeois
faith In what he was doing. On the contrary: just like his wistful
realities.
·
characters, and just like his raving opponents, Brenner maintained
.
Nostalgia 1$ no·t the right term tlere: lt.ls a perpetual yearning not
that it was all over and doomed, Zionism, Hebrew, as well as the
world of Jewish Eastern Europe. Many of Brenner's characters: for what we ~ad, but for what could have been here. It Is not a
Tolstoyans who stepped right out of a Dostoevsky novel, were yearning for any past "finest hour," It is ·a yearning tor a dream
desperate people who maintained that the Jewish people were which we ha~ In worst days. There is in almost every current work
of Israeli liter~ture. a secret pulse of messianic yearning.
dying of an incurable, malignant, inherited disease.
~
If there is' any common denominator to a tremendous variety
Nevertheless, something ougllt to be done in the way of trying tc
of writers ~nd poets, essayists and storytellers. it is the
survive and even. to recover, no matter how pathetic or useles~
!allowing: whatever rooks r~al and permanent today, has not
this something might be. Brenner made his characters spoa~
been here ybsterday and might be gone tomorrow. Tonight's
Hebrew. He made them pronounce In Hebrew thougllts tttat were, i·
dreams and nightmares and horrid memories might become real life
anything, existentialist long before existentialism and certain!)
the next rtu)r·riing.
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The Israeli readers do not really enjoy their literature. They reac1
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it, they read It as if obsessed. They often complain that present
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day writers and poets are dangerous to the national morale,
dall1aglng Israel's self-image and Its reputation to the out:;lde
world. I think the readers overestimate the actual influence or the
writers on reality. After all, even the prophets in their day, cJid 'not
succeed in having a tremendous influence over king:; ar'1d rulers.
Would it not be somewhat unrealistic- to expect the present
generation of Israeli poets and writers to do better than the
prophets In this business?
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Anyway, it is Irritating its readers. So It may be that one day our
generation too are going to irritate our readers to the point of their
throwing away our books, cursing us, and moving to do something
far-reaching and angry about troublos, old and new. If and when
this happens, It will turn contemporary Israeli literature. even
though post eventum, Into a political literature in the broadest
sense of the word, or should I say into a meta-political literature.
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Our readers may one day become our refuters. It and when this
happens, we may deserve to share the same bookshelf with
Brenner and other members of The Great Generation.
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Finally, you must have seen for yourselves that the story of
modern Hebrew has despair and longing, incredible obstinacy
along with a tremendous will for life. lnde~Jd, It is a story full of
sound and fury. Perhaps lt takes an iaiot to try to cornprt::::>s it ir1tO'
a short talk.like tnls.
Thank you for your patience and tolerance.
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MAY 09• 2000
FAX:
15:57
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Umberto Eco
Acceptance. Speech
of Honorary Oo~torate from
· Tel Aviv University, 1994
Mr. President, Mr. Rector, Mr. Chairman and members of
the Board of Governors, members of the Senate, dea.r
. colleagues, stuLlenl:;, ladies and gentlemen.This is not my first visit to Tel Aviv University. My first visit
in the early eighties led to me bocoming a character.ln a
novel (not one of my own). Small Worldby David Lodge
was born at a congress held at the Porter Institute of this
University. This novel became a handbook for academics,
for both serious and less than serious JJUrposes. One of
the characters in the books takes a mud bath In the Dead
Sea - this character Is myself and I can provide a
pllotograpll to prove so.
But this evening I am pleased lu have rny name inscribed
in a book written in the sarno characters as the Book of
Books: that is, in the Hegistor of the Doctors of
Philosophy of Tel Aviv University. In a way, I really feel
that I belong to the great family of lhls University. My links
to this place dare back to 1974 when my first essay was
translated into Hebrew by my friend ltamar Even-Zohar
and appeared on the pages of Ha-Stfrvr. In the twenty
years that have elapsed since then, there have been
many. opponunities ro meet my Tel Aviv colleayu~s all
over the world, as tends ro happen with university
profossors. For a time I was a member of the advisory
board or the iournal Poetics today (published by. this
University) aM this involved almost conrlnuous contact
with the Chair of Semiotics. r also recall that some twenty
years ago, Tel Aviv University recognized the Importance
of semiotics by conferring an Honorary Doctorate on the
late and great Roman Jacobson. I am proud to be the
second to receive such recognition from the Tel Aviv
semiotic1ans. Together we lind in Jacobson a gr~":"at
master.
·The conlact extends further. The outstanding researr.hes
done by my Tel Aviv friends are both in my works and In
the syllabus of my studerns. But this evening. somettliny
greater has happened which will serve to reinforce my
links wilh t11is University, with this city, and with this
country
This morning I had the pleasure of speaking to the Culture
Hesearct1 Group about my recent research on tt1e quu:sl
for a pertect language. This quest has been pursued
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�quest traditionally focused on rediScovering rhe original
Adamic language. This involved .coming to terms witt1
Hebrew, which at various limes was thought to be the
language in which Adam spoke.
This quest led to curious and :)Oiltewhal comic
phenomena. E:xtending from around the sixteenth century
�MAY ' 09• 2000
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to the nineteenth century is the history of those who
anemptcd to prove that the lariguage of their own country
was inde~d the original Adamic language, brought by the
only Jewish tnbe not under the Tower of Babel at the
moment of its collapse. In sixteenth-century Italy, it was t;.,'1l
maintained that rhe language spoken by the Tuscans was
brought to Italy by Noah's son. Goropius Becanus argued
that the only uncorrupted version of ttle original Hebrew
could be found in the Dutch dialect spoken in Antwerp. In
the seventeenth century, Olaus Rudbeck claimed. ttlat
Sweden was most likely the country to which Japhet
migrated and that Swedish was therefore heir to ancient
Hebrew In Germany, Georg Philipp Harsdorffer tried to
prove that German was the only language in which Adam
could have spoken to God because of its uniquo ability to
reflect the inner ess0nce of things.
I doubt that those theories were philologically correct but I
must confess. Mr. President, that this evening I felt a
shade .of disappointment and I will tell you why. I have
received a number of honorary degrees in my life and in
thewestern world these are usually conferred in Latin (I
remember a ceremony at Brown University when. one of
the recipients, the musician Winton Marsalis, was praised
as a "magister in jazzicum musicam." ·I understand that
this evening you are obliged to use English as the lingl:la
franca since this event involves people from mar:~y
nations. Nevertheless. I ·would have liked to have
received my degree in Hebrew· because, according to
my research, this would have enabled· me to feel that I
was a Doctor of Philosophy not just· by convention but in
true nature (such is the power of Adam's Hebrew). So I
hope, Mr. President, that you were only translating and
that the real words emanating from your soul were· in .
Hebrew. ·
It is always a pleasure to receive an honorary degreo, b.ut
to receive one In the land ol lsr~:~ei is r11o1e than an l1onor.
To be here is to enter the ideal cradle of mankind: it is to
. be a citizen of the nation to which every person in the
world teels some sense o1 belonging. II is 11 1us a cause
not only of joy but ot pride. This joy and this pride 1
certainly share witli Dr. L. Jay Oliva, Or. Allan Green. tlr.
Stanley Townsend. Dr. Channa Marron. Dr. Georg Faktor,
Dr. Morris E. Curiel, Dr. Hubert Curien, Dr. George Klein,
and the new Honorary Fellow, Elba Cuenca.
It is not by chance that we have a motley group 11ere
tonight, made up of academics and people working ·In
other domains. This vanety lies at the heart of ·a
university as an institution. The university Is certai11iy ·a
place ol education and research, but It always entertains
complex relations with the wtder society. Permit ntt: Jo
remind you that I am a professor at the oldest u11iversity
. of the western world, the University of jjotogna. For many
yoars, the cities of Paris and Uologna feuded over wt1il:;il
ho~sed the first· university. rinally Paris signed ·a·
document conlinning Bologna's claim. Why did it do so?
'bb
~he answer lies in the dotinit1on of a university. A
!University is not just a place where someone teaches and
!someone learns. Other conditions must be met. First,
~here must be a body of professors paid for by students.·
[if my .Clear colleagues at Tel Aviv University who are
~nduring this terrible strike were paid just one penny by
~ach student, perllaps their salary would Increase).
~t'econd; the university must bo Independent of state and
church: The problem with the University of Paris was that
t began as a cattledral school on the ile de Ia Cit~ and
lwas to some extent under the control of the bishop. Only
lwhen the teachers and students moved to the Montagne
lsaln!e Genevieve did it bocome an independent body.
!Bologna claims to be the first university because it was
limmediato!y independent: It must be remembered,
!however, that in order to gain tt11S independence three or
~our professors of the University had to work as advisors
r.o the· German emperor supporting him In his contruversy
wlth the Pope. The reward for such collaboration was the
1
·grant to the University of maximum freedom. Thus, you
see how carefully the university must maintain an often
1difficulr balance between its needs and those of the
isurrounding society.
I
I
[The relationship between the LJniversity and wider society
f has always bee~ complex and almost always f~uitful. The
:selected bunch of friends gathered here th1s even1ng
!represents an exceptional cocktail of academic and social
i ingredients. Since I have the privilege of speaking on
f behalf of all the recipients of Honorary Degrees, I thank
!·you, Mr. ·President. for the honor conferred upon us. For
t myself, ·1 undertake to do rny utmost to honor the degree
'!so generously bestowed upon me.
l
I. Long life ·to Tel Aviv University, to its people and a long
!and peaceful life to this millennia! nation which carries the
! perfume or the past and the scent of the future.
�M8Y 07• 2000
11:44
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f2
Phillip A. Sharp.·
Ladies and gentlemen. Mr. President, members of the
Board of Governors. members of the Senate, dear
colleagues, friends and students.
1 was
asked to speak on behalf ol all recipients of
honorary degrees. However. given the di~ersity of.my
fellow honorees' interests and the prominence of their ·
accomplishments, this would be. impossible.
I will take the opportunity to muse about blologictll
science, my area of expertise, and talk a bit about. my
experiences on my previous visits to Israel. But first, 1
want to thank Tel Aviv University and Its governing body
on behalf of my fellow honorees tor this distinctlon. As
the others have clearly expressed. we are Indeed
honored by inclusion as graduates of this great university.
I have .always found jt paradoxical tiJat t~e country of
Israel which is set in the cradle of Western civili£atiol1
and for which history is the same as mother's milk, is a
country committed to scientific research advancing the
forefront of man's knowledge. This Is not only true In the
physical sciences such as physics, mathematics and
chemistry, but iUs equally lr.ue 111 thli! revol~tlonaty
science ol biology.
As professor of biology at MIT, I have had numerous
opportunities to collaborate with Israeli scientists and to
train several in m~ labor.atory. In tact, a scientist frptn
this illustrious university will be visiting us in Boston tn
the next few weeks. My first visit lo Israel was in 1976
when I attended a scientific conference on virology and,·
cancer biology at the Weizmann Institute. I remember
many things about that visit, Israel was very tense,
worrying about its ability to resist the use of military force
by others. II also was my first visit to Jerusalem, a city of
great history and beauty. However, the important aspect
of that visit was my respec:t for tho quality and
commitment to science, of the Israeli scientists 1 met
Llu.,il'l9 \lie conference.
My close friend, Yosel. Aloni whom I had met at Caltech
some six years ago previously was doing exciting
research on the molecular biology pf a tumor virus !'II
the Weizrnann Institute. We collectively discussed the
intricacies of viruses, their ability to replica\~ ir 1 o!'ganisms
and causo disease. The conversation was lively, of the
caliber of ttlo best meetings anyw\lere in the world. ·I
!i<.we returned to Israel several times since then. visiting
the Weizmann Institute, the Hebrew University in
Jerusalem and friends in Tel Aviv. Each time, I have
thought about the contrast between the .historical
antiquity of the country and its commitrnont to the science
which wlll rnost likely change our concept of mankind.
An early hplanation tor the exlstencu ul ·rnan is found
in' the Biblical stol)' of Adam and Eve. Here. through the
. intervention of a serpent, mankind llt::came aware· of
mortality 'and tile existence of the soul. In the interim.
between:this story ~f origin and the recognition that we
. evolved lrorn other forms of life, there passed, according
to the Hebrew calendar. five thousand siJt hundred and
.
twonty or so years. Then came Dar·win's theory of
evolution. Evolution, perhaps. the mostctHJtral theory of
biologicai science, was highly resisted, prob11bly because
it chatlerged our thoughts about tile uniqueness. of
.
hurnan ll.fe.
The next fundamental advance in biology was the
discovel)' of the rules of genetics by a man of reliyio!·'· a
monk, ~regor Mendel. This .discovery explained how IQ.o
genes :were transmltled between generations.
lnterest1ngly, Mendel's work, whict1 was published in
1865, was only rediscovered at the turn of the century
in 1902. Midway through the century, In 1953, Jim
Watson: and Francis Crick discovered the structure. of
DNA, t~e genetic material: This strucMe of two strands
· spiraling around one another has become an icon _In
mooern society pictured in books and in advertisements
for costnetics. Within the last twenty years, we have
developed the ability to synthesize DNA and ·to
genetically engineer many organisms--··the willful .
manipulation of the genetic basis for life. We have In
part br?ught evolution under our own control.
The term genetic engineering is quite interesting.
Engineering is the science of design and construction
of thin~s. For example, engineers design buildings or
bridges and then construct them for purposeful use. In
genet\~ engineering, we design .living organisms !or
useful purposes. We can engineer plants to produce a
huma~ protein that can be. used to treat a disease. We
can genetically engineer fish to grow faster and larger..
As is frequently done In research laboratories at MIT.
we can engineer a mouse to be deficient in a gene and
study its behavior. For example, engineering a mouse
without the gene for a certain brain enzyme results In
an animal which cannot learn properly. In tt1i:s way, we
can e~plore the structure and function of the vertebrate
brain :and extend our dominion over the most uniquely
huma:n aspect of life. the amazing ability of our mind.
A cen:tury and a mi11ennium will close in four more years.
As I mentioned before, this century opened with the
rediscovery of the rules of genetics, the rules of Mandel.
The century will close with the determination ol the total
I
sequ:ence of the human DNA by an international
colla~oration. This sequence which Is 3,000 million
lette{S long will contain all the information for· the
consiruction of a human organism.lt is true that the DNA
.
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sequence alone cannot be read to generate an
organism;·lt must be decoded and inferpreted.intfie
middle of the single cell formed by the fusion ol the sperm
diseases and hopefully lead to ways of alleviating the
palnand suffering that is part of life. Some of these
expe'riments will show how the linear DNA sequence is
interpreted to form three dimensional organs and forms.
The brain will be one of these oryans. We will als~ l6arn
how)nformation is stored in our brain, why we interpret
this physical information as the emotional and knowing
asp~cts of thought. Finally, we wlll understand whywo
havE) an esthetic sense for beauty, art and religion; why
we ~recommitted to knowing, and perhaps why we. ate
from the forbidden fruit in the Garden of Eden. In a. trim
sen~e. we ~Ill learn that the serpent in the story of Adam
and ,Eve represented the genetic material DNA.
and egg.
However, I picture this initial cell as a decoding machine
which does not add significant information to the final \ tfD
organism. Thus, we are the combination of two currents
through lime:
(1) our genetic information transmitted through
generations, and
. (2) our culture, also transmitted through generations.
i
I·
J.
Wh~never I visit this cradle of history, It provokes
Of these two, culture changes much more rapidly than
genetic materiaL
thou~hts on the nature of life. It is a country of w<:srm
sun~hlne and beautiful ole! cities, a blend of t11e very old
and; the very new. It mirrors the lives of our predecessors
strl~ing through centuries and it entices us to want to
Life is thought to have existed on the surtace of l11e earth
for over 3,000 million years. For two billion years all llle
existed as single cells. About a billion years agu,
evolution progressed to multicellular organisms, to
terrestrial animals and finally to modern man some few
hundred thousand years ago. Over these eons of
evolution, the genetlc material, DNA, tJas bet:n
transmitted on its passage through time. we as. a
contemporary set of organisms only possess it for a snort
period. When we consider genes in this context, we k11~w
so lillie about the riddles of history and functions encoded
in the DNA. We certainly do not know enough to tlllnk
about engineering It, I.e. chanying 11.
We are fascinated by, the human form, specified by our
DNA. The smile ot a baby. the flirting glam:es ot one
young person to another, the powerful irnages and
representations of human shapes found in art. We are
also fascinated by the knowledge and culture transmitted
belween generations by the activities or the human
organism. In the development of our culture, we are
certainly not confined to any preordained route by this
mortal information in the DNA. However, we are also
not totally free of its inlluences, Its record uf dark
moments in history where survival was paramount, or
the confines It imposes on our intellect due to the need
not to see too deeply into relations and circurnstancE!s.
These secrets· of the UNA sequences are n_ot
understandable now and will take decade:> more .to
PAGE_ 03
carry on in our daily life, striving to loave something
beh;lnd us for generations to come. It Is a country or
inteiesting, searching people and I am proud to co.unt
ma~y of them as my personal friends. And today 1. am
ind~ed proud to have been 9ranted a degree from one
of i~s great universities. I am sure thai I speaK for all of
my: colleagues here in thanking you for this honor·and
wls~ing each of you a long and peaceful life.
Sh~lom and rov todot.
'
I
I
l,
I
I
( .·,
I
elucidt;~k.
The next century for science and culture will probably
be the century ot the DNA. We will know the hurnan
sequence and it will fascinate us. At first, we will simply
contemplate it as we will not have the ability to Interpret
it Then the presence of the sequence will allow us much
more rapidly and precisely tb formulate experlmenfs.
Most of these experiments will provide insigt1l into numan
l
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~I
AVRAHAM B. YEHOSHUA
Acceptance Speech at the
1998 Honorary Degrees Cere·mony,
Tel Aviv University
Esteemed President. dear Rector, Members ol the Senate,
the Board of Directors. fellow honorees. distinguished guests.
First of aU 1.sh9uld !ike 19 thank you an, on behalf of my fellow
honorees. for the honor you have bestowed upon us. Honor,
as you all know, is by nature a most unstable foundation; it is
very mellifluous, easily dissolved, and it disappears at the. bat
of an eyelid, so that a renewed supply is necessary from lime
to time in order to have some In reserve for times of trouble.
I have been allotled ten to twelve minutes for my speech, en
ideal length oftime in which to present a speech which is
quite beautiful but which actually says absolutely nothing.
However, being a practical person ,I should like to take advantage
·of this forum by proposing something rather more substantial.
In the early twenties, the great German JI')Wish philosopher
Martin Suber invited his friend the Jewish philosopher Herman
Cohen to join the Zionist enterprise. Herman Cohen rejected
the Invitation out of hand: Do the Jews reallywant to be happy,·
like everyone else, asked Cohen with blner sarcasm'? Is It
merely for the sake of creating yet another small, nationallstic
Albania in the Middle East that we have had to suffer alt that
Jewish history has served us? Shall we exchange the great
mission that the Jewish nation has taken upon itself, to be a
moral and spiritual light unto the nations, In order to play with
flags and processions? Suber replied: Heavens no, in our new
country .we shall not relinquish our moral and spiritual mission
toward the rest of the world, only from nov·ron, we shall do it
as a group that lives in freedom in its own land. But Herman
Cohen was unconvinced and refused to join the new movement.
Fifteen years later, as German Jewish refugees were
wandering from coast to coast in search of a safe haven, they
cried out in desperation: Would that we had a little Albania to
give us shelter and a passport. And the great historical Jewish
suffering that seemed so romantic and spiritual to Herman Cohen
bec<,~.me uncompromisingly hellish suffering in.the most terrible
inferno ever created in the history of mankind. By then it was
already clear how naive and mistaken were the words of the
Gen;nari phil?sopher ~ho dreamt of Jewlsh-German symbiosis.
Suber was right, not only about the necessity and morality of
normalizing the Jewish existence, but also in .the sense or
promise that Zionism, in the midst of .Its frenzied creativity,
wps nQt supposed to relinquish its vlsioo of .being a special
nation, a light unto the nations. Indeed it was amazing to seo
Ben-Gurion, for example, the great leader with the great vision,
standing up and declaring stubbornly: After the terrible
Holocaust. while the frail, newly-born state is still struggling
with colossal problems of integrating waves of mass .
immigration, terrorist attacks and the real and terrible threat
of. the neighboring Arab countries. in an economic situation of
austerity and scarcity -Israel must be a light unto the nations.
a speCial people. Following the Sinai Operation, Israel began
implementing a modest, but real foreign aid program,
dispatchi~g agricultural and youth instructors to the African and
Asian countries r~cently liberated from the restraints of oolonialism.
!
.
.
Where did this instinct come from, this command almost, so
deeply Ingrained in the vision of the prophets - to' be a light
unto the nations? I believe it springs from the.fact that Judaism,
as opposed to all other monotheistic and universal religions,
does no\ offer itself as a religion to all of mankind, something
that comes naturally to every other of the world's religions.
Unlike Christianity, Islam or Budd~i?m and the other religions.
Judaisn1 demands of Its converts not only to give up their
prevlou~ religion but also their previous nationality. Therefore, ·
not only is it impossible to make the whole world Jewish, but
for the Jews the mere idea of this is less a wonderful dream
than a terrible nightmare. If the whole world were to become
Jewish,'how would salvation, and the drawing in of the exiles,
be posSible? What would happ'en If one billion, two million
Chines~ and Japanese people were to turn to jerusalem and
say: "N~xt year In Jerl!salem"? Who would be able to proudly
refer to himself as belonging to a special nation, and what
meaning would there be to the prayer: "distinguishes between
sacred and secular,. between light. and darkness, between
Israel a;nd the Gentiles''?
Thus, ~ince we are living in a paradoxical reality in which
religion and nationality are Interwoven, we are required to
compensate the world for our theoretical isolation from it. And
this compensation Involves a commitment not to offer our
religiori to humanity, but only to shine our light on it.
.i '
.
.
·But w~at is the meaning of this light? What did Ben-Gurlon
and B~per mean? Could It have been no more than an abstract
staterr\ent? So that anyone coming up close to us will benefit
from i~. Is it a standard lamp, whose mere existence is its
reaso~ for being, or are we referring to something that is far
more active and real?
'
.
I
I. have'otten wondered at the secret of America's vast power.
Why ~ave the inhabitants of thai country. who comprise less
than flve percent of the world's total population, managed to
become so deciding and influential an element in the fate of .
· ·the world? I believe that one of the secrets of America's power
is Its ability to give. Of course, there will always be those cynics
who s~y that there are ulterior motives to this giving. But then,
other~natlons also have ulterior motives a·nd they oo not
express their power through generosity and giving.
After ~he Second.WorldWar, the Marshall Plan was one of
America's most brilliant acts of. generosity. It was at a time
when'America had its own personal needs. First and foremost.
It' ha~ .to rehabilitate hundreds of thousands of returning
servicemen and to turn the American economy trorn a wartime ~economy to ono geared toward peace. Nonetheless.
America was able to find the strength to set aside large sums
out o~ its current budget in order to help Europe get ba~k on .
its feet. Other counlr\es. too, extend foreign aid.' Some more,
som~ less. The French spend large sums of money on
spreading their culture, on the assumption that in this culture
there is human weatlh that can enrich other cultures. The Swl.~s
busythemselves with the activity of the Red Cross organizatlpn
and Jn developing their political neutrality, sometimes at tne
unc~mfortable cost of having to serve as mediators an~
I
�MAY
07~
2000
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i
helping solv.e .bi\ter conflicts between nations. The
Scandinavians have been very aciive Iii-many. countries on
behalf of human rights and democracy and have set aside
considerable sums of money to this end.
I
With the coming of peace, the time Is ripe for Israel to shirt
giving serious thought, not only to supplying medicine and
medical aid when catastrophe strikes, but to a way in which
Israel can become a permanent member of the giving nalicms.
Not an abstract light, but an active light that sets off on its own
accord to banish some of the darkness.
This century has been the most cruel and horrible in the history
of Israel. It began with a huge wave of migration from east to
west with all the suffering Involved, loss of energy and collapse
of vitality. Later came the terrible Holocaust in which one third
of our nation ·was destroyed in unprecedented agony and
suffering. NeJ(t came the harsh and exhausting struggle'for
the founding of the state and Its existence. The struggle for
freeing the Jews of the USSR. etc. etc. But it seems that toward
the end of this awful century we are finally beginning to see
some light and space ahead of us. The gates of the USSR
have opened. The State of Israelis In the final stages of the
peace process and notwithstanding all the winding and
meandering on the way, Israel's current leaders have no choice
but to follow It through.
·
Yes, ladies and gentlemen. if I was able to hold on to my
optimism with regard to there ever being a chance at peace
during the seventies, when I was part of a tiny five percent
minority, then there is all the more reason to be optimistic
now, when peace treaties have already been signed with Egypt
and Jordan and negotiations with the Palestinians are a fact
of life. Also. the awareness of human rights and democracy Is
gaining strength In the world and anti-Semitism- even if there
will always be someone somewhere reluctant to give it Lip has definitely been moderated.
·
And so, with the next century so imminent. now Is the timeifor
Israeli society, which has always been so impressively helped
both by America and world Jewry, as well as here and there
by other countries, to start developing within itself the value
of giving, the muscle of giving. Giving something which is
modest but real, not words or synagogue sermons. but
something that is tangible.
Who Is in need of our magnanimity and what exactly is it th.at
we t,;tlll give?
There is no doubt at all that one of the biggest problems that
mankind has to contend with at the end of this century has to
do with an ever increasing gap betwoen what we call the first
world and the third world. I believe that this problem will greatly
intensify during the next century. A situation has developed ·ln
which mitlions live in constantly increasing affluence,. a
· standard of living that a hundred or so years ago was enjoyed
only by me meers of the aristocracy, while on the other hand,
entire populations slip Into dire poverty and face risks of
horrifying child slavery, appalling sexual abuse, and the
growing spread of epidemics. This is an extremely dangerous
situation In itself. This gap is going to be a threat to the entire
world and in an era of biological, chemical or atomic weapons,
which can be taken from place to place in a not very large
suitcase, who can guess what kind of vengeance the hungry
will choose to wreak upon us.
It's going to be the problem of the developed first world, which
will haye provide aid and find solutions. And this world Includes
us. th~ Israelis, who live on the seam between the first and
the third worlds. Just five kilometers from the Knessot lies the
Dahaishe refugee camp, and. seventy kilometers from here
you c~n find the ep)tome of the third world in tht: Gaza Stdp.
In wh~t way, then, can we make our own contribution to the
aid ex\ended by the rest of the world?
If ther~ is one thing that the Jews have excelled in during their
long history as a nation, it Is study. We sent three year old
infant~ to study in the heder. We placed our outstandi~g
stude~ts at the very lop of the social scale and held them up
as an; example. and attached special qualities to the pursuit
of knqwledge. True, this pursuit of knowledge has managed
sometimes to turn our heads just a little, so much so that we
were !able to turn women into slavEJs in order to enable their
husb~nds to continue with lhEJir studies. True we have also
studied nonsense, and split hairs over things that were
worthless and inconsequential. But we have Instilled the
mec~anism of study into our very genes.
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If we,' with our limited resources and our great needs, wish to
give $omething special and to join the circle of givers. then
we niust form a teaching force - something like J.F.K.'s Peace
Corps- and offer its services to whichever third world country
asks' for them. Assuming, of course, that learning i!nd
edu~atlon are a reasonable guar<~nlee of economic
development and a good way to be delivered from sickness
and bondage. I am referring to a teaching force that will. be
run jointly by Jews and Israelis, that wlll begin wllh a modest
num~er of several dozen or hundred teachers. and who knows
if it '1an't grow in time to several thousands.
'
Teachers in all the subjects: mathematics, physics. English,
computers, engineering, history, economics, education,
meclicine, music, art, etc., etc. Young people or tamllles who
will go off on a two or three-year teaching mission at trade or
aca~emic high schools, regional colleges and universities.
Tea~hers whose salaries will be paid from a Jewish-Israeli
foundation and maybe some additional International funding
as Well. Teaching is a clean kind of aid and can be looked
upoh as help, pure and simple. It neod not be suspected of
Interfering in the host country's economy, it has nothing to do.
wit~ local politics,lt is not tempted to entangle itself in bribos. ·
we:have a vast potential reserve of highly educated people,
whether here In Israel, in tho West, or of course, in the C.I.S.
Sorpe of them are even unemployed. We can oHer them a 1\-1\
teayhing mission and help them in a modest but concreto ~adu V
bot~ them and those who are in need of the llluminatlon and
ad~antages education can bring.
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I knpw. there w11l always be those who protest loudly and P?lnt
out; what about Dimona, Netivot and Ma'alot? But in Amenca,
too:, people could have stood up and cried out against
Arrierica's foreign aid policies, to lsraol, for example, and to
ot~er countries. And what about Harlem? Tho ghettos of
Ch!cago and Los Angeles, the poverty of the farmers in the
Mi~west, etc.? And yet the American people and other nations
ha~e always been well aware of the great value and
importance of foreign aid, generous foreign aid which has no
im(Tlediate return, not only because this aid does not come at
the expense of internal national needs, but, on the contrafY., it
sometimes even strengthens internal aid. If teachers fr9m
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Oifi'iona· or Netivot would go on such a mission, they would
also be strengthened with regard to the community In which
they Jive.
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Yes indeed, we in Israel must begin instilling In ourselves the
Impulse of giving. One of the "dangers" of peace Is the
weakening and dissolution of the genuine solidarity and
fraternity that were always such an Integral part of l:;raeli
society as a result of the [Arab-Israeli] conflict. And so it i:;
necessary to try to develop Instead sorn11 new values of
mission and vocation, Inwardly, but also outw1:1rdly, This could
also constitute an additional, different, dt:eper and niore
balanced meeting between the Jew and the Israeli, wlthln·a
framework of serving the world. The ,Oiaspora J~::w, too, who
has often been blamed in recent years for political selflshne:;s,
for being prepared to help only Israel and disregarding tho
needs of the country in which he lives, can have a chanct:Ju
hold his head up and show the world that the uniqueness-of
the Jewish nation does not contradict its universality. Tfle
meeting between the teacher of mathematics from Rlshon le
Zion or Shlomi and the Jewish teacher of music or Engll~h
from Baltimore or Tennessee- in the course of their teaching
mission to the third world- wfll reinforce their mutual ldenti!y
by adding to II an element of Jewisll vocation and this wUI
further enrich the discourse between them.
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This is where our universities must take a declslv~ .step
forward. A teaching force such as I have Just described will.
also provide momentum to internal study, to training our own
teachers and also those from outside. At first, perhaps, we
should not offer thfs program to our Arab neighbors who might
suspect our motives, but 1 believe that, once they set: that
· other nations have faith in this kind of spiritual aid, they too
will most probably apply to us, In a way that will strengthen
and reinforce peace In our region.
And believe me, my friends at Tal Aviv University, the people
of the third world will not be unappreciative of our contribution.
Just as today you are presenting Honorary Doctorates to
people. who have helped this University, the day wiJJ come
when they will be handing out to you Honorary Doctorates
from Yaunda in Rangoon, or Phnom Pen or Nairobi, from San
Jose or Havana, or Calcutta, or Cabuja In Makan, or Nayaml
or Dakar. In robes of velvet like the one I am wearing now. or,
better still, In robes made of brightly colored feather~.
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Thflnk you.
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and medals from King George. My master's after the
War of Independence was Palmach medals and el(er
since I've worked on my doctorate and always will. I
recall th~ German poet Goethe who said "Die and be!"
In other ~ords, the 3rd degree is awarded when life ends.
. I shall th:en have to present my doctorate in the hereafter
to the jurors of heaven or hell. But the true tutors of this
doctoral thesis I'm writing are my beloved family, my
children Ron, ·David and lmanuela, and a!Jove all, my
wife Ha.nna.
YEHUDA AMICHAI
POETRY IS THE LANGUAGE OF THE SOUL
Response by the poet Yehuda Amichal at the
Honorary Degrees Conferment Ceremony at
Tel Aviv University, 1995
When people say "I have no words," poetry has the woJds.
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I mentiq.ned Goethe, and I'll do so again, In the beglnnlnl:i
of FausrGoetho introduces a student who comes to.Dr.
· Faust ~anting to study. Faust rejects him and suggests
he lea~e to enjoy life and not to become a recluse, In
sec!ud~d libraries. In other words he tells him to •.go
out, learn from lifel" (Is this a new interpretation of the .
famou$ words of the HagHdda?) In the'·well-known
monolqgue at the beginning of this play he sa~s he is
tired of all his studies and philosophizing. One may of
course :claim that he is tired of academe but has retained
!'!is doctor's title, just as the Preachor so easily said that
all is vanity after having enjoyed a luxurious life of we,allh.·' ·,
womer\. the crown and all the world's vanities. And from
the days o.f Ecclesiasres and Faust, to our own acaden;~ic
world, f118ny and good are those who do wonderful work,
discov~ring, innovating an'd revolutionizing the sciences
and th~ .humanities. At their side are othcu:irofessors
who introduce themselves In the mass cori'iinunlcalion
medi~ as rebels, myth-breakers and Iconoclasts,
prophets of doom and anarchists with tenure and ·
pensiqn rights.
Lately it's become fashionable to belittle poetry. As any ..
trend, this too will be forgotten. For poetry has beer\,
and always will be the main stream of verbal culture.
The art of poetry Is the true primal language of the soJt.
and' it is both conservative and revolutionary. At time~.
this stream flows out in the open, on the su.rlace, and ~t
others, It is subterranean but always there. The need
for pootry is like that for praye~. In my last poem.! wrote:
Some languages die like people
Others are revived,
Gods above change, transform,
Prayers last rorever.
Back to my role. What do I have in common with my
fellow honorees? Some actually have an academic
degree, others, like myself, earned theirs by work and
experience. Thero are universities, mainly lri the United
States. which confer academic degrees for realllle
experience, such as touring and slaying abroad and even
the experience of· a first year of marriage and the like.
Eventually this Is justified .. The great Russian writer
Nabokov often mocked this American norm, In his novels
Pnin and Lolita. There he mentions a college which offers
as Its fare "The Three D's: Dancing, Debating and
Dating." However, !·don't find this ridicule appropriate.
(As a side thought, I wonder what degree Job would
have received?)
(;omiQQ back·-l<;>·tha!·Whic~ls. common to science and
poetry. Popular misconception has it that poetry is
sentirrjental verbiage and eccentricity. Not so. Poetry,
like science, must be even more precise than prose. If
while reading a novel you wander at its start, not finding
your ":fay, further on things will c!ear.up. Sometimes. the
beginning needs some vaguenoss for later focus In a
poem, everything must be here and now on the page:
the oqvious and the implicit are joined. Precision doos
it. lmrryedlate precision. Sitting at a physician's office you .
must have noticed that when describing pain, even
illitera.tes are precise. Hero's a pressing pain, there it
burns: like fire ... whereas In descriptions o1 beauty and
JOY. general words suffice, such as wonderful, marvelous
or ahhh. I remember an astronaut who hovered in space
and e~claimed "It's wonderfull" A poem has to learn to
. expr~ss and define the wonderful with the same
precision that pain is described.
·
As for me, !.have a bachelor's degree from the Hebrew
University. I wonder whether I would be permitted to wriie
a doctorate on my own works, as the poetess Rachel
said in her poem: "Only of myself have I known to speak."
Writing of a scientist's research is always welcomed. .
I started writing at 25.- People usually begin in their teens.
The reason was that from 18 to 25 I served in the British
Army and was involved in smuggling immigrants and
weapons to the country: later I fought in the War .of
Independence. I remember that our offensive in Beer
Sheba started on the exact spot ~hich is now the Ben .
Gurian University campus.
To confuse scholars and critics I belong to tw'o
gener?tions: biographically I belong to tho Palmach
generation, and literally, to the "state" generation of the
fifties. In those seven years between 18-25 I never
imagined I'd be a poet. And those early adult. years are
so full of tremendous experiences of first love
independence and the budding self, and in my case:
wars. Furthermore, my parents, German Jaws, came
here 60 years ago. A religious family that stocked me
~ell in treasu·red heritage. I was awarded my first degree
1n l1fe at the end of World War II in the form of a certificate
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· I retu~n to my role as spokesman fo~ the honorees. That
whic~ we have in common. We grew in life and stood
. out in: science, philosophy, army, politics and practical
matters. We have all mado use of our natural aAd
creative talents. I know the world "creativity'' has become
bana! and overused. Creativity means creatiAg
something new. Perhaps not something new out_of
nothing, but rather a new entity out of existing entities. 1
shall \JSB another banal expression, "fulfilled." Each has
.
done ~i~ _utrnost. Thus, we havo served others. willingly \ c:fO
or unw1111ngty, and even those who had no altruistic
motives to help others. did so to a certain extent. Another
worn .expression. each has "contributed to society" as
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much as he could. Each and every one's full; consistent
vocation is a reward in itself. I recall a story about a
farmer who, on his deathbed, told his sons of a treasure
in his lleld but died before pointing it oul. They ploughed
the field to find the treasure, andnot finding It, sowed
the field, had a rich harvest and forgot about the treasure.
the King or Glciry, Salah." Even the Almighty wa;
awardeq an honorary title, not of king but for his life work,
in this case, his eternal work.
I stand ~ere wearing this gown, and recall a British
pllenomt?non which exists In any university town. The
English yse the expression "town and gown." We have
no such lovely rhyme In Hebrew. The word which could
rhyme wl!h gown (glima) would be blima (block) or clima
(shame).
The role of poetry, like science and any other art. Is to
take. something out o1 contel(t, and later, bring it back
Into the con!el(! of culture, as a link in the continuity ot
.generations. The role of poetry and ol science is the
quest for truth, even a harsh and brutal truth. I bring an
example of this from an old folk lullabye which is hardly
heard today because tho video cassette and television
have replaced it.
Father has gone to work,
Sleep child, sleep.
Father has gone off to war,
Sleep child, sleep.
The town is burning,
Tha enemy nearing
But sleep child, sleop.
In Ox1orq and Cambridge tension between townspeoplo .
and coll~fle has developed a tradition of open hostility
tn spite ~r the fact that the sidos need each other..
-~
The mother who sang thus didn'tlie and describe angels
or wondrous flowers and fairy godmothers. ~he even
highlighted the wi~ked and dangerous
sang
everything in a lovely melody and sweet v9}ce and so
tutled the child to sleep in the midst of terror, preparing it
for the real world.
.put
Another example from science, the a·ntitetanus serum,
Is produced from the blood of a horse injected with tho
virus. From the blood o1 a tiorse that survived and has
antibodies. a serum was.'prepared lor healing and
prevention. A poet who has experienced good and bad,
body and soul, writes poetry that might heal others and
prepare them lor the real world. Unfortunately,
sometimes the horse dies.
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Whoever evokes only the terrible, the brutal, is likened
to a physician who diagnoses Illness but doesn't seek a
cure, or to a surgeon who dissects a patient's belly in
order to expose a malady and falls to close it again.
Finding the truth is merely the beginning. And about that,
and our theme of the doctor's degree: in ceJ.tain cultures
the title of ·doctor" is the term for a physiCian.
I
Nearing the end of my speech, I entertained various
thoughts about the term "honor": the common sayiQg
"with all due honor," which has become a hollow clict,e;
murder for honor; or even a war that broke out in defen~c
of national honor. Between these palos lies a vast variety
of terms of honor. One hears "right honorable .. " and
thinks of a staid, unchanging honor. There's the "honor
goal" of the losing team.
Kings' honor is granted him who is not king and at a
time when "there was no king in Israel. .. •
1remember a beautiful prayer from my childhood, .tile
Psalm that begins "Lift up your hoads, ye gates· and
wonder who is the "King of Glory?" and I remEJmber the
lovely, sweet volce of the cantor who sang the question
and the choir answering him, "The Lord of hosts, he .is
....
'·
In our co~ntry we hardly know such polarity. rhe gown
is prese~t in town and is a part of it. Most academics
cannot afford the lul(ury of fabled ivory toWers. Men. of
the world In all fields are sometimes intellectuals and
scholars do other things; it is no coincidence thi:lt ~ome
professo~s serve as ambassadors or ministers. Town
and gow~ serve in the same army reserves. There are
no gowns that look like battle fatigues, and during the
Yom Kippur War lecturers and students both wero soan
In class in uniform.
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It Is no mere chance that our army, which Includes-us
all, is totahy unmilitarl,stic, Ministers and generah admit
their lo'-:e lor literature without it hampering their
leadersh!p. Every person in practical realms and
philosophy, In realms of science. art and literature,
eve~y_one in Israel Is somehow involved, willing or
unwdlrn~J.
. ...
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Coop~~ati.on
of town and ~jown exists and must exist
without ~ither one aspiring to lead. A successful
industriali~t is not required to do research, or be an
outstanding teacher of economics or business
administration, just as an economic~ professor needn't
show tale~! in industry. And in my own field. the literary
scholar shouldn't be required to write good storios or
pooms. ju~t as a writer won't alway's be a fascinating
lecturer. I (TlYSell have learned quite a lot about my own
work from _theses written about it, things of which I wasn't
aware. I even have the doctoral thesis of an orthopedic
. surgeon who used a poem of mino as a working scientific
principle. Artists who resent analysis of their work are in
. the wrong. Literature lovers want to know how it is made
up. what it~ sources are, its motivations and uniqueness,
just as the true car lover would not enjoy a fast smooth
ride but ra!her loves to take tt1e engine apart in order to
know J'it>W.lt works.
I have reac,hed the end of my spe~~h Thank you again.
On behalf ~f the honorees and myself, I thank this young,
· great university which has conferred upon us the degree
of Honorary Doc!or. I would like to offer special thanks
as a Jer4-salemite. Tel Aviv and Jerusalem are
geographically close, but surely tension between them
exists In· a¢ademe as well. Not "town and gown·· ·but
!Jerhaps "tQwn and town," a tale ot two cities ... And the
rivalry of cities makes for wisdom and scholars .and
scholars m!ght make peaceful worid.
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Siberell, Justin H. (NSA)
From:
Sent:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
Rosstiirt, Thomas M. (SPCHW)
Tuesday, May16, 2000 9:55AM
@NSA • Nat! Security Advisor
@SPEECH· NSC Speechwriters; @NESASlA • NE/South Asia
SRB Tel Aviv evening speech [UNCLASSIFlE~]
~
u
Mcno3y 10 pm.doc
ForSRB
Tel Aviv ·evening speech with your most recent changes. ·
Also faxed last night to Rob in Israel.
Comments to Rosshirt
141 001
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Rosshirt
APNSA
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Samuel R. Berger
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Ceremony on the Conferment of Honorary Degrees
Tel Aviv Univers~ty
May21, 2000
President of the Supreme Court, Members of the Presidium; Deans, Excellencies, Governors,
Faculty and Students, DistingLtished Guests; and, of course, My feiJow Honorees:
I am honored and delighted tonight to be joining the ranks of the distinguished poets, artists,
scientists, and statesmen who have received an honorary doctorate degree from Tel Aviv
University, and I thank you for the added privilege of speaking for my fellow honorees. I
understand that Amos Oz, who received an honorary degree here eight years ago, politely ·
declined to speak for the others, sa.ying "there is no way I can speak on behalf of anyone. On a
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lucky night I sometimes manage to represent myself." I admire Mr. Oz's humility and restraint.
Nonetheless, I respectfully accept the privilege, and the risk, of speaking for my fellow honorees,
.
.. .
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but only in this sen;e: I will try in my remarks tonight to speak for
E••
of us
h~Md
everywhere who hope and work for a world at peace.
[pause].
There are few things
i:h the history of human longing more highly prized than peace.
lsa]ah prophesies the reign of the Mess]ah will see no end ofpeace. [Isaiah 8:7] The Koran says·
believers.will be met in paradise by angels wishing them ''Peace." [Qur'a:n 13:23-24]. Christians
.
.
.
.
.
call Jesus Christ the Prince of Peace.
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h1story we have seen many more advances m the 'W~R.i ~war
Tragically,
ace. Today, on the heels ofh1story's bloodiest century, with e~tbnic and
J
ideologic'al and territorial conflicts so persistent and the· technology of destruction. so
sophisticated, we face with ever great~r urgency the ancient question: Can peace: prevail on
earth?
·r have
~Le.~'Pl&JotiAn Jerv:ing President Clinton,to ha~ool - . . .
ofweotiag some
'1
orne moments, that have revealed precious tmths about peace.
One truth is this:
1'~mrnitment to a just p~ace m~ans we may sometimes be forced to fight --
for when good and evil collide, peace and justice often cannot prevail together.
~~~~ ~~~~~~M~£.
~
a e. s
. .
}lt:aiRU
-~IJ-h
mtti ~
~~Cyear, when Slobodan Milosevic ~~close the
20t11 century with a chapter of ethnic slaughter. Many peoplc;: doubted whether the West could,
or even should, respond. And yet ~tb tow, NATO's nineteen democracies, each with its own
internal differences and historical ties in the Balkans, came together and stayed together to stop
the killing. And I will never forget the words later uttered at the White House by Elie Wiesel:
'This time the world was not silent."
(
_c~ ~ 1 1'1/1}'). /.uJJ. ;.. ?)
Giiu, fighting a just war cannot by itself ensur a just peace. Most
wars do
n~t
end with c l e . hJ,
----------------~~--~.------~--~ twisted~~
~i~
victory; many seem never to end at all. An many an impulse to peace falls prey to the
~
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logic of war: Those who are weak reject
peace1'be~se it appears to be surrender.
are strong reject peaceJ;.:use victory is at hand. So war goes o')
· ~u~p~~en~were strong.
They were capable of fightin
that their people's aspirations could not be achieved by continu· gto
Those
who~
~e~~ I admire~
on. But they recognized ~
fi~.. They have sho~~~
~
us it is possible to be wise before one is weary.
.·
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Nelson Mandela's country was settled centuries ago by Europeans who forced
doctrine of
of~d. And they forced into prison -- or graves :- those
~· ~t1r*'~o, President Mandela took us to see his o1d cell on Robben (.· CO~(pl.
y
white supremacy on the people
who fought back.
Island- damp,
&
hardly large enough for him to lie flat upon the floor, with one tiny
\
window-- one foot square. He lived there 27 years --no heat, no fan, no faucet··- a bucket for a
toilet- and three ]etters a month. And yet he talked to us of his life there with extraordinary
t/
''Weren't you angry? Even a·fter you were freed,
resident Clinton asked hi
weren't you bitter?" And President Mandela said: "Briefly, Yes. But then I thcmght: 'I have
I
waited so long for freedom. And if my anger follows me out of this place, I will still be their
prisoner, and I want to be free. I want to be free,"'
·t~ remem~er
o years ago our marathon meeting at the Wye Plantation in
Marylan~ith
I
President Clinton, Prime Minister Netanyalm, Chainnan Arafat- trying to restatt a peace process
that had stalled dangerously for 18 months. On day nine, the talks were close to breakdown,
President Clinton had declared this out final day, our final chance for peace, and still there were
matters we could not settle. Into this crucible came King Hussein, with only a few months of
/
life left withinhim. Weak with cancer, he sat at the head of the table and in that deep sonorous
I
.
voice- with the authority of one who has given up life's squabbles and centeredhis mind on the
eternal- he said: "There has been enough death and destruction. We have no ·right by our
irresponsible actions to ruin the lives of our children, and our children's children." When he
. finished, no one €sp~ven~ word of response. We resum~d our.work, and though we
stretched that final day out 48 hours, we concluded the agreement.
I also remember the day in President Clinton's first year in office, when Prime Minister Rabin
and Chainnan Arafat had concluded the Oslo Accords and were to sign the agr•~ements on the
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4
South Lawn of the White House. Just before leaving the Oval Office, President Clintonunderstan.ding the demands of the moment-- said to Yitzhak Rabin: "You and
Chairma~ Arafat
will have to shake hands." The Prime Minister truly ]ooked pained. He wanted peace for the
future. But would a handshake appear to forgive the past? He paused long in thought. But
/
minutes later, he and Chairman Arafat sealed their agreement with a hand shake, and Yitzhak
Rabin said in his remarks to the world: "You do not make peace with your friend~."
President Clinton has quoted those words everywhere in the world he has urged people to make
peace. To Prostestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland. To the parties to the corlflict in
· Burundi. To refugees returning to their homes in Kosovo. He told that story of Rabin to the
Iridian. Parliament this spring, r~ferring to the terrible costs of war and the imperative of dialogue
/
with Pakistan.. There in the legislative chamber of the world's most populous d~~mocracy, the
story met ~murmur ofvoices, then applause. The wisdom and realism of Yitzhak Rabin's
words
stru~orne.
?
•
In all the peacemaking efforts I have seen, the greatest obstacles to a future of peace are the
grievances of the past-- the searing memories of war; the heartbreaking sights <>finnocent ·
suffering.
It is difficult to put aside the instinct to seek revenge; it can feel like disloyalty to those who have
,·
suffered. But making peace is not forgetting past grievances; it is trying to make sure the
.
~~ ~ JAu
trl 'fu.i,.
grievances don't ~rperu~e -tffaffis~l~es.- The injustice suffered by both sides .must be
Gwt\ '
'
.
'
·
ackno"vledged by oth sides. Those responsible for evil actions must be held accountable.
But
the desire for justice cannot degenerate into a drive for vengeance, and those who seek through
peace to redress all past grievances, are not seeking peace; they are still waging war. .
�05/16/00 TUE 14:43 FAX
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5
Nationhood and national sovereignty have served for centuries as unifying, stabilizing forces
within society. They confer a common identity that builds bonds. advances progress, and eases
cooperation among citizens. Today, however,
/
th~territorial boundaries is evolving.
Goods, services, ideas, and people can move more freely. across borders than evt;!r be:fi
many parts of the world, in western Europe for example, the role of·borders
'th . .
. 0\.:d ·-~
1'"
. . .~~se m cross-border cooperat10na WD,Jp~ros
shrin~t1,:
_ k.
and s~Veacc. Can the same thing happen in r
,arriers is
~
-ty, encoH~g godlfw1'1.1 ,
·ons of greater strife? I belie~e
jt
can.
After all, the movement toward European intem: 'on immediately followed the most destructive
war in human history.
~ ~ ~ ~ ~s ~ vwv 1,.-r-J-~
. At the same time, the geography of national security-- the link between land and national
defense once considered sacrosanct-- also is evolving. Weapons of mass destritction, long-range
missiles. world-wide terrorist networks and global computer viruses are threats all nations face
/
together and no nation can defeat on its own. Security now depends less on the distance
between neighbors than on the closeness between neighbors. True security comes from being
surrounded by partners, not walls:
By no means am I suggesting that the old threats have vanished, that sovereignty· is not essential,
~J
that we do~'t need armies to defend our borders, our values, and our lives. We do. But in the
tightly intertwined world of the global economy, it is harder than ever to win by making
someone else lose. Neighbors ~ncreasingly share the same fortlllles. Regions tend to grow
\
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--
-··
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6
economically, or shrink economically- together. ·When they grow together, gri(~vances are
lightened; the cost of confrontation rises, and so also do.the incentives for maintaining peace.·
Interdependence is worth promoting; cooperation is worth pursuing, for the sake of-prosperity,
' •
·~
~
of@'f tke sftke:-eRecurity,~or tne sake of peace.
'
.
Here in the Holy Land, this historic drama for peace is playi.ng itself out .right now. And it is
perhaps the ~eatest challenge of peacemaking in the world. This is a place that. more than any
.
,·
I
other is defined by its past- by its people's connection to their land; their traditions; their stories
(1\.J.r(J.?
of suffering, strife, and exile. And yet, as His Holiness Pope John Paul II showed the world so
movingly in his visit here this Spring, wholehearted devotion to one's own faith is perfectly
consistent with a devout respect for the faith of others.
In a land where two sides have-competing claims- but when a changing wo~ld '::~peris new doors
of opportlmity --imagination must come to the aid of tradition. Through creativity and
compromise, both sides can and must find a wayto honor the p'ast, acknowledg,e suffering,
resolve competing claims, and give the gift of peace to one another and their children.
Can we seize this moment? The answer is not ined &ne waiting to be revealed; it is 7
·r ad
waiting to· be created...:.. by the force of each of our actions. And we must act mJ\.v. The stream
'
!
ofhistory flows endlessly onward. It will not wait. It will not return.
Many wise men across the centuries have prophesied that the world will never know an endof
war. Yet, who is to say what is the limit ofhuman achievement, or what is the
endpoin~ of moral
development? The existence of war over millennia is merely evidence peace ils difficult, not
proof that peace is impossible.
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If we are ever to replace the anticipation of war with the expectation of peace, we must be able to
.
.
.
do it here, in this land, at this time. And why not here in this land? The teachiJ~ from this
.
.
.
.
land gave us our ideas ofhuman dignity and social justice. The m-ophets of this land gave us
our hope for progress in purnan history. The people of this land gave us our proof that
impossible goals can become possible through g~ner.ations of single-minded struggle ..
.
,.
\
The inheritors of this Holy Land can then-- if any can·- come together in~ moment of choice to
change the world -- and tum hostility to prosperity, suffering 1nto healing, and war into peace.
_.J
###
'
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�General Outline/Ideas of Berger Speeches
Middle East is a region where the past is more meaningful than
any place on earth.
Israel is founded on the past
Palestinians goal is .to recapture the past
Can't disregard the past; must honor it.
Conflict that is rooted in the past and has hardened is hard to
compromise. A territorial dispute is a clear example.
We need to protect the past, but anchor the solution in the
future.
We can right wrongs of the past, but seek to preserve what's
important from the past by finding modern ways to solve the
problem.
(May want to use ihe Rabin story "you don't make peade with your
enemies)
This takes it out of the Middle East. YOu don't leave
past behind, your.
peacemaking it is not forgetting
grievances, but deciding that your children should not share
them.
not that you forget your parents, and grandparents and their
grievances, but your remember. your children and grandchildren,
and want them to have none.
1)
New notions of sovereignty.
notion of shared sovereignty.
not a rigid nation state - a
2)
National security threats are not what they used to be.
They are ~ot land-ba~ed.
Land offers less protection when'the
threat comes from missiles.
'There are ways to preserve
national security that don't require land: Now the territorial
protection that used to be essential is less necessary.
3)
Modern ways of thinking of economic cooperation in ways the
strengthen both sides. Economic growth;
costs of war higher, ben~ifts of paecae higher. ·costs of
stat~lmate is also higher.
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Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
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�2
In some ways, the region lives looking through the re~~ view
mirror.
Th~t's good for identity.
But it's .not good for the
future.
A few hundred metres stand between .Syria and Israel
and war and peace.
Check the text.book controversy.
A Palestinian poet's works
are now used in Israeli schools.
Example perhaps of slipping
away from old notion of security - not having to believe that
your side is all right all the time.
Less need to demonize the
other.
Look for Amos Oz - essays on peace.
one theme:
Israel is at the brink of the.momentous decisions
in its young history .•
Consult an expert in Jewish studies.
role of history and the past.
anything in the OT on the
contact:
Yoram Shamir
Director of Communications
Univ
he would like adv~nced speeches on Sunday morning foi press and
translators. ,
W)
011 972 3 640 8696
7288
H)
M)
Lines and Ideas:
~
a
hey will fight the peace process with all the evil. energy they
have, because they know they hav.e no purpose in a peaceful
world.
They, too, can feel pressure.
They, too, need the
oxygen of public approval,· or they will wither and die.
The enemies of peace will try to sabotage, need restraint, just
as Israel showed in the Gulf War as 41 scuds were launched from
Iraq into Israel.
�3
It is simply no longer possible in this world to·win by
your neighbors lose.
makin~ ~
o~,
J
opponents of peace exploit the sense
not only
among their own, but by terrorism, the~~he sense of
grievance on the other side, which can only increase opposition
to peace.
They aim always to keep the wounds fresh, and tear
open ariothei wound if necessary to keep the suffering and
grievance fresh.
People will not discard their old impressions until they are
So positive contacts must come and come
replaced by new ones.
more frequently to move the mentality from one of antagonism to
one of cooperation.
generational change - will revere the past, but may have a
different way of looking at it; may have ~ different way of
learning it.
Text books is a case in point.
Less demonizing.
Animosity may not be passed on with the same zeal.
See Sandy's
riff in Oct, 1999 speech.
--
will the momerit ar.~a~,.tac.t.i.o.n's.-o.f-a-r,t,i-.c:ul~ed
rSj,g~
King Abdullah said:
because his Dad-had taken Jordan toward
peace, he cduld take it toward reform.
Is there a link here between the loo~eriing of society in Israel
that comes from a less tense, more secure state of mind, .and
what King Abdullah is talking aobut.
First comes a cold,
declared peace, then comes a greater sense of comfort, then
acknowledgement of the grievances of others, greater efforts to
end them.
Less defensivenes~.
but this is a new approach~ and people won't try something new
under stress; they will flee back toward what they know. .They
will be cro~ched in a defensive posture, trusting no one, trying
nothing.
Missile threat from Iran,. Iraq makes peace with Palestinians and
Syria/ Lebanon ever more important.
existential questions.
Their target was not Rabin, their target was piece. Talk about
Joseph: kill the dreamer and see what becomes of his dream.
)C
�.•..-;
4
'Joke from thelialmud •
~k~y==
ten to iwo '":)
Is there some lesson from Israel's diversity.
need peace within
Israel and around Israel.
If you can achieve peace within
Israel, peace around Israel should be easy.· within the borders
across borders.
Does it make any sense to note the respect given the Pope ..
Often the respect shown him from leaders of other faiths rivals
the respect he gets from followers of his own faith.
It did not
focus on differences, but respect and honor for another
tradition.
'Isn't this the way forward?.
POTUS:
my dream that on the hundredth, our g-children will
gatehr on the holy land and all the land will be holy to all
them.
How would God divide the land.
Certainly God would jump the
question, reframe it.
Find an answer by shattering the
boundaries that limit the imagination of the questioner and
tighten the contours of the question.
Clinton Arab American speech: we have an economy based on
ideas.
Wealth and prosperity do not come from land from what
you can coax from the earth.
so security and· prosperity can
find other defenses and other sources.
not tolerating our differences, but honoring them . .
opportunties do not last forever, they must be seized.
You
cannot plant any time, you have to do it within a certain range
of season.
You cannot harves an time, too early or too late
~ ·
will kil.l~tne.-._c~J;;.Qp_,a-.r:ld,.de:f:l¥..-.~OJ.J~ts=fxui,t,.,. We cannot c oose our
ti~ when the time presents itself, when we have urged the
elements into alignment, we must seize the day.
·
)C
absolutely critical from the Pal. people to f~J the benefits £jf>
peace in their ·"daily lives in order for the:" to support hard
d€kiosn that t11e'ir leader need t"o ma~'it"i'i~=~~i-~cfrt go't5'wn=on:m::::=
terror and other thi~gs.
Bibi:
"The first great exponents for peace were the Hebrew
prophets who lives nad preached inour eternal capital,
Jerusalem, and in many of the placed you will visit over the
next three days. "
'
�. . .•.
5
POTUS line:
but how.
C;
question is not whether you wilLli.v.e_si.de_b..y si,d,e,,.:_
--
Bibi:
King David born in Bethlehem, who established the
capital of the Jewish people in the city of Jerusalem, a city
which never was and never will be the capital of·any other
nat ion . . . I be 1 i eve there i S,.J<lG-p.a-Ea-l~J....erl...;L.JJ-hi,sAt;,q.;J;,v-f...o'*_t.Q~ki IJ,d.
of attachmenta:;a the J~ish P.eOP.le have Lelt for this 1auQ_f£~~·
A
a
..
•
_;:g:;::;:;
.
than 3,000 y:ear_s, through wars and exiles and sieges, spiritual
and physi~a~
;:;11t0@!Al..~.=,'Oi.J
,.o!IIIIM
bibi: forging a durable and lasint peace bet2wweeen israelis and
paletinsians in this tiny land between the Jordan River and the
seae is the most difficulat task facting any nation on this
often trouble d EArth.
bibi..:-:~;a.is~a~~s.~ to peace, to the spirit of the maccabees and
vision of Isai~.
may israel, which gave the world the
~~nd judeo christian valu~.s also give the--~gion the•• gift
of lasting peace.
G
,....
~
POTUS:
the closer we get, the more desperate the enemies of
peace. become.
big use of sermon on the mount.
(is there a unifying message in the three faiths from the three.
books? - like the one "do unto others."
POTUS:
lasting peace, properly achieved is the bset way to
safetguard Israel's security over the long run.
note:
a peace achieved by deterrence,~by fear is unstable. A
peace achieved by lack of animosity is better, but the best
peace is one preserved because it's in the national interest of
both parties.
They can achieve much more through peace, than
When that
they ever could by war - even by a successful war.
is established, the only ones who will want war, .will be those·
bruning with anger, who have no ambition for their people or
their nation, who just want to hurt people and destroy things.
to bring ruin.
Peace and prosperity can even suck the oxygen
out of these people.
They need national an~er, like an
3
organism needs oxygen. 't"'iK:e f"ire needs ai'r,
leaders need to· give their people more than merely the momentary
satisfaction of articulated rage.
they need to offer a way
forward.
POTUS:
the quiet miracle of an ordinary life.
�.
6
:POTUS: . peace must begin with a change in attitudes.
(not just
toward one another, but about the requirements of security.
a riff on convergence:
planets line up once every many years.
you can't plant in the autumn and harvest in the spring. you
can't plant whenever you want, and harvest whenever you want.
there is a season for it.
If it is not a crazy dream that Israel (cQnsult Herzl history)
could emerge from 2000 years of exile, it is not crazy to hope
for peace.
How much should Sandy use some Hebrew; they always applaud it.
The future is merely preceded by the past; it is not fixed by
it.
POTUS:
pal have begun to see that they have done more to
relaize their aspirations in five years of making peace ithan in
45 years of making war.
go back to VP AIPAC
Maybe Arafat did it
whatever reason, it
interests of Israel
1998 - earlier drafts that they took o g u .
for this reason or that reason, but for
~
marks a point where his interests and the
converge.
\..._~ th;i..§....i,n.t e.,.:r;J:JV-p~.Q..,..wp..r"'J.a.,_j-~~g..er.L'"'~~y~~9..n w,;i.,p
...
~y
making the other lose.
You can only win, by helping the
other win.
gr~ic poetic illustrations of this can make the
speech.
Peace must pay off......
because if peace pays off, people
will protect it.
because if people are aggrieved, they will
support and encourage those who will express the grievances by
violence.
If the grievances are lifted, the people will protect the means
by which they are lifted.
We cannot remove the suffering of
.
tmnn
~
- ana
the past,,...,..w_e..,.,Q..ar:]._q:gJy~-l.t-J..~~•• .t.n:e...p~~tJt · - - -IU t u~e.
rsetrffig ancient scores, even settling recent scores:" only
~arantees future grief.
·
settle old scores only by resetting the score to zero.
not two
columns but one.
Not us vs. you, but us with you - running up
the score together.
�7
sports analogy: don't run up the score. you'll see them again.
don't take advantage of people when they're down.
.H6w you
treat people who can do you no good, or who cannot fight back.
Intere~tingly ~either
applies. peoples can do each other a
world of good.
and both can fight back, both sides can inflict
pain and suffering.
~~==~~--~--~--~ It demands.a clear
This requires not force, but finesse
un erstanding of the needs and att,itudes of the other s.ide.
artful effort to understand what is a fair compromise.
An
For us
POTUS:
It is in israel's interest to give the Patelsting
economci space to breath ~nd the pal. peopl~ a chance to defeat
the hopelessness that extremists exploit t6 unleash their
terror.
again:
false leaders,.those who offer no hope.
What is their
vision for the future, for their people?
A military victory
over Israel!? Pushing Israel into the_sea.
If that is their
vision,_ they don't know the difference between vision and
illusion or halludination.
It ~an never happen.
So what do
they offer: only the chance to inflict pain and suffering;
knowing there will be retaliation.
Only people who are filled with suffering are eager to inflict
By easing the suffering, you end the support they
suffering.
give to the false leaders.
what once was a conflict among mainstreams is evolving
POTUS:
into a mainstream seeking peace .
. To those who think peace is not possible, I remind you of those
100 years ago who did not think Israel was possible.
Themes, Notes, Lines, and Ideas:
"who is to say what is the limit of human endurance, or what is
the endpoint of moral development. Who can say how high we can
go in reaching a world with a sharper conscience that acts
\
'
~
�8
collectively to prevent and to punish aggression, evil, and
cruelty.
Who is to say how much mass communications and
advanced technology can make transparent all the evil bhat was
hidden, and dispel it- (by force of conscience and collective
judgment) as light does darkness.
Germany - it has found it does better by waging peace.
POTUS:
3 ancient civilizations:
Indian, Chinese, Jewish - 1
billion; 1 billion; 12 million.
after all you've been through,
here you are. Here you are.
Sovereignty:
is my daughter any less my daughter,- that she is
also my wife's daughter?
This land_ it belongs to you. But
even throughout your history, others were here.
They do not,
merely by being here, profane the land; they honor it.
..................
--
Maybe1 go back to Genesis:
I will make of you a- great n : § J
numerous.
Ho~ do you define greatness.
peace of the. brave - that everyone, espeFially arafat uses.
morph into peace of the far-sighted.
POTUS:
Bethlehem where King David was born, where Christ was
born, who was a Jew, who followers founded C_hristiani ty, ·who is
revered in the Islamic texts.
POTUS to PNC:
palestingians.
a good riff on how hard things are for
arafat at Wye: 'no israeli mother should have to worry if her
son or daugher is l~te coming home.
~ ("::at
~
can make the difference, between a standoff
Lbreakthrough.
Speech themes and ideas:
Find out what the Torah chapter of the .week is. for the time SRB
is in Israel.
*
They will do everything they'can to sabotage peace, because
they realize they have no purpose in-the peaceful world.
c:
'6\!P'IS"'a
-~i:l!l~"i.i.e!1P~111iltLillil9W~... i$1l~~-·~~t\~-!
111Rl!illll
�9
JOkes:
Talk to Ed Cohen about his jokes.
Also:.
How are you doing, mom. Not so well. Why not? I haven't eaten
in. three weeks.
Why not? ·I didn't want my mouth to be full in
case you should call.
Cahill notes that the Jews give us the sense of progress from
going around in sircles.
Can it be so here?
The Old World
of t~e Wheel to the new world of Journey.
page, 94:
Avram went.
reallywent.
cyclical regligion goes
nowhere because, within it comprehension there .is not future as
we avhe come to dundestand it. inly the next revolution of the
Wheel.
p 127 What was real for the Sumerians (and for all other ancient
epoples but the Jews) was the Eternal.
What was to become
gradually real for the Jews and reamins real for us is.the her~~tl:~~
and now and the ther and then.
~f~~~
128 - the israelites, by becoming the first
psychologically in real time.
g a 4&5 .
1
FJi6W
MIIW
dM . k
.
The past is no longer important just because it can be mined
it si
exemplars, but becau~e it has brought us to the present.
the first part of our journey.
This is what impelled the Israelitees to take such care'with
genealogies.
130: bible" manking's first attempt to write history, a
history that mattered deeply becauxe one's whole identify·was
bound up with it ..
For.the ancients, the future was always to be a replay of the
past - history repeats itself.
for the jews, history will be no
l~ss repleae wi~h moral lessons: b~t~~tP~t
hlstory repate ltslef but that lt lS aiways somethln new.
a
p-reees•s-1Tri'f0iui"ilg""'tti:'frd"trg'l'l ime, whose dire.ctioh and end we cannot
~~exc~~~d=,gi~4 S usrsome hint of.what is to come.
This fut ewill not be what he happened befeore; indeed, the only
realtity that th futue has is that tit has not happneed yet.
We do not control the future; in a profound sense! even God does
not control the future becasuse it i~ the collective
~
•
/
�10
responsibilty of those who are brinign about the future by their
cations in the present.
For this reason,· the conQpet of the :Qlture- forth~ first time
'-,holds ,,,U.t~p~rse, rather than just the same old thing. · we
are not doomed, not bound to corns predetermined fate; we are
free.
If ·tanything- 'can happen, we are truly liberated - as
liberated as the Israeli slaves when they crossed the Sea of
Reeds.
145:
Of the many innovations that Sinai represents .....
nothing is as provocative as thw ay in twhich this tremendous
theophany bring to completeion th enew Israelite understanding
of time.
. ... in this moment and only in the moemnt I am in
control.
this is the moment when the past can be trasnformed
and the future lit with radiance.
p 160
changing generations: god decided to let them wander 40
years so those arriving in canaan would be rugged "hardened by
wilderness trials - born nomads who expect always to jourany on,
rather than displaced city mice longing of·rhte remembered
fleshpots.
169
Moses, MLK
Reinhold Niebuhr:
"Ncithidg worth doing can
be achie3veing in our life.t:ime, therefore we must be saved by
hope.
Nothing which is true or beautiful or goodmake complete
sense in any imeediate context, of history, therefore we must be
saved by faith.
nothing we do, hoever birtuous, can be
accomplished alone; therefore we must be saved by love."
----now reverting to Cahill\ that accomplishment is
intergenerational may be the deepest of all Hebrew insights."
,L
4<
note somehow that Jews no-better than ever narrative, the
passing of history, goals that take thousands of years to
aqhieve, .and so must know th~ possibility of peace may keep us
wandering years before realization, but that moments of progress
ome briefly and must be seized.
Is there something in the
assover story ~r other crucial sto:r;:ies :hat convey "Now is ~he . . 1\fJ.PJ rJA
0
moment opporti..lnlty.'
~ ~l-p;,
~\!\fl.
i .....,rv~
O
YvlheM
404
try to find that lovely faulkner passage about humankind will
survive.
get faulkner nobel speech
. pvr;«d _..
~ ~·~lfiil)
·pPM~~~
r~w
�11
Idea:
set. up a debate of dueling wise men - some who, say peace
is possible~ some who say it is not.
Then say - as we ar~ in
the midst of a final push for peace.
What they say doesn't
matter~ doesn't bind us, because the truth is not there waiting
to be fulfilled by our actions.
The truth will be created by
our actions. And the will to do everything humanly possible to
achieve peace - may make the decisive difference in achieving
peace.
David- the sweet singer of Israel.
Peace instead of WAr - is it not as unlikely as David and
Goliath:
" today, Yahweh will deliver you to my hand; I shall kill you,
I shall cut off your.head; today, I shall give your corpse and
the 'corpses of. the Philistine Army to the birds of the air
so that the whol~ world may kriow there is a God in Israel, and
this whole assembly know that Yahweh does not give victory by
means of sword and spear - for Yahweh is lord of the battle and
he will deliver you into our power."
Amos:
let justice roll down like waters
and righteousness like a never-failing stream.
to peace, link to polepenessian wars and Thucydides.
Jeremiah:
prophet of the last
link
~hance
after exile in Babylon: p 226~
God wantec something other
than bloodd and smoke, buildings and citadels.
He watned
jstice, mercy, humility.
He wanted what was invisible.
He
wanted their hearts, not the outsid~, but the inside.
During the exile or soon after the return, the Torah rachedits
final forme, entwining the oral literatures of Judah and Israel
with the concern fo conemporary priests and scribves, who
238:
Under the surface events of this story, new ideas are
de~eloping:
time is becoming real; a real future is possible ..
And because of this,. the choices I make individually are=
~m£Ortant: they ma~e a feal dtf~rence to a real future. and
because all otucoem heav not been £redetermined in advanc~~the
rpe~.en.t-i-s-~;L,;,.,l-e.f-aGl;v;e.nt.u-:r;,e-a.r:J.d-th-e.fx,e.edomt to make choise ·
that. will• ..,p,.,.r..,.o..f_,p.undly_at}ect the outcome.
'"'
""'"""-""• =
t:*
.
-n
a
::d
�12
This great, overwhelming movement, exp.ectplified in the stories
of Avraham and Moshe, makes history real to human consciousness
for the first time - with the future really dependent on what I
dCL in the 12resent. This movemenf±s 'the movement of time, wffi*'ch
, ince past, becomes history.
. ..... And because its end is not
yet, it is full of hope - and I am free to imagine that it will
not be j.ust process, but progress.
p 246:
however miraculous jewish survival may be, the greater
miracle is surely that the Jews developed a whole new way of
experiencing reality, the only alternative to all ancient
worldviews and all ancient religions.
If one is ever to find
the finger of God in human affairs, one must find it here.
p 251 -- humanity's msot extravagant dreams a~e artiqulated by
the Jewish prophets.
Isaiah:
in isaiah's vision, true
faith is no longer confined to one nation, but "all the naitonsn
stream to the house of Yahweh "that he may teach us his waysn
and that we may learn to "beat our swords into plowshares.
{r::stead of speaking for all the honoree~ - I want to speak on
~half of all who seek peace with justice.
Amos Oz- spoke here 8 years ago and said;
it's not a nation or
a country, but an uneasy coalition of 5 million prime ministers;
5 million self-appointed prophets and messiahs.
Oz:
There is in almost eveyr current work of Israeli
literature a secret pulse of messianic yearning.
Sandy: any self-deprecating thing at the top (the best way to
advance the peace process was to assign me to make an academic
lecture.
free of any details.
Any reference to past \Contacts
with this University, its President - or whatever: make a
connection.
to Israel most broadly.
Wedge into an argument about peace Marshall .Pla~;~Y~~
the idea about Israeli text books.
the maturity o a society.
hat does not demonize the other, that acknowledges suffering,
prepared for peace. Not because it
but because it prefers to SJ2are its
~~-......,war.
Revenge for past injuries:
how is this dealt with?
�13
Ajami:
p 276
dream palace:
Shimon peres ·"in the past, a naiotn'a identity. was molded from
its people's speacial characterixtics, the geeography 6f tis
land, the uniqui properities of its language and culture.
today, science has no national idenitfy, technology has no
homeland, informaiton no passpoit."
Peres said during one of
his standard utterances.
Peres had walked in - wordy,
exuberant, and hopeful - during a funeral.
Arab intellectuals
were morunign the loss of their wor1d.
Everywhere around them
there was evidence of terrible political and economic weakness;
military despotism in the age of dd3mocracy's alleged truimp
.... an emboldened the.ocratic alternative in Lebannon and equpt
and among the Platestinians; the n3do fthe ride th toil welath
had made possible.
Peres .... trumpteed a world that held out
tnothing bu thtepromosei fi cultural alienation.
Instea of an
arab owrld that was shole and true, the popul Syurian poet,
Niz~r Qabbani, lamentd, "we now get a s~permarket with an
Israeli chairman of the board.'
It was eaier forth etur
believer~ in Arba naitonalistm to deal tiwh Yitzhak Rabin.
Look to Friedman's book for some compelling account of the Olive
Tree.
Tawfic Al-Hakim
(from p 287 of ajami) :
born in 1898
"unlike the British and Dutch. wh6 had colonized Southern Afiica
without having any historic ,linkg with that region, the Zionist
who settled Palestine was returriing t6 a homeland he had
inhabited in the past."
The Progressive
March 1998:
~· ..~~~:~~..oo:;~~'1L~~
::Ai:z,e= r
"The .first chal~enge, then, is to extract acknowi~g_mgn,t,.....f-Fem*"'
Israel for what it did to us .... But then, I believe, we must
also hold ou the possibility of some form of coexistence in
which a new and better life, free of ethnocentrism and religious
intolerance, could be available.
. If we present our claims
about the past as ushering in a form of mutuality and
coexistence in the future, a long-term positive echo on the
Israeli and· Western side will reverberate." Edward Said. ~
�'·
-
14
refugees have faced as a result of their eviction fro~ their
homeland, and must assist in th.ei;r:- rehabilitation and
reabsorption·.". alsoi
a sovereign capital in Jerusalem.
East Jerusalem is Palestine's historical; spiiitual and
commercial heart.
To exclude it from a Palestinian state is
unthinkable.
,.
I'
oz -
\
Ajami - Ezrahi:
)
Oz
The vast majority of the population in Israel is willing,
with certain provisions, to make a historical compromise with
the Paiestinians and to partition t~e country into two national
homelands.
A choir of fiery rabbi~, who have never bothered to utter a
single note of Jewish morality about society's starving and
homeless, its battered women, its justice or injustice, it
compassions - these rabbis have .condensed all of Jewishness into
thte holy tombs of the Patriarchs.
Rabin died·-in the battle ave rthe question·of who we are and
what this nation really is all about."
purpose of peace is not to erase all past sufferings but to
prevent further suffering."
--·can go from here into a riff
further suffering means to add~ess past sufferings
What palestinians have they won not from Arab arms but from a
narrow majority of israelis who have reached the conclusion that
mlitary occupation apd suppression are both immoral and useless.
refers to changing the content of anti-semitic school bo6ks.
"The tragedy of the palestinians, their suffering, humiliation,
poverty, and desperation ~ all these are 6ur problem, even if we
~ are not to blame for them, or at least not the principal
culprits.
So long as the Palestinian people live in_t.J:te==p~,
Israel· will ~ave no peace and no security.
.
•
.
., -ttrme:nmr ?=mxr:::r S'·rr;:m:wf7C~···
l'S
a so
•• 5 mitiP"'fi~
re: losing Hebron and Pal. losing Haifa:
�15
-
"relinquishing these dreams will involve a tragic shock for many
people onboth sides, who see this as no less than treason,
sacrilege or the first step to losing everything.
~·
.-J
The traumatic emotional upheaval involved in relinquishing
certain of the rights is very real and the pain is real. we
must take care not to rub salt into open wounds·.
It is possible
to turn the victims of peace into partners.
TIME Magazine:
I was nine years old.
I remember my father coming to my bed and
lying beside me in the dark.
"When I was a boy, I was beeatn in
school in Russian and then in Poland for being a little Jew."
he said. "You may still get beaten in school, but .not for being
a Jew.
this is what the state of Israel is· all about."
National interest, ancestral rights, and an extra bedroom for
the nation are not reasong t6 gci out ito the battlefield."
The case between Israelis and Palestinians is a tragedy
precisely beause it is a class between one very powerful claim
and another.
Wherever there is a clash between righf and
right, a vlaue higher than right ought to prevail, and this
value is life itself.
'93
This is the itime to develop a Marshall Plan for the
Middle East.
fP"'"
The real rift is no longer between Jew and Arab, but between
past-oriented and future-6riented people on both sides."
-
sending a message: "If we can compromise with each other and
turn ou~ backs to violence despit~ 100 years of sound and fury,
is peace not possible between all deadly enemies in the world?
Ezrahi review:
a pal. friend said to me:
"Now that we have recognized you,
will you start remembering what you did to us.?
ajami
US NEWS
.Feb l7, 1997
I
tf
�16
There has been no discernible change in the Arab attitudes
toward Israel and little preparation in the Arab world for the
accommodation the peace promised . . . . . This is the one great
Arab fidelity that endures in a political culture that has been
subjected to histbric ruptures of every kind.
playwright Ali Salem broke the unwritten ban and travelled to
Israel. and endured a relenetless campaign of vilificaiton.
"the most celebrated poet in the Arab world the Syrian Nizar
Qabbani.
Middle Eastern S~permarket with an Israeli Chairman
of the Board.
oct 14 96
There was the large Arab political world that in the main
(jordan, Oman, and Qatar aside) continued to see Israel as an
illegitimate presence in the landscape and a great usurpation. A
whole political class in the Arab world had denies the peace its
support. Made by autocrats, the peace was dismissed as the
rulers' peace, a defiling deed of Arab surrender."
Khalidi:
For tehir part, the Pal. have to acknowledge that a reutrn tot
he status quo before the creation of Israel in 1948 is
impossible and that a resolution of the refugee issuewill
effectively close the file on this fundamental issue.
Get the card on Western Treasury, but particularly note the
Thucydides line.
economic problems facing Arab economies.
US News"
Ajami notes in 7/28/97
people in arc of crisis from Morocco to Iran export
fewer mfgd goods than Finland's s· million.
of int'l private capital flows;
a mere 1 percent goes to ME
and NAfrica.
Reasons:
high military spending, little economic reform.
age
60% is under ;8 in ME soci~ties,
a burden all their own.
The
rulers no doubt will come to yearn for those old days when the
gullible could be satisfied and consoled with the sound and fury
of nationalism.
�17
Feb 2, 2000
Jerusalem Post articl~ makes the same point Ajami
does:
"It is difficult. to claim that opposition to Israel has
moderated, even among the Arab parties that have signed peace
treaties or agreements with it.
Cited astonishing poll numbers
opposed to peace with Israel or cooperation with Israel even
after peace.
editorial also says:
If peacw ith Israel destroy sthe core
tenet of Arab identity, then the Arab world must find a
substitute cause for peace to survive. Given that accodring to
a 95 world bank report, 2~0million citizens of the Moselem
middle east and nor afrcian exported fewer mfgd goods than
Findaland. th,e arab world's post poeace agenda would seem to be
clear: catch up with the politcal freedom and .econmoic advances
of the modern world.
peacethat ip.not intertwined with an Arab transition to
odernity will remove neither Israel not the Arab world from
heir respective predicaments.
J Post Editorial:
the people to people. sections of Egyptian
and Jordanian peace treaties and the Oslo II accord should not
be ignored.
Malinowski notes:
story about Rabin, learning he will have' to shake hands,
declares, you do not make peace with yohr friends.
Look for
Indian parliament speech for the President's version of the
story ..
When POTUS used it in Delhi, there was an audible murmur of
approval from the MPs.
Two tasks in bringing peace:
1.
resolve competing claims
deal with old grievances
(you can't m·ake. people feel that they are betraying the memories
9f those who s~ffered in the past).
One of our strongest
instincts is to remember our ancestors.
Remember our parenst.
Honor thy parents - was first articulated in this land.
How
are we supposed to sit do~n at the table with those who have
_,
�18
done harm to our parents.
How ·can we have that level of
Is it not treason and
disloyalty to family and community.
betrayal?
peace does not require forgetting or forgiving; it requires
(weave in language- those who will'call us ancestors- we honor
those who will call us ancestors; we need.to be worthy- go back
and get old language)
peace can come when you see you won't achieve your goals by
killing,
rational choice, to look for another way.
ople who imagine a future and try to build it.
What do you do about past grievances?
It's facile to leave it
behind.
Last pace to say. that is the Middle East.·
where the
both ancient and recent.
Methods:
truth-telling; accountability; truth commission.
1
(The thing people desperately fear is that their suffering and
injustice will never be acknowledged, that people will not be
called· to account,)
But it's
The fruits of peace help redress old grievances.
with old
catch 22 - you can get the fruits until you deal
grievances enough to engage.
World is changing:
old borders are open to travel and trade.
the world's ·most travelled invasion routes are now channels for
cooperation.
orthern italy, southern france
is peace~ul ·.
recent that is.
cross-border cooperation.
People in this country especially know how
It has happened through integration, collective security, common
defense, open borders, so that countries develop the habit of
enhancing security cooperation not competition.
Can the mother of that daughter slain make peace
�19
eace is not a balm on old wounds, it is a preventive against
uture wounds.
---..
perhaps peace suffers because the expectations for peace are too
high.
Maybe ~eople look to peace and believe they will never
agree to peace until it redress old grievan~es;. that is not
peace.
that is war.
War is to redress past grievances.
grievances.
· Peace is to prevent
fut~:J
It is naive to believe peace can come easily; but it is naively
cynical to believe it can't come at all.
Globalization makes it easier than it was before.
automatic
interdependence makes it more natural .than it would have been 20
25 50:years ago.
o~
Have to not the risks
globalization to the. process. we : a 3
choo.se not to know anymore what's happening to our neighbor.
Those who are poor, know they are poor, and they can be more
destructive, and we're more vulnerable to their destructive
behavior:
This increases the chances and the imperative of
integration, because the risks of not doing it are greater.
NOTES from meeting with SRB - May 9, 2000
Want to achieve:
1)
2)
3)
convey a ·sense of urgency
put some new concepts of sec~rity on the table
prepare them for compromises ahead
TRaditions are formed by the past - Israel's past has aleawy
been a guidepost to the future.
that established traditional
values, sense·of what was important.
This is not past versus the future.
but if the past carries
painful memories or rigid plans it can be an impediment to
imagining a different future.
2nd speech:
talk more abo.ut peacemaking globally, . more thematic.
Mandel a, Rabin ·are two prime examples of epoepl who learned from
what they had seen and d0ne.
learned from their pain and turned
�20
it into energy.
Mandela walks out· of Robbe!} Island, never
looks back, or· harbors bitterness.
Rabin
Rabin, a soldier, look at speech from the South Lawn.
looked pained when the President told him you will have to shake
But then he said:
"okay, but no kissing."
hands.
('
Also said:
"you don't .make peace with your
friends"~
Hardest thing to.do is to turn the page
(SRB shorthand for
decide to move forward and leave the past (grievances) behind.
N. Ireland, Bosnia, Mandela, Rabin.
SRB: Mandela tqok us back to Robben Island, ·saw the
circumstances under which he lived - I was flabbergasted and
·awed that he was able to walk forward.
that he was able not to
feel his life had been consumed.
but he felt compelled to change circumstances that had created
that jail wb a bat~roo~ or toilet ..
so much potential,. people ·are well educated,
. India/ Pakistan:
· pak, trad friend of the US India, largest. democracy.
King Hussein at Wye
We knew he was 'very ill.
At a Critical moment - the final 49
hour day we were there.
Came into tense situation - spoke about
what everyone in the room had in common led to complete
silence.
10/22 - 2/7
dates of Hussein at Wye and when he was to die - a little more
than three months.
Ask Steinberg about NI peacemaking efforts.
NATO - standing firm.
the world faced in the last year of the 20th century ending the
century on a note of ethnic slaughter.
depending on the alliance of 19 democraci~s with different
cultural and ethnicity to.unite in saying "no"
�. 21
Included Greek government whose government had affinities with
the· Serbs.
POINT:
don't turn the page, you can be consumed.
Y:Olf
~~~~~~a.ua.IIIIISE~IIlOOhiAGhlil·~ ..
I believe this moment if Israel and its neighbors do not seize
it, it will be a fatal non-turn~ng ~oints.
but planting
there is a season -- planting seeds of peace.
It is
has very strict rules.
by season and soil and sun.
plant{ng season, if you wait you will miss it.
In the second speech - SRB says don't mention israel tll the
very end, let it all be by implication.
build to the point
after all those stories.
you face the same moment -
NI- with last week's announcement ... we have turned the
corner, picked up speed, may not be irreversible, but a lot
harder to stop.
If you have enough size and speed you can run
over a lot of roadblocks.
AFter 30 years ·of close encounters of the worst kind ~ living
right in the teeth of orie another, with deep bitterness and
hatred.
Bosnia - last year 5 years after Dayton, minorites.
coming back to minority areas
refugees
last year 40,000 went back to areas where they were ethnic
minorities.
letting go of nationalism in Bosnia croatia election.
see it in the election returns.
First speech:
Second speech:
Past/Future:
you can
Israel and the Middle East
Similar theme, larger.
How do you make peace?
�22
Because people get exhausted - or - when you realize you will
not achieve your objectives by fighting, and that doesn't have
to wait for exhaustion.
�23
·some scripture:
.SRB might say: I come from a country who owes a great debt to Israel: Our debt goes back to
the patriarchs and the prophets·_ who inspired our concepts of ethics, equality and human
dignity. Without the commandments ofMoses, without the urgings of Isaiah, without the.
admonishments of the prophet Nathan who had the courage to hold even a King accountable, it is
hard to imagine how the words could ever'have found their way onto parchment: "We hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
novak:
.God calls us, Judaism says, into a sacred agreement or covenant
in which respect for life and the promotion of justice are
paramount concerns. Life's purpose is to be found in the
healing of the world so that the world may then reflect, for the
good of all, the radiance of its creative source.
the notion of the Promise land is pecuarli to the Israelite
religion and for the Isrealites and Jews later, it was the most
mportant single elemtrr init.
. ... n9 rae has maintiane dover
so long a period so emotion an attachment ot. a par~icualr corner
of the Earth's surface.
G
go to scripture:
Genesis:
17:8
And I will gi:ve unto thee, and to thy see
after thee, the alnd wherein thou art a stranger,_all the land
of Canaan, for an everlasting possession; and I will be their
God.
Abraham argues with God .against destoying Soddom.
If there are
ten, I will not destroy it for the sake of the ten.
Genesis
18:23~33
And I will not destroy it for ten's sake.
Passover:
Every year Jews the world over gather for a seder. in
commemoration of this pivotal moment .in their histiory.
one of
the esxts recited at this time asks:
"Why is this night
different from all other nights? The reply is:
"B~cause we
�24
were siaves unto the pharoah'in Egypt, and the Eternal our God
brought .us forth tence with a might hand and an outstretched
arm." What the Passaover SEder celebrates, it may be suggestex
is not only the historical liberation of a people, but also the
perenial longing of the human soul for freedom.
Through Moses bod proposees to Israel a final conventant whose
terms are fundamentally moral: I will be your God if you will be
a righteous people.
~Ei~think about it. god deciee fo rthe first and last
.~t~~~~~Feveal himself. ;you would expet God to give you a
lecture on theoplogy at least.
after all it's his doeman.
Instead.
Hea gave you all kidn of commands,about human
realtions:
Thou shalt not kill.
Thou sahll not life; why did
he do that It was so simple. But this was the lession: god
can take care of himself. what he had to give man was the
dignity of man.
U
±
e w ;wsrw~
eaa•
exodus - the ten commandments:
if you will obey me faithfully
and ekep my convenant, you sahll be my ttreasure pessession
among all thepeople.
indeed; all the·earth is Mind, but you
shall be to me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.
The prophets:
'
Novak:
the unblinking candor,with which Isreal exposes its own
shorcomigns makes the Bible a "national epic of self-criticism."
as usch the Bilble stands with out peer in the literature of the
world.
In taking Israel
(LINK THIS TO THE TEXTBOOKS ADMITTING
NEGATIVE MATTERS).
to taks for its failing, in measuring its
raltities agianst sacred ideals, the prophets initiated the
tradition of a moral critique that we now recognize as the soul
of a just society.
For the· prophets, the heart of religion is moral action, not
·ritual or lip service..
"No other safred sc.rJ.P..t.u=~e £Q,.r;t,!=,g~;QS
books that ~P~ls..~.OV-~99-i ns E~~[ruffij;l>l1.s.t_i,.c;..e...,_~ s-..e..lg..qpent.l~,
rnT~quivocafly, and s~]£~~·
The prophets are one in their
cDhv1~~i~n-tiTa~~~Y human being, simply by virtue of his or
her humanity, is a child of God and thereforein possession of
rights that even kinds must respect."
True religion is righteousness and justice
Isaiah
1:14-17
�' 25
put your evil doings
away from my sight
cease to do evil
learn to do good.
devote yourselves to justice
aid the wronged.
Uphold the rights of the orphan
Defend the cause of the widow.
Amos
5:23-24
Let justice roll on like a river
and rightec;msness like an ever- flowing stream.
micah
6:6-8
He has told you what is good,
and what .the Lord requires from you:
Only to do justice
And to love goodness,
.
And to walk mbdestly with your God.
Novak:. If any themes can be.said to be persistent in the long
and complese hisotry of·messianic expectation, they are Israel's
hpe for its won spiritual restoration and , sometime, for a more
univesral transformation "in which there would be political
freedom, moral perfection and earthly bliss for [both] the
people of Israel in their own land and also for the entire human
race.
Isaiah- 2:4
swords into plowshares.
Ezekiel Chap 36 - gather you into your own land.
prosperous than you were before, etc.
JOB:
Why do the wicked live on,
Prosper and grow wealthy?
Their children are with them always
And they see their children's children
Their hoems are secure, without fear
they do not feel the rod of God
Ecclesiastes:
A time for every purpose
make you more
�26
··...
a time to mak~ peace, etc.
Rabbi Eliezer joke:
Noah
joke
Einstein:
the essence of the Jewish concept of life seeem to
me to be the affirmation of life for all creatures.
For the
life of the indiivual have meaning only in the service of
ehancing and ennobling the life of every living thing.
Life is
holy; i.e. it is the high~st worth on which all other value~
depend.
time - sabbath:
judais_m is a religion of time aiming at the sanctificaiton of
time,
, teaches us to bge attache to holiness· in imt, e to be
attach~ dot sacrd events, to learn how to consecreate
sanctuaries .that emerged for the manficincent stre~m of a year.
Juewish r~tual may be characterized as an ~rchicatecture of
time.
��SRB notes on Tel'Aviv speech
Short, but tearfully eloquent.
concetp:
looking at the Middle EAst throu the prsim of the past
or the prism of the future.
noe one or the other.
If there is
any region where past is part of present, daily life,: the tides
of time, it is the middle east.
If we turri our bick 6n
herittage and history
(note:
is it fair to say because 6f the
bible that it is the only place in the world whose towns and
names were recorded in ancient biblical texts.
)
the region more than any is devined by its heitage and history.
only if we're also able to look at the past and future can we
build a better life.
Look at SRB speeches from Rob to Jewish goroups on'how we will
think about how region can be an engine o fgorwth and protress.
How do you speak to israeli audiences.
I want to say
(risky)
two streams of past:
Jewish history - holocaust.
Chosen people/victims
israel history - victime saying never again
Istael can onlnly build a future if it is able to see its past
not as a ceiling but as a floor, not a shackle, but a platform.
TM - need ·to find modern answers to old questions
MR - Israel is in progress of rewriting its history books.
SRB:
This is a region defined by past and heritage but not
limited by it.
Because only by reaching out and engaging
enemies for peace can it embrace a different future.
Talk it over with
~ob
fundamental concepts:
�i
2
country more sharply defined than any by history than any in the
world, rightfully proud of it - we need to imagine a different
future.
Look at eulogies from Rabin's funeral
President of Tel Aviv University was Amb to US from Rabin.
personal friend of Rabin.
�SRB SPEECH' 1 IN TEL AVIV -
OUTLINE
I.
Fateful time.i best opportunity to end, once and for all, the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict - root of Arab-Israeli conflict and
whose resolution holds key to a different, better, more secure
future.
Opportunity may ~ot present itself again anytime· soon.
~are
alignment of factors:
An Israeli Prime Minister who has ·sp~nt
his "rf'fe**<!e!~ifu"iWgo the safety of Israel and of its people, who
knows. more. than any other what it 'takes to defend his country's
security, the cost of war arid the value -of peace. A Palestinian
leader who is the embodiment of his people's long quest for
justice and is capable of making the difficult, courageous
decisions for peace. And an American .President who cares about
this issue as much as about any other and is prepared to do what
it takes to help promote peace.
II. Why so important to end the conflict? Israelis and
Palestinians have before them two very different pi.ctures of the
future.
One of conflic~ and distrust, an~ ~ns~c~rity and
continued diversion of precious resources,. and breeding of new
generations in spirit of hatred; other in which begin to build
foundations for partnership, where can attend,. to real problems
of education, health, et'c. [See SRB speech to IPF]
II.
Why so difficult? Perhaps more than any' other, this is
region that is steeped/soaked in history, derives its meaning,
from historic
@ment to this land and to
re
ons an tra ltions 'to which it gave rise.
True on both
sides. Any solution~eks to ig,n.ore this :past, to ""
undere~~e-1~,~;;:eas 1_
t~aside 1 is doomed to nfail. There is
-a-h'i-s-i=o'r-r:"'"""'a-"t:"'fadition, religious beliefs and fervent
attachments to land that it is simply impossible to ignore and
wrong to belittle.
Israelis and ~alestinians define themselves
·in terms of their respective histories which happen to have
grown from same land.
,
/"·.
"""""
"B'.Q.iiiidi5Jl"Wi
Qwpo
.
lS thi.E,. 'conflicti.:Q,,g attachment to land, to different
lgious beliefs, that exacerbates the co;flict and makes it,
lts surface, irresolvable because so rigid~
III.
:RYts
Key is to honor the past while overcoming the obstacles it
That req~ires calling upon our
iii!>.
co1'"1~i""ve imagination, creativity and courage.
Only two
solutions: if each side continues to rigidly espouse past
o~t"l'I t,.S.. Peace.
�2
positions, then solution wili be zero-sum, benefiting one side
at expense of other. Alternative is to summon m6¢ern tools to
resolve problems from the past while respecting traditions and
attachments of the past. Wheri two past~ and·two histories clash
\
as froqtally as they do here, the chall~n~e is to devise new~
unconventional ways to preserve what deserves preserving while
creating new arrangements.
In short, imagination must come to
the rescue of tradition.
,.
~
..... -==·
Not my place to define a solution; negotiators ·on both sides
· have been grappling seriously with these issues for weeks and
months and I am sure there is far more serious.'grappling that
rem~ins in store.
But would like to suggest paths and tools and
ideas that·can be of use:
-- Rigid concepts of bouridaries, inherited from beginning of
nation state, no longer apply in an age of globalization,· where
goods and services and ideas and p~ople can move freely.
-- Sovereignty itself is now more supple, fluid concept and has
changed its meaning in this new era where so much is decided
either at local level or at trans-national level.
.
"
~- Connection between land and security, once considered airtight and sacro-sanct, has far less currency in an era ot WMD,
long range missiles, unconventional weapons, environmental
disasters.
Security req~ires difjerent forms of defe~~e,:
i CJluding cross-boundary cooperation, partners~:lip.
All of these new ways of thinking and bein$ offer solutions to
the most intractable problems of yesterday.
IV. Far from me to describe contours of a fair outcome, but
based on our conversations with two sides, several things appear
clear: this must be a lasting·, · c9mprehensi~ve 'resolution, not a
partial or an interim one; it will involve a historic compromise
~nd signify 1n words and in deeds end of one hundred year
conflict; it must realize the aspiratiQI_1S of the Palestinian
people to decide their own future on their own land and Israel's
aspiration to live in safe and recognized boundaries, accepted
by its Palestinian and Arab neighbors, free of· the daily fear of
threat or terror:· At the end of the day, it will establish
peaceful relations between Israelis and Palestinians, two people
who have grown to know each other in war, come to respect each
other in dialogue, and can look. forward to helping each other in
peace.
�..
~
r
.'··
' 3
V. Cornerstone of peacemaking is our ·special r~lationship with
--.-c~
Israel.
Strong and close relationship between two countries .has
been key to search. for peace - st~ength of our relations has
demonstrated to Israel's adversaries the futility of war and has
given'Israel the self-confidence to·make peace. We will always
stand by Is~ael as it takes risks for peace, especi~lly ip an
era of new threats.
Together, we will confront the dangers of
the future.
�• . Samuel R. Berger Remarks on the The Middle East on the Eve of The Millennium, Octobe.. Page 1 of 6
/
THE' WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
October 20, 1999
For Immediate Release
SAMUEL R. BERGER
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
THE MIDDLE EAST ON THE EVE OF THE MILLENNIUM:
BUILDING PEACE, STRENGTHENING AMERICA'S SECURITY
AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY
WASHINGTON, DC
OCTOBER 20,' 1999 .
Thank you. Jack Bendheim, Cynthia Friedman Tom Smerling. I want to acknowledge
the presence of the ambassadors from Israel and Yemen and other members of the
diplomatic community. It's an honor to be here today among so many people who have
contri
o the cause of peace in the Middle East. And I'm deeply grateful to
r,~...-...... e Israeli P icy Foru
r inviting me. This organization is making a real difference as
cess goes forward.
At the outset, I'd iike to try to put to rest one false debate- before I bring to life a real
one. The false debate is about how to characterize the current role of the United States in
the peace process. This issue has been with us for several months now, and I've
considered it an artificial question from the beginning. But labeling seems to be the ordel
of the day, and so labels there have been: Are we or should we be "facilitators," or rather
"mediators," or perhaps "brokers," "partners," "catalysts," or "middlemen"? I view this
discussion as academic because it is wholly divorced from reality.
We will be central to the peace process not only because the parties want it that way, but
because it is a strategic imperative for the United States. For our role in the Middle East
has never been a function of whim or of whimsy. It is dictated by our nation's critical
interest in promoting a comprehensive peace and by our assessment of how best to
achieve it. In other words, our role has been derivative of U.S. strategic interests and of
the regional strategic picture.
And so, let me tum to what I consider the real question, one we must never lose sight of:
what are our interests in the region, what is the regional picture, and how do both shape
U.S. policy toward the peace process as we move into a new century?
will start from the proposition that a Middle East that' is stable and at peace is en 1c
· 's national interests. It is essential to remember that what ha ens in the
·
has a nee earmg on
en can secun y an prospen y. on 1ct m the Middle East
presents too great a threat to be ignored: that was true in 1956 and 1967, again in 1973,
once more in the 1980s in Lebanon and, most recently, in 1991 with the Gulf War. On
each occasion, the lethal combination of political, religious, ethnic and state-to-state
Q!lflicts with a surplus of deadly weaponry - both conventional and unconventional dictated a strong U.S. engagement. The fact is that with the possible exception of South
Asia, the Middle East is the most dangerm.~s region in the world when it comes to
w.eapons of mass destruction and one of the regions most likely to see them used.
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Th
o is home to Israel, one of our closest allies, and one with which we
~njoy a special bond-- oted in history; founded on common interests; sustained by
........:=stim~~itm~'frrlffiro5teect Israel's security is to protect our own - which is why our
commitment is iron-clad and everlasting. And the Middle East is the location of two
thirds of the world's oil resources, making it a region critical not only to our economic
well-being, but to that of friends and allies around the globe.
That's why every single U.S. President since Harry Truman has considered
the Middle East to be vital to our national interests, and why every one since Dwight
Eisenhower has invested considerable time, energy .and resources in seeking to resolve
the Arab-Israeli conflict.
These abiding interests are brought into sharper focus when one looks at today's regional
landscape. For we are witnessing a region that is at a historic crossroads. Simply put, the
Middle East with which we will be dealing ten or twenty years from now will bear only
surface resemblance to the
·th which we are familiar today.
For this moment of history, however brief, even the·
e lining
up. Each for his own reason, Prime Minister Barak,
at
a at and President
Assad have their. eyes riveted on the next twelve months. Hence the ambitious, even
daunting, goals : a Framework Agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. within
four months; a permanent status agreement within eleven; and, by next summer, an
Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon in the context of agreements with Syria and Lebanon.
These objectives refl
se of seriousness, but there is more to it than that.
They also reflect a nse of ur enc
recognition that absent rapid progress on peace,
today's opportunity
way to tomorrow's vast uncertainties. For the conclusion is
unmistakable: the Middle East is in the midst of a transition unlike anything we have
witnessed in living memory. From North Africa to the West Bank, the region is changin
in ways small and large that will affect every single aspect of people's lives.
VJr"
}\,
~~
~¥</
~
12
(1
vsv· .
omorrow's Middle East will be a region in which nearly every country that is key to our
interests will have undergone some form of political succession. Already, we have seen
transitions in Jordan, Bahrain, Morocco, and Algeria. But more than
·
leadershi is at is ue· at stake is the passing of a generation onsider this: King
dullah of Jordan is 37; mg o
o
orocco ; half of all Saudis are under
the age of 15; sixty five percent oflranians are under 25; and in Algeria, 70% of the
population is under 30. This new generation· has experienced neither colonialism, nor
war with Israel, nor the heyday of Arab nationalism. Its outlook has yet to be formed; its
political aspirations yet to be defined.
·
But here's the concern: unless there is a climate in which reformers can take charge,
tomorrow's Middle East could be a region of exploding demographics and im
in~
~o.Y.. vJ~.
- tr
~r("'
.
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·
?,'
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a
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�Samuel R. Berger Remarks on the The Middle East on the Eve of The Millennium, Octobe .. Page 3 of6
'·
economies; of overpopulation and·underperforming educational systems. In fact, in
places like Egypt, Jordan or Morocco, reformers are taking courageous steps to
modernize their societies. But, fearful of globalization and diverted by conflict, too many
other nations are being held back and are resisting the necessary political and economic
changes. The result has been low levels of foreign investment, low rates of regional
trade, low growth rates and a wasteful diversion of resources to the military.
(
One illustrative example: the Middle East ranks dead last among the regions ofthe,world
in terms of Internet usage. Only about a million people are on line in the entire region of
roughly 250 million people- and about half of those live in Israel. Contrast that with the
88 million internet users in the United States, 26 million in Asia and 5 million in South
America. Those who .remain disconnected from the global economy - literally and
·figuratively :.. are destined to fall further and further behind.
How the Middle East evolves matters. It matters, of course, most directly, to the people
o the Arab world. It matters to the American people as well, because of the strategic,
political and economic interests that are at stake. It also matters - profoundly-- to the
people oflsrael. For them, the difference between a Middle East focused on economic
development and looking to the future and a region mired in poverty and in hatreds ·
inherited from the past is the difference between peace and conflict ... lasting security
and perpetual threat ... a normal life and the lives they have been forced .to' live.
Will tomorrow's leaders aear the traits of a King Hussein- or those of a Sad dam
~? Will tomorrow's generations heed the calls for economic reform, democ-;acy
and human rights - or will they listen to the superficial appeal of religious fanaticism and ·
political intolerance? Will tomorrow's Middle East be a region in which Israel feels
welcome - or threatened by neighbors who deny its very right to exist? Though there can
be no sure answers, there is one thing of which I am absolutely confident: no variable
will have a greater impact on these questions than the state of the peace process.
By advancing peace, we can boost a new generation of Arab leaders, more attune to
economic and political reform, closer to our values and less vulnerable to anti-Western
and anti-Israeli bashing ... we can allow them to focus their energies on festering
economic problems, reducing the risks of upheaval and depriving extremist forces of the
fodder that keeps them going . An Israeli-Palestinian peace would dry up the emotional
and ideological well-spring of the Arab-Israeli conflict, thereby de-legitimizing Arab
hostility against Israel and the U.S. Agreements between Israel, Syria and Lebanon
would. provide calm and normalc on all oflsrael's borders ... resolve the situation in
em e anon . . . epnve terrorists of ey resources an p a
·
meeting with President Clinton last week, King Abdullah put it well: by taking Jordan
down the road of peace, he said, his father had made it possible for him to take Jordan
own the path of modernization and reform.
Now consider for a moment the alternative. A Middle East that is an even more
dangerous tinder box, a blend of real grievances, false solutions and opportunists willing
to feed on both. AMiddle East in which groups can continue to use the Arab-Israeli
conflict as a rallying cry for the disenfranchised, recruiting the destitute by mingling acts
of terror with acts of charity. A Middle East in which the perpetuation of conflict will
make it that much harder to attend to o~her pressing needs.
And ask yourself this simple question: if a country like Iraq or Iran were to acquire a
nuclear arsenal, would Israel be better off surrounded by a buffer of peace or trapped
within a deadly circle of hatred?
And so, what about America's role? I think we need to keep all of what I have just
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�" Samuel R. Berger Remarks on the The Middle East on the Eve of The Millennium, Octobe.. Page 4 of 6
'·
described ~!early in mind - our abiding national interest in peace as well as the urgency
of the region's current circumstances. For as I said at the outset, our role must be dictated
and shaped by both.- This has always been the case - from the disengagement agreements
the U.S. helped·broker in 1973 and 1975 to the peace accords we mediated at Camp
David or at Wye ... from the conflicts we helped defuse in Lebanon in 1993 and 1996 to
the forces we have contributed in the Sinai. Our role has had to adapt, and we have had
to show flexibility. But throughout, our compass has remained one and the same:
protecting our national interests by promoting Middle East peace.
Perhaps the most useful way to look at this is to compare the U.S. role in two recent
agreements: the agreement signed at Wye in October 1998 and the agreement reached in
Sharm el-Sheikh in September of this year.
Wye came about at a time of deep mistrust and shallow communication between the .
parties, a time of skepticism regarding the viability and the very premises of the journey
begun at Oslo. With Israelis and Palestinians showing too much appetite for
recrimination and too little stomach for compromise, we stepped in to prevent a collapse.
If they wouldn't actually talk to each other, then they would have to talk through us. The
President brought the two parties together; closeted them at Wye; helped draft the
agreement. For nine largely sleepless nights, the President walked patiently from one
side to the other until, at long last, they found common ground.
With Ehud Barak's election, the parties no longer need an interpreter - they began
speaking to each other in a common language, even if it meant disagreeing in a common
tongue. And so, we played a different role at Sharm el-Sheikh- different, but not lesser. I
would divide it into three parts. The prologue began with Prime Minister Barak's victory
and the President's sustained efforts to help Barak and Arafat understand each other
betteL In meetings that lasted over 12 hours with the new Prime Minister and countless
telephone calls to both, he would send parallel messages: to Chairman Arafat, that the .
Prime Minister was seriously committed to peace, that he was a man of his word, and
that the Palestinians ought to listen to his proposals with an open mind. To Prime
Minister Barak, that he had to take account of what the past three years had done to sap
the Palestinians' confidence.
Now part two is where the real differences between Sharm el-Sheikh and Wye emerge.
In a mere five weeks, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators sat together and drafted a new
agreement. We may have offered ideas or suggestions, but this would be their agreement
- an agreement more likely to be implemented precisely because both sides wrote every
word and understood every nuance.
Finally, as we approached the end-game, President Clinton and Secretary Albright
helped the parties cross the finish line, encouraging them to make the leap from
agreement in principle to signature on paper.
What we have witnessed since then is powerful evidence that having the two parties
work together directly while maintaining a robust American role is the mqst effective
way to advance peace. And that evidence comes from the only source that counts - the
Israeli and the Palestinian people. More has been done in terms of peacemaking during
the past three months than in the preceding three years. Security cooperation between
Israel and the Palestinian Authority is yielding real results, enhancing the safety of both.
Israel has turned over another 7% of the West Bank to full Palestinian control. One
hundred and ninety nine Palestinian security prisoners were released a few-~~~~§._~@.;__
another one hundred and fifty one this past Friday. Issues 1 g-pt)stpai'i'edOr deferred - - like the safe-passage between Gaza and the West
or construction of the Gaza
seaport - finally are seeing concrete moveme .. In other words, peace is doing what it
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�iddle East on the Eve ofThe Millennium, Octobe .. Page 5 of6
i.
Regardless of how one characterizes our role, it should not obscure this basic fact: we,
the United States, have vital strategic-interests at stake and we are at a pivotal strategic
moment. Our interests are served when agreements are signed - and implemented - by
Israel, its Arab neighbors and the Palestinians. There is no greater priority for this
Administration and there is no greater priority for this President than to bring about that
just, lasting and comprehensive peace for which so many of you have given so much for
so many days and years of your lives.
When all is said and done, it is not how we choose to characterize our role but how we
choose to play it that counts. h must not be said that when the parties were prepared to
do what
to do, America opted for the sidelines.
.
eacemak:i
ot a s ectator s
ael, the Palestinians, Syria and Lebanon all have
1 tcult decisions to m e. The broader Arab world also must shoulder its responsibility
by supporting those decisions and reaching out to Israel. And we must do our share.
And we should start by following through on our own commitments. That means full and
immediate funding to implement the Wye accords. This week, the President vetoed the
foreign operations bill that was sent to him by the Congress. He vetoed it; in part,
because the bill would have provided neither the $800 million requested this year for
Wye funding nor the $500 million requested for the coming year. The bill sent the worst
possible signal to our friends in the Middle East, and the strongest possible
encouragement to those in the region who would do us harm. As we have made clear, the
President will not sign a foreign operations bill that does not contain this funding.
But the President also vetoed the bill because it would have recklessly reduced funding
for many other programs. For the need to fund Wye is part of a far larger proposition:
that protecting American interests requires global leadership. And that global leadership
cannot be maintained onthe cheap. We need the resources for Wye, just as we need the
resources to fund our foreign policy as a whole. Preserving these other programs is
central to our national interest. They would reduce the nuclear threat from Russia ...
provide debt relief for the poorest countries ... meet our obligations to the United
Nations and the multilateral development banks ... in other words, defend our security
by promoting peace and economic opportunity abroad.
But there is more: by failing to adequately fund our foreign policy we harm not only
America's interests, but also Israel's interests and the interests of all those dedicated to
peace in the Middle East. Think about it: roughly half of all am bilateral assistance to the
world now
e Middle East eace rocess. If we add W
su tract the rest, the picture will become so un a ance t at current levels of Middle East
assistance will, in my judgment, become unsustainable for the American people. To put
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�·
Samuel R. Berger Remarks on the The Middle East on the Eve ofThe Millennium, Octobe .. Page 6 of6
it plainly: it is in the interest of friends of Israel to fight not only for Wye but also for our
overall foreign policy funding, for the weaker our overall funding, the more vulnerable
our assistance to Israel, to Egypt or to Jordan. I know there are many friends of peace in
America, including those of you who are here today, who support the Administration as
we persevere to do what is right.
>t'
~
Tomorrow, Israel will commemorate the fourth anniversary of a day that is etched in our
memories like few others - the day Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated. Two weeks from
now, a city that symbolizes peace will honor a man that stood for peace; Oslo will honor
Yitzhak Rabin. Leaders from around the region and the world will be there to pay tribute
to a great leader. I am happy to tell you today that President Clinton will be among them.
So will Prime Minister Barak. So will Chairman Arafat. And they will honor the
memory of Yitzhak Rabin in the best possible way: they will meet to rededicate
themselves to the peace process, give it added momentum, and set their sights on the
goal for which Rabin gave his life: a permanent peace between Israel and the Palestinian
people. .
The bullet that took Rabin's life also had another target of course: the peace process. We
lost a true hero. But the peace process lives on. And as we celebrate the anniversary of
the death of one oflsrael's greatest leaders, let us resolve to do everything within our
power to realize his vision in the coming year.
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�at tope
more throat clearing.
extra. oppy to talk about this.
highly privileged to serve Pres. Clinton for 7 ~ years, during
which we've had no greater priority than working with our
partners in the md to try to dadvne peace process in a way that
advances our interests.
months of
go through brief history.
this admin has another
work very critical period. great deal has happened.
peace betw. israel and jordan: oslo,
progress on the pal.
track. me econ summits, beginning of a process of greater econ
cooperation easing of boycott, greater reocnigaiotn from both
sides of elgitimate aspirations of adversaries.
many setback and disappointments.
terrorism, loss of brace
israeli prie minster, death of king hussein. econ problems and
the consternation senseof trepigation that comes when the
hardest choices are ahead and must be confronted.
Thus far - those setbacks have simply led to a delay in pusuit
of the final goal of comprehenseive peace, they haven't diverted
us. bee. we know there' no alternative.
but my concern is there comes atime when delay can be fatal.
when it isn't just
a delay but areal diversion.
we are reaching such a time.
Then make's Rob's point about the status quo.
the alter to peace is not the status quo, it is something far
'fferent and far worse,
would not leave you with another
It would be hard to recover.
moment special.
First there is an opportunity.
region the combination.
why a dealy is a mistake.
discuss the leaders in the
Second, there's a sense of urgency.
.globalization
demographics and
a. we are int eh midst of an age of globalization.
take coast
guard language - nations and peoples coming together.
b.
Israel is very much a part of this phenomenon, bu the ME as
a whole has fallen behind.
internal divisions, rooted in a
half century of conflict, are prevented it from building the
networkds of commerce and cooperation· it needs to prosper.
�2
c. what's more ME is struggling to making its way intot his
world in the midst of a big demographic shift.
drop' israel and 52nd.
and tradition.
go from urgency to - we can also take advantage of thse changing
reolities.
they make the pursuit of peace more urgency.
make it easier.
but they may also
got ot top of page 3 in first draft.
TWO POINTS:
One: Boundaries play a different role in an age of
globalization.
I beliebve most of Israel's are beginning to understand.
then
jump down patge.
They know the ME now ranks last in the world
in ineternet, etc.
keep the series of islands part.
Its
nationsl will not be able to connect with the world if they
ignore one another. - drop fears of globalization.
Then post question - is the idea of integrated an impossible
dream.
should it aspire ot the european model.
in which
boundareies become open to travel and tarde and where
transnational institutions play a growing role in peaople's
li(es?
)
Some would say not - the model does not apply.
of Europe rae allies, etc.
finish graf.
for the nations
But successof peac eand democr, in eruoep is a product of int.;
it did not precede it.
in fact the integration began after the
most destructive and divistive conflict in human history.
True econ. partnership will take time to build tin eh ME but the
pol and dipl develop of the past several yeasr convince me it's
possible. and the changes in the global economy during eyht
same period convince me it's necessary.
Two:
second and related point:
Today the connection bgetwwen
etc.
just summarize.
Land and security.
don't tell the story of Jordan
�3
Add something abou the nature of the threat. people have
nothing new to learn about the hell ... but we all need to come
to grips with the changing face of terrorism
.we are increasingly faced with global ·networks.
(unless our
partners are global, we will be prey).
loosely org. that
coordinate actiivity across borders, that take advantage of new
tech and growing interndependence of world. make those points.
We're faced with many disparate groups.
that are interconnected
across borders more than ever before.
take adva.of new tech.
and glob. trade and travel. challenge for us:
to work acaross
national lines better. than·they do.
our interedpendent must be
betteer than theris. we saw an example ove rhthe millennium.
then very briefly mention incident with Jordan.
"owrkign with allies in Jorda nis punch line" 'when we learne
dof and shut down a plan to place pwoerful bobmbs .... we did it
through cooperation with jOrdan, which helped us identify the
suspects and to make arrenst.
coldn't hav~ done it without
jordan.
tehn go to terrcirims is jst one of the maDy threat~.
skip
fortress, then "this does not mean nations do n6t need
but in protecting our security, complete self-reliance is selfdeception, we can't be truly secure unless we coopate with our
neighbors ..
take stuff from evening and put - building partnership not·
building walls.
sum it up with the changing role of national bordersr == then go
into substantive paragraph from Rob.
why must there be a '
comprehensvei and not interim. explain - talk it through with
him why partial and interim does not work.
Slash the poem.
founding of Israel could conclude.
refeinece the violence up top -we've seen in the last few weeks,
the first outbreaks. of violence. vivid reminders of the pent
up frustrations of people who are waiting for the promise of
peace, and the fruits of peace. not just on paper or in
�4
principle but in their daily lives.. so far these problems and
setback have led to delay. but there comes a time when delay undercuts the process.
choice - moving forward or falling
backward.
tha'ts the most obvious reason for a sense of
urgency. not just because there is a limit to peole's patience.
but there is opportunity,
and demographic and globalization.
before demographics
�
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Thomas Rosshirt
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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FOIA
J
.
. .
This is not a t~xtual';;\tecord. This·, is used as an
administn:i}~~~rm?.!~~er b,y tlJe ·clinton Presidential
Libra·ry;· .;;~t%fff. ·
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4020
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48
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v t;j;
;, NSC Speech
Samuel R. ·Berger
Deputy National Security Advisor to the· President
Anti-Defamation League ofB'nai B'rith
Washington, DC
October 25,1995
I am honored to share the stage with Lisa and Ilsa Klinghoffer, and I commend them for
their impressive and important work. Their unrelentless efforts to raise public awareness
have stimulated concern and spurred concrete action in the ongoing fight against
terrorism. All of us who are engaged in this battle owe them a debt of gratitude.
I am especially pleased to join them here at the Anti- Defamation League. In the
courtroom, the classroom, and the community, for all my life-- and more-- the ADL has
been a tireless leader in the fight against prejudice and the struggle for civil rights. Your
work transcends the boundaries of religion, because the values you defend are those of
humanity. Through the Nazi War Criminals Task Force, you bring justice for crimes of
the past. Through the World of Difference Institute, you build bridges of understanding
for the future. In range, dedication, and quality, you have a tremendous record of
accomplishment. At 82, the ADL is more vibrant and active than ever.
The ADL is a steady force in a world of remarkable change. The Cold War is over. The
Soviet Union is gone. Open societies and open markets are taking root on every
continent. Former political prisoners-- from Havel to Mandela --are now presidents,
raising the flag of democracy from the ashes of oppression. From Northern Ireland to the
Holy Land, problems that once appeared intractable are moving along the road to
resolution.
)
A world of blocs and barriers is giving way to a global village-- aided by revolutions in
technology and communications. The fax machine and the phone lines are bridging the
gaps among nations. Satellite dishes and CD-ROM's have brought a world of
information to our doorsteps. Billions of dollars cross the ocean with the simple stroke of
a computer<key. Greater openness gives us new opportunities to advance our security and
prosperity.
But while this state of affairs is welcome, it is not without risks. The technology that
links us means that threats can be transmitted -- and the openness we celebrate also
makes us vulnerable. Problems that originate beyond our borders swiftly can become
problems at home.
While the scourges of communism and fascism are dead or discredited, malignant strains
of evil endure in newly potent forms. Indeed, .our battle today against intolerance and
inhumanity is just as urgent as the battle our grandparents fought in Russia, our fathers
fought in World War II and the ADL has been fighting since its inception. For today's
varied forces of hatred and destruction -- terrorism, drug trafficking, and proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction-- are increasingly interconnected.
Groups that once operated in only one country or region, or engaged in only one type of
criminal activity, are now becoming global and diversified. Drug traffickers smuggle
machine guns. Terrorists sell counterfeit hundred dollar bills. Of the eight organized
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·crime cartels the FBI has identified in America today, six are headquartered and directed
~s. Left unchecked, these transnahonal syndicates of crime d1stort free economies,
-
derail fragile democracies, and degrade our societies with corruption and violence.
As the President warned the member states of the United Nations early week, no one is
immune. From Japan to Argentina, from Paris to St. Petersburg, decent men and women
have been the victims of organized crime. Law enforcement officers have been slain by
drug kingpins. And innocent civilians have been the targets of terrorist bloodshed.
· Lisa and lisa Klinghoffer know only too well that Americans are not immune from
terrorism. In the past few years, the consciousness of the American people has been
swiftly and brutally raised. A little over two and a half years ago, foreign terrorists tried
to reduce the World Trade Center to rubble. Almost exactly six months ago, homegrown
terrorists blew up a federal building in Oklahoma City -- killing 169 people, among them
helpless toddlers, and injuring 400 others. Horrifying as those incidents were, imagine
what they would have been like if those responsible had had access to nuclear material -or had used the chemical or bi_ological weapons anyone, reading instructions frorri the
internet, can brew in their kitchens.
President Clinton is making the fight against terrorism a national priority -- and a
national security priority. With his leadership, the United States is implementing a
comprehensive strategy against terrorism -- a strategy designed to increase deterrence
against terrorist attacks, to ·minimize the damage when they do, to make sure that those
responsible are brought to justice, and to increase pressure and isolation of countries
which give support terrorist activities and groups ..
The last thirty years have seen the development of state- sponsored terrorism as a brutal ·
and perverse instrument of foreign policy. State sponsors with clear political objectives
use terrorist organizations to attack American interests or the interests of other
democracies. That pattern still. exists -- including with Iran, Sudan, and Libya villains.
Groups like Hamas also have clear political objectives. Its attacks on Israeli civilians are
designed to destroy the peace process and consign the region to a future of deadlock and
·
darkness.
Now, however, we also are seeing an increasing number of terrorist groups comprised of
. rootless, angry individuals who often lack a coherent political agenda. These loose teams
of self-motivated, self-financing ideologues can spawn quickly and have little organized
structure. Because they serve no particular state and profess no specific program, they
are difficult to track. Like their more traditional counterparts, they seek out environments
where border controls are weak, documentation checks are rare, and mobile societies
allow them to blend in. It was free-lance, ideological mercenaries who bombed the
World Trade Center, conspired to attack other targets in the New' York area, and
shattered any illusion that "it couldn't happen here."
Just as the "who" and "why" of terrorism are in transition, the "how" is changing too.
Well before Aum Shinrikyo made "sarin" a household word, the threat of chemical and
biological terrorism was clear. From a terrorist's point of view, such weapons have
obvious advantages. Their components are cheap and readily available. They are small
and easy to conceal. They are capable of inflicting enormous casualties, and they are
difficult to counteract. Expertise in creating such weapons is abundant -- and to some
degree on the loose.
President Clinton's counterterrorism strategy is as far- reaching and as aggressive as the
forces it aims to defeat. We have attached state-sponsored terrorism at its source, placing
stiff sanctions on Iran and Sudan and maintaining the sanctions on Libya. We are
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working hard through the United Nations and bilaterally to ensure that states engaged in
international terrorism pay a burdensome toll: economic deprivation and political
isolation from the family of civilized nations.
We have stepped up cooperation with the G-8 and Russia to ferret out terrorists before
they act, facilitate the capture of wanted terrorists, and improve border controls so that
terrorists can no longer move freely. We have strengthened funding, personnel, and
training for our law enforcement agencies, and improved our cooperation with other
countries.
The Clinton Administration now has established a domestic counterterrorism center,
which brings under one roof all the different agencies involved in surveilling, hunting,
and prosecuting terrorists. At the same time, the FBI has increased its overseas presence
so it can be closer to the crime scenes, potential witnesses, and the governments whose
cooperation they need to carry out investigations. And the Treasury Department is
working harder than ever to sever the economic lifelines that allow terrorist groups to
survive.
This is an unending challenge. But, in fact, our efforts are yielding some results. In the
last three years, the United States has arrested more terrorists than at any time in our
history-- plucking them from hiding in Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Jordan, and
Egypt, and bringing them back to stand trial. We made swift arrests in both of the major
terrorist assaults that took place on our soil -- and we foiled terrorist plots to bomb the
UN and destroy American jumbo jets over the Pacific. When we uncovered a plot to
assassinate President Bush, the President ordered military retaliation against its sponsor
state, Iraq.
We have taken unprecedented steps to shut off the payments to terrorist pocketbooks. In
January, the President signed an Executive Order blocking the assets and banning fund
raising efforts of terrorist groups opposed to the Middle East peace process. We have
also been on the front lines of the battle to prevent terrorists from using banking systems
to hide and transfer their ill-gotten gains. Last week, the President directed the
government to identify and put on notice nations that tolerate money laundering. As the
President said, "Nations should bring their banks and financial systems into conformity
with international anti-money laundering standards. We will work to help them to do so.
And if they refuse, we will consider appropriate sanctions." President Clinton also
directed the government to identify the front companies and freeze the assets of the Cali
Cartel -- the largest drug trafficking enterprise in the world.
This progress is important, but far more remains to be done. At the UN General
Assembly this week, the President called on the nations of the world to "ratify existing
anti-terrorism treaties and work with us to shut down the gray markets that outfit terrorist
criminals with firearms and false documents." He urged member states to track down
international fugitives, deny them sanctuary, and bring them to justice-- "so that we
could say together to organized criminals, terrorists, drug traffickers and smugglers, you
have nowhere to run and nowhere to hide."
The President's omnibus counter-terrorism bill, which he sent to the Congress last
February, would 'give the executive branch some important new tools to keep terrorists
out of the United States, broaden the ban on terrorist fundraising, respond to chemical
and biological terrorism, and investigate terrorist attacks. Yet for all their "get tough"
rhetoric, the Congress has allowed this bill to languish for months. Playing politics with
the safety of the American people is flatly irresponsible.
The Congress also is being dangerously short-sighted in its efforts to gut our
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• NSC Speech
development assistance. The modest resources we devote to multilateral development
banks and to bilateral assistance help alleviate the poverty, inequity and hopelessness
that provide fertile breeding ground for extremists. Denying those. funds today will cost
us much more in the long-run, as demagogues and destructive forces rush to fill the
vacuum. Through penny-wise, pound-foolish budgeting, we will have squandered an
investment in America's security.
We are also frankly disappointed with the behavior of some of our allies, who continue
to place economic interests above a concerted fight against terrorism. We will continue
to pressure them to curtail economic ties with Iran and other state sponsors of terrorism,
to maintain strong sanctions on Libya, and to join us in unified action against other rogue
states. They need to see that their support, whether indirect or otherwise, legitimizes the
forces of evil.
The story of Leon Klinghoffer reminds us why America must -- and will -- remain an
aggressive leader in the global fight against terrorism. And so do the stories of 35
exchange students from Syracuse University whose journey home from Europe ended in
the skies over Lockerbie, Scotland .. .Jackie VanLandingham, foreign service secretary
and devoted mother of twins, shot in a U.S. Embassy van in Karachi .. .Joan Davenny,
Connecticut schoolteacher, who lived for the study of Jewish culture and was murdered
on a bus in Jerusalem ... Christy Rosas, 22-year-old mother of a 5-year old son-- one of
the last two victims to be freed from the mountain of rubble and sorrow in Oklahoma
City. These are our neighbors, our colleagues, our children, our friends.
The cost of terrorism is measured in individual lives. President Clinton is determined to
sustain and strengthen our global fight againstterrorism. We know that nothing we can
do will make us invulnerable, but that is precisely why we can spare no effort to renew
and improve our capabilities, on our own and in concert with others. And while the road
ahead is challenging, the dedication of Ilsa and Lisa Klinghoffer and the work of the
Leon and Marilyn Klinghoffer Memorial Foundation energize and inspire us all.
Together, we must succeed.
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04/19/2000
�·•
NSC Speech
Pagel
/
of5~~
1
Samuel R. Berger
Deputy Assistant to the President for national Security
A(fairs
Address to the 1996 American Jewish Committee
Washington, D.C.
May 9,1996
I am especially honored to be here because this year as the AJC celebrates its 90th
birthday. I've done extensive research and the fact is, I find no other committee that has
survived 90 years-- much less one that has flourished like the AJC. Maybe that's
because, at least according to conventional wisdom, nothing ever is accomplished by a
committee. As one sage put it, if Moses had been a committee, the Israelites would still
be in Egypt.
The AJC has provedthe committee-phobes wrong. If your 34 founding members could
see you now: 50,000 strong ... every profession, political persuasion and Jewish
orientation represented ... a strong, vibrant presence felt throughout the United States and
far beyond. And a long track .record of accomplishment that has made our country a
better place and people around the world better off. In the fight against anti-Semitism
and extremism and intolerance, the AJC has been on the froptlines. You've tirelessly
promoted inter-faith relations and human rights. You've enriched the quality of Jewish
life here in America. And no group has worked harder to safeguard Israel's security.
i
It's this last point I want to speak with you about tonight, from the perspective of the
esident Clinton and his Administration. And I want to begin by stating our working
emise. It's very simple. The United States wi.ll stand with Israel through good times
· and bad because both our nations cherish the same ideals: freedom, tolerance,
mpassion and democracy. We know that when those ideals are under siege in one
·
untry, they are threatened everywhere. We have never been more determined to defend
those ideals -- and to achieve our shared goal of a just and lasting peace in the Middle
East.
Tonight, I can report that, for all the hard work still ahead ... for the inevitable setbacks
that will come ... we are closer to that goal than at any time since the founding of the state
of Israel.
Consider what we've seen... what we've accomplished together ... over the past three
years: the signing of the Israel-Palestinian Declaration of Principles on the South Lawn,
where Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat bridged one of history's widest gulfs
with a breathtaking handshake. The peace between Jordan and Israel that already has
transformed a border of barbed wire into a bridge of communication, commerce and
cooperation. The Israel-Palestinian Interim Accord that moved forward implementation
of the Declaration of Principles, giving the vast majority of Palestinians control over
their daily lives and making Israel more secure. And then just last Sunday, the beginning
of Permanent Status talks between Israel and the Palestinians. More progress toward
peace in these past three years than in all of Israel's nearly five decades.
Each of these giant strides forward toward a future of peace has been accompanied by
smaller, but vitally important steps in the s~e direction. Arab countries from Morocco
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NSC Speech
·Page 2 of5
to Oman have improved formal relations with Israel. The Gulf Cooperation Council, two
of whose most distinguished foreign ministers I share this stage with tonight, have lifted
the decades-old secondary boycotts against Israel. Economic summits in Morocco and
Jordan have, for the first time, brought Israel together with its Arab neighbors to forge a
future of shared prosperity. And just last month, on Israel's 48th birthday, the Palestinian
National Council finally rid the PLO Charter of those hateful passages calling for Israel's
destruction. We applaud the Palestinian leadership and Chairman Arafat for fulfilling
their commitments to peace.
First and foremost, credit for these successes belongs to a group of visionary leaders,
starting with the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and his partner Prime Minister
Shimon Peres. Together, they dared to imagine what a future of peace in the Middle East ,
might look like. Then they summoned the courage to act -- to begin to turn that vision
into reality. These men who had dedicated their lives to defending their country were
willing to risk their lives to bring it a lasting, secure peace. And we know the terrible
price Prime Minister Rabin paid for his conviction.
trength were met halfway by brave Arab leaders who stood up to
These acts of faith
the haters and
braced change. aders like King Hussein ... King Hassan.:. President
Mubarak ... an
·
. hey are showing vision and wisdom where, too often
in the past, passion and hatred have overwhelmed cooler heads and clearer minds.
These men are the real heroes of peace -- but they had help, and I am proud that the
United States was there to provide it.
The first time President Clinton met Prime Minister Rabin, he promised him that, if
Israel took risks for peace, the United States would do everything in its power to
minimize those risks. A hundred times over, President Clinton has lived up to his ·
commitment. In a time of shrinking resources, we've kept up our economic assistance.
We"ve worked not just to maintain Israel's security, but to enhance it by making sure
Israel's qualitative military edge is greater than ever. We''ve built a bond of trust with
Israel that has helped give it the confidence to make peace.
Thrpughout the Middle East, the United States has been a full and reliable partner for all
those willing to take risks for peace. We"ve taken the lead in securing the economic
underpinnings of peace. Secretary Christopher and his team have traveled literally
hundreds ofthousands of miles-- sometimes frustrating ... usually unglamorous ... always
exhausting-- to help build this structure of peace, one plank at a time. There's no better
example of that commitment than the extraordinary effort he made last month to stop the
Katyushas and to stem the violence in northern Israel and southern Lebanon.
Now, we must continue the hard work to close the circle of peace: to bring Syria and
Lebanon into that circle; to see Israel fully accepted in every way throughout the Middle
East; to build a future of peace for all the people in the region in which peace, security
and prosperity are truly indivisible.
There is no question that the United States must continue to play a lead role in this
process. No one can take our place. More than any other country outside the region, we
have the power to help the parties shape their future. People look to us for our size and
our strength. Just as important they look to us for what we stand for-- and what we're
willing to stand against.
That's why our mission in the Middle East is not only to advance the peace process-but to stop those who are determined to destroy it. The last few months have seen a
dramatic upsurge in terrorism -- a risk that persists as the Israeli elections approach. If
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we fail to answer its challenge, the peace process can fail. .
The reason for this upsurge in terror is clear. As the President has pointed out, with every
new step taken along the path to peace, its enemies grow more and more desperate. They
know that a new day is dawning in the Middle East -- that the vast majority of its people
-- Arab and Israeli -- want to enjoy the simple blessings of normal life. Their answer-more violence and terror ... more bullets and more bombs -- may seem senseless. But .
make no mistake: it is the product of cold calculation: by murdering innocent people,
ey seekto kill the peace itself.
·
Our response must be two-fold. First, not to let our anger sidetrack us from continuing to
press ahead on the path to peace. That's precisely what the enemies of peace want -- and
that's exactly what we must deny them. The painstaking process of making peace must
continue.
·
But turning another page in the book of peace does not mean turning the other cheek to
terrorism. So our second task is to do everything we can to stop the killing and bring
terrorists to justice. That's the only way to give those who have chosen peace the.
confidence that they have made the right choice -- and the courage to keep moving
forward.
Our response to the recent wave of suicide bombings in Israel shows the determination
of this President-- and his entire Administration's --to stand strong against terror.
Within 48 hours of the Tel Aviv bombing, a planeload of highly sophisticated explosive
detection equipment was speeding its way to Israel, along with a team of American
counter terrorism experts. Working with their Israeli counterparts, they developed a plan
. to bolster Israel's anti- terror defenses. It calls for sending Israel explosive sniffers,
advanced x-ray machines and the technical training and support to get this equipment up
and running. The President immediately asked Congress for an extra $ ~ 00 million in aid
for Israel to put the plan into action. With the help of the Congress, we already have
obtained $50 million.
Just as important, we also reached out to the Palestinian Authority, at Israel's urging, to
improve its ability to root out terrorists and to cooperate with Israel and other regional
governments.
President Clinton knew that these very real, very practical steps would make a difference
on the ground. But he also wanted to make a difference in the minds of the Israeli people
-- to show them that they were not alone ... that more people than ever, throughout the
Middle East and around the wodd, support Israel's search'for a lasting peace and true
s curity.
At Sharm el Sheik -- at our initiative -- 29 leaders from Israel, the Arab world, Europe,
Asia, and North America came together in support of peace. It was ail unprecedented
gathering ... unimaginable just a few years ago ... and proof that the promise of peace is
becoming a reality.
But Sharm el Sheik was more than symbolism -- important as such symbols are. It also
launched a process of intensified anti-terrorism cooperation among the Summit
participants. We agreed to better coordinate our efforts ... to work to bring terrorists to
justice ... to prevent our countries from being used for terrorist purposes ... to stop terrorist
recruitment, supplying of arms or fundraising.
)
Meanwhile, we have continued to move forward with Israel to fight terrorism. Last
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week, President Clinton and Prime Minister Peres signed an unprecedented agreement on
Counter- Terrorism Cooperation. It sets out areas of joint action and creates working
committees to deepen our cooperation for each of them.
Our alliance with Israel to fight terrorism is part of a larger effort to combat these forces
of destruction and hatred around the world -- and here at home.
We have dramatically increased our cooperation with other nations to hunt down
terrorists before they act... to capture them when they do ... so they have nowhere to run
and nowhere to hide.
·
We're cracking down on front companies and money launderers to sever the economic
lifelines that allow terrorist groups to survive. And we have imposed stiff sanctions on
countries that sponsor terrorism -- like Iran, Iraq, Libya and Sudan -- to deprive them
economically and isolate them politically.
Here at home, we have increased the funding, personnel and training for our law
enforcement agencies. And Congress finally passed the tough anti-terrorism bill
President Clinton sent to the Hill in February 1995 --and then strengthened after
Oklahoma City.
"
The challenge of terrorism is unending. But we are getting results. Over the last three
years, we"ve brought more terrorists to justice than at any time in our history. We made
swift arrests after both the World Trade Center attack and Oklahoma City. We stopped
·plots to blow up the UN and to attack American airliners over the Pacific. And when we
uncovered a plot to assassinate President Bush, the President ordered military retaliation
against its state sponsor, Iraq.
Not one of these achievements came about easily or automatically. And each required
American leadership and American resources.
It's worth reflecting on that fact at a time when American leadership is under attack from
both the left and the right.
Some argue that, with the Cold War won, we can retreat from the world-- but .they
ignore problems like terrorism ... the spread of weapons of mass destruction ...
international organized crime and drug trafficking. These threats have no respect for
borders -- they are equal opportunity destroyers.
·
Others "talk the talk" of internationalism, but then don't "walk the walk" to pay for it.
They would deny us the resources we need to lead ... or the flexibility to work with others
or with the United Nations to share the risk and spread the cost ofleadership.
It's vitally important for internationalists of both parties to rally to the cause of American
leadership. That's especially true for those of us who believe that a strong, secure Israel
is a fundamental national interest. This Administration's support for Israel is rock solid.
But as people take chunks out of the foreign policy pie, the one piece that doesn't shrink
becomes more vulnerable. So I say to you tonight -- we need your support not just for
America's enduring alliance with Israel. .. but for the work of American leadership
around the world that we are seeking to uphold ..
This Administration is determined that the United States remain a force for freedom and
prosperity around the world. We are determined to keep bearing the burden of peace with
the people of Israel and all those striving for a future ofhope and security in the Middle
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,I
East. And we are determined to keep working with you ... to carry on the struggle for
tolerance, for decency and humanity that have animated this group for ninety years. We
are proud of our achievements but the job won't be done until we have secured a just and
comprehensive peace that will end the Arab-Israeli conflict and allow all of the peoples
of the Middle East to enjoy what the President has described as the guiet miracle of an
~
~
· Thank you for all that you have done ... and for all that you will do ... to make these goals
we share-- for America, for Israel and the Middle East-- a reality:
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Speech by National Security Advisor Samuel Berger at Stanford University
Speech by National Security Advisor Sainuel Berger
Stanford University
December 8, 1998
I thank Stanford University for bringing us together to mark the publication of Warren
Christopher's book, "In the Stream of History," to talk about the questions it raises and
the history it records of a uniquely productive period in American foreign policy.
· Like everyone here who knows Chris and who has had the privilege of working with
him, I think of the book as a reflection of his character. Of the seriousness, dedication,
and absence of cynicism he has brought to his public and private life. Of his concern
·. with substance over self-promotion, a quality that is so notable because it is so rare.
Once, at a reception for the State Department press corps, Chris acknowledged their
complaint that he did not give them enough pithy soundbites. "I can neither confirm nor
deny the truth of that allegation," he responded, wittily and wisely.
Of course, the truth is, Chris was and is superbly conscious of the power of the written
and spoken word to shape our discussion of the future and our memory of the past. That
is captured with eloquence and insight in this book. It is part of his remarkable legacy,
and one source of the unique admiration and affection we feel for him and always will.
We also know that Chris is someone who always went the extra mile for peace- as it
turned out, the most extra· miles ever traveled by a' Secretary of State. One region where
the miles he traveled paid off in achievements gained was the Middle East. Most
dramatically, the Israeli-Palestinian peace process that he and President Clinton did so
much to encourage has survived the greatest trials and, with the Wye accords, gained
fresh life. This is not because either side has illusions or an overabundance of mutual
affection, but because mainstreams on both sides now accept the logic of peace.
This weekend, the President is leaving for Israel to make the case to both Israelis and
Palestinians that implementing Wye will advance their mutual interests.
I want to talk about another aspect of our Middle East policy today - our effort to
combat the threat to peace still posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq. And I want to put that
discussion in a broader regional context.
America's most vital national interest in dealing with Iraq is straightforward: to prevent
Saddam from rebuilding his military capability, including weapons of mass destruction,
and from using that arsenal to move against his neighbors or his own people. But we
must also keep in mind that Saddam's continued reign of terror inside Iraq and
intimidation outside Iraq have broader implications for all our interests in region. The
future of Iraq will affect the way in which the Middle East and the Arab world in
particular evolve in the next decade and beyond-- and our policy must take that into
account. .
This region is enormously important to us, poorly understood, and changing in many
ways. We sometimes think of it as monolithic~ It is anything but.
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One vision is to move toward economic openness, political pluralism and integration
with the world economy. In every part of the Middle East, there are growing
constituencies working to make this happen. I'm thinking about the Arab and Israeli
entrepreneurs who went to the Middle East economic conferences in Casablanca,
Amman, Cairo, and Doha hoping to build a region where goods move across frontiers
and soldiers stay home.
·
I'm thinking about the economic reformers in Egypt who are laying the basis for an
economic miracle after years of stagnation. In the face of a terrorist war against tourism
and low oil prices, the Mubarak government has slashed inflation, privatized industries,
and achieved sustained growth averaging 5 percent over the last three years.
I'm thinking about the still fragile movement toward political reform that is taking hold
in many Arab countries. Morocco now has a prime minister from the opposition. Yemen
has held open parliamentary elections and has a vibrant press. Kuwait and Jordan have
also held elections. Qatar has begun to give women the vote.
I'm thinking as well about the Israelis who are looking beyond the day-to-day struggle
for security to put their economy at the forefront of the information age. About the
Palestinians who have recognized that they cannot gain their freedom by denying Israel's
existence, but rather by economic development through projects like Gaza's airport and
industrial estate. I'm thinking about the Lebanese who are restoring their country's
tradition of tolerance, while pumping $5 billion to rebuild Beirut. About Iranians
struggling for greater personal freedom and reconnecting to the world.
---
I am thinking about the people in every nation of the Middle East who are deeply
religious, but also deeply respectful of other faiths. In fact, President Clinton has made a
concerted effort to overcome the mistaken view that there is a fundamental conflict ·
between the values oflslam and the values of the non-Islamic world. We know that for
the vast majority of the more than one billion Muslims in the world, tolerance is an
article of faith, while terrorism is a travesty of faith.
The question that all the reforming countries in the Middle East face is whether openness
and integration with the global economy can deliver prosperity that can assuage the
resentment of the street- the hopelessness that is the cause of so much violence in the
region.
The proponents of this vision appeal to the poo by exploiting their sense of grievance.
so c · ,
n soc1a
They recruit the destitute by mixing acts of terror ·
needs that governments fail to meet. They are convinced that traditional values can only
thrive behind walls of hatred and mistrust. They talk openly about the threat of peace,
because peacemaking requires making contact with outsiders, recognizing the legitimacy
of other faiths and points of view, and openness to a world of competing values and
ideas.
.
.
need to be humble about our own ability to influence which vision of the future the
oples of the Middle East choose. Foreign policy can move governments and armies,
it is a weak tool for shaping hearts and minds.
Still, we.do have an interest in the choices people in this region make. At stake is the
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stability of Arab and Muslim states, our future relationship with them and our .
fundamental strategic and economic interests in the Middle East. At stake is our ability
to fight terror, avert regional conflict, promote peace and protect the security of our
friends and allies. ·
And in fact, over the last decade our engagement has helped shape which future the
people of the Middle East will choose.
For example, the peace process between Israelis and Palestinians has made possible the
tenuous beginnings of a reconciliation between Israel and the Arab world: mutual
recognition between governments and increasingly among peoples; the falling away of
the Arab boycotts; a greater focus on economic challenges and on the reforms necessary
to meet them. This process has been painfully slow; there have been many ups and
downs. But it is real. And it represents not just a change of tactics among the nations of
the region, but an evolution in attitudes.
And this process of reconciliation was itself given life in part by the outcome of the Gulf
War.
·
Keep in mind tha
ddam's Ira w traditionally the region's leading opponent of
compromise with Israe . e t e effort to quarantine Sadat' s Egypt after Camp David,
and it prided itself on being the only Arab country that could rain down fire on the Israeli
Reople. -------------------------------------------------
-~t
-~
(/
when Saddam was defeated by a coalition of Americans, Europeans and Arabs
''fighting_t_qgether, many old preconc~ptions about_Middle East politi~re shattere~
Th~ Madnd peace conference soon foilowed, and from that die wliole senes of-events
that led to the Rabin-Arafat hand shake- and more important, to the countless
handshakes among ordinary people that have followed.
The peace process has moved forward in part because, ever since the Gulf War, the
immediate military threat Saddam poses has been contained -- albeit at a substantial
price. But even a contained Saddam is harmful to stability and to positive change in the
region. Conversely, a constructive Iraq would help change the equation in the region. ·
That is not because Saddam is a true believer in any radical, extremist vision. The only
cause Saddam believes in is his own survival and ambition. And more Arabs see through
him today than ever before. But b . manipulating the suffering he himself has inflicted on
Iraqis, and invoking t
etoric o Arab solidarity, he has remained a convenient symbol
for those who seek exploit t
ense of a ·
ent, frustration and defeat that is still
-- a
en a s'like Osama Bm L&i may beso powerful in muc u er y
er
om a am, yet they can still take advantage of his conflict with the
world to win recruits for their cause.
As long as Saddam remains in power and in confrontation with the world, the positive
evolution we and so many would like to see in the Middle East is less likely to occur. His
Iraq remains a source of potential conflict in the region, a source of inspiration for those
who equate violence with power and compromise with surrender, a source of uncertainty
for those who would like to see a stable region in which to invest.
For the last eight years, American policy toward Iraq has been based on the tangible
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threat Saddam poses to our security. That threat is clear. Saddam's history of aggression,
and his recent record of deception and defiance, leave no doubt that he would resume his
drive for regional domination if he had the chance. Year after year, in conflict after
conflict, Saddam has proven that he seeks weapons, including weapons ofmass
destruction, in order to use them.
Our strategy for meeting this threat has been one of containment, based on four pillars:
First, we have maintained international sanctions against Iraq, exempting food and
medicine, in order to deny Saddam the resources he needs to rebuild his military.
Second, we have supported UNSCOM- the UN inspection mission -- to ensure Iraq
fulfills its pledge at the end of the Gulf War to destroy its arsenal ofweapons of mass
destruction, and the missiles needed to deliver them.
Third, we have maintained the credible threat of force to deter Saddam's aggression and
to hold him to his obligations, and proven we are willing to act, if need be alone, to
defend our interests.
·
Fourth, we have worked to keep our friends and allies united in pursuit of these goals.
Since the Gulf War ended, this strategy has essentially held Saddam in check. We have
prevented him from aggression against his neighbors and forced him to back down
.whenever he has tried to cripple or expel UNSCOM. In spite of Saddam's continuing
deception, UNSCOM has forced Iraq to declare and destroy, among other things, almost
40,000 chemical weapons, almost 700 tons of chemical weapons agents, 48 operational
missiles, 30 warheads fitted for chemical and biological weapons, a nuclear centrifuge
program, and a massive plant designed to produce anthr~x.
In the meantime, it has been the international community, not Saddam, that has tried to
take care of the Iraqi people. Soon after the Gulf War, the United States took the lead in
proposing that Iraq be allowed to sell controlled quantities of its oil in order to purchase
humanitarian supplies. Remarkably, for five years until1996, Saddam refused to do so.
But now that the oil for food program is being implemented, the food supply in Iraq has
grown, and will soon provide the average Iraqi with about2,200 calories per day, which
is at the top of the UN' s recommended range.
We have a moral duty to do this. It has also allowed us to point out a simple fact to otir
friends in the Middle East who are rightly concerned about the suffering of the Iraqi
people: Right now, under international sanctions, Saddam's regime is permitted to spend
its oil revenues on only two things: food and medicine. If sanctions were lifted, Saddam
could spend his country's oil wealth on anything he wanted. Oil for food would likely
become oil for tanks. Iraq's people could well have less to eat. Iraq's neighbors would.
certainly have more to fear.
·
·
Despite this record, there have been many challenges to our policy over the last few
years. The most recent crisis was perhaps _the most serious test.
This August, for the third time in a year, Iraq severely restricted the activities of the UN
weapons inspectors. The UN Security Council voted unanimously to condemn Iraq's
actions and demand compliance. We also supported, along with all the members of the
Council, what Iraq said it wanted, a comprehensive review of Iraq's compliance,
provided it resumed full cooperation with the UNSCOM inspectors. And we are prepared
to back our demand~ for compliance by force.
'
.
.
.
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Although we had left considerable strength in the Gulf after a similar crisis in February,
we chose to augment those forces somewhat. During that period, we solidified support
among our allies and among the nations of the Middle East. On November 12, eight
Arab nations- Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, .Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and theUAE
-- issued a statement making clear that Iraq alone would bear responsibility for the
consequences of defying the UN.
On the morning ofNovember 15, Sa,ddam capitulated, and agreed to let UN inspectors
return -- on our terms, not on his. President Clinton was faced with a difficult decision.
He could have proceeded with the milita'ry strike he had already ordered. But by
bombing after Saddam agreed to the world's demands, we would have lost our moral
high ground. The issue would have shifted from his intransigence to our
overzealousness.
It was a tough call, but the right call. UN inspectors are now back on the job. Saddam
failed to achieve his ·goal of ending sanctions without meeting his obligations. He
remains forbidden from spending his precious oil revenues on what he wants rearmament - and required to spend them on the one thing he cares nothing about - food
and medicine for his people.
The issue now is whether Saddam will, in fact, cooperate with UNSCOM as he said he
would. If he does not, the whole world will be able to see that a forceful reaction is
justified. In fact, if UNSCOM cannot complete its job of supervising the disarmament of
Iraq's arsenal of weapons of mass destruction, the UN Security Council has said that the
"severest consequences" will follow. This is because ifUNSCOM were rendered
ineffective without a strong response, Saddam would be free to rebuild his arsenal and
emboldened to act aggressively elsewhere
Through constant confrontation, our policy of containing Iraq has been successful. But
that does not mean that by itself it is sustainable over the long run.
It is, first of all, a costly policy, in economic and strategic terms. The pattern we have
seen over the last few years, of Iraqi defiance, followed by force mobilization on our
part, followed by Iraqi capitulation, leaves the international community vulnerable to
manipulation by Saddam.
Because we continue to block his advances, "cheat and retreat" leaves him no better off
in the end. But we cannot tolerate it endlessly, either.
The longer this standoff continues, the harder it will be to maintain the international
support we have built for our policy. Even this toughest of all sanctions regimes in
history becomes harder to sustain over time. In the meantime, the Iraqi people will live
in a murderous and corrupt police state, with no prospect for a normal life, as long as
their country is Saddam's preserve.
Perhaps most fundamentally, Saddam's continued misrule oflraq is harmful to the
Middle East as a whole. It is partly responsible for the pervasive sense.of insecurity that
prevents the region from evolving in a positive way. It creates the false perception of a
conflict between Muslims and the United States - a perception that the President has
,done much to erase over the last few years, but which inevitably persists among some
people in the Muslim world. It means the continuation of oppressive policies against all
the peoples of Iraq that threaten that country's integrity, and thus the stability of the
regwn.
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The sooner the situation in Iraq is normalized, the sooner the people of the Middle East
can get on with the business of building a more stable region, and the more likely we are
to realize our goal of seeing the region integrated, with consent of its people, into the
international system.
We will continue to contain the threat Iraq poses to its region and the world. But for all
the reasons I have mentioned, President Clinton has said that over the long-term, the best
way to address the challenge Iraq poses is "through a government in Baghdad -- a new
government -- that is committed to represent and respeCt its people, not repress them;
that is committed to peace in the region." Our policy toward Iraq today is to contain
Saddam, but also to oppose him.
, In this effort we are forthright about our ultimate goals, and realistic about the manner in
which we pursue them.
·
Change in Iraq will take time. We must not play recklessly with the lives of those who
must risk their lives to oppose Saddam. We should be careful about implying
commitments before we are clear about their full risks and costs.
What we can and w!ll do is to strengthen the Iraqi opposition and support the Iraqi
people, to work with them step by step, in a practical and effective way, to delegitimize
Saddam, and then when the time is right, to help them achieve a new leadership in Iraq.
Already, we have deepened our engagement with the forces of change in Iraq. We have
reconciled the two largest Kurdish groups. We have begun broadcasts of a Radio Free
Iraq throughout the country. We will intensify that effort, working with Congress to
strengthen our political support to make the opposition a more effective voice for the
aspirations of the Iraqi people.
We will also stand ready to help a new government in Iraq that respects the rights of its
people and meets its obligations to the world. We would work to ease economic
sanctions against such a new Iraq as quickly as possible. We would work to relieve
Iraq's massive economic debts. Those debts were acquired by Saddam to build weapons
that the Iraqi people did not want or need; their children and grandchildren should not
have to go hungry to pay the bill.
·
***
In his farewell speech to the State Department, Secretary Christopher said something that
applies well to the challenge we face in Iraq, and in the Middle East as a whole: "When
we are confronted by the conflicts and tragedies of a still dangerous world," he observed,
"we can respond in one of three ways. We can choose the easy way, taking satisfaction ..
. in lashing out. ... Or we can choose to walk away and wash our hands. Or, we can
make the choice to persevere until a solution is found." That is the choice, he said, that
the people who defend our country's interests.overseas make day in and day out.
It is the choice we should make in seeking a better future for Iraq, with patience and
resolve, with determination to use effective force if necessary, and with confidence that
our goals will be met.
We know from history that when tyrannies are prevented from expanding they often
retreat and decay. We know from experience that when people struggling for freedom
gain the moral and material support of the American people, they usually win in the end.
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We know as well that change, when it does come, often comes suddenly and at
·
unexpected times.
Change will come to Iraq, at a time and in a manner that we can influence but cannot
predict. And when it does, we'll look back and say "thank goodness we persevered."
That is what we intend to do, with your help and your understanding.
Thank you very much.
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,A..--.-:l\nalysis: The Brave New Middle East
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"
International
September 10, 1993
MIDEAST ACCORD: NEWS ANALYSIS
'fhe Brave New Middle East
.
'
By THOMAS L FRIEDMAN
This agreement creates the potential for dramatically new alliances that
could knit together both Israel and Arab countries; it unearths a mother lode
of diplomatic opportunities for the United States, which will no longer have·
to choose between friendships with Israel or the Arab world; it will make it
much easier for the pro-American Arab countries to be identified with
Washington; it will deprive the Arab and Muslim fundamentalists of their
most potent issue for mobilizing the Arab street-- the war with Israel -- and,
most important, it will lay a real foundation for Arab-Israeli coexistence.
Some Prefer the Status Quo
All of them have quietly been counting on the notion that the day would
never come when Israel made peace with the P.L.O. They will be as deeply
threatened by it as the advocates of peace will be uplifted.
To appreciate just how unexpected, how mind-bending, this change is,
consider the fact that several years ago Life magazine ran a demonstration of
trick photography in which it seamlessly grafted the heads of different
people onto the bodies of others. To prove how wild such photography
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The Brave New Middle East
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could be, Life created a picture of President Ronald Reagan bringing
Yitzhak Shamir, who was then the Israeli Prime Minister, and the P.L.O.
leader, Yasir Arafat, into a handshake on the White House lawn.
On Monday no trick photography will be needed. President Clinton is
expected to be the host to just such a handshake between senior Israeli and
P.L.O. officials in his backyard.
·
It is the psychological impact of that ceremony -- two neighbors who for
years never recognized the other's legal title to Palestine/Israel finally
acknowledging that they each have an equally valid claim -- that will be the
most enduring.
·
For the Israelis, that moment will not only signify the beginning of the
healing of the Arab-Israeli conflict, but, in some ways, it could also signify
the first signs of recovery of the Israeli people from the trauma of the
Holocaust.
·
J
.
The Opposite Lesson
"What Rabin, who is the first Israeli-born Prime Minister oflsrael and the
embodiment of the Israeli citizen-soldier
ne is draw just the opposite
hat lesson is that
lesson from the Holocaust experienc Ezrahi sa·
having power allows you to move in t e uec 10n of compromise. Power
allows you to reshape your own future, not just hunker down.".
"Rabin did not want to preside over another epic chapter in Jewish history
where the Jews die in the end as heroes," Ezrahi added. "He opted instead
for the sort of gray compromise that makes life possible. It is a triumph of
Palestinian and Israeli middle classes over their own histories. Now they
will each have to cooperate to deal with their respective extremists."
Indeed, for the Arab world, the psychological effect of this event cuts
equally deep. Two generations of Arabs have grown up on the conflict with
Israel. It has been for many the prime political fact in their lives, and now it
is beginning to be taken away.
If such a central taboo in Arab political life -- the illegitimacy of Israel -- can
be broken, it redefines the limits of the permissible. For some in the Arab
world this will be· a source of great psychological emancipation, for others a
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. /,..---Analysis: The Brave New Middle East .
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source of.confusion and ~~gme.ntation -- for anwthy to Isfael was the last
glue holdmg to~ether a s~hntermg Arab world. ·· d for all1t will be a ·
"'Sourcirttf greatebate&bate abotH-w"liether the conflict with Israel has
come to its rightful end.
A Letter of Surrender
For Arafat's letter to Rabin is not simply a statement of recognition. It is a
letter of surrender, a typewritten white flag, in which th~P.L.O. chairman
renounces every political osition on Israel that he held since theP.L.O.'s
oun atwn m
~e
The P.L.O. covenant's demands for the destruction oflsrael
·
P.L.O.'s rejection of United Nations resolutions 242 and ~3~~h~
implicitly recognized Israel but ~e Palestinians as refugees . ·
The armed struggle with Israel~ 1 he Palestinian uprising - gone. . ·
In return, Arafat got a one-paragraph letter froni' Rabin recognizing the
P.L.O. "as the representative of the Palestinian people" and promising to
"commence negotiations" with it.
Self-Rule for Some
Still, this mutual recognition, coupled with the agreement on Pale·stinian •
cS.elf-rule in the Gaza Strip and Jericho, is certainly good news for the
·
800,000 Palestinians living in Gaza and the few thousands living in Je~icho.
·'
Eventually, the 900,000 Palestinians living elsewhere in the West Bank
should also get self-rule. But there are roughly three.million more
Palestinians living around the world -- from the refugee camps of Lebanon
to the high-rise apartments of Jordan.
It is not clear what this arrangement holds for them. There is limited spac:e
in GaZa and Jericho for them to go back, and now that the PL.O. has
recognized the right of Israel to exist within its pre-1967 war boundaries, ..
even the dream of some of these people to return to their homes in Israel has
now seemingly been relinquished.
·
For some Palestinians, though, just the thought that they will have some
space to call their own, and can vicariously return to, may be enough. They
will relate to the Palestinian homelands in Gaza and Jericho much like many
American Jews relate to Israel -- a source Qf pride to be admired at a
distance.
For the diplomats on all sides, including Washington, this mutual
recognition creates new possibilities on the Middle Eastern game board.
Easier Ties With U.S.
Consider just a few of the implications. The most pro-Americ~ Arab
countries, like Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Kuwait and the other gulf Arabs,
have long been on the defensive in Arab circles because of their relationship·
with the United States, Israel's patron and protector. If the P.L.O. is now
·
recognizing and accepting Israel, then these countries will no longer have ..
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�. /_,...,Analysis: The Brave New Middle East
.c
(
Page 4 of4
'
)
anything to apologize for in being friendly with Israel's friends in ·
Washington.
But this will also complicate life for the Saudis as. well. Because, if the
P.L.O. can recognize Israel, why can't Saudi Arabia? But is King Fahd,
keeper of the Muslim holy places of Mecca and Medina, ready to sell that to
his own Muslim clerics? If not, what will he say to the United States?
·.
\
Two other parties who have been very quiet lately but must be very worried
are Iran and Iraq.
Trouble for Teheran
· Iran's strongest Arab ally is Syria. How is Teheran going to be able to
sustain its campaign ofhostility against Israel if its Syrian ally now gets
drawn into the peace orbit with Israel? One of the few friends of President
Saddam Hussein of Iraq in the Arab world was Arafat. How can Hussein
continue preaching his hostility to Israel when his ally Arafat has accepted
the right of the Jewish people to a homeland in Israel?
It will take months for these questions to be sorted out. In the meantime, get
·
ready for the pictures: Yasir Arafat in his permanent st~bble-beard
discussing peace on a couch in Tuniswith the dapper Warren Christopher;
Arafat in his checkered headcovering chatting with Yitzhak Rabin about the
modalities of self-rule over thick Arabic coffee in Jericho; Arafat in his
P.L.O. fatigues admiring Bill Clinton's newly redecorated Oval Office on his
first official visit to Washington.
And none of it will be trick photography.
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�.,., Seeking Peace in Mideast
Page 1 of6
International
- - WiJIHtlD 4i'8i*lbi
March 17, 1985
ANALYSIS
Seeking Peace in Mideast
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
MMAN, Jordan-- For the first time in many years, almost all of the
key actors in the Arab-Israeli conflict seem to be groping at once for
an opening in the peace process. To the outsider, the·recent statements
and "initiatives" by Egyptian, Jordanian, Israeli and Palestine Liberation ·
Organization leaders may seem to be nothing more than a confusing
cacophony that has produced a few headlines and flutters of diplomatic
activity, but nothing more. ·
A
;'
\
Interviews with leaders oflsrael, Jordan, Egypt and the P.L.O. by journalists
of The New York Times, however, reveal that there is something more
happening, something that could produce the first real opening in the Middle
East peace front since the 1978 Camp David accords. It is also something
that could fall flat on its face if not properly nurtured and developed.
I
Differing Agendas
To understand the relevance of all the recent contacts between Jordan, the ·
P.L.O., Egypt and Israel, it is necessary to look beyond the public posturing
and examine the underlying logic.
Tnr~TJfinding a
e
erent
framework fi ne otiations. The roblem ·
timetable, agenda and constituency pressure that are often not in harmony.
The result has been a peace 1mhahve that moves in fits and starts, with one
party almost always angry at another for moving too slowly or too quickly.
In past years, the United States or the United Nations might have acted as a
diplomatic maestro trying to keep everyone basically moving together. What
is different about the current initiative is that it is not being driven or guided
by outside forces, but by the actual parties to the conflict, through direct and
indirect discussions.
No Guiding Hand
This is both its great strength and its great weakness, Western diplomats
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note. Because the United States has abstained froni getting involved at this .
stage-- not out of disinterest but by design-- the various· parties have been
forced to move and consider making their concessions not to the United
States but to each other.
·
At the same time, though, without the guiding hand of an outside power the
differing agendas arid timetables regularly conflict with one another,
slowing things down and producing some of the confusion and murkiness
witnessed in recent weeks.
What are these conflicting agendas and timetables? ·
Perhaps the best place to begin is with King Hussein of Jordan, who has
probably been the most active player behind the scenes: King Hussein rules
over a country that is roughly 60 percent Palestinians and 40 percent
Jordanian Bedouins and Circassians, knoWn locally as "East Bankers," as
opposed to the all-Palestinian "West Bankers."
The King understands full well, Western diplomats note, that if there is no
~lution to the Arab-Israeli conflict that provides the Pa!estiniaos with some.
orm of terntonal 1dent1ty and self-determination the Palestinians rna
e
e
eu 1 en tty y
mg over Jordan a together.
For Hussein, a Need To Work With Arafat
The King's problem, he has indicated repeatedly, is that he alone cannot
enter into negotiations with Israel for such a settlement, for two reasons ..
As a result, the King began focusing his energies on Arafat, Jordanian
officials said. The King, they said, believes that Arafat is still "Mr.
Palestine." Without Arafat's explicit approval, any initiative undertaken by
the King would not have the support of either the vast majority of
Palestinians or the other Arab states.
In the last few months, therefore, the King has been trying to exploit A.rafat's
weakened position, his need for a base in Jordan and a ticket into the peace
process in order to extract from him the necessary concessions on
Resolution 242 that would make negotiations with Israel a real and viable
option, and at the same time give the King the Palestinian "cover" he needs.
Knowing Arafat's penchant for sitting on the fence and stalling, Western
diplomats said, the King set a deadline in their discussions of early
February, when King Fahd ofSaudi Arabia was scheduled to go to
Washington. He wanted the Saudi King, and later President Hosni Mubarak .
of Egypt, to be able to present to the Americans a realistic Arab negotiating
position that would motivate them to press the Israelis into the process, the
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�. Seeking Peace in Mideast
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diplomats said.
Jordan and P.L~O. Agree on an Approach
Orr Feb .. U; Kfng Hussein and Arafat announced that they had reached an
agreement on a framework forjoint action on the peace front.
·
King Fahd was in Washington when their accord was signed o~ Ki~g
Hussein's dining room table and they immediately conveyed it to the Saudi
leader. Some Jordanian officials say they feel, however, that the Saudis did a
poor job of presenting it to the Americans, apparently out of their fear of
alienating the .Syrians, who. opposed the accord.
King Hussein said this point in particular was a major achievement since it
would eliminate the Israelis'. concerns about the establishment of an
independent, pro-Soviet P.L.O. nation between them and !ordan.
Arafat and the King agreed that in the weeks after Feb. 11, they would seek
to make the accord more specific, but would in the meantime try to sell what
they had agreed to to their respective constituencies, Western diplomats
·
said.
·
As soon as news of the agreement was published and various versions of it
leaked into the Arab press
afat met heavy criticism from some of his
closest aides, who accused him o giVmg away t e store."
He said little publicly, but various Arafat aides began to give interviews
suggesting that the P.L.O.'s interpretation of the agreement was different
from the one being leaked to the press. Arafat .made no effort to correct
them, and in an interview with The Times declined to say whether his
agreement with King Hussein meant he had accepted Resolution 242.
Arafat's Own Agenda Becomes Apparent
This is where Arafat's agenda and constraints started to become clear. Arafat
has tended to operate diplomatically much like the gambler who goes to Las
Vegas with a cup full of quarters, puts one in every slot machine, pulls all
the levers and waits to see which one comes up cherries.
In the view of Jordanian officials, Arafat understands that in his present
weakened military circumstances, he had little choice but to work out some
kind ofunderstanding with King Hussein in order to remain in the
diplomatic game. He also seemed sincerely interested in directing the P.L.O,
toward an: accommodation, the Jordanian officials said.
At the same time, however, Arafat has maintained his quiet efforts to patch
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�Page 4 of6
·Seeking Peace in Mideast
· up relations with the Syrians and has kept open his options about .
reestablishing P.L.O. military positions in Lebanon now that the Israelis are
withdrawing.
But the Syrians were not interested in a rapprochement with Arafat, Western
diplomats said. This seemed to leave him with no choice but to cut a deal
with King Hussein that would be clear enough to satisfy the King but vague
enough not to alienate the radicals in his own movement.
Arafat believed that on the basis·ofthis agreement, the Americans would
come rushing toward h.im, Jordanian officials said. He would then be able to
parlay a dialogue with the Americans into proof for his doubting lieutenants
that what he was doing would produce results and eventual pressure on ·
Israel. In effect, Arafat wanted credit from the Americ:ans for his agreement
with the King without being obliged to make explicit just what that
agreement meant. When Washington more or less shrugged at the whole
business, he became bitter and expressed that feeling in several interviews.
.
.
l
At this point several things happened that began to unravel the agreement.
First, on Feb. 23, the Jordanians decided to issue the full text of the
agreement with Arafat in order to get on the public record exactly what the
P.L.O. had agreed to, ·and bring a halt to reinterpretations, Jordanian officials
said. Arafat is hnderstood to have been completely taken aback by the
publication of the text.
Mubarak Introduces New Set of Proposals
At this point the Egyptians entered the scene. President Mubarak had played
a key role in mediating between King Hussein and Arafat to get them to
come to an agreement before Mubarak's visit to Washington, according to
American officials. The Egyptians knew the Aniericans were not pleased
that Egypt had not returned its ambassador to Israel, and they realized this
could negatively affect their requests for an additional $865 million in
foreign aid this year, the officials added.
Mubarak apparently feared the :flussein-Arafat agreement was going to
come apart right before he was about to leave for Washington, so he decided
to weigh in with his own new proposals in an interview with The Times.
Without consulting with King Hussein or Arafat, Mubarak suggested that ··
the United States sit down with Israel and a Jordariian-Palestinian delegation
to lay the groundwork for the·resumption of peace talks. Mubarak also
suggested that the Palestinian component in the delegation could be
comprised of Palestinians who were not known members of the P.L.O.
Both the King and Arafat were shocked by Mubarak's statements, according
to officials close to both of them. The King feared that because of the
suggestion that non-P.L.O. Palestinians be involved, Arafat would be
frightened off and the months spent trying to coax him into negotiating
would be jeopardized.
King Hussein and Mubarak were eventually able to patch up their
differences in a meeting last week at the Egyptian Red Sea resort of
Hurghada, just before Mubarak left for the United States. The Egyptian
President basically backed off from his ambitious proposal for immediate
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direct talks between Israel, Egypt, the United States and a JordanianPalestinian delegation in favor of a more modest meeting between the White
House and a Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, which was acceptable to King
Hussein.
·
Israelis See Their Opportunity
Meanwhile, all of this was being closely followed in Israel. Prime Minister
Shimon Peres saw little of interest in the Hussein-Arafat accord, but when
Mubara}( came in with·,his first .proposal for direct talks between Israel and a
joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, Peres welcomed· it enthusiastically.
Peres seemed never to believe for very long that the Egyptian proposal
would get off the ground, but he saw in the whole process an opportunity to
warm up the "cold peace" between Egypt and Israel, and that was his real ·
immediate objective.
·
·
Peres is working on his own timetable and right now negotiations with a
Jordanian-Palestinian delegation do .not really fit his needs, according to
Israeli political analysts.
First, he has said he wants to complete the Israeli Army's withdrawal from
'Lebanon, and for that he needs to keep the governing coalition together so
that both the Labor Party and Likud will be responsible for the
consequences.
Second, say Israeli officials, ~eres believes that relations between Egypt and
Israel have to be warmed up in order to give meaning· again to the word
"peace."
·
·
Only after some meaning has been restored to the Egyptian-Israeli peace
does Peres believe there will be any hope of moving his country into talks
about returning the far more sensitive West Bank, Israeli officials said.
The problem, however, is that the Egyptians quickly indicated to Peres that
they were not interested in warming up the peace for peace's sake. There·
first had to be a full Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, improvement of
conditions for Palestinians on the West Bank and resolution of outstanding .
border disputes, which·is whatMubarak needs in order to prove to the Arabs
that peace with Israel has meaning.·
· ·
The result appears to be that although a lot of serious thought and work
seem to have been invested by Israel; Egypt, Jordan and the P.L.O. in order
to advance the peace process, none of their leaders have been able to break
out of the web of competing priorities that has them all ensnared.
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�..------------------------------~------------
-----------
.. Seeking· Peace in Mideast
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�Copyright 1989 Information Access Company, a Thomson Corporation Company
ASAP
Copyright 1989 The New Republic Inc.
The New Republic
September 4, 1989
SECTION: Vol. 201; No. 10; Pg. 34; ISSN: 0028-6583
LENGTH: 5325 words
HEADLINE: From Beirut to Jerusalem. book reviews
BYLINE: Peretz, Martin
BODY:.
(Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 525 pp, $22.95)
Thomas Friedman's account of his journey as a reporter from Beirut to Jerusalem is rich in
precisely the qualities that made his dispatches from those two capitals so memorable, and so
heartbreaking. We have to go back to David Halberstam, and perhaps to Homer Bigart, for another
American foreign correspondent so unerringly alert to the illuminating detail. Most ofFriedman's
colleagues cover the area as a police brutality story, as morality play with victims and victimizers,
or as a tale of insufficient diplomatic pressure on wanton Israelis. Those are the permissible styles of
Middle East reporting. But the historical arid psychological complexities ofthe region are better
served py Friedman's vivid, even intimate prose.
·
a
Friedman's longtime readers know what those who have depended for their knowledge of the
Middle East on other, less initiated journalists do not: that the heavily placarded external walls of
this regional house of passions are not its inner courtyard. Friedman penetrates these walls, into
spheres that the local inhabitants would prefer to have sealed to outsiders. At its best, Friedman's
journalism does what we have come to expect from the rare pieces of genuinely affecting fiction set
in the Jewish-Arab. vortex; he shows us the distinctive intensity and the distinctive abandon by
which those people live.
But Friedman's book. is fatally lacking in a careful, consistent argument. The closest thing
seems to be his recurring insistence on equivalctsnce, his view that Israel and Lebanon are not only
in the same neighborhood, but of it. He guides us deftly through two polities with different origins
and different destinies, but his retrospective reflections show an appealing and misleading
symmetry. Friedman spent the last decade in the Middle East, five years in Beirut, five in Jerusalem;·
roughly half of his account is given to each of his locales. The very structure of the book bespeaks
equivalence; but the equivalence turns out to be more than biographical.
The most compelling portions of Friedman's book are about the torment and the turbulence that is
�Lebanon.
There is a freshness to his chronicle of Beirut that is missing from his Israeli chapters. This can be
explained, I suspect, by his combination of physical closeness and psychological distance. Friedman
had no personal stake in what he would find in Lebanon. It was not likely to exhilarate him, but
neither could it disenchant him. His curiosity led him where it would. He had nothing to prove to
himself, or to others, except that he was good at what he was doing. He came with some Arabic, a
· distinguishing possession (his guild, at least its American membership, puts little value on native
tongues).
Naturally he saw most of the pertinent powerful, but Friedman's reports paid extraordinary
attention to common folk. In a society as disorderly as Lebanon, the mighty rarely speak with
authority. In fact, none of the usual paradigms and models hold in Lebanon. Friedman understood
this. He was not tugged to the profound. Sure, beneath the flimsy surface of the Lebanese state,
there is a class dimension to the chaos; and there are intersectarian tensions, between clan and clan,
and, oh yes, ethnic divisions (as opposed simply to confessional ones), clientalistic structures,
foreign intruders, and uneven economic development. But Friedman, giving each of these its due,
does not allow such graduate student themes to divert him from the actual lot.
-~,The plot may lack reason, but it has structure. (And its:...Jv~·ucu.u.,...:L:~..J~O<Yl!~~
Israel.) What propels Lebanon, its,underlying trut ~ the momentum
. The reality of the
feud, or more accurately, of the scores of feuds, cnes out om Fne man's pages. This is a country
where people would be foolhardy to expect to die in their own beds.
Friedman ponders whether he's bee o Hobbes's state of nature. It is a pointless conceptual
·
es casual butchery among its
diversion. Where he has been is a place whos
norms. At this very moment, for example, the Palestinian relatives of the victims of Sabra and
Shatila are in the arms of the forces responsible for their murder. In Friedman's own apartment
budding, 19 innocent people were blown up in a squabble between PLO bands over the ownership
of a flat. Syrians and Maronites, Muslims and other Muslims, are still killing each other. Life is
cheap in Beirut, very cheap. Still, in some moving passages, Friedman evokes the redeeming
remnants of Lebanese society, those who confirm, against all the suffering, that the old Russian
anarchists were right to think that there is a human instinct of mutual aid. There were many times
during the last 15 years when Lebanon displayed the impulse to help and to solace, when many
people did not withdraw into sullennesses. And there were once good times in Lebanon, before
politics became a continuatio
gangs e
by other means. But to leave it at that would be to
idealize the past, to ignore
at Fouad Aj(l!!)i ha called "the fury that lurked underneath the
tranquility and the pretensions.'
Friedman chastises the invading Israelis of 1982 for not grasping the Shiites as a factor in the
Lebanese future. No doubt the Israeli invasion did awaken and provoke the Shiites (as Friedman
notes, the largest group in the country). But the story is a bit more complicated: there was a debate
in Israeli intelligence and military circles over whether they should tilt toward the Maronites or
toward the Shiites, as if tilting were a self-evidently fruitful enterprise in the first place. They chose
the Christians, a fateful, fatal choice. Friedman's insistence that the Israelis failed to recognize the
I
·'
�fury of the Shiites might lead you to think that he did grasp it; but he didn't, and in a way he still
doesn't.
Immediately following his complaint about the blindness of the Israelis betrays nearly the same
blindness. "The real Lebanon was two Lebanons, he writes, "... Christian and Muslim." Oh, so
that's how the country is divided, is it? Friedman seems to think that since the Shiites are Muslims
like the $unnis (and most of the Palestinians), they share the same interests and aspirations. Quite
the contrary. It is true that the Shiites have differences with the Maronites, differences they share
with the Sunnis; they were certainly not prepared to see the Israelis bolster the faltering sway of
Lebanon's Christians. But their deeper quarrels-historical, theological, existential-are with the
Sunnis, and especially the Sunni urban elites, who were always ready to carve up dominion over
other Lebanese with the Maronites, and who had humiliated the Shiites for centuries. Not one of the
Shiite prophets and tribunes makes more than a ~ameo appearance in Friedman's text.
The Shiites also nursed a grievance against the Palestinians, who had rolled over the Shiite
heartland south of Beirut and made it the staging ground for the war of liberation against Israel.
Sprinkled through Friedman's book are a few skittish references to that reality, subsumed under the
shorthand "Palestinian mini-state," a phrase that pleads for an elucidation that Friedman fails to give
it. It was this reality that accounted for the rice-and-flowers reception accorded the Israelis by the
Shiites ofthe south in the early summer of 1982. (Friedman tells us that even West Beirut Muslims,
presumably including Sunnis, "welcomed the Christian-led Lebanese army when it came in and
replaced the PLO." But why? What did this say about Palestinian rule?) Doubtless the memory
. ofthe "Palestinian mini-state" is also what lies behind the on-again, off-again war of the camps
waged between Amal, the mainstream Shiite militia (also unmentioned), and the various winglets of
the PLO.
. Friedman says of his colleagues what he might have said of himself, that "the overfocusing by
reporters on the PLO and its perception of events led them to ignore the Lebanese Shiites and their
simmering wrath at the Palestinians fo! turning their villages in south Lebanon into battlefields."
Overfocusing, indeed: Friedman tells us a bit about what the PLO mini-state in Lebanon did to the
PLO, but unrevealingly little about what it did to the Lebanese. It was not something he wrote about
at all prior to 1982. Even now, his generally tough prose weakens when he writes about the
Palestinians.
With almost all the other Western journalists then resident in Lebanon, Friedman shares the
common coyness about the one concrete example anybody has ever experienced of direct PLO rule.
Still, in some devastating passages, he settles once and for all the debate over whether the Western
media in Lebanon flacked for the PLO. Friedman, who won many confidence-building battle stripes'·
for having displeased the Israelis, describes how Arafat and his legions met "a huge generally
uncritical international press corps, many of whose members identified with the PLO as underdogs
and '60s-style revolutionaries."
In Beirut each faction had its own territory, its own enforcers, its own version of reality.
Friedman recalls that rarely could a reporter have the satisfaction of feeling that he had really got to
the bottom of something. Some simply improvised. However they coped, it w:as in an atmosphere of ·
�intimidation. "There was not a single reporter in West Beirut who did not feel intimidated, .. no
one had any illusions that the factions would tolerate much serious reporting." After fellow
Timesman Bill Farrell told him that Arafat's personal spokesmen complained about the insufficient
friendliness of Friedman's filings on the PLO, he "lay awake in my bed the whole night worrying
that someone was going to burst in and blow my brains all over ~he wall." The next day the
spokesman told Friedman that he wanted him "to do a little l:>etter in the future." It's the kind of
suggestion that concentrates the mind.
Friedman implies that intimidation came &om all sides, but if any reporters especially feared the
Phalange, it didn't show in what they wrote. Rather the opposite: Friedmanadmits that "the truth is,
the Western press coddled the PLO and never judged it with anywhere near the scrutiny .that it
judged Israeli, Phalangist, or American behavior." Indeed, to enforce a certain minimum discipline
all the Palestinians had to do was to manage their leaks efficiently"For any Beirut-based
correspondent, the name of the game was keeping on good terms with the PLO, because without it,"
Friedman concedes"you would not get the interview with Arafat you wanted when your foreign
editor came to town." That is quite an admission .
Having leveled such serious allegations, however, Friedman suddenly is struck dumb. He names
the transgressions, but not the transgressors. This is an odd note of reticence in an outspoken book.
It is more proof of the press corps' arrogant insistence that it be treated as some sort of secret
fraternity, insulated from outside examination and criticism. Friedman may be the first mainstream
journalist to acknowledge what has been obvious about the coverage of the Middle East for years,
but he wants to have it both ways; he wants to tell the truth, but not too much of it. He certainly
doesn't want, to give his comrades reasons to stop thinking of him as a blood brother.
Friedman understands that the pro-PLO, anti-Israel bias is not limited to the reporters on the
ground, or
·
·
·
at least he understood that as of March 22, 1988. On that day, breakfasting in a London hotel, he
noticed that the editors of the International Herald Tribune had given.its front-page photograph to
"an Israeli soldier not beating, not killing, but grabbing a Palestinian" while paying much less
attention to genuine atrocities elsewhere, not least in the world of Islam. This was a "lack of
proportion" that he would begin to notice in other media. (Perhaps he hadn't noticed in the early
days of the war in 1982 how complacently reporters and editors endorsed Invented numbers for
casualties.)
The feelings of a reporter.or an editor about the PLO cannot be isolated from his views about
Israel. Friedman draws a distinction between European and American journalists. The European
correspondents, he says, need a ruthless Israel in order to "absolve themselves of some of their own
guilt" for what happened to the Jews before and during World War II. "Look," Friedman has these
correspondents saying, "the Nazis were not unique .... " The Americans, he assures his readers, are
morally less callous, are not hostile toward Israel in the European mariner. Their prejudices are the
consequence of something altogether more elevating. Because they hope that Israel "will one day
fulfill its promise," against which they indefatigably measure it, American correspondents "seem to
relish Israel's misdeeds."
�Friedman argues that these reporters' (and other Americans') "identification with the dreams of
biblical Israel and mythic Jerusalem run so deep ... that when Israel succeeds and lives up to its
prophetic expectations ... it is their success" too. (He adduces Woody Allen as an authority on the
"death" of the Israeli "dream"!) He follows this explanation with a random romp throughthe
historiography of biblical symbolism in America, from the Puritans to Martin Luther King. This is
all too profound. The American press corps is not made up ofunrequited lovers of Zion. But
Friedman himself is a perfect illustration of the idealistic goofiness that he wrongly imputes to his
colleagues. .
From Beirut to Jsersalem is a personal melodrama. Its author p~rtrays himself as a crushed
Jewish romantic. For his high school years were "one big celebration oflsrael's victory in the
SixDay War.... I was insufferable."The appraisal seems fair. Friedman's portrait ofhimselfas a
young Zionist might have been the work of a Philip Roth imitator. Friedman even provides the
confession that since the age of 15 he had "never really been interested in anything else" but Israel
(and, he now tactfully adds, the Middle East). If that is true, he should hav~ disqualified himself
from his beat.
His Zionist bewitchments, certainly, didn't prevent him &om telling the Arab side of the story.
He bent over backward to be fair to the PLO. We have his own testimony that he, like his
colleagues, coddled the PLO. Nor did his Zionism prevent him from giving the Israeli side. What
cannot b~ denied, though, is that he deals with his own people-and they are, without embarrassment,
his own people-far more harshly than he does with their enemies. Menachem Begin doesn't come
off anywhere as well in this book as does Yasir Arafat, who is a "teflon guerrilla," and later on the
"gipper,'' and later like a rock star. This, again, is the logic of equivalence: Israel is lowered a bit,
its enemies are raised some, and they meet in the same ugly place.
Friedman won a Pulitzer Prize for his.reconstruction of the Sabra and Shatila massacre. (He
shared the prize with Loren Jenkins of the Washington Post, whose version of the events was rather
different.) He was psychologically enmeshed in his story. "One part ofme wanted to nail Begin and
Sharon-to prove, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that their army had been involved in a mas sacre in
Beirut inthe hope that this would help get rid of them.... Yet, another part of me was.looking for
alibis-something that would prove Begin and Sharon innocent, something that would prove the ·
Israelis couldn't have known what was happening." By the time he interviewed the Israeli
commander in Lebanon, Gen. Amir Drori, Friedman was beside himself with rage:
I banged the table with my fist and shouted at Drori, How could you do this? How could you not
see? How could you not know? But what I was really sa~ing, in a very selfish way, was "How could
you do this tome, you bastards? I always thought you were different. I always thought we were
different. I'm the only Jew in West Beirut. What do I tell people now? What do I tell myself?."
'
.
The next morning a still petulant Friedman "buried Amir Drori on the front page ofthe New York
Times, and along with him every illusion I ever held about the Jewish state."
General Drori deserved punishment. But is it fair that Israel was hostage, during all his years in
�the Middle East and in his book, to Friedman's illusions? Friedman thinks that his pa''made me a
better reporter." He makes no bones about what these were. As a boy Israel made him proUd,
stiffened his spine, filled him with a tribal feeling. Like most tribalists, he thought his tribe was
perfect. It wasn't until he went to Israel in the 1980s, he says in a startling confession of naivete and
ignorance, that he "discov~rs that it isn't the Jewish summer camp ofhis youth." This discovery
simply busted his Zionist heart. I was myself a passionate child Zi~nist, too, but I krlew very few
others whose Israel was so unrealistic, so unerring, so un.flawed; as Friedman's·. Those I did know
grew up.
When Israel failed Friedman, in short, Israel failed. Now, there is something attractive about the
position of the critic; but Friedman is not professionally a critic; he is professionally a reporter. And
the silly standard by which he measures Israel should not be held up to any society. He certainly
does not hold the standard up to Arab societies. In fact, he seems to hold Arab societies to no
standard at all.
·
Friedman's expectations oflsrael are justified, he seems ~o beli~ve, !Jy his Jewishness. His book
includes some meditations about a religious vision for the Jewish state; a dense. and dangerous
subject about which he appears to know little. More concretely, he writes that "what the West
expected from the Jews ofthepast, it expects&om Israel today." He may be right, but not quite in
~
the way he inte .
or what the West expected &o
e Jews of the past wa
~_and_crayen. For many centuries in many places the Jews fulfilled those expeCtations.
e_omsm was meant to put an end to such fulfillments, and to propose others. The Hebrew poet Uri
Zvi Greenberg asks, "Where are there instances of catastrophe./like this that we have suffered at
their hands? /There are none-no other instances./ This is the horrifying phrase: no other instances."
Given this history, it is grotesque to invoke the West's expectatiol). of the Jews as a standard for their
state, But Friedman turns the screw still one more time. "After all the centuries of being lectured by
the Jews," he says, the West finally wants to see whether these same Jews will live up not only "to
the standards they set for themselves," but whether they will also live up to the standards they set
"for others." What exactly does Friedman think the Jews expected from Christian Europe? They
certainly didn't expect justice or safety; and, alas, they were right.
·Gb,; standing no~~dle East, Friedman t~lls us, is ~hat
calls"
les," t
pitiless pursuit of pohtical ends through bloodshed; Hama was a Syrian town of some 180,000
inhabitants, mostly Sunnis
rebellious Muslim Brethren. It's not altogether
clear what happe
m Hama in February 1982. We o know that Hafez Assad, a member of the
..-SJllla:H-T~W.IJ:·e minority, determme o create a wasteland. A conservative estimate of the number of
. dead is 20,000 :(Assad's brother Rifat, who was in charge of the operation, boasts that the figure was
near y ou le that.) In·part owing to Friedman's writings, Hama has become a metaphor for the
brutal modalities of the Arab world. Hama rules have governed in Lebanon for 15 years, as they
govern in Iraq today, as they governed in Jordan in 1970. (Egypt used poison gas against other
Arabs in the early 1970s.)
Does Israel play by Hama rules? Friedman, who faults others for what he politely calls a "lack of
proportion" about Israel, seems a bit uncertain. He says that "convinced that there is only one man
in Israel Hafez Assad ever feared and that is Ariel Sharon, because Assad knew that Sharon, too,
�.
.
was ready to play by Hama rules." Is only Sharon, then, the dark mirror image of Assad? No, the
equivalences run deep. Elsewhere he writes that Israel "had talked about 'purity of arms' to itself, but
in the real world had learned to play by Hama niles, just like eve one else in the neighborhood." just
like everyone else? This is the kind of moral parallelism that persuades writers of their daring. On
"Nightline" a few weeks ago, discussing the abduction of Sheik Obeid and the hanging of Colonel
Higgins, Friedman characteristically remarked that "it's the Middle Eastern way. The Israelis know
that, the Hezbollah know that. The problem is, the Hezbollah are much better at the game than the
Israelis, because they do it without any guilty conscience .... Both sides have really used Higgins in
this case, and exploited him in a very tragic way:" Never mind that the Israelis did not exploit poor
Higgins, that his fate backfired on them and brought them under fire.
Suggesting that Israel's conduct is equivalent to Syria's and Iraq's is like saying that American
conduct during World War II was equivalent to the conduct of the Nazis. What Friedman has done
is to mistake similarities (and not many similarities) for essences. In som~ passages he shows that
he himself knows better, as in his shrewd and textured analysis of the gangster regimes ofHafez
Assad and Saddam Hussein and their routinization of Hama rules. But we are left with his crude
refrain of equivalence. (Close readers will note that, though he dedsively and explicitly includes
Israel under the Hama rules, he absolves a handful of Muslim countries because their practice is
bas"the more gentle Ottoman authoritarian tradition," not the "more brutal, un-Islamic" kind.
Qaddafi's Libya? Khomeini's Iran?)
Friedman is so overwrought about the defects of Israeli society that he can't seem to distinguish
between the reality of Hama rules and the reality of his disappointments. Everything is put through
the wringer of his childhood dreams: not only the liberties Israeli security forces take with prisoners
and procedures, or the sangfr~id with which young Israeli soldiers loose bullets on yo~g .
Palestinians hurling rocks and Molotov cocktails, but also Israel's obsession with the Holocaust (as
.if Friedman is himself immune to the mawkish), the ambivalence about settlements, the hold on the
political system of the minority of the ultra-Orthodox, the hypocrisies of official spokesmen. Some
of his worries have a basis in fact. But what, exactly, is he worrying about? The Israel along the sea
or the Israel in his fantasy?
':f
I
1
·;
.
Surely the fundamental contrast between Israel arid the Arab states lies in the accountability of
--·government to the goyemed. Tlielong impasse inisraeli politics notwithstanding, such
· . -·
' a~bility-is-axiffm~tfc-in-the Jewish state. Leadership stands or. falls in response to the
.
sometimes messy, but finally ordered, tally of the public will. Proof of su~h accountability runs- like
a thread through all oflsrael's history: in the Kahan Commission, for example, established by
Menachem Begin after vast public and parliamentary protests to investigate Israeli ihvolvement in
the Sabra and Shatila massacre. Friedman is oddly cavalier about it: "An investigation w~ich results
in such 'punishments' is not an investigation that can be taken seriously." He fails to see that a whole
society was insisting that its government make a reckoning of its role in a moral calamity. (Only a
few weeks ago the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the Israeli army cannot destroy the homes of
Palestinians accused of wrongdoing until they have appealed .through the military coUrts. This, in
the middle of a hostile uprising!)
There is a struggle, to be sure, being waged in Israel over the values and purposes by which the
�society will ultimately be defined. But Friedman seems cynical about that struggle, too. He believes,
for example, that on the major question of the day, on the question of the occupied territories, the
parties are united, that "differences between Labor and Likud over the West Bank were quite
insignificant. The only difference between them was in rhetoric."
tability can be attributed to any Arab system of
gove
liticallife does not include public a o og1es an pu 1c exp anat10n
round
the world we
now in an era of great democratic expectations. n y a ew months ago people of
goodwill everywhere were stunned by the bloodletting in Tiananmen Square, but such an event
wouldn't raise an eyebrow in the Arab orbit, and probably didn't. (According to People's Daily, the
Chinese Communist newspaper, Arafat wrote Jiang Zemin, the new secretary of the Chinese
Communist Party, "to express our extreme gratification that the friendly People's China has restored
normal order after the recent incidents.")
Friedman is dead to a good deal oflsraeli life. For example, to the Israeli army .
.eY.en-when~';,_
. _ Given
hat
as not in its entire existence, had a single day of e
the~e _were no o~cupied territ?ries)l~uldn't. shoe that the ~y ~eateS-t~-ootiFe-se~iety.
Th1s IS, almost m the oldfash10ned sense;a·natiOn at arms. But 1t 1s a httle shockmg that Fnedman
deals with the army mostly with anecdotes about a few of its boorish and brutish soldiers, with stick
figures used as symbols to suit his purposes. Surely what is remarkable about this central institution
in Israeli life is that it has never poseda peril to democratic norms or practices. At the same time,
civilian authority has generally respected the professional independence of the military. Under the
present government, for example, the army has been able to maintain its policy of restrained
response to the intifada, despite continuous outcries from many of the Likud's hard-core
constituents. Yes, there have been crimes and abuses (some of them corrected by the army, some of
them corrected by the courts, some of them uncorrected). But the top brass are doves, who see only
a political, not a military, solution to the problem of a nationalist uprising. Some famous military
controversialists notwithstanding, this army never allows itself the quick fix of mass killings, There
are army norms that constrain the range of what is militarily permissible. Is there an army that does
better?
mttnls-buok"ycr[J""'fi~mnre~bout Lebanon but little about Israel.):Iowdoes he want
Israel to live in its brutal neighborhood? He rehearses the grim prognostications of others without laKlfli:Hf~fl-SieftiE:ffi!*¥..-+e:COl!S-~.W...teli~entik, lectures about Hama rules, and is silent. Instead he
invests the United States with chimerical powers to bring peace. He seems to believe that the
Arabisraeli conflict is hospitable to Americanstyle deal-making. Thus, in a foolish passage,
Friedman laments the loss to history that Robert Strauss, President Carter's envoy to the region, "did
not stay in his job long enough to see it through." (Friedman has a weakness for homespun wisdom,
and was impressed by Strauss's comment on the West Bank: "I don't know why any one of them
would want it and why the other would even give a damn.") No doubt he has been confirmed in this
faith by James Baker, the pol par excellence, who is Friedman's current beat.
Thomas Friedman doesn't even hint at alternatives to policies he criticizes. This makes his
criticisms seem both abstract and a little irresponsible. Up to the day before yesterday, almost all of
�.... ,
I
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Israel's neighbors denied its right to exist, Now there is a cold peace with Egypt, and parts of the
PLO have been coaxed and cajoled into at least a ritualized formula of acceptance. But other
countries and other Palestinian elements maintain the hard line. Weapons flow to the region like
rivers to the sea, weapons of mass destruction, chemical and biological weapons. It is true that Israel
is a major military power, but with reason: even in the best of circumstances, Israel will live not
only in physical danger, but in moral ambiguity. Statecraft, after all, is not the road to sainthood.
But security and survival are also moral ends; and if realpolitik is required for them, then it, too, is a
moral thing.
££078950775 1158HKe035LPPO
A Love Poem by Ayatollah Khomeini
I have become imprisoned, 0 beloved, by the mole on your lip!
I saw your ailing eyes and became ill through love.
Delivered from self, I beat the drum of"I am the Real!".
Like Hallaj, I became a customer for the top of the gallows.
Heartac~e
for the beloved has thrown so many sparks into my soul
That I have been driven to despair and become the talk of the bazaar.
Open the door of the tavern and let us go there day and night,
For I am sick and tired of the mosque and seminary.
I have tom off the garb of asceticism and hypocrisy,
Putting on the cloak of the tavern-haunting shaykh and becoming aware.
The city preacher has so tormented me with his advice
That I have sought aid from the breath of the wine-drenched profligate.
Leave me alone to remember the idol-temple,
I who have been awakened by the hand of the tavern's idol.
This poem was published, in a facsimile of Khomeini's own hand, in the Iranian newspaper
Kayhan in Tehran on June 21. Its publication appears to have startled many people even in Iran.
According to an accompanying article, it was written by Ayatollah Khomeini two or three months
before his death, in honor of the birthday of Muhammad's daughter Fatima, and in reply to a request
�ami sa ... omic reform and Islam can co-exist
http://www. usnews. corn/usnews/issue/97 072 8/2 8foua.htm
\
World Report
COMMENTARY
The region left behind
Economic reform and Islam don't have to be mutually
exclusive
What doyou think? Leave your views in our Forum
BY FOUAD AJAMI
t. The twin deities
of our time, p~n~v~a~Iz~~:;a~n~g~o~a~Iz~a~tl~o~n~,gav~e~I~n;t:;:.~appeared.
Cellular phones abound, as well as trendy restaurants and nightclubs. It
is said that the grass for a new golf course on the outskirts of Cairo was
flown in from Tifton, Ga., in refrigerated crates. A new publication, AI
Borsa, tracks hot money in the markets. But beyond the easy caricature
of the golf course and tales of quick gains, Egypt has reaped real
dividends of economic reform: Its foreign currency reserves, $600
million not so long ago, have risen to $19 billion. Inflation has fallen
from 22 percent in 1990 to 7 percent. And the budget deficit, once 16
or 17 percent of gross national product, has shrunk to 1 percent: An
overregulated economy that had entrepreneurs devoting nearly a third
of their time to problems of bureaucratic interference has been opened
up. Egypt has not yet found a bright new world: This recovery has
made little dent in unemployment. But a regime that had been reluctant
to break with controls has embarked on a new course. The moment of
reckoning could no 'ffiirger Be deferred.
::::
God and prices. The cultural interpretation that blames Russia's
economic troubles on the absence of a capitalist traqition does not hold
for these Muslim lands. Hard as the bureaucrats. of the public sector
would try to put the scripture and the faith behind their economic
policies, the power of the native tradition must, on balance, favor the
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4/25/2000 3:57PM
�-U.&. Ne-ws 07/28/97: Fouad Ajami sa ... omic reform and Islam can co-exist
http://www.usnews.com/usnews/issue/970728/28foua.htm
private sector and the profit motive. "God sets prices" goes a maxim of
the Iranian bazaar. And there is scripture aplenty in Islam itself to
sanction the clai,ms of private property and unfettered enterprise.
On the face of it, there is no reason why East Asia's Confucian tradition
should lend itself to economic growth more than does the tradition of
Islam. The economic performance of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong
Kong~ and Singapore has shredded the culturally deterministic
interpretation of market capitalism. With Latin America's recent
economic boom, the idea that Max Weber, the German sociologist,
bequeathed us early in the century in his book The Protestant Ethic and
the Spirit of Capitalism, about the "lack of affinity" between Roman
Catholicism and capitalism, has been laid to rest. The ethos of
economic improvement now straddles societies.. of every faith.
We are, then, driven from the heights of scripture and culture to the
more familiar world of public policies, to the choices that governments
make. There is no reason to believe that some Middle Eastern
"exceptionalism" is at work in the logic of economic growth. Consider
these simple facts: While average military spending for all developing
countries hovers around 3.5 percent of GNP, it is 11 percent for Jordan,
9 perc
,
e a e of the "trading
state " t e states have dod ed the issues of economic re o . The
habits of nearly our ecades--t e ves e m eres s o ureaucracies, the
fear that retrenchment of the public sector might bring political
instability in its wake--have hitherto paralyzed Middle Eastern
governments. And a ready alibi, anti-Americanism, writes off economic
reform and the opening of markets as nothing other than the latest form
of American hegemony. "Let them eat anti-Zionism" had been the
standard fare of the era behind us. The economic rot brought about by
the failed policies is now on cruel display.
2 of3
4/25/2000 3:57PM
�.£)/~-
·'
Copyright 1989 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
July 6, 1989, Thursday, Late Edition- Final
SECTION: Section C; Page 19, Column 1; Cultural Desk
LENGTH: 1192 words
HEADLINE: Books ofThe Times;
Middle East Journalism Through a Prism of Pain
BYLINE: By CONOR CRUISE O'BRIEN; Conor. Cruise O'Brien is most recently the author of
"Passion and Cunning: Essays on Nationalism, Terrorism and Revolution." The former Irish
diplomat, who sat between the Iraqi and Israeli delegates at the United Nations in the late 1950's,
also wrote "The Siege: The Saga oflsrael and Zionism."
BODY:
From Beirut to Jerusalem
By Thomas L. Friedman
525 pages. Farrar, Straus & Giroux. $22.95.
The excellence both of Thomas L. Friedman's reporting on the Middle East and of his
.
interpretation of what he has reported rests in part on the same foundation: pain, the great attentionriveter.
As a boy, he tells us in the prelude to this book, Mr. Friedman was a totally uncritical admirer of
Israel: "High school for me, I am now embarrassed to say, was one big celebration oflsrael's victory
in the Six-Day War."
Mr. Friedman was just 15 at the time of that victory. It was the momentum of all that that carried
him into the Middle East, with paradoxical and rending results.
After a period spent studying the Middle East at St. Antony's College at Oxford, Mr. Friedman
went to the Middle East as a
journalist in 1979, working for United Press International. In
September 1982, as a reporter for The New York Times, he was in Beirut when the Maronite
Christian militia carried out the massacres in the Palestinian refugee camps, to which the Maronites
had been admitted on the orders of senior Israeli officers. Mr. Friedman won the first of his two
Pulitzer Prizes his coverage of the war in Lebanon, which included his journalistic reconstruction of
those massacres.
In the "Beirut" part of"From Beirut to Jerusalem" he writes about himself writing that article:
�..
.
.
"I worked day and night on that story, barely sleeping between sessions at my typewriter. I was
driven, I now realize, by two conflicting impulses. One part of me wanted to nail Begin and Sharon
- to prove, beyond a shadow of doubt, that their army had been involved in a massacre in Beirut in·
the hope that this would help get rid of them .... Yet another part of me was also looking for alibis something that would prove Begin and Sharon innocent, something that would prove the Israelis
couldn't have known what was happening. Although an 'objective' journalist is not supposed to have
such emotions, the truth is they made me a better reporter."
They did indeed; the degree of self-knowledge manifested in that passage is also impressive.
Mr. Friedman's reporting on Israel's involvement in Lebanon- and, to a lesser extent, his later
reporting from Israel itself- made him unpopular with many Israelis and with many Amerkan Jews.
They took him to be hostile to Israel, and in a sense they were right. Mr. Friedman's past
idealization of an Israel that never was makes it harder for him to make allowances for the Israel of
reality. But Mr. Friedman is certainly not "hostile to Israel" in the most meaningful sense of that
term. He does not, as some other reporters on the region persistently do, side with Israel's enemies.
His treatment of the Palestine Liberation Organization, of the Lebanese factions and of the Arab
countries - notably Syria - will not win him many friends in the Arab world.
The book falls into two almost equal sections: "Beirut" and "Jerusalem." Between the two
sections there is a change, not merely oflocation but of mood. Grim though most of the phenomena
considered in the "Beirut" section are, the mood of most of this section is relatively lighthearted,
with a relish for the black humor that flourishes in such circumstances. In the "Jerusalem" section,
on the other hand - and also in the parts of the "Beirut" section where Israel is directly involved - the
mood is tense and gloomy. The reasons for the contrast have to be subjective, not objective. By any
standards, conditions in Beirut are far worse than those in Jerusalem, even now, and were so
throughout the years of Mr. Friedman's sojourns in both cities.
· Mr. Friedman can look at the Lebanese - all varieties of them - with lucid detachment and enjoy
what is to be enjoyed in their bizarre environment. Israel, on the other hand, which he had once
idealized, is painful for him to contemplate in the realities of its relations with its Arab subjects.
Detachment is impossible for Mr. Friedman here but- to his great credit- he presei'Ves lucidity. His
discussion of the "different visions" in the "great Israeli identity debate," for example, is one of the
most illuminating things that has ever been written about Israel. Having pointed out that Israel has
never been able to establish a national consensus out of these visions, Mr. Friedman continues:
a result, the different visions grew side by side. Israel be~ame more secular and more------··-~-,
Orthodox, more mundane and more Messianic, all at the same time. Far from having built a 'new~
Jewish identity,' or a 'new Jew,' Israel seemsto have brought out of the basement ()f Jewish history
every Jewish spiritual option from the past 3,000 years; the country has become a living muse ~
Jewish histo . n mo em po 1t1cs, an on e ra s1 e, r. nedman as a so anum er of
ne
msights. He sees Ariel Sharon, who was Israel's Defense Minister, as having re-created
Yasir Arafat in his role as the symbolic exile by expelling him from his haven in Beirut. Arid he
sees the intifada, or Palestinian uprising, as then having reshaped Mr. Arafat by constraining him to
do the will of the inhabitants of the occupied territories, rather than of the Palestinian exiles, by ·
�. ..
...
.
declaring willingness to accept some~hing less than all of Palestine. Both of these are illuminating
concepts.
I warmly recommend "From Beirut to Jerusalem." But I do have some reservations. Mr.
Friedmari is splendid whep. he is interpreting events of which he has firsthand experience. His grasp
on the previous history of the Arab-Israeli conflict is not so sure. He represents Egypt's President,
Anwar el-Sadat, for example, as having been unable to offer peace to Israel until he had first waged
the 1973 war. This is factually wrong. Sadat publicly offered to negotiate a peace treaty with Israel
in February 1971 and was snubbed for his pains by the Government of Golda Meir. Most Israelis
have forgotten that episode. It is odd that so staunch a critic oflsrael as Mr. Friedman should share
in that Israeli amnesia.
There is a link between that factual error and the concluding section of the book, which is much
its weakest part. Mr. Friedman suggests in this conclusion- quite contrary to the general tenor of his
own book- that if an American President were to emulate Jimmy Carter, the Arab-Israeli conflict
·
could be ended.
Mr. Friedman is here involved in a common American myth: that Camp Davi~ was not merely an
American place name but also an American solution. In reality, the creators of peace between Israel
and Egypt were Mr. Sadat, Menachem Begin and Jimmy Carter- in that order and with Mr. Sadat
well ahead of the other two. Mr. Sadat's trip to Jerusalem, which made everything else possible, was
all his own idea and was at first unwelcome in Washington. Mr. Carter was helpful afterward in
smoothing out difficulties, but his was essentially an auxiliary role.
In Israel, the local and regional realities have an obstinate autonomy of their own- asGeorge P.
Shultz knows and as most of the text of"From Beirut to Jerusalem'' eloquently and enthrallingly
attests.
GRAPHIC: photo of Thomas L. Friedman (Jerry Bauer)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�.. •
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.¥
Copyright 1989 The Times. Mirror Gompany
Los Angeles Times
July 16, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
SECTION: Book Review; Page 2; Book Review Desk
LENGTH: 800 words
HEADLINE: LEARNING THE 'HAMA RULES' OF MIDEAST POLITICS;
FROM BEIRUT TO JERUSALEM BY THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN (FARRAR, STRAUS &
GIROUX: $19.95; 513 PP.; 0-374-15894-1)
,.
BYLINE: By Barbara Newman, Newman is co-author with Barbara Rogan of The Covenant: Love
and Death in Beirut (Crown).
BODY:
Thomas Friedman, ·the New York Times diplomatic correspondent and two-time Pulitzer Prize
winner for reporting in Lebanon and Israel, has written an intimate portrait of his 10 years of
reporting in the Middle East, chronicling his change from awe-struck lover.oflsrael to outspoken
critic. The change dates from the Sabra and Chatilla massacres ofSeptember, 1982, where hundreds
of Arabs were slain by Christian Falangist militiamen permitted into the refugee camps by the
Israeli military command.
Friedman coins the phr se "Hama
es" :fl
982, in
order to put down a revolt y e Muslim Brotherhood, Syrian President Ha ez Assad ordered the
leveling ofHama and Horns, two of the oldest cities in Syria. Estimates of the dead ru~ to 20,000.
"Sabra and Chatilla was something of a personal crisis for.me," Friedman writes. "The Israeli met
rael
on the outskirts of Beirut was not the heroic Israel I had been taught to identify with. It
that talked about '
· self but in the real world had learned to pla ·· y Hama Rules,'
tke everyone in the neighborhood."
This riveting book, honest and clear, wipes away many of the shibboleths of the press. Frankly
and openly, Friedman admits his prejudices. "Although an 'objective' journalist is not supposed to
have such emotions, the truth is they made me a better reporter." Friedman credits his white heat,
his fury at Israel, with the intensity of effort that he put into his reporting on Sabra and Chatilla,
which eventually won him a Pulitzer Prize. "I took Sabra and Chatilla seriously as a blot on Israel
and the Jewish people. Afterward, I was boiling with· anger-- anger which I worked out by reporting
with all the skill I could on exactly what happened in those camps."
Friedman makes no bones about the power the PLO held over the Beirut press corps. "For any
Beirut-based correspondent, the name of the game was keeping on good terms with the PLO .... "
He recounts the discomfort he felt upon.being told that Arafat's press adviser, Mahmoud Labadi,
wanted to see him immediately. When informed of this, "the paranoia I had kept in check all
�summer ran riot and I lay awake on my bed the whole night worrying that someone was going to
burst in and blow my brains all over the wall." The next morning, Friedman went to see Labadi. "He
handed me the telex (the PLO office in New York had critiqued Friedman's work)~ I read it over and ·
then read it aloud. 'Sounds okay to me, Mahmoud,' I said, laying it down on my lap. 'It's not good
enough,' Labadi said coolly."
Like most of the press corps, Friedman and his w~fe lived in the Muslim sector of West Beirut
from 1979 to 1981, when he worked for UPI, and from April, 1982, to 1984, when he was New
York Times bureau chief. He arrived back in Beirut just six weeks before the Israeli invasion. He
was not in Lebanon during the critical year before the invasion, and there is no indication that he
developed as close relations among the Christians as he did with the PLO.
Along with his colleagues, Friedman was a victim of the Israeli invasion and bombardment of
West Beirut. "There I sat on the toilet, my head in my hands, waiting for the shelling to stop .... "
Friedman thinks the Christians wanted to retain political privileges that they were not entitled to,
but his enmity is the result of the Christian role in the Sabra and Shatila massacre that occurred two
days after the assassination of President-elect Bashir Gemayel, the commander of the Phalange
militia. The massacre was carried out by a select group of Christians most of whom are now in
Damascus along with their leader Elie Hobeika. But Friedman tars the entire Christian community
with the responsibility.
n srae,
· is brilliant and
Friedman's analysis of the cause of the Palestinian
" n any giyen
passionate, as is his rich use of anecdote to rev 1the schism in the soul
day, one could find the Israeli army arresting all Palesfmtan males ages eighteen and over in one
est Bank village, whi em t e next village an Israeli contractor would be hiring all Palestinian 7
1
'-rrlales eighteen and over to build a new Jewish. town."
Friedman chronicles the injustice perpetrated against the Palestinians and feels that Yasir Arafat
has been positive as a unifying symbol. He advocates an Israeli territorial compromise but doesn't
think it will happen.
"Israel is too important for American Jews to be left to Israelis alone,'' Friedman argues and
advocates that the United States adapt a tougher, even imposing, role with Israel.
Friedman has written a very special book. Although one may disagreewith.his opinions and
conclusions, one applauds his honesty and integrity. This ·is a m11st read.
GRAPHIC: Photo, A Lebanese father and son in Beirut in 1981. JAMES NACHTWEY
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�:\
"~'
"tv·i· .... 4
i '"(
t·.
Kenneth S. Baer ·
{£.XX>• 05/11/2000 01:22:44 PM
!
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject: readings
On 20
before SB speaks, the Torah portion read is Leviticus 25:1 --26:2. The haftarah is
orah portion is Lev. 26:3- 27:34; haftarah is Jeremiah 16:19-17:14.
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Leviticus 25 .(English-NIV)
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The LORD said to Moses on Mount Sinai,
"Speak to the Israelites and say to them: 'Whtm you enter the land I aJll going to
give you, the land itself must observe a sabbath to the LORD.
For six years sow your fields, and for six years prune your vineyards and gather
their crops.
·
.
But in the seventh year the land is to have a sabbath of rest, a sabbath to the
·LORD. Do not sow your fields or prune your vineyards.
Do not reap what grows of itself or harvest the grapes of your untended vines. The
·
land is to have a year of rest.
Whatever the land yields during the sabbath year will be food for you--for
yourse.lf, your manservant and maidservant, and the hired worker and temporary
resident who live among you,
·
as well as for your livestock and the wild animals in your land. Whatever the land
produces may be eaten.
"'Count off seven sabbaths of years--seven times seven years--so that the seven
sabbaths of years amount to a period of forty-nine years.
Then have the trumpet sounded everywhere on the tenth day of the seventh month;
on the Day ofAtonement sound the trumpet throughout your land.
Consecrate the fiftieth year and proclaim liberty throughout the land to all its
inhabitants. It shall be a jubilee for you; each one of you is to return to his family
prope'rty and each to his own clan.
.
The fiftieth year shall be a jubilee for you; do not sow and do not reap what grows
of itself or harvest the untended vines.
For it is a jubilee and is to be holy for you; eat only what is taken directly from the
,
fields.
. "'In this Year of Jubilee everyone is to return to his own property.
"'If you sell land to one of your countrymen or buy any from him, do not take
advantage of each other.
You are to buy from your countryman on the basis of the number of years since
the Jubilee. And he is to sell to you on the basis of the number of years left for'
harvesting crops.
When the years are many, you are to increase the price, and when the. years are
few, you are to decrease the price, because what he is really selling you is the
.
.
.
number. of crops.
Do not take advantage of each other, but fear your God. I am the LORD your God.
"'Follow my decrees and be careful to obey my laws, and you will live safely in
the land ..
Then the land will yield its fruit, and you will eat your fill and live there in safety.
You may ask, "What will we eat in the seventh year if we do not plant or harvest
our crops?"
I will send you such a blessing in the sixth year that the land will yield enough for
three years.
While you plant during the eighth year, you will eat from the old crop and will
continue to eat from it until the harvest of the ninth year comes in.
The land must not be sold permanently, because the land is mine and you are but
liens and my tenants.
'
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. ,,
24
Throughout the country that you hold as a possession, you must provide for the
redemption of the land.
25
"'If one of your cotintrymen becomes poor and sells some of his property, his
nearest relative is to come and redeem what his countryman has sold.
26 If, however, a man has no one to redeem it for him but he himself prospers and
acquires sufficient means to redeem it,,
27. he is to determine the value for the years since he sold it and refund the balance to
the man to whom he sold it; he can then go back to his own property.
28 But if he does not acquire the means to repay him, what he sold will remain in the
possession of the buyer until the Year of Jubilee. It will be returned in the Jubilee,
and he can then go back to his property.
29 "'If a man sells a house in a walled city, he retains the right of redemption a full
year after its sale. During that time he may redeem it. ·
30
If it is not redeemed before a full year has passed, the house in the walled city shall
belong permanently to the buyer and his descendants. It is not to be returned in the
Jubilee.
31
But houses in villages without walls around them are to be considered as open
country. They can be redeemed, and theyare to be returned in the Jubilee.
32
"'The Levites always have the right to redeem their houses in the Levitical towns,
which they possess.
33
So the property of the Levites is redeemable--that is, a house sold in any town they
hold--and is to be. returned in the Jubilee, because the houses in the towns of the
Levites are their property among the Israelites.
..
34
But the pastureland belonging to their towns must not be sold; it is their permanent
possession.
35 "'If one of your countrymen becomes poor and is unable to support himself among
you, help him as you would an alien or a temporary resident, so he can continue to
live among you.
36
Do not take interest of any kind [l] from him, but fear your God, so that your
countryman may continue to live among you.
37 You must not lend him money at interest or sell him food at a profit.
38
I am the LORD your God, who brought you out ofEgypt to give you the land of
Canaan and to be your God.
39
"'If one of your countrymen becomes poor among you and sells himself to you, do
not make him work as a slave.
40 He is to be treated as a hired worker or a temporary resident among you; he is to
work for. you until the Year of Jubilee.
. 41
Then he and his children are to be released, and he will go back to his own clan
and to the property of his forefathers.
42 · Because the Israelites are my servants, whom I brought out of Egypt, they must
not be sold as slaves.
·
43
Do not rule over them ruthlessly, but fear your God.
44 "'Your male and female slaves are to come from the nations around you; from
them you may buy slaves.
.
·
45
You may also buy some of the temporary residents living among you and
members of their clans born in your country' and they will become your property.
46
You can will them to your children as inherited property and can make them slaves
for life, but you must not rule over your fellow Israelites ruthlessly.
47
"'If an alien or a temporary resident among you becomes rich and one of your
. countrymen becomes poor and·sells himself to the alien living among you or to a
member of the alien's clan, ·
48
he retains the right of redemption after he has sold himself. One of his relatives
may redeem him:
49
An uncle or a cousin or any blood relative in his. clan may redeem him. Or if he
prospers, he may redeem himself:
'
50
He and his buyer are to count the time from the year he sold himself up to the Year
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of Jubilee. The price for his release is to be based on the rate paid to a hired man
for that number ofye¥S. ·.
· . ·
51
If many years remain, he must pay for his redemption a larger share of the price
paid for him.
52 · If only a few years remain until the Year of Jubilee, he is to compute that and pay
for his redemption accordingly .. ·
53
He is to be. treated as a man hired from year to year; you must see to it that his
owner does not rule over him ruthlessly.
·
54
"'Even if he is not redeemed in any of these ways, he ahd his children are to be
released in the Year of Jubilee,
55
for the Israelites belong to me as servants. They are my servants, whom I brought
out of Egypt. I am the LORD. your God.
1. 36 Or take excessive interest; similarly in verse 37
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Leviticus 26 (E~glish-NIV)
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1
~I}J).
_,.
~11
"'Do not make idols or set up an image or a sacred stone for yourselves, and do not
place a carved stone .in your land to1 bow down before it. I am the LORD your God.
"'Observe my Sabbaths and have reverence for my sanctuary. I am the LORD.
2
3--=-- "'If you follow my decrees and are careful to obey my commands,
I will send you rain in its season, and the ground will yield its crops and the trees
4
of the field their fruit.
·,
Your threshing will continue until grape harvest and the grape harvest will
5
continue until planting, and you will eat all the food you want and live in safety in · ·
r-::--~o~ur:...... land.
"' will grant peace in the land, and you will lie. down a:nd no one will make you
afraid. I will remove savage beasts from the' land, and the sword will not pass
thr
h your country. ·
. .
·
--=-ou will pursue your enemies, and they will fall by the sword before you.
Five of you will chase a hundred, and a hundred of you will chase ten thousand,
and your enemies will fall by the sword before you.
"'I will look on you with favor and. make you fruitful and increase your numbers,
9
·
and I will keep my covenant with you.
10
You will still be eating last year's harvest when you will have to move it out to
make room for the new. ·
·
11
I will put my dwelling place [l] among you, and I will not abhor you.
12
I will walk among you and be your God, and you will be my people.
13
I am the LORD your God, who brought you out ofEgypt so that you would no
longer be slaves to the Egyptians;. I broke the bars of your yoke and enabled you to
·walk with heads held high.
.
·
14
"'But if you will not listen to me and carry out all these commands,
15
and if you reject' my decrees and abhor my laws and fail to carry out all my
commands and·so violate my covenant,
16
then I will do this to you: 1 will bring upon you sudden terror; wasting diseases and
fever that will destroy your sight and drain away your life. You will plant seed in
vain, because your enemies will eat it.
·
17
I will set my face against you so that you will be defeated by your enemies; those
who hate you will rule over you, and you will flee even when no one is pursuing
you.
.
18
"'If after all this you will not listen to ine, I will punish you for your sins seven
times over.
1
19
I will break down your stubborn pride and make the sky above you like iron and
the ground beneath you like bronze.
20
Your strength will be spent in vain, because your soil will not yield its crops, nor
will the trees of the land yield their fruit.
21
"'If you remain hostile toward me and refuse to listen to me, I will multiply your
afflictions seven times over, as your sins deserve.·.
22
I will send wild animals against you, and they will rob you of your children,
destroy your cattle and make you so few in number that your roads will be
deserted.
·
·
23
"'If in spite ofthesethings yo:u do not accept my correction but continue to be
I
I
,
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hostile.toward me,
I myself will be hostile toward you and will afflict you for your sins seven times
0~~
.
.
25
And I will bring the sword upon you to avenge the breaking of the covenant. When
you withdraw into your cities, I will send a plague among you, and you will be
given into enemy hands.
26
When I cut off-your supply of bread, ten women will be able to bake your bread in
one oven, arid they will dole out the bread by weight. You will eat, but you will
not be satisfied.
"'If in spite ofthis you still do not listen to me but continue to be hostile toward
27
me,
28
then in my anger I wil.l be hostile toward you, and I myself will.punish you for
your sins seven times over.
.
29
You will eat the .flesh of your sons and the flesh of your daughters.
30
I will destroy your high places, cut down your incensy altars and pile your dead
bodies on the lifeless forms of your idols, and I will abhor you.
31
I will turn your cities into ruins and lay waste your sanctuaries, and I will take no
delight in the pleasing aroma of your offerings .
.--~___.._..ill lay waste the land, so that your enemies who live there will be appalled.
:(:
I will scatter you among the nations and will draw out my sword and pursue you.
---L.i.U!ruland will be laid waste, and your cities will lie in ruins.
.
34
Then the land will enjoy its sabbath years all the time that it lies desolate and you
are in the country of your enemies; then the land will rest and enjoy its sabbaths. ·
35
All the time that it lies desolate, the. hind will have the rest it did not have during
,
.
the sabbaths you lived in it.
"'As for those of you who are left, I will make their hearts so fearful in the lands of
36
their enemies that the sound of a windblown leaf will put them to flight. They will
run as though fleeing from the sword, and they will fall, even though no one is
pursuing them.
They will stumble over one another as though fleeing from the sword, even though
37
no one is pursuing them. So you will not be able to stand before your enemies.
38
You will perish among the nations; the land of your enemies will devour you.
39
Those of you who are left· will waste away in the lands of their enemies because of
their sins; also because of their fathers' sins they will waste away.
"'But if they will confess their sins and the sins of their fathers--their treachery
40
against me and their hostility toward me,
·
41
which made me hostile toward them so that I sent them into the land of their
enemies--then when their uncircumC!Sea hearts are humbled and they pay for their
sm,
_
.
remember my covenant with Jacob and my covenant with Isaac and my
nant with Abraham, and I will remember the land.
43
For the land will be deserted by them and will enjoy its sabbaths while it lies
desolate without them. They will pay for their sins because they rejected my laws
____ abhorred my decrees ..
an~d
Yet in spite of this, when they are in the land of their enemies, J will not reject
them or abhor them.so as to destroy them completely, breaking my covenant with
·
them. I am the LORD their God..
ut for their sake I will remember the covenant with their ancestors whom I
brought out of Egypt in the sight of the nations to.be their God. I am the LORD."'
46 · These are the decre~s, the laws and the regulations that the LORD established on
Mount.Sinai between himself and the Israelites through Moses.
1. 11 Or my tabernacle
Copyright© 1973, 1978, 1984.by International Bible Society. All rights reserved .. For usage
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information, please read the NIV Copyright Statement.
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The Bible Gatewayn1
Jeremiah 32 (English-NIV)
.:.·
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This is the word that came to Jeremiah from the LORD in the tenth year of
Zedekiah king of Judah, which was the eighteenth year ofNebuchadnezzar.
2
The army ofthe king ofBabylonwas then besieging Jerusalem, and Jeremiah the
prophet was confined in the courtyard of the guard in the royal palace of Judah.
Now Zedekiah king of Judah had imprisoned him there~ saying, "Why do you
3
prophesy as you do? You say, 'This is what the LORD says: I am about to hand
this city over to the king of Babylon, and he will capture it.
Zedekiah king of Judah will not escape out of the hands of the Babylonians [l] but
4
will certainly be handed over to·the king of Babylon, and will speak with him face
to face and see him with his own eyes.
'5
He will take Zedekiah to Babylon, where he will remain until I deal with him,
--.:..:--------- declares the LORD. If you fight against the Babylonians, you will not succeed."'
Jeremiah said, "The word of the LORD came to me:
Hanamel son of Shallurn your uncle is going to come to you and say, 'Buy my
. field at Anathoth, because as nearest relative it is your right and duty to buy it.'
"Then, just as the ·LORD had said, my cousin Hanamel came to me in the
. .·
8
courtyard of the guard and said, 'Buy my field at Anathoth in the territory of
Benjamin. Since it is your right to redeem it and possess it, buy it for yourself.' "I
knew that this was the word ofthe LORD;
9
so I bought the field at Anathoth from my cousin Hanamel and weighed out for ·
him seventeen shekels [I] of silver.
.
10 I signed and sealed the deed, had it witnessed, and weighed out the silver on the
scales.
11
I took the deed of purchase--the sealed copy containing the terms and conditions;
as well as the unsealed copy-12 and I gave this deed to Baruch son ofNeriah., the son ofMahseiah, in the presence
of my cousin Hanamel and of the witnesses who had signed the deed and of all the
Jews sitting in the courtyard of the guard.
"In their presence I gave Baruch these instructions:
13
14 'This is what the LORD Almighty, the God oflsrael, says: Take these documents,
both the sealed and unsealed copies of the deed of purchase, and put them in a clay
jar so they will last a long time.
15 For-this is what the LORD Almighty, the God oflsrael, says: Houses, fields and
vineyards will again be bought in this land.'
16 "After I had given the deed of purchase to· Baruch son ofNeriah, I prayed to the
LORD:
.
.
.
17 "Ah, Sovereign LORD, you have made the heavens and the earth by your great
P-Ower and outstretched arm. Nothing is too hard for you.
~
18 YOu show love to thousands but brin the unishment for the fathers' sins into the
Q_great and power
o , w ose name 1s t e
a s o eu c 1 en a er
LORD Almighty,
·:.c.·.
.
~-g-re-at are your purposes and mighty are your deeds. Your eyes are open to all the
19
ways of men; you reward everyone according to his conduct and as his deeds
deserve.
20 You performed miraculous signs and wonders in Egypt and have continued them
~ze ~
~
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\
21
22
23
24
25
1'
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26
.;;._~-2J-
28
29
to this day, both in Israel and among all mankind, and have gained the renown that
is still yours.
·
You brought your people Israel out of Egypt with signs and wonders; by a mighty
hand and an outstretched arm and with great terror.
You gave them this land you had sworn to give their forefathers, a land flowing
with milk and honey.
They came in and took possession of it, but they did not obey you or follow your
law; they did not do what you commanded them to do. So you brought all this
disaster upon them.
·
·
"See how the siege ramps are built up to take the city. Because of the sword,
famine and plague, the city will be handed over to the Babylonians who are
attacking it. What you said has happened, as you now see.
And though the city will be handed over to the Babylonians, you, 0 Sovereign
LORD, say to me, 'Buy the field with silver and have the transaction witnessed."'
Then the word of the LORD came to Jeremiah:
·"I am ~e LORD, the God of all mankind. Is anything too hard for me?
Therefore, this is what the LORD says: I am about to hand this city over to the
Babylonians and to Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, who will capture it.
The Babylonians who are attacking this city will come in and set it on fire; they
. will bum it down, along with the houses where the people provoked me to anger
by burning incense on the roofs to Baal and by pouring out drink offerings to other
~~.
'
30
r
0
"The people oflsrael and Judah have done nothing but evil in my sight from their
youth; indeed, the people of Israel have done nothing but provoke me with what
r hands have made, declares the LORD.
.
m the day it was built until now, this city has so aroused my anger and wrath
I must remove it from my sight.
.
.
32
The people oflsrael and Judah have provoked me by all the evil they have done-they, their kings and officials, their priests and prophets, the men of Judah and the
people of Jerusalem.
33
They turned their backs to me and not their faces; though I taught them again and
again, they would not listen or respond to discipline.
34
They set up their abominable idols in the house that bears my Name an~ defiled it.
35
They built high places for Baal in the Valley of Ben Hinnom to sacrifice their sons
and. daughters [J] to Molech, though I never commanded, nor did it enter my mind,
that they should do such a detestable thing and so make Judah sin.
"You are saying about this city~ 'By the sword, famine and plague it will be
36
handed over to the king of Babylon'; but this is what the LORD, the God oflsrael,
,____ ,says:
I will surely gather them from all the lands where I banish them in my furious
anger and great wrath; I will bring them back to this place and let them live in
safet
ey will be my people, and I will be their God.
I will give them singleness of heart and action, so that they will always fear me for
their own good and the good of their children after them.
40
I will make an everlasting covenant with them: I will never stop doing good to
them, and I will inspire them to fear me, so that they will never tum away from
me.
41
I will rejoice in doing them: good and will assuredly plant them in this land with all
my heart and soul.
42
''This is what the LORD says: As I have brought all this great calamity on this
people, so I will give them all the prosperity I have promised them.
43
Once more fields will be bought in this land of which you say, 'It is a desolate
waste, without men or animals, for it has been handed over to the Babylonians.'.
44
Fields will be bought for silver, and deeds will be signed, sealed and witnessed in
the territory of Benjamin, in the villages around Jerusalem, in the towns of Judah
I
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and in the towns of the hill.country, of the western foothills and of the Negev,
because I will restore their fortunes, [:!:] declares the LORD."
1.
2.
3.
· 4.
4 Or Chaldeans; also in verses 5, 24,.25, 28, 29 and 43
9 That is, about 7 ounces (about 200 grams)
35 Or to make their sons and daughters pass through [the fire]
44 Or will bring them back.from captivity
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The Bible Gateway™
Leviticus 27 (English-NIV)
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3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
The LORD said to Moses, ·
"Speak to the Israelites and say to them: 'If anyone makes a special vow to
dedicate persons to the LORD by giving equivalent values,
.. ·
set the value of a male between the ages of twenty and sixty at fifty shekels [l] of
silver; according to the sanctuary shekell1.1;
and if it is a female, set her value at thirty shekels.
If it is a person between the ages of five and twenty, set the value of a male at
t~enty shekels [:!.] and of a female at ten shekels. [iJ
If it is a person between one month and five years, set the value of a male at five
shekels [§J of silver and that of a female at three, shekels· [1] of silver.
If it is aperson sixty years old or more, set the value of a malt~ at fifteen shekels [.[]
and of a female at ten shekels.
If anyone making the vow is too poor to pay the specified amount, he is to present
the person to the priest, who will set the value for him according to what the man
making the vow can afford:
"'If what he vowed is a:n animal that is acceptable as an offering to the LORD,
such an animal givento the LORD becomes holy.
.
He must not exchange it or substitute a good one for a bad one, or a bad one for a
good one; ifhe should substituteone animal for another, both it and the substitute
·
become holy.
If what he vowed is a ceremonially unclean animal--one that is not acceptable as
an offering to the LORD-'-the animal must be presented to the priest,
who will judge its quality as good or bad. Whatever value the priest then sets, that
·
is what it will be.
If the owner wishes to redeem the animal, he must add a.fifth to its value.
"'If a man dedicates his house as something holy to the LORD, the priest will
judge its quality as good or bad. Whatever value the priest then sets, so it will
.
.
remam.
.
If the man who dedicates his house redeems it, he must add a fifth to its value, and
the house will again become his..
"'If a man dedicates to the LORD' part of his family land, its value is to be set
according to the amount of seed required for it--fifty shekels of silver to a homer
[2] of barley seed.
.
If he .dedicates his field during the Ye~ of Jubilee, the value that has been set
remams.
But if he dedicates his field after the Jubilee, the priest will determine the value
according to the number of years that remain until the next Year of Jubilee, and its
set value will be reduced.
If the man who dedicates the field wishes to redeem it, he must add a fifth to its
value, and the field will again become his.
·
If, however, he does·not redeem the field, or if he has sold it to someone else, it
can never be redeemed.
,
·
·
when the field is released in the Jubilee, it will become holy, like a field devoted
to the LORD; it will become the· property' of the priests. L!Ql
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"'If a man dedicates to the~ LORD a field he has bought, which is not part of his
22
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the priest will determine its value up to the Year of Jubilee, and the man must pay.
its value on that day as something holy to the LORD.
In the Year of Jubilee the field will revert to the person from whom he bought it,
the one whose land it was.
Every value is to be set according to the sanctuary shekel, twenty gerahs to the
shekel.
·
"'No one, however, may dedicate the firstborn of an animal, since the firstborn
already belongs to the LORD; whether an ox [ill or a sheep, it is the LORD's.
If it is one of the unclean animals, he may buy it back at its set value, adding a
fifth of the value to it. If he does not redeem it, it is to be sold at its set value ..
"'But nothing that a man owns and devotes [11] to the LORJ;)--whether man or
animal or family land--may be sold or redeemed; everything .so devoted is most
holy to the LORD.
"'No person devoted to destruction L!JJ may be ransomed; he. must be put to death.
"'A tithe of everything from the land, whether grain from the soil or fruit from the
trees, belongs to the LORD; it is holy to the LORD.
·
If a man redeems any of his tithe, he must add a fifth of the value to it.
The entire tithe of the herd and flock--every tenth animal that passes under the
shepherd's rod--will be holy to the LORD .
He must not pick out the good from the bad or inake any substitution. If he does
make a substitution, both the animal and its substitute become holy and cannot be
redeemed."'
·
These are the commands the LORD gave Moses on Mount Sinai for the Israelites.
3 That is, about 1 1/4 pounds (about 0.6 kilogram); also in verse 16
3 That is, about 2/5 ounce (about 11.5 grams); also in verse 25 .
4 That is, about 12 ounces (about 0.3 kilogram)
5 That is, about 8 ounces (about 0.2 kilogram)
5 That is, about 4 ounces (about 110 grams); also in·verse 7
6 That is, about 2 ounces (about 55 grams)
6 That is, about 1 1/4 ounces (about 35 grams)
7 That is, about 6 ounces (about 170 grams) .
16 That is, probably about 6 bushels (about 220 liters)
21 Or priest
26 The Hebrew word can jnclude both male and female.
.28 The Hebrew term refers to the irrevocable giving over of things or persons to the
LORD.
.
13. 29 The Hebrew term refers to the irrevocable giving over of things or persons to the
LORD, often by totally destroying them.
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Jeremiah 16 (English-NIV)
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Then the word of the LORD came to me:
"You must not marry and have sons or daughters in this place."
For this is what the LORD says about the sons and daughters born in th,is land and
about the women who are their mothers and the men who are their fathers:
"They will die of deadly diseases. They will not be mourned or buried but will be
like refuse lying on the ground. They will perish by sword and famine, and their
dead bodies will become food for the birds of the air and the beasts of the earth."
For this is what the LORD says: "Do not enter a house where there is a funeral
meal; do not go to mourn or show sympathy, because I have withdrawn my
blessing, my love and my pity from this people," declares the LORD.
"Both high and low will die in this land. They will not be buried or mourned, and
no one will cut himself or shave his head for them.
No one will offer food. to comfort those who mourn for the dead--not even for a
father or a mother--nor will anyone· give them a drink to console them.
"And do not enter a house where there is feasting and sit down to eat and drink.
For this is what the LORD Almighty, the God of Israel, says: Before your eyes and ·
in your days I will bring an end to the sounds of joy and gladness and to the voices
of bride and bridegroom in this place.
·
"When you tell these people all this and they ask you, 'Why has the LORD
decreed such a great disaster against us? What wrong have we done? What sin
have we committed against the LORD our God?'
. then say to them, 'It is because your fathers forsook me,' declares the LORD, 'and
followed other gods and served and worshiped them. They forsook me and did not
keep my law.
But you have behaved more wickedly than your fathers. See how each of you is
following the stubbornness of his evil heart instead of obeying me.
So I will throw you out of this land'jnto a land neither you nor your fathers have
known, and there you will serve other gods day and night, for I will show you no
favor.'
"However, the days are coming," declares the LORD, "when men will no longer
say, 'As surely as the LORD lives, who brought the Israelites up out of Egypt,'
but they will say, 'As surely as the LORD lives, who brought the Israelites up out
of the land of the north and out of all the countries where he had banished them.'
For I will restore them to the land I gave their forefathers.
"But now I will send for many fishermen," declares the LORD, "and they will
catch them. After that I will send for many hunters, and they will hunt them down
on .every mountain and hill and from 'the crevices of the rocks.
My eyes are on all their ways; they are not hidden from me, nor is their sin
concealed from my eyes ..
I will repay them double for their wickedness and their sin,. because they have
defiled .my land with the lifeless forms of their vile images and have filled my
inheritance with their detestable idols."
0 LORD; my strength and my fortress, my refuge in time of distress, to you the
nations will come from the ends of the earth and say, "Our fathers possessed
nothing but false gods, worthless idols that did them no good.
Do men make their own gods? Yes, but they are not gods!"
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"Therefore I will teach them-- this time I will teach them ·my power and might.
Then they will know that my name is the LORD.
·
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Jeremiah 17 (English-NIV)
.
.
.
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1
"Judah's sin is engrayed with an iron tool, inscribed with a flint point, on the
tablets of their hearts and on the horns of their altars.
2
Even their children remember their altars and Asherah poles [l] beside the
spreading trees and on the high hills.
My mountain in the land and your wealth and all your treasures I will give
3
away as plunder, together with your high places, because of sin throughout your
--.....l<.l.~.utry.
. '
Through your own fault you will lose the inheritance I gave you. I will enslave you
to your enemies in a land you do not know, for you have kindled my anger, and it
.
will bum forever."
~--......-....Is-Is what the LORD says: "Cursed is the one who trusts in man, who depends
on flesh for his strength and whose heart turns away from the LORD.
6
He will be like a bush in the wastelands; he will not see prosperity when it comes.
He will dwell in the parched places of the desert, in a salt land where no one lives.
7
"But blessed is the man who trusts in the LORD, whose confidence is in him.
8
He will be like a tree planted by the water that sends out its roots by the stream. It
does not fear when heat comes; its leaves are always green. It has no worries in a
year of drought and never fails to bear fruit."
9
The heart is deceitful above all things and beyond cure. Who can understand it?
10
"I the LORD search the heart and examine the mind, to reward a man according to
his conduct, according to what his deeds deserve."
11
Like a partridge that hatches eggs it did not lay is the man who gains riches by
· unjust means. When his life is half gone, they will desert him, and in the end he
will prove to be a fool.
12
A glorious throne, exalted from the beginning, is the place of our sanctuary.
13
0 LORD, the hope oflsrael, all who forsake you will be put to shame. Those who
tum away from you will be written in the dust because they have forsaken the
.
LORD, the spring of living water.
1111
fJ!J
14
Heal me, 0 LORD, and I will be healed; save me and I will be saved, for you are
_.....;...,.~-~·-= the one I praise.
15
They keep saying to me, "Where is the word of the LORD? Let it now be
fulfilled!"
16
I have not run away from being your shepherd; you know I have not desired the
day of despair. What passes my lips is open before you.
17
Do not be a terror to me; you are my refuge in the day ~f disaster.
18
Let my persecutors be put to sname, but keep me from shame; let them be
terrified, but keep me from terror. Bring on them the day of disaster; destroy them
with double destruction.
19
This is what the LORD said to me: "Go and stand at the gate of the people,
through which the kings of Judah go in and out; stand also at all the other gates of
Jerusalem.
20
Say to them, 'Hear the word of the LORD, 0 kings of Judah and all people of
Judah and everyone living in Jerusalem who come through these gates. ·
21
This is what the LORD says: Be careful not to carry a load on the Sabbath day or
bririg it through the gates of Jerusalem.
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Do not bring a load out of yoirr houses or do any work on the Sabbath, but keep
the Sabbath day holy, as I commanded your forefathers.
,
Yet they did not listen or pay attention; they were stiff-necked and would not listen
or respond to discipline.
.
But if you are careful to obey me, declares the LORD, and bring no load through
the gates of this city on the Sabbath, but keep the Sabbath day holy by not doing
·
any work on it,
then kings who sit on David's throne will come through the gates of this city with
their officials. They and their officials will come riding in chariots and on horses, .
accompanied by the men of Judah and those living in Jerusalem, and this city will
be inhabited forever.
People will come from the towns of Judah and the villages around Jerusalem, from
the territory of Benjamin and the western foothills, from the hill country and the
Negev,. bringing burnt offerings and sacrifices, grain offerings, incense and thank
offerings to the house of the LORD .
But if you do not obey me to keep the Sabbath day holy by not carrying any load
as· you come through the gates of Jerusalem on the Sabbath day, then I will kindle
.an unquenchable fire in the gates of Jerusalem that will consume her fortresses."'
1. 2 That is, symbols of the goddess Asherah
2. [2,3] Or hills I [3] and the mountains·ofthe land. I Your
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Peace With Syria?
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30 ACCLAIMED
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·Issues·
People of the Golan I Finance I Water I MIAs
Borders I The Psychology I Timing: Why Now?
I Strategy & Security
I The Deal 1The Golan
The Psychology
Preparing the Syrian public for peace
By Zvi Bar'el
.
·
This article appears courtesy of Haaretz
··
/4f- / P,.... f'f
Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk Shara, who has received a full mandate
from President Hafez Assad to negotiate with Israel, must now also
begin preparing public opinion in Syria for the new shift in their
president's policy.
·
Shara has a two-fold problem. Personally, he is not yet convinced of.
Israel's strategic turnabout and the seriousness of its intention to hand
over the Golan in return for peace with Syria. Shara has already
witness.ed too many Israeli declarations that were not accompanied by
action.
His bigger problem, however, will be reshaping public opinion ahead of
the peace treaty with Israel. If Syria is indeed seeking to move the
process ahead quickly, and meets with equal willingness on Israel's
behalf, it will be required within months to present the Syrian public
with new facts completely contrary to the ideology preached to them for
decades.
The Israeli perception that public opinion is meaningless in a
dictatorship such as Syria, has no leg to stand on. Assad, understanding
the importance of public opinion, has for years worked to appoint aides
and officers from diversified segments of his population, mainly from.
the rural periphery. Shara is only one example of this. An Alawi regime· .
ruling a Sunni Muslim state cannot ignore the ethnic religious makeup
of its subjects, hence the importance ofcpropaganda and public
relations. This is why Shara was quick to include the head of the Syrian
news agency - whose role in preparing public opinion for the current
moves is crucial - in the small delegation he headed to Washington.
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Peace With Syria?
_,.
Thus, for example, a recent editorial in the Tishrin paper referred to the
need to return to ·the "former borders," not to the June 4 border or the
international border, but the "former borders" - the exact meaning of
which no one knows. Likewise, Syrian officials and media no longer talk
of "comprehensive peace" but of "just" peace, preparing the ground for .
a separate peace treaty with israel, hitherto a loathsome concept to
Syria.
·
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Wit-l>l Syria?
Issues
People of the Golan I Finance I Water I MIAs
. Borders I The Psychology I Timing: Why Now?
I Strategy & Security
I The Deal I The Golan
Timing: Why Now?
It's the economy, stupid
By Nehemia Strasler
This article appears courtesy of Haaretz /,Z-/7-/?yp
Immediately after the announcement of the resumption of the
negotiations with Syria, Israel TV's Channel One commentator Ehud
Ya'ari said that patience is the most dominant trait in Syrian President
Hafez Assad's character, so it is not surprising that he only now decided
to get into a peace process with Israei.But it seems that Assad's most
dominant trait is actually anxiety. He's afraid of every change, from
every risk - the precise opposite of the late Anwar Sadat.
Assad could have jumped on the peace wagon in 1977, when Sadat had
the courage to land in Tel Aviv and speak to the Knesset in Jerusalem.
But Assad cut his ties with Egypt and put Syria at the head of the
rejectionist front. Assad could have reached an agreement with Yitzhak
Rabin in 1993, but he was scared then to give something up.
Now, ailing, he apparently understands how much damage he did to his
people because he was stubborn and afraid all those years. Now it looks
like he understands that his regime's focus on military and security
matters, disregarding economic and social affairs, is the reason his
country is facing its worst economic crisis in years.
The Syrian economy is old-fashioned, indeed retarded, based on
agriculture and oil. But the oil will be gone in a decade and the drought
of the past few years has seriously damaged Syrian farmers. In any
.
case, an economy based on agriculture is doomed to a· low income per
capita and poverty. The infrastructure in Syria is in a dismal state. The
water pumps in Damascus stop working at night, there's electricity
rationing and the telecommunications network is overloaded and out of
date.
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The government tries to run things the waythe old Soviet Union was
run and the result is.a complex bureaucracy that destroys eyery
attempt at private initiative. Syria is closed to the global economy by
steep customs barriers and import bans that might compete with local
manufacturers. There's no bourse, so businesses can't..turn to the public
to raise money in order to expand. There's no private banking system,
only a few large institutions run by the government - and 98 percent of
their loans go to. the government sector, with only 2 percent to private
business. The vast majority of economic activities is conducted in cash checks are a rarity and getting a loan is an ·adventure. There's no
central bank in Syria, either. The government has a committee that sets
interest rates. This is not an economy with much of a chance in the
world as we know it.
·
Syria is in the midst of a deep recession, with negative growth and 30 .
. percent of the work force is unemployed. The minimum wage is $50 a
month, the average wage is $100 a month. No wonder a million Syrian
workers make their living in Lebanon. The Gross Domestic Product per
capita is $900 ·a year (compared to $16,500 a year in Israel) and
foreign debt stands at the $22 billion mark, 1.5 times the annual GDP
for the country.
It's this crisis that apparently forced Assad to change his mind. He saw
how a superpower like the USSR could fall arid how East European
autocrats were pushed aside (and sometimes executed) because of
widespread poverty and economic disasters in their countries.
Assad apparently is expecting that by signing a peace treaty with Israel
he will be able to undertake the reforms so necessary for the Syrian
economy. He expects U.S. help, including cash, advice and the removal
of Syria from the list of states that support terror, which will enable
Damascus to finally escape its economic isolation.
It's clear what he'll get from peace, but what about Israel? It's clear the
direct benefit is not great,· because Syria is not a market for Israeli
'
exports, and imports from Syria won't be significant.
But just like Syria, the economic benefits of peace will be tremendous
for Israel. If there's something casting a shadow over growth in our
economy, it's the so-called "Israel risk" factor in international economic
reports. The "Israel risk" factor is the risk of investing in an economy
that can be hit by sudden war, and it raises the price of capital in Israel,
lowering the amount of direct foreign .investment in the economy.
Right after the signing of the September 1993 Oslo accords, there was a
drastic reduction in the "Israel risk." The agreement was one of the key
reasons for the huge increase in direct foreign investment, the 7
percent a year growth of 1994 and 1995, and the subsequent decline in
unemployment from more than 11 percent to slightly more than 6
percent.
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Peace With Syria?
..... ...
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ISsues
Peoole of the Golan I Finance I Water I MIAs
Borders I The Psychology I Timing: Why Now?
I Strategy & Security
I The Deal I The Golan
The Psychology
A window into a negotiator's mind
·
·By Ze'ev Schiff
This article appears courtesy of Haaretz
.
I - ~ _.. ~~O
it is·not often that a person heading a team conducting delicate political
negotiations, such as those between Israel and Syria, publishes a study
on the negotiations while they are in progress. But it happened this
week, when the James Baker Institute at Rice University in Texas
published a research paper by Major General (Res.) Uri Saguy, the head
of the Israeli team negotiating with Syria.This 85-page paper was
written by Saguy while he was a research fellow at the institute, on the
eve of his appointment to his present post. An introduction to the paper
states that Saguy in January 2000 accompanied Prime Minister Ehud
Barak to the Shepherdstown talks.
· The introduction was written by Edward Djerejian, a former American
ambassador to Israel and Syria who is now working as the directorof
the Baker Institute. It may certainly be assumed that the institute sent
the paper to both the Syrian president and his foreign minister. For
them, it will surely be an interesting paper, providing them with an
opportunity to enter the thoughts of the Israelis sitting across from
them at the negotiating table.
Saguy's work can be reviewed from two points: the research
perspective and the recommendations scattered throughout it.
The research chapter deserves high marks. It excels in its description of
the background necessary to understand the process of readying Israel
and Syria to conduct negotiations.
For Israel, it was a process in which it learned to understand the
limitations of its military strength and the legitimate needs of the
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Arabs.
This is the case, although many Arabs, including some in Syria, see
terrorist acts against Israel as legitimate and the peace has not really
trickled down to the popular level.
Saguy stresses that peace will not eliminate the strategic threats to
Israel, but will prevent their materialization. Israel, therefore, will
emphasize its security requirements and maintain its deterrent ability.
Syria has grasped, according to Saguy, that the comprehensive Arab
military option against Israel does·not exist. Israel no longer unites an
Arab consensus around it. Syria has understood that Israel's military
advantage stems from its special ties with the United States.
Some joint interests of Israel and several Arab states have also
emerged in the face of threats from radical Islamic elements.
Syria was the last country that adapted itself to the global changes and
its difficult economic situation is spurring it forward to precede the
Palestinians in reaching an agreement with Israel, so that it can reap
the economic benefits of peace.
The section of Saguy's study offering recommendations should be seen
in a different light, and reactions to it have been mixed. One example is
the proposal that the United States and Israel recognize Syria's de jure
control of Lebanon. Saguy believes a Syrian presence in Lebanon i'n
times of peace will give Israel a strategic advantage - at least in regard
to preventing terrorism.
·
This is a very significant accomplishment for Damascus. Is this really
Israel's ambition: a large Syrian state spreading in the distant future
across Lebanon's territory?
There is also an ethical contradiction between Saguy's willingness to
grant approval to the Syrian occupation of Lebanon and the
acknowledgment that the-era of controlling other nations is over, as is
illustrated by the Palestinian issue.
·
Another proposal states that it is not necessary to include the elements
of normalization in a peace treaty between Israel and Syria, and that
such elements would best be left to a later time when bilateral
agreements between the co'untries are signed.
According to him, it is ,more important to have a good peace from a
strategic perspective than to force on Syria elements of normalization
which are of limited use to Israel in any case. The question is whether
strategic peace can rely only on security arrangements.
Saguy also accepts the Syrian argument that demilitarization
arrangements and thinner deployments should also apply in Galilee on
the Israeli side, even if they do not match the extent of those on the
Syrian side.
·
Saguy is careful not to state his opinion on the Syrian demand for a
withdrawal to the June 4 lines, and it is unclear from the study what. he
thinks about an Israeli warning station on Mount Hermon.
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Peace With Syria?
In contrast, he believes the Syrian demand that Israel disarm itself of .
nuclear weaponry would not be a factor preventing a peace agreement,
provided that the Syrians are satisfied regarding their demand for an
Israeli withdrawal.
He believes that most Golan Heights residents.will consent to an
extensive withdrawal from there. In any case, the head of the Israeli
negotiating team feels that in order to achieve an agreement, the
aggressive and direct involvement of the United States, including its
president, is necessary.
©copyright 1999 Ha'aretz. All Rights Reserved
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�Zionists Proclaim New State Of Israel
Page I of4
I nternatlonal
~;~
- - Wiitj@ijii 4 i ! M j i ! l § i - MM!5MIOWI.jfhfiMFI§j
FROM THE ARCHIVES/
May 15, 1948
Zionists Proclaim New State Of Israel; Truman
Recognizes It And Hopes For Peace; TelAviv Is
Bombed, Egypt Orders Invasion
By GENE CURRIVAN Special to The New York Times
el Aviv, Palestine, Saturday, May 15 --The Jewish state, the
world's newest sovereignty, to be known as the State of Israel,
came into being in Palestine at midnight upon termination of the
· British mandate.
T
Recognition of the state by the United States,
which had opposed its establishment at this
Israel at SO
time, came as a complete surprise to the people,
who were tense and ready for the threatened
invasion by Arab forces and appealed for help
by the United Nations.
In one of the most hopeful periods of their troubled history the Jewish
people here gave a sigh of relief and took a new hold on life when they
learned that the greatest national power had accepted.them into the
international fraternity.
Ceremony Simple and Solemn
The declaration of the new state by David Beit-Gurion, chairman of the
National Council and the first Premier of reborn Israel, was delivered
during a simple and solemn ceremony at 4 P.M., and new life was
instilled into his people, but from without there was the rumbling of
guns, a flashback to other declarations of independence that had not
been easily achieved.
·
The first action of the new Government was to revoke the Palestine
White Paper of 1939, which restricted Jewish immigration and land·
purchase.
In the proclamatio f the new state the Government appealed to the
nite
a
o assist the Jewish people in the building of its state
and to admit Israel into the family of nations."
The proclamation added:
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�Zionists Proclaim New State Of Israel
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"We offer peace and amity to all neighboring states and their peoples,
and invite them to cooperate with the independent Jewish nation for the
common good of all. The State of Israel is ready to contribute its full
share to the peaceful progress and reconstitution of the Middle East."
World Jews Asked to Aid
The statement appealed to Jews throughout the world to assist in the
task of immigration and development and in the "struggle for the·
fulfillment of the dream of generations -- the redemption of Israel."
Plans for the ceremony had been laid with great secrecy. None but the
hundred or more invited guests and journalists was aware of the
m~eting until it started, and. ev~:~a• ned of ~e o~ly ten~
mmutes before. It was held m t
el
useum of
white,
modern-design two-story building. Above it flew the Star of David,
which is the state's flag, and below, on the sidewalk, was a guard of
honor of the Jewish Agency for Palestine.
As photographers' bulbs flashed and movie cameras ground out reels of
the scene, great crowds gathered and cheered the Ministers and other ·
members of the Government as they entered the building. The security
arrangements were perfect. Sten guns were brandished in every
direction and even the roofs bristled with them.
'n of the proclamatio
as a dropped gallery
The setting for the
whose hall held paintings by prommen ewish artists. Many of them
depicted the sufferings and joys of the people of the Diaspora, the
dispersal of the Jews.
The thirteen Ministers of the Government Council sat at a long dais
beneath the photograph 'of Theodor Herzl, who in 1897 envisaged a
Jewish state. Vertical pale blue and white flags of the· state hung to both
sides. To the left of the ministers and below them sat other members of
the national administration. There are thirty-seven in all, but some
were unable to get here from Jerusalem
At 4 P.M. sharp the assemblage rose and sa the Hatikvah, the
national anthem. The participants seemed to smg
gusto
and inspiration. The voices had hardly subsided when the "squat,
white-haired chairman, Mr. Ben-Gurion, started to read the
proclamation, which in a few hours was to transform most of those
present from persons without a country to proud nationals. When he
pronounced the words, "We hereby proclaim the establishment of the
Jewish state in Palestine, to be called Israel," there was thunderous
applause and not a few damp eyes.
After the proclamation had been read and the end of the White Paper
and of its land laws pronounced, Mr. Ben-Gurion signed the document
and was followed by all the other members of the administration, some
by proxy. The last to sign was Moshe Shertok, the new Foreign Minister
· and the Jewish Agency's delegate to the United Nations. He was roundly
applauded and almost mobbed by photographers.
·
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�Zionists Proclaim New State Of Israel
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The ceremony ended with everyone standing silently while the
orchestral strains of the Hatikvah filled the room. Outside, the fever of
nationalism was spreading with fond embraces, warm handshakes and
kisses. Street vendors were selling flags, crowds gathered to read posted
bulletins, and newspapers were being sold everywhere.
· As the sabbath had started, there was not the degree of public rejoicing
that there would have been any other day.
The proclamation was to have been read at 11 P.M. but was advanced
to 4 because of the sabbath. Mr. Shertok explained that the
proclamation had to be made yesterday because the mandate was to end
at midnight and the Zionists did not want a split second to intervene
between that time and the formal establishment of the state.
In the preamble to the declaration of in de endence he history of the
ewi
eop e was· race riefly from its birth in the Land of Israel to
this day. The preamble touched on the more modern highlights,·. '
including Herzl's vision of a state, acknowledgment of the Balfour
··Declaration in 1917, and its reaffirmation by the League ofNations
mandate and by the United Nations General Assembly resolution of
Nov.29,1947.
·
It asserted that this recognition by the United Nations ofthe right of the ·
Jewish people to establish an independent state could not be revoked
and added that it was the "self-evident right ofthe Jewish people to be a
nation, as all other nations, in its own sovereign .state."
_. ..
,·
The proclamation stated that as of midnight the National Council would
act as a Provisional State Council and that its executive organ, the
National Administration, would constitute a provisional government
until elected bodies could be set up before Oct. 1.
The new state, according to the proclamation, will uphold .the "social
and political equality of all its citizens without distinction of race, creed
or sex" and will guarantee full freedom of conscience, worship, .
education and culture."
The statement pledged safeguarding ofthe sanctity and inviolability of
shrines and holy places of all religions. It also contained a promise to
uphold the principle of the United Nations.
There was great cheering and drinking of toasts in this blackened city
when word was received that the United States had recognized the
provincial Government. The effect on the ·people, especially those
drinking late in Tel Aviv's coffee houses, was electric~ They even ran
into the blackness of the streets shouting, cheering and toasting the ·
United States.
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�Zionists Proclaim New State Of Israel
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.04/25/2000
�Declarat:ion of Establishment of State of Israel
http://www.israel.org/mfa/go.asp?MFAHOOhbO
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THE DECLARATION OF THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE STATE OF ISRAEL
May 14, 1948
m
Facts About
Israel
~ Forei9n
.
Relations
~ Israel at 50 & ·
Beyond
EJ Government
On May 14, 1948, on. the day in which the British Mandate
overa Palestine expired, the Jewish People's Council
gathered at the Te/Aviv Museum, and approved the
following proclamation, declaring the establishment of the
State of Israel. The new state wa~ recognized that night at
11:00 AM Israel time by the United States and three days
later by the USSR.
·
. ,,. -
~ Personalities
13 Peace
PrO'Cess
~Culture
1f1 Economy
[i
Religion
Text:·
ERETZ-ISRAEL [(Hebrew)- the Land of Israel, Palestine] was the
birthplace ofthe Jewish people. Here their spiritual, religious
and political identity was shaped.· Here they first attained to .
· statehood, created cultural values of national and universal
significance and gave to the world the eternal Book of Books.
Cl Quicksearch
I
.......
I
111 Powersearch
After being forcibly exiled from their land, the people kept
faith with it throughout their Dispersion and never ceased to
pray and hope for their return to it and for the restoration in it
of their political freedom.
Impelled by this historic and traditional attachment, Jews
in every successive generation to re-establish
themselves in their ancient homeland. In recent decades
they returned in their masses. Pioneers, ina'pilim [(Hebrew)s~rove
immigrants coming to Eretz-lsrael in defiance of restrictive legislation]
and defenders, they made deserts bloom, revived the
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�Declara'iion of Establishment of State of Israel
http://www.israel.org/mfa!go.asp?MFAHOOhbO
''I
Hebrew language, built villages and towns, and created a
thriving community controlling its own economy and culture,
loving peace but knowing how to defend itself, bringing the
blessings of progress to all the country's inhabitants, and
aspiring towards independent nationhood.
In the year 5657 (1897), at the summons of the spiritual
father of the Jewish State, Theodore Herzl, the First Zionist
Congress convened and proclaimed the right of the Jewish
people to national rebirth in its own country.
This right was recognized in the Balfour Declaration of the
2nd November, 1917, and re-affirmed in the Mandate of the
League of Nations which, in particular, gave international
sanction to the htstoric connection between the Jewish
people and Eretz-lsrael and to the right of the Jewish people
to rebuild its National Home.
The catastrophe which recently befell the Jewish people - the
massacre of millions of Jews in Europe -was another clear
demonstration of the urgency of solving the problem of its
homelessness by re-establishing in Eretz-lsrael the Jewish
State, which would open the gates of the homeland wide to
every-Jew and confer upon the Jewish people the status of a
. fully privileged member of the commity of nations .
_;
. Survivors of the Nazi holocaust in Europe, as well as Jews
from other parts of the world, continued to migrate to
Eretz-lsrael, undaunted by difficulties, restrictions and
dangers, and never ceased to assert their right to a life of
dignity, freedom and honest toil in their national homeland;
In the Second World War, the Jewish community of this
countr-Y contributed its full share to the struggle of the
.
freedom- and peace-loving nations against the forces of Nazi
wickedness and,Jby the blood of its soldiers and its war
· effort, gained the right to be reckoned among the peoples
who founded the United Nations.
On the 29th November, 1947, the United Nations General
Assembly passed a resolution calling for the establishment .of
a J.ewish State in Eretz-lsrael; the General Assembly
required the inhabitants.of Eretz-lsrael to take such steps as
were necessary on their part for the implementation of that
resolution. This recognition by the United Nations of the right
of the Jewish· people to establish their State is irrevocable.
This right is the ·natu~al right of the ~ewish people to be
masters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own
sovereign State.
·
ACCORDINGLY WE, MEMBERS OF THE PEOPLE'S
COUNCIL, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE JEWISH
COMMUNITY OF ERETZ-ISRAEL AND OF THE ZIONIST
MOVEMENT, ARE HERE ASSEMBLED ON THE DAY OF
THE TERMINATION OF THE BRITISH MANDATE OVER
ERETZ-ISRAEL AND, BY VIRTUE OF OUR NATURAL AND
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Declarat-ion of Establishment of State of Israel
http://w~.israel.org/mfa/go.asp?MFAHOOhbO
WE DECLARE that; with effect from the moment of the
termination of the Mandate being tonight, the eve of
Sabbath, the 6th lyar, 5708 (15th May, 1948), until the
establishment of the elected, regular authorities of the State
in accordance with the Constitution which shall be adopted
by the Elected .Constituent Assembly not later than the 1st
October 1948, the People's Council shall act as a Provisional
Council of State, and its executive organ, the People's.
Administration, shall be the Provisio'nal Government ofthe
Jewish State, to be called "lsraej".
THE STATE OF ISRAEL will be opem for Jewish immigration
and for the Ingathering of the Exiles; it will foster the
development of the country for the benefit of all its
;..}., inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as
~ envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete
. equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants
irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom
of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it·
will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be
faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
f
THE STATE OF ISRAEL is prepared to cooperate with the
agencies and representatives of the United Nations in
implementing the resolution of.the General Assembly of the
29th November, 194 7, and will take steps to bring about the
economic union of the whole of Eretz-lsrael.
WE· APPEAL to the United Nations to assist the Jewish
people in the building-up of its Sfate and to receive the State·
of Israel into the comity of nations.
WE APPEAL ~ in the very midst of the onslaught launched
against us now for months - to the Arab inhabitants of the
State of Israel to preserve peace and participate in the
upbuilding of the State on the basis of full and equal
citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and
permanent institutions.
·
WE EXTEND our hand to all neighbouring states and. their·
. peoples in an-offer of peace and good neighbourliness, and
appeal to them to establish bonds of cooperation and mutual
help with the sovereign Jewish people settled in its own land.
The State of Israel is prepared to do its share in a common
effort for the advancement of the entire Middle East.
WE APPEAL to the Jewish people throughout the Diaspora
· to rally round the Jews of Ereti:-lsrael in the tasks of
immigration and upbuilding and to stand by them in the great
struggle for the realization of the age-old dream -the
redemption of Israel.
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Declaration of Establishment of State of Israel
PLACING OUR TRUST IN THE ALMIGHTY, WE AFFIX
OUR SIGNATURES TO THIS PROCLAMATION AT THIS
SESSION OF THE PROVISIONAL COUNCIL OF STATE,
ON THE SOIL OF THE HOMELAND, IN THE CITY OF .
TEL-AVIV, ON THIS SABBATH EVE, THE 5TH DAY OF
IYAR, 5708 (14TH MAY,1948).
David Ben-Gurion
Daniel Auster
Mordekhai Bentov
Yitzchak Ben Zvi
Eliyahu Berligne
Fritz Bernstein
Rabbi Wolf Gold
Meir Grabovsky
Yitzchak Gruenbaum
Dr. Abraham
Granovsky
Eliyahu Dobkin
Meir Wilner-Kovner
Zerach Wahrhaftig
Herzl Vardi
Rachel Cohen·
Rabbi Kalman
Kahana
Saadia Kobashi c
Rabbi Yitzchak Meir
Levin·
Meir David
Loewenstein
..
Zvi Luria
Golda Myerson
Nachum Nir ·
Zvi Segal ·
Rabbi Yeh'uda Leib ·
Hacohen Fishman
David Zvi Pinkas
Aharon Zisling
Moshe Kolodny ·
Eliezer Kaplan
Abraham Katznelson
Felix Rosenblueth
David Remez
Berl Repetur
Mordekhai Shattner
Ben Zion Sternberg.
Bekhor Shitreet
Moshe Shapira
Moshe Shertok
*Published in the Official Gazette, No.1 of the 5th, lyar, 5708 (14th
May, 1948).
Copyright (c)1999 The State of Israel. All rights reserved. Terms of Use Use of Cookie
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�USNews: Entwined with Palestine; Abba Eban looks back (5/4/98)
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World Report 5/4/98
THE PALESTINIANS
Victor and vanquished,
entwined
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BY FOUAD AJAMI
When the Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish a
decade ago penned the declaration of an abortive
Palestinian state, he had in front of him, for
inspiration, Israel's declaration of independence. It
has been that kind of relationship between
Zionism and Palestinian.nationalism. Zionism, the
eminent historian Bernard Lewis once observed, is
unique among the national movements for giving
birth to two projects: a Jewish national home and
its nemesis, Palestinian nationhood. Zionism won
the race outright in 1948, but the Palestinian
movement has trailed it like its shadow.
In the annals of the Palestinians, 1948 is the year
of a/ Nakba, the calamity, the taking to the road of
the refugees, the dispersion. But from the
beginning, the relationship between "i,..tnr..srTf.Y"'-~
vanquished was more tangled than
the very same war that brought \/lrlrnnt"..n-..;~--knit together the Palestinians who h
been scattere under Israeli, Egyptian, and
. m1 10n
man
."
s a we o WI
alestinians?" asked the victorious Israeli
commander, Yitzhak Rabin. Histo su lied a
amman er s query. A
sy, 1ron1c answer
quarter century after that feat of arms, _it fell to the
same Israeli soldier to cobble together a historic
compromise with the Palestinians at Oslo. Rescue
for the Palestinians came in 1993 not from
Baghdad or Cairo or Tehran or Damascus. It
emerged on the land west of the Jordan River, out
of the most tangled of national rivalries, out of the
unique terms of engagement between Zionism and
Palestinian nationalism. Israel had wearied of the
"tower and stockade" Zionism of its early youth; it
had wearied of the insurrection and wanted
normalcy for itself. Whether he admitted it or not,
Rabin knew that he had sanctioned Palestinian
4/25/2000 4:00PM
�USNews:
i
Entwin~d
.::.'-
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with Palestine; Abba Eban looks back (5/4/98)
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wysiwyg:ll121/http://www.usnews.coll)lusnews/issue/980504/4coub.htrn
statehood at Oslo. And so did Binyamin
Netanyahu, the reluctant inheritor of the Oslo
accords, when he accepted withdrawal from
Hebron last year. Israel is done with military rule
over the Palestinians, and if, as in all likelihood,
Vasser Arafat declares his own state in May
1999--the target date for the end of "final status
talks" between Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization--no Israeli tanks will roll into the
alleyways of Ramallah and Nablus.
For the protagonists, this is the closing of a circle.
Arafat, who had wanted it all--min a/ nahr ita at
bahr, from the river to the sea--rode into his turf
astride two contradictory forces: the uprising of the
children of the stones and Israel's determination to
"get Gaza auf of Tel Aviv," its eagerness for
separation from the Palestinians.
The luck of a national movement often lies in the
enemy it draws. There are 20 million Kurds: They
have no friends but the mountains, and they have
four states (Syria, Iran, Turkey, Iraq) united in ·
determination that no independent .Kurdistan shall
emerge. There are countless other nationalisms
·
the world over, thwarted in obscurity.
But the Palestinians drew Zionism. To be sure,
they were no match for its skills and for the
determination of the Zionists to create their own
world. But the Palestinians hung on, and they
found in Zionism's sensibilities, and in its
"peculiar" status as an offshoot of liberal European
nationalism on Middle Eastern shores, a kind of
sustenance.
DIPLOMATIC VOICE
Abba Eban looks back
He became Israel's most eloquent voice. Now, at
83; former Foreign Minister Abba Eban has
published his eighth book: Diplomacy for the Next
Century. He spoke wjtfi Semor Correspondent
· Riel lard Z. Chesnoff.
·
l
b
On Israel's birth. L
was in America with [Zionist
leader Chaim] Weizmann, who was the o
who had an a
o res1 ent arry] Truman.
now what seized hold of Truman.
Everyone was against establishing the State of
Israel: George Marshall, the State· Department.
But you had this rather wondrous character
saying, "That's not the way it's going to be. I'm
going to recognize the State of Israel." That
recognition sent its repercussions throughout the
world ... and everything flows from it.
On the Arab world. I doubt the Arab world will
ever say, "Israel is a fine idea." But reluctantly
they now say, "Israel is very strong and deeply
entrenched in the area." There was a period when
Israel asked the Arab world for nothing but
rhetorical concessions. Today they no longer deny
our legality ... and Arab leaders say they want to
live in peace with us.
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USNews: Entwined with'Palestine; Abba Eban looks back (5/4/98)
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On Israel's surviv_m._LLgoeS-beyor:u:LQ.Q___ .
achievement. we::a.re a colossal success::::tl9e solid
growth of a pdpulat1on from 600,000 in those early,
embattled days and now more than 5 million Jews
in a citizenry of 6 million. Then we have economic
achievement; Israel now claims with justification to
live on a level with countries of the European
Union. And we have strategic predominance in the
region. For a once fragile, lonely country, it's a
very impressive story.
On the peace process. Vasser Arafat may be as
decisive as he can be--which is not the same as
being as decisive as he might be. The most
dramatic peace process decision taken by Yitzhak
Rabin was to regard Arafat as the partner. It was
based on the assumption that Arafat is so weak he
has no alternative. Perhaps not enough weight
was given to the alternative he does have:
terrorism.
Some of us wish Israel were making more use of
diplomacy. Israel has made one extremely serious
mistake. We had a recent opportunity for an
alliance with the United States [to move the peace
process forward]. I regard [Prime Minister
Binyamin] Netanyahu's refusal to seize that .
opportunity as Israel's greatest error. David
Ben-Gurion would have pounced on it. ... There
are risks for Israel. But the risks are .
counterbalanced by a disparity in power almost
unparalleled in the history of modern conflicts.
Challenges. There is really a crisis of identity
within Israel. The symbol of it is the idea of a direct
election of a prime minister: It is a colossal deceit.
What has happened is that all the viable powers
are concentrated now in one person who appoints
and disappoints and makes alliances as he
wishes. There's nothing like that in the democratic
world outside Israel. It's statutory despotism, and if
it continues, Israel can work itself out of the
--democratic family.
On language
cement that
s .
. s a triumph of a
people which could consolidate its forces and now
speaks the same language it spoke 3,000 years
ago.
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�Page 1 of4
} News Analysis: In Mideast, Wariness Mixed With New Hope
i'
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September 5, 1999
NEWS ANALYSIS
In Mideast, Wariness Mixed With New
HQpe ..
Related Articles
•
•
•
•
.
Barak and Arafat Sign Peace Accord With a New Hope
Diplomacy: Assad Stands Firm on Conditions for Restarting Talks
Deal Resumes Work That Cost Rabin His Life, Arafat Says
Issue in Depth: The Midast Peace Process
By DEBORAH SONTAG
ERUSALEM -- Palestinians have been far more riveted by the
recent Arab Games, in which their ragtag soccer team captured
the bronze medal, than by the latest peace talks that yielded yet
another agreement with Israel, signed Saturday night in Egypt
J
Experience has dashed their hopes one too many times. After the
festive signing ceremonies, many feel, the interim' peace agreements
become contracts to be violated. It is hard for Palestinians not to
note that the late-night signing ceremony celebrated a memorandum
.that reaffirms an agreement feted last year at the White House -- and
suspended less than two months later..
"When your heart gets broken so often, you don't let yourself keep
falling in love," said Walid Khalil, who was shopping for running
shoes Saturday in the Old City. "Why should this time be different?"
It can be argued that circumstances make this time different, riper
with promise. And the new agreement itself, which contains a
detailed and negotiated time line, should make compliance easier
and more likely.
"The agreement as it was would have led us to a clear deadlock," a
senior Israeli official said. "There was no real pathway for how to
proceed. It would have led to a violent freeze."
Palestinian and Israeli officials agree that the new understanding
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/090599mideast-peace-assess.html
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News Analysis: In Mideast, Wariness Mixed With New Hope
Page 2 of4
helps their leaders accomplish their goals. Ehud Barak, the new
Prime Minister of Israel, and Yasir Arafat, the Palestinian leader, are
both bearing down on personal deadlines.
·
Barak is a man with a mission and a stopwatch: He wants to sketch
the broad outlines of a regional peace within 15 months.
And Arafat, 70 and still wearing his revolutionary fatigues, wants to
deliver to his people a Palestinian state by next September at the
latest.
Like Barak, Arafat has fixed a keen eye on the American political
calendar, which leaves President Clinton barely a ye'ar to shepherd a
permanent peace agreement. And he is anxious that his quest not be
sidelined by Israel's pursuit of peace with Syria.
Barak is believed to think that a deal with Syria, once a relationship
is revived, could be easier and neater than negotiating the fate of
Jerusalem, Jewish settlements and the refugees w~th the
Palestinians. But the relationship will take a while to revive;
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright did not leave. Syria this
afternoon with any invitations for Israeli diplomats to visit.
Barring an outbreak of terrorism, then, Barak could be expected to
plow through his obligations under the new agreement. He may not
be a polished diplomat -- witness the ultimatums he issued to the
Palestinians last week-- but he is known for being a rock-solid man
of his word.
He said it would take him eight weeks from the time he took office
to reach an agreement with the Pales~inians, and it did.
"I believe that the most important thing is the implementation, and it
will happen immediately," said Yossi Beilin, the Minister of Justice.
"It's not a matter of thinking or believing but doing," he said. "We
came into power to make this happen, not to bypass decisions and
find excuses not to do things."
The newly negotiated agreement allows little wiggle room,
providing a very full agenda for the next month. In about 10 days,
Israel will tum 7 percent of the West Bank over to Palestinian civil
co?trol, keeping its army there. It will also release the first group of
pnsoners.
On Oct. 1, Israel will open a southern safe-passage route between
Gaza and the West Bank, connecting the Palestinian territories in a
very important development to Palestinian businessmen, students
and families who are separated. Also on Oct. 1, construction will
begin on a commercial seaport in Gaza.
Barak is maintaining a relatively quiet, behind-the-scenes profile, in
vivid contrast to his predecessor, Benjamin Netanyahu, who
dominated the television screens and provided a regular commentary
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News Analysis: In Mideast, Wariness Mixed With New Hope
on his own accomplishments and the short~omings of others.
During the negotiations, for instance, Barak signed a series of
measures to ease the entry of Palestinians into Isra~l. It went
unpublicized. Palestinian officials knew, and some took it as a goodwill gesture, easing what to them have been Israel's noxious border
restrictions. But Barak, by not demanding credit, did not antagonize
the Palestinians or stir up the Israeli right wing.
The new agreement only slightly modifies the text of the Wye
memorandum, negotiated last fall in Wye River, Md., by the
previous Israeli Government. But both Israelis and Palestinians feel
that it offers them a more concrete plan -- with dates, numbers and
intentions spelled out. Both sides, using the same phrase, described
·it as a "win win" approach compared with the "zero sum game"
approach under Netanyahu.
The new agreement compels the Israelis to withdraw from 11
percent more territory in the West Bank, in three stages, and to
release 350 security prisoners, among other things. The Israelis
somewhat softened their criteria for which prisoners could be
released, adding some Palestinians who had .committed violent acts
against Israel that did not result in death.
The Palestinians agr~ed to submit a detailed list of their security
officers by Sept. 13 and to .abide by aplan, to be thrashed out by a
committee, to collect illegal weapons. They also acquiesced to a ·
protracted transfer of land, over six mont~s.
In the West Bank, Palestinian mothers of prisoners protested the
agreement Saturday. And Saturday night, the umbrella group of
Jewish settlers, the Yesha Council, issued a statement condemning
the deal. The settlers accused Barak of caving in to "Arab demands"
by deciding "to withdraw from more parts of the homeland and to
release terrorists with blood on their hands."
.·
Israeli officials said Saturday night that Barak got what he wanted·
most from Arafat -- a Palestinian commitment to plunge
·
immediately into "final status" negotiations and to make the talks
concurrent with a protracted transfer of land.
Israeli negotiators persuaded the Palestinians to divide the finalstatus talks into two six-month stages. The first half, in which a
broad-brush framework agreement would be established, is
supposed to conclude on Feb. 15. That is also the date for the third
and, from the Israeli perspective, most sensitive transfer of land.
Palestinian officials said Saturday night that Barak had abandoned a
key goal: to make that third transfer of land contingent on progress
in the final-status talks.
But Israeli officials replied that had Barak never intended to use the
land as a bargaining chip; they said he told Clinton that there would
be a third withdrawaCeven if talks failed.
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/090599mideast-peace-assess.html
' 04/25/2000
�, News Analysis: In Mideast, Wariness Mixed With New Hope
Page 4 of4
Israelis and Palestinians agreed, ambitiously, to conclude final talks
in about a year -- that is, to have a permanent peace plan readied by
September of2000.
"If we fail to reach a final agreement, then we have the full right to
declare a state after that," Saeb Erekat, the senior Palestinian
negotiator, told Reuters Saturday.
By the time the agreement was concluded, Israel was officially shut
_down for the Sabbath. There has been little public discussion
Saturday. But Shira Weiss, 29, who was walking her dog in
downtown Jerusalem, said she was inclined to be hopeful.
an
idiot and believe too much," she said. "But
"You don't want to be
we've waited a long time for a step in the right direction. Wouldn't it
be great if we could move toward peace and the buses didn't start
blowing up again?"_
An American-born religious man, who gave his name only as
"Shmuel on my way to shul-- that's synagogue,"interrupted.
"If you want something, you have to pray for it," he said, and added,
referring to the Sabbath, "You have to respect Shabbes."
It was a reminder that, be it soccer matches or. the Lord, many
Israelis and Palestinians have other things on their mind.
"Peace is our obsession," said Moti Shneyer, a student, who also
joined in. "But peace is a real bore."
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�f :·- (~ews Analy~is: An Elusive Date With History
. J·
.....
Page 1 of3
'
'·.
International
February 11, 2000
NEWS ANALYSIS
An Elusive Date With History.
Related Article
• · Lebanon Fighting Ebbs in Claims of Victory·
By JANE PERLEZ
ASHINGTON, Feb. 10-- With the election ofEhud Barak
as_ the Prime Minister of Israel last year,· some senior·
·
Clinton administration officials were almost giddy with the .
prospect of peace in the Middle East. They even had their eye on
creating an enduring White House photograph: the trifecta of the
Syrian, Palestinian and Israeli leaders all lined up with President
Clinton as the triumphant peacemaker.
W
But time is running out on Mr. Clinton's administration. Though the
President has pledged to work until the very end of his tertn on a
Middle East accord, realistically, he would like to have the makings
of a peace deal fashioned in the coming months.
And circumstances in the region are not marching apace.
Mr. Barak is no longer seen as the popular new man easily able to
make bold moves on the peace front. Rather, he is a leader .
weakened by a party fund-raising scandal and facing an electorate
distrustful of a deal with Syria.
The Palestinian leader, Yasir Arafat, is described by diplomats as
furious that the Syrians, with whom he has poor relations, are . .
getting so much attention. .
I.
The Syrian president, Hafez al-Assad, appears to have retreated to
his Damascus palace, where he is busy trying to calm internal
· squabbling over who will succeed him.
Then there is the new crisis in southern Lebanon, inspired, many
Israelis believe by Mr. Assad, where Hezbollah guerrillas have
killed six Israeli soldiers and Mr. Barak reluctantly responded with
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/0211 OOmideast-assess.html
04/25/2000
�f : ~·~'News Analysis: An Elusive Date With History
, 1.·I
I.
Page 2 of3
air strikes.
The Clinton administration has concentrated on counseling restraint
on. all sides. But at the very least, these events will delay a
resumption in the Israeli:.Syrian talks, officials said. Syrian state
radio gave a taste of this in a bulletin on Wednesday, saying: "Barak
has wasted opportunities for peace and pushed the region towards a ·
scenario where all options are open."
For the Clinton administration, such delays are decidedly unhelpful.
The longer the Syrian talks are on hold, a Western diplomat in the
region said, the harder it will be to restart them. But restarting them ·
will remain a particularly tantalizing objective for Washington, the
diplomat added, because the issues separating the Syrians and the
Israelis are fairly stark, especially when compared to the
complicated issues between the Palestinians and the Israelis.
But Mr. Assad, who is embroiled in fights between his army officers
and backers of his brother, Rifat, and his desire to have his son,
Bashir, succeed him, appears disinclined to return to the negotiating
table. "The Syria talks won't get off in a hurry," the diplomat said.
A hurry is what is needed. By July, Mr. Clinton runs into the
political convention season. In September, the general election will
be underway. Another consideration is his wife's Senate campaign
in New York, where the large number of Jewish voters will be
closely watching for a peace deal.
"Every month that goes by the time factorlooms larger and larger,"
said Thomas Smerling, the Washington director of the Israel Policy
Forum. "The clock is ticking on the longevity of the administration,
on the longevity of Arafat arid Assad," both of whom are ailing.
Fairly soon, said Mr. Smerling, the administration may have to
lower its sights on what can be realistically accomplished by the end
of the year. This may well entail choosing where to put the
emphasis: the Syrian track or the Palestinian track. ·
If the Administration tries to plug along on both tracks, as is most
likely the case for the moment-- because this is Mr. Barak's
preference -- decisions will have to be made on whether to aim for a
final agreement between the Palestinians and Israelis as called for by
Sept. 13, or to make do with what is called a general framework
agreement. The latter was supposed to have been achieved by next
week, but is now hung up on bickering between Mr. Barak and Mr.
Arafat over a land transfer on the West Bank.
Mr. Arafat has what he believes to be a trump card: If a final
agreement is not reached by September, he has said he will declare a .
. Palestinian state anyway. It would be a patchwork affair of
disjointed pieces of the West Bank as well as Gaza but would
probably be recognized by some European countries.
Despite the tight timetable, administration officials claim to be
relatively upb~at that Mr. Clinton can manage a decent outcome, if
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/0211 OOmideast-assess.html
04/25/2000
�~· :. ~< ~ews Analysis: An Elusive Date With History ·
(
"\
"
Page 3 of3
.
-.
I •
not the whole suc¢ess that they had envisioned when Mr. Barak
came to power.
They are counting a payoff from seven years of dealings by Mr.
Clinton and his aides in the Middle East -- ranging from former
Secretary of State Warren Christopher's work with Mr. Assad, to the
accords between the Palestinians and the Israeli~ at Wye, Md.
Senator Joseph Biden, Democrat of Delaware and the ranking
minority member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said
that no other president had amassed "the degree of trust among all
the parties."
But whatever the trust Mr. Clinton may have built with the Middle
East leaders, Mr. Clinton remains at their mercy.
In the end, they will act to satisfy their own interests, not Mr.
Clinton's desire for a page in history.
"The American role is still limited," said AbrahamH. Foxman,
national director of the Anti-Defamation League. "The United States
can only do as much as the parties allow them to do. The question is
how important is it for them to have the Clinton package?"
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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[Middle East] [2]
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Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 3
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-003-002-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/02b854ce63fd7d6c6a4169280a9e3b42.pdf
98d68be5771cf3589a2048571bf90423
PDF Text
Text
C~se
Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used .as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Middle East] [3]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA!ID Number:
4020
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48
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~
Shelf:
'
Position:
Stack:
8
3
v
�News Analysis: Can Clinton Prevail in Shepherdstown?··
Page 1 of 5
International
January 9, 2000
NEWS ANALYSIS
The Shepherdstown 'Slows': Can Clinton
Prevail?
By DAVID E. SANGER
HEPHERDSTOWN, W.Va., Jan. 8 --From hilltops in:this
pre-Civil War town where Israel and Syria have negotiat~d all
week, you can just make out the farm across the Potom_ac
River where Abraham Lincoln met Gen. George B. McClellan in a .
tent and complained that he suffered from "the slows!' after the
battle of Antietam.
·
S
This week, traveling here almost daily to deal with a very different
conflict, Bill Clinton found himself struggling to cure the same
affliction.
·
Day after day, his helicopter
would land on a college
baseball field, and he would
spend hours trying to get
Israel's prime minister, Ehud
Barak, and Syria's foreign
minister, Farouk al-Shara, to
begiri hashing out the details
of a deal whose rough outlines
have been obvious for years.
And day after day.he was
confronted by political
posturing over what would be
discussed first, and who
would be seen to make the
first concessions, all intended
ISRAEL-SYRIA PEACE TALKS
Also in Sunday's Times
• Looking for Camp David on the Map
of Shepherdstown
Recent Coverage
• Clinton Offers Israel and Syria
'Working Paper' to Study Golan Heights
Control (Jan. 8)
• Clinton Appears to Pick Up Pace of
Israel-Syria Meetings (Jan~ 7)
• In No Hurry, Israel-Syria Talks Edge
Toward Specifics (Jan. 6)
• Clinton Breaks an Impasse at the
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/0 10900mideast-talks.html
04/25/2000
�News Analysis: Can Clinton Prevail in Shepherdstown?
•
first concessions, all intended
to make a convincing show
half a world away that neither
side was willing to give in to a
longtime enemy.
Mr. Clinton and his secretary
of state, Madeleine K.
· Albright, are betting that this
is just a phase in the multi-act
performance of peacemaking~
and one that may now have
run its course.
Page 2 of5
israel-Syria Talks (Jan. 5)
• So Much History for a Little Town:
Washington Slept Here (Jan. 5)
• Israel and Syria Return to Search for
Major Accord (Jan. 4)
• Israel and Syria Open Round of Talks
(Jan. 3)
• A Rare Lull in Lebanon Fighting Is
Linked to Israel-Syria Talks (Dec. 25)
• The Overview: Israelis ari.d Syrians
Agreeing to New Talks (Dec. 17)
• Syria and Israel Begin Peace .Talks
After 4-Year Halt (Dec. 16)
At a Glance
On Friday, they handed Mr.
Barak and Mr. Shara a sevenpage working paper that the
United States hopes will
become the basis for what in
diplo-speak is called a "core
agreement" between the two
countries.
It would lay out the rough
boundaries of the land Israel
will surrender, 33 years after it
seized the Golan Heights in
the Arab-Israeli war, and how
the two sides would share
scarce water resources. And it
would roughly define the kind
of security guarantees and
steps toward normalized
relations an ailing President
Hafez el-Assad of Syria would
·be willing to grant in return, a
delicate balancing act for a
leader who realizes he can no
longer afford economic and
diplomatic isolation, but fears
that openness could threaten
the iron control over the
country he wants to pass to his
son.
No one expected that the talks
that began here in this town: of
1,300 would be resolved in a
week. As the weekend began,
diplomats said Mr. Barak and
Mr. Shara would most likely
leave on Sunday or Monday to
ponder the working paper for
a few weeks before resuming
talks. And even then, it is still
not clear if either side is
prepared to make the
• Timeline: Israel and Syria
• Main Issues in Israel-Syria Talks
Video Collection
• ·Israel-Syria Peace Talks
Text
• Clinton's Comments on ·Mideast Peace
Talks (Dec. 16)
• Speeches Opening Mideast Peace
Talks (Dec. 15)
• Clinton's Words to Press (Dec. 8)
From the Archives
Upon termination of the 27-year British
administration in Palestine, the state of
Israel was proclaimed on May 14, 1948.
• The New York Times front Qage story
from Saturday, May 15, 1948.
., Declaration of Independence of the
Jewish state.
·• The Two Worlds of Palestine, May
18, 1948
• Cease-Fire in Syria Acce2ted 1 Ending
'Six-Day War', June 11, 1967
• Israel vs. Arabs, 1948-1973, October
7, 1973.
• Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Trea!Y,
.March 27, 1979
Interactive Maps
• In 1947, the United Nations passed a
partition plan that would have established
both a Jewish and Palestinian state in
what is now Israel. Here is a look at
Israel's people and territory 50 years
later.
• The Shifting Borders of Israel: A
History of Conflict in Israel and the
Middle East from 1923 -1967
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/O 10900mideast-talks.html
04/25/2000
�News Analysis: Can Clinton Prevail in Shepherdstown?
prepared to make the
.psychological and political
leap required for a deal that
would give Israel at least a
cold peace with its immediate
neighbors.
Page 3 of5
Issue in Depth
• The Mideast Peace Process
Related Web Sites
"This is difficult stuff," Mr.
Clinton said as he headed out
to Shepherdstown one more
time this week, canceling
other business in Washington
to stick with the talks. "They
are trying to imagine the end
of the road."
• Middle East Peace Briefings, from the
State Department
• Israel Profile, from the State
Department
• Syria Profile, from the State
Department
Then he disappeared into the heavily guarded hotel, and a news
blackout that is intended to force the two reluctant negotiating teams
to go at it until they actually get something done.
But the slowness of this week's progress, and the carefully
orchestrated, quite public delayip.g tactics, raise the question of
whether the now well-rehearsed technique of locking Israel and its
adversaries in a negotiating arena, cut off from other distractions,
still works as well as it once did.
·
. After all, in an age of cell phones and e-mail, there is no such thing
as real isolation. Each day, the Syrian delegation would call the
Syrian reporters camped out in a school gymnasium a mile away,
the Israeli delegation would call Israeli reporters, and Americans
would hold news conferences describing the day's efforts to keep the·
two sides talking. Few details of actual negotiating positions seeped
out, but it is, as one negotiator said, "a bit early for strategic leak.s."
The technique worked, of course, at Camp David in 1978, during
the Israel-Egypt negotiations, and again at the Wye Plantation in .
1998, where a framework for peace with the Palestinians was
hammered out.
That model-- holding talks outside of Washington, but close
enough for President Clinton to fly in within 45 minutes to break
logjams-- is the logic of Shepherdstown. But it also seems as ifthe
negotiators have adapted to their environment and have learned to
resist some of the pressures that arise from talking endlessly in close
quarters.
"This whole idea of putting people into castles with moats, or even
small villages, has at best a marginal impact," concluded Richard N.
Haass, a scholar at the Brookings Institution who served on the
National Security Council under President Bush. "Cell phones and
other technology leapfrog the barriers, of course," he said. "And the
issues don't get any easier."
In this case, he noted, the issues and the negotiating positions are so
well aired that "you could hold the whole thing in Dupont Circle,"
just up the road from the White House.
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/010900mideast-talks.html
04/25/2000
�News Analysis: Can Clinton Prevail in
Sheph~rdstown?
Page 4 of5
"i
But the American mediators are still enamored of the Appalachian
approach, convinced that fresh air and no microphones is the only
real treatment for the slows. By design, it makes the State
Department spokesman, James P. Rubin, the only real television
presence -- preventing the most public forms of grandstanding qn
the evening news in the Mideast.
And it showcases Mr. Clinton as the mediator, the only man both
sides will really trust, not a bad image for a leader spending his last
year in office seeking a firm niche in history.
·
Mr. Rubin insists that technology notwithstanding, moats still work
"We do believe that developing a format that is isolated, and that
limits disclosure of each side's positions, focuses energy on the hard
job of real decisions," he said on Friday. "To do it without this kind
of isolation it is hard to imagine how any decision could be made
·before·it is preempted by somebody who doesn't agree with it."
"The Wye precedent," he said, "showed that the American-designed
cocoon can and does work _.:. even though it won't always work."
The Americans are also betting that the Syrians, far more isolated '
than most of the large Mideast players and a lot less media savvy
than Yasir Arafat, have yet to learn the art of spin. And Mr. Barak's
government, one diplomat involved in the talks said, "is less public
relations oriented" than the government of Benjamin Netanyahu, his
predecessor. That may come to haunt Mr. Barak, however, when he
·tries to.sell any eventual deal to the Israeli public, which would have
to approve .it in a national referendum.
But in the end, the atmospherics of the talks may prove less critical
than the strategic calculations behind them.
Mr. Clinton is betting that the moment for peace has arrived because
the political calculus has changed. Mr. Barak, unlike his
predecessor, clearly views the value of the Golan's buffer zone as a
diminishing defensive asset.
Continuing to hold it promises continued troubles in Syriancontrolled Lebanon, where he has vowed to withdraw Israeli troops.
And with the right mix of early-warning systems, a reduced Syrian
troop presence on the border, new American weaponry. and an
agreement to begin normalization of relations, Mr. Barak, a former .
general, apparently believes he can give up the land without
damaging Israeli security. Selling that position to a public that has
GOme to view the Golan as the key to national survival, however, is
another matter. That is why he has insisted on talking security first,
and the return of the Golan second.
Mr. Assad knows that he has little hope of retaking the Golan by
force. His military power is eroding, along with his economy ..
G~tting the Golan back in his lifetime would cement his place in
history, assuming he can do it on terms that do not undercut his rule,
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/010900mideast-talks.html
04/25/2000
�•
News Analysis: Can Clinton Prevail in Shepherdstown?
Page 5 of5
or his son's succession. That is why he has insisted on talking about
land and water first, security and "normal diplomatic relations"
second.
It is still unclear whether that logjam ,..- and with it the slows-- is
now broken. President Lincoln had.to fire General McClellan to get
the Army of the Potomac moving. That is not one of the choicesopen to Mr. Clinton, who must take the generals and diplomats he is
dealt.
·
E AKRON
LIGHT
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!
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04/25/2000
�..
News Analysis: Damascus Demands the Israelis Accept Its Golan Claim as a First Step.
Page 1 of3
I nternatlonal
January 18,2000
NEWS ANALYSIS
Damascus Demands the Israelis Accept Its
Golan Claim as.a First Step
Related Articles
• Further Israel-Syria Talks Are Postponed
• Bomb Explodes in Northern Israeli Town
By SUSAN SACHS
·D
AMASCUS, Syria, Jan. 17 -- The Syrian-Israeli peace talks
were never expected to be easy. And now decades of Syrian
mistrust, born of isolation and a dogged view of what is a just
solution for Syria's main grievance, have caused a breakdown in·
discussions.
In Damascus tonight, there was no official comment on the
announcement from Washington that peace talks between the two
nations have been suspended. The discussions, brokered by ·
Washington, restarted late last year after a four-year hiatus and were
to continue this week.
·
But commentary in the government-run press and radio repeated a
consistent line: that the talks have stumbled because as a first step,
Israel must agree that Syria owns the G0lan Heights, the strategic
plateau it lost in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war. Only then, in the Syrian
view, can bargaining take place over other issues, like water rights,
normalization of diplomatic ties and security arrangements.
The official Damascus radio kept up the antagonistic tone that has
emerged in the last few days ..It accused Israel of sidestepping the
key component of peace. And itsaid today that at the negotiating
session that ended last week in Shepherdstown; W.Va., "the Israeli
side kept evading the demarcation of June 4, 1967, lines." In fact,
Israel has not agreed to new borders, though it has suggested a
willingness to give up the Golan. ·
Syria complains that the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Barak, is
trying to make the talks a "labyrinth'' and is entering into
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/O 11800syria-mideast-assess.html
04/25/2000
�News Analysis: Damascus Demands the Israelis Accept Its Golan Claim as a First Step
Page2 of3
"negotiations for the sake of negotiations."
The government newspaper Tishrin made the same points. Talking
of normalization before a full Israeli withdrawal is "placing the cart
·
·
before the horse."
The paper.accused Israel of not treating seriously the negotiating
committee that is meant to deal with the border, a denunciation that
may mean only that those talks were not given priority.
In general, those statements echo the position that Syria has held
with a prickly pride as first the Egyptians, then the Palestinians and
then the Jordanians, signed peace accords with Israel in the last 21
years. Under Hafez al-Assad, the enigmatic Syrian president, who
commanded his country's air force in the disastrous 1967 war,
unconditional repatriation of the Golan has been a Syrian mantra. It
has been taught in the schools for 33 years as the essential,
component of Syrian self-esteem.
So last week when an Israeli newspaper published a working paper
prepared by United States officials on the status of the talks-- and
that paper outlined an Israeli position in favor of allowing some
17,000 Israeli settlers to remain in the Golan after a peace deal -- the
reaction in Syria was anger.
The document was already in the hands of the Syrians and the
Israelis. But its publication suggested that it was a: draft treaty and,
as the Syrian official press noted with indignation, that implied that
Syria was negotiating over whether it would regain full sovereignty
over the land.
Both sides still say they are committed to a resolution of the Golan
issue, but every word and phrase and even the tone can be sensitive
enough to throw the talks off track. .,
President Assad is of the generation of political figures who came of
age during a period of nascent Arab nationalism. That idea of a
unique Arab identity grew out of resistance to European colonialism
and was nurtured by the cold war, which made the Arab world a
strategic player, or at least a stage, in international politics.
In Syria, this sense of a special Arab destiny became even more
fierce and immutable after the bruising military conflicts with Israel.
Run by a man from a small religious minority group, the Alawites,
and threatened in the past by internal uprisings, Mr. Assad's Syria
.has remained more isolated than its neighbors and, with the
exception of Iraq, more tightly controlled by the central government.
Against this backdrop, many diplomats in the region said, Syria
came to the peace talks not only to regain land. Had it held out
indefinitely, rather than negotiate, its central national conceit of
being the one Arab state to remain true to Arab ideals would remain
intact. But Syria had other, parallel goals.
With the collapse of its erstwhile patron, the Soviet Union, and the
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News Analysis: Damascus Demands the Israelis Accept Its Golan Claim as a First Step
Page 3 of3
new American-sponsored military alliance between Turkey and
Israel, the Syrian government sought a beneficial and well-defined
relationship with the United States consistent with its self-image as
a strategic player.
Farouk al-Shara, the Syrian foreign minister who led his negotiating
team in Shepherdstown, is said by his diplomatic contemporaries to
be an avid student of Asian and Middle East history and of the
modem Israeli political scene. And according to diplomats who are
in close contact with the Syrians, he was sent to the latest round of
talks on the strength of a belief by Damascus that the United States
had obtained a private Israeli commitment to full withdrawal from
the Golan Heights.
The euphoria in the United States and in parts of Israel after the first
round of ice-breaking talks in .Washington in December did nothing
to dissuade the Syrians from this view.
But the second set of talks were followed by an agreement to divert
Mr. Barak briefly from the Syrians to meet in Washington with
Yasir Arafat, the Palestinian leader. Further, there were reports from
Israel of political and religious resistance there to giving up the
Golan Heights, resistance that Mr. Barak's government is obliged to
overcome no matter what promises the United States may have.
made.
While none of these machinations are new, they seem to h;:we
thrown the Syrian negotiators, who have fallen back for now to their
well-honed position.
"Syria," said Tishrin, the government newspaper, "is concerned with
a just and honorable peace that returns land to its indigenous
owners."
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�Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treat
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Internatlonal
WiJNHtli¥1 WJSi¥11§1- *·'"Hf4Mit.M!§tlif!§l
-
FROM THE ARCHIVES I
March 27, 1979
Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treaty, Ending a
State of War After 30 Years; Sadat and Begin.
Praise Carter's Role
By BERNARD GWERTZMAN Special to The New York Times
ashingto·n --After confronting each other for nearly 31 years as
hostile neighbors, Egypt and Israel signed a formal treaty at the
White House today to establish peace and "normal and friendly
relations."
W
On this chilly early spring day, about 1,500
invited guests and millions more watching
Israel at SO'
television saw President Anwar el-Sadat of
Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin for
Israel put their signatures on the Arabic,
.Hebrew and English versions of the !!fst.P~ tr~ be~en I~l
. and an Arab_countcy
-
-==--
President Carter, who was credited by both leaders for having made the
agreement possible, signed, as a witness, for the United States. In a
somber speech he said, "Peace has come."
The First Step of Peace
"We have won, at last, the first step
difficult road," he added.
~f peace--a
first step on a long and
Later, at a state dinner, Mr. Begin suggested that Mr. Carter be given
the Nobel Peace Prize, and Mr. Sadat agreed.
At the signing ceremony, all three leaders offered prayers that the
treaty would bring true peace to the Middle East and end the enmity
that has erupted into war four times since Israel declared its
independence on May 14, 1948.
By coincidence, they all referred to the words of the P_!.ophet Isaiah.
"Let us work together until the day comes when they beat their swords
into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks," Mr. Sad at said iii
his paraphrase of the biblical text.
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�Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treat
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'No More War,' Begin Says
Mr. Begin, who gave the longest and most emotional of the addresses,>
exclaimed: "no more war, no more bloodshed, no more bereavement,
peace unto you, shalom, saalam, forever."
·
"Shalom" and "salaam" are the Hebrew and Arabic words for
"peace."
The Israeli leader, noted for oratorical skill, provided a dash of humor
when in the course of his speech he seconded Mr. Sadat's remark that
Mr. Carter was "the unknown soldier of the peacemaking effort." Mr.
Begin said, pausing, "I agree, but as usual with an amendment"--that
Mr. Carter was not completely unknown and that his peace effort
would "be remembered and recorded by generations to come."
Since Mr. Begin was known through the negotiations as a stickler for
details, much to the American side's annoyance, Mr. Carter seemed to
explode with laughter at Mr. Begin's reference to "an amendment."·
ut on the Jewish
>
The signing was followed by an outdoor dinner on the South Lawn at
the White House for 1,300 guests.
The treaty was the result of months of grueling, often frustrating
negotiations that finally were concluded early this morning when a final
compromise was reached on the last remaining issue--a timetable for
Israel to give up Sinai oil-fields.
Under the treaty, Israel will withdraw its military forces and civilians
from the Sinai Peninsula in stages over three years. Two-thirds of the
area will be returned within nine months, after formal ratification
documents are exchanged. The ratification process is expected to begin
in about two weeks.
In return for Israel's withdrawal, Egypt has agreed to end the state of
war and to establish peace. After the initial nine-month withdrawal is
completed, Egypt and Israel will establish "normal and friendly
relations" in many fields, including diplomatic, cultural and economic
relations.
Breakthrough at Camp David
The Camp David accords were opposed by most countries in the Arab
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�Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treat
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As ,a result ofthat opposition, today's signing was greeted by criticism
throughout the Arab world Echoes of that were heard in Washington,
-wbere about a thousand Arabs demonstrated in Lafayette Park, several
hundred yards from the signing ceremony. Their anti-Sadat chants
could be heard at the White House.
"We must not minimize the obstacles that still lie ahead," Mr. Carter.
said. "Differences still separate the signatories to this treaty from each
other and also from some of th~ir neighbors who fear what they have
just done.
"To overcome these differences, to dispel those fears, we must
rededicate ourselves to the goal of a broader peace with justice for all
who have lived in a state of conflict in the Middle East.
"We have no illusions-.;.we have hopes, dreams, prayer, yes--but no
illusions."
Mr. Carter read out a long passage that turned on a metaphor of peace
being waged like war. It was later disclosed by the White House that the
section was quoted from an essay written by the Rev. Walker L. Knight
.in the House Mission Magazine of the Southern Baptist Convention.
At the end of the ceremony Mr. Carter, Mr. Sadat and Mr. Begin
· grasped each other in a three-way handclasp. Despite the show of
cordiality, there were signs that differences between Egypt and Israel
· were far from over.
In his speech, Mr.·Sadat never referred to Mr. Begin, whom he
reportedly does not like personally. By contrast, Mr. Sadat praised Mr.
Carter as "the man who performed the miracle."
"Without any exaggeration, what he did constitutes on of the greatest
achievements of our time," President Sadat said.
In the printed text of his speech, Mr. Sadat made a strong appeal to Mr.
Carter to lend "support and backing" to the Palestinians and reassure
them that they would be able "to take the first step on the road to self- .
determination and statehood."
r
Sadat Cites 'a Grave Injustice'
The following was in the text of Mr. Sadat's address, but he did not
read it publicly:
·
· ·
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Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treat
"No one is more entitled to your support and backing than the
Palestinian people. A grave injustice was inflicted upon them in the
past. They need a reassurance that they will be able to take the first step
on the road to self-determination and statehood.
"A dialogue between the United States and the representatives of the
Palestinian people will be a very helpful development. On the other
hand, we must be certain that the provisions of the Camp David
framework on the establishments of a self-governing authority with full
autonomy.are carried out. There must be a genuine transfer of
authority to the Palestinians in their land. Without that, the problem
will remain unsolved."
·
\._
ar
out the Palestinians would have been provocative to Mr.
h as eclared he will never permit a Palestinian state to be
he . He as called the Palestine Liberation Or:-ganization the
most "bartiar1c" group since t e az1s.
Later, Mohammed Hakki, the Egyptian Embassy's spokesman, said
that the section on the Palestinians, which was on page seven of the
printed text, had been "inadvertantly" omitted because Mr. Sadat had
turned two pages, instead of one, and accidently skipped that portion.
Mr. Begin's speech seemed highly charged.with personal emotions,
especially in two separate allusions to Jerusalem. These amounted to a
reassertion of the Israeli stand on Jerusalem, in a context that was likely
to prove embarrassing to Mr. Sadat.
The Israeli Prime Minister said that it was "the third greatest day in my
life." The first, he said, was the day oflsrael's independence, May 14,
1948, and the second "was when Jerusalem became one city and our
brave, perhaps most hardened soldiers, the parachutists, embraced with
tears and ·kissed the ancient stones of the remnants of the wall destined
to protect the chosen place of God's glory."
This was a reference to Israel's capture of East Jerusalem from Jordan
in the 1967 war and Israel's subsequent annexation of that part of the
city to become part of Israeli Jerusalem.
A major point of difference between Israel and the Arabs is the future
of Jerusalem, with the Arabs, including Egypt, insisting that Israel must
relinquish control over the eastern sector, and Israel's declarations that
it will never yield it.
Last night, Mr. Sad at underscored the continuing problem when, in the'"'
course of a 90-minute meeting with Mr. Begin, he invited the Israeli
Prime Minister to make a one-day trip to Cairo next Monday but
declined an invitation to visit J
·
·
Egyptian officials said that Mr. Sadat wanted to put off another trip to
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�Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treat
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Israel until progress was achieved on the Palestinian negotiations, ·
which are to start in about six weeks.
The peace treaty negotiations went though a series of ups an downs and
m~~~
They began in October in Washington with expectations of an early .
conclusion. Although the basic treaty text was approved by both Egypt
and Israel by early December, three months more were needed to
obtain agreement on differing interpretations. of the treaty--the subject
of a separate document of "agreed minutes"--and over issues such as
when ambassadors would be exchanged and target dates for beginning
·
and concluding the Palestinian self-rul~ negotiations.
Mr. Carter finally resolved most of the questions during a weeklong
trip to the Middle East earlier this month.
0
Even though both Governments approved the treaty, it was not
completed until late last night when Mr. Begin and Mr. Sadat agreed
that the Sinai oilfield would be returned to Egypt seven months after
the treaty was ratified, instead of the nine months Israel had preferred
and the six months Egypt had earlier asked.
In addition, Mr. Begin agreed to turn over the El Arish area within two
months instead of the three months originally proposed by Israel.
An arrangement was also made to insure Israel a right to buy oil fro'm
the fields without interruption.
·
Even this morning, in the final draftings, differences arose over whether
to call a body of water the Gulf of Aqaba or the Gulf of Eilat. The
Arabic and English texts refer to it as '!Aqaba," the name of the
Jordanian port by that name. The Hebrew version calls it Eilat, after
the Israeli port adjacent to Aqaba.
The White House made Pllblic the texts of all the documents included iii
the peace treaty package. These include the actual preamble, nine
articles, three annexes and one appendix that comprise the actual treaty
text. In addition, there is a document of "agreed minutes" covering
differing interpretations of the treaty.
A letter signed by Mr. Begin and Mr. Sadat--and covering the
controversial "linkage" question ofwhen negotiations on the
Palestinian self-rule questions would begin--one month after ratification
of the treaty--and when the negotiations would. conclude--about a year
afterwards--was also released, as were certain Clarification letters from .
Mr. Carter and maps.
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Egypt and Israel Sign Formal Treat
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1. The New York Times, November 10, 1993,Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section.A; Page I; Column 5; Foreign
Desk, 1144 words, Courting the Israelis; With Barriers Down, Arab Lands Compete To Conclude Deals With im
Ancient Enemy, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Nov. 9
~
2. The New York Times, October I, 1993, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 2; Column 4; Foreign Desk,
1188 words, Theory vs. Practice; Clinton's Stated Foreign Policy Turns Into More Modest 'Self-Containment', By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Sept. 30
~dition-
(-:;'\The New York Times, September 15, 1993, Wednesday, Late
Final, Section A; Page I; Column 4;
~eign Desk, 1417 words, MIDEASTACCORD: ~ws Anal~ividing a Homeland, By THOMAS L.
·
.
.
.
FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, ept. 14
~ The New York Times, September I 0, 1993, Friday, Late Edition - Final, Section A; Page l; Column 3; Foreign
'-Desk, 1533 words, MIDEAST ACCORD: News Analysis; The Brave New Middle East, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Sept. 9
'{i). The New York Times, September 7, 1993, Tuesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 12; Column 4; Foreign
~k, 926 words, The Assad Factor in the Mideast Talks, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York'
Times, WASHINGTON, Sept. 6 . .
,.
.
6. The New York Times, June 28, 1993, Monday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page I; Column 4; Foreign Desk,
1194 words, RAID ON BAGHDAD: An Assessment; The Missile' Message, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to
The New York Times, WASHINGTON, June 27
7. The New York Times, January 19, 1993, Tuesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page I; Column 4; Foreign
Desk, 1187 words, RAID ON IRAQ; U.S. LEADS FURTHER ATTACKS ON IRAQI ANTIAIRCRAFT SITES;
ADMITS ITS MISSILE HIT HOTEL: LIMITING THE RESPONSE, ByTHOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The
New York Times, WASHINGTON, Jan. 18
8. The New York Times, December 23, 1992, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 14; Column I;
Foreign Desk, 1335 words, THE TRANSITION; Clinton's New Foreign-Policy Thinkers: Like-Minded Ex-Carter
Teammates, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Dec. 22
9. The New York Times, December 5, 1992, Saturday, Late Edition- Final, Section I; Page I; Column 3; Foreign
Desk, 1209 words, MISSION TO SOMALIA; Crossing a Line, and Redrawing It, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to The NewYork Times, WASHINGTON, Dec. 4
10. The New York Times, September 27, 1992, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section I; Page 12; Column I; Foreign
Desk, II82 words, Arab-Israeli Talks: Slow butNot Lost, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York
Times, WASHINGTON, Sept. 26
II. The New York Times, April27, 1992, Monday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 2; Column 3; Foreign Desk,
907 words, Mideast Exercises; Talks Resume Today, but Are Parties Ready to Do More Than Limber Up?, By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, April26 12. The New York Times,
March 22, 1992, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section I; Part I; Page I; Column I; Foreign Desk, 1539 words, U.S.
and Israel at Sea, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, March 2I
I3. The New York Times, March 8, I992, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section I; Part I; Page I2; Column 4; Foreign
Desk, I227 words, Peace Talks: Israeli Election Barges In, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York
Times, WASHINGTON, March 7
I4. The New York Times, January I9, I992, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section I; Part I; Page 10; Column 5;
Foreign Desk, 1129 words, Arab-Israeli Chasm; After Third Round of Talks in Washington, The Old Adversaries Are
Still Far Apart, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Jan. 17
�15. The New York Times, November 4, 1991, Monday, Late Edition -Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 4; Foreign
Desk, 1657 words, THE MIDDLE EAST TALKS: A Step Ahead in Madrid; At Last, all the Players in the Middle East
Have Sat Down and Talked to Each Other, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, MADRID,
Nov.3
·
~The New York Times, November 1, 1991, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 8;, Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1147 words, THE MIDDLE EAST TALKS: New Talks, Old. Words; Rivals Unsheathe Timeworn Swords, By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, MADRID, Oct. 31
·17. The New York Times, October 30, 1991, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 11; Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1228 words, THE MIDDLE EAST TALKS: Waiters at the Table; Soviets Serve U.S. Needs for Parley In Hopes
of Winning Economic Help, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, MADRID, Oct. 29
18. The New York Times, October 20, 1991, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section 1; Part 1; Page 1; Column 4;
Foreign Desk, 1656 words, A Missing Olive Branch, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times,
MADRID, Oct. 19
~The New York Times, September 25, 1991, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 4;
~ign Desk, 1600 words, FAILING TO COMMUNICATE; Dispute Over Settlements and Loan Deal Is Symptom of
a Deeper U.S.-Israel Strain By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, WASHINGTON, Sept 24
20. The New York Times, September 19, 1991, Thursday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 3; Foreign
Desk, 1572 words, A Window on Deep Israel-U.S. Tensions, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Specialto The New York
Times, DAMASCUS, Syria, Sept. 18
21. The New York Times, July 24, 1991, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final~ Section A; Page 8; Column 3; Foreign
Desk, 1366 words, Mideast Talks: Peace Might Be an Incidental Result, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The
New York Times, JERUSALEM, July 23
~ The New York Times, July 17, 1991, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 6; Column 1; Foreign
~sk, 1410 words, Syria's Move Toward Peace Talks: Is It Primarily to Improve U.S. Tie~?, By THOMAS L.
·,
FRIEDMAN, Special to The New: York Times, WASHINGTON, July 16 23. The New York Times, May 17, 1991,
Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 4; Forei n Desk 1123 words, Whose Pace in Mideast?; U.S.
Seeks a Quick Regional Peace Accord Bu
sraelis Want Slow Chan es
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to The New York Times, JE USALE , ay 16
24. The New York Times, April28, 1991, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section 1; Part I; Page 12; Column 2; Foreign
Desk, 895 words, AFTER THE WAR; Murk ofPolitics Obscures Baker's Path to Peace in the Middle East, By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, April27
25. The New York Times, February 27, 1991, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 2; Foreign
Desk, 1067. words, WAR IN THE GULF: NEWS ANALYSIS; The Rout Bush Wants A Disorderly, Humiliating Iraqi
Surrender Will End Hussein's Power, Officials Believe, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York
Times, WASHINGTON, Feb. 26
26. The New York Times, February 22, 1991, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1219 words, WAR IN THE GULF: Analysis; U.S. Keeps Options Open, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special
to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Feb. 21
27. The New York Times, February 20, 1991, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 4; Foreign
Desk, 1179 words, WAR IN THE GULF: News Analysis; For Bush, Half a Loaf?, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Feb. 19
�28. The New York Times, February 16, 1991, Saturday, Late Edition- Final, Section 1; Page 1; Column 3; Foreign
Desk, 1279 words, WAR IN THE GULF Next Phase: Testing a Fragile Alliance; For U.S. and Soviets, Far Different
Needs, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON; Feb. I5
29. The New York Times, February 10, 1991, Sunday, Late Edition- Final, Section !;,Part 1; Page 19; Column 1;
Foreign Desk, 1065 words, WAR IN THE GULF: Washington; Many Cooks for the Middle East Pot, By THOMAS L.
FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Feb. 9
.
30. The New York Times, January 3I, I99I, Thursday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 15; Column 5; Foreign
Desk, 1009 words, WAR IN THE GULF: SUPERPOWERS: BIG-2 HORSE TRADE; Both U.S. and Soviets Give and
Get In Their Statement on the Gulf Crisis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
31. The New York Times, January 21, 1991, Monday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 5; Foreign
Desk, 1175 words, WAR IN THE GULF: News Analysis; Hard Times, Better Allies, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Jan. 20
32. The New York Times, January 4, 1991, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 8; Column 1; Foreign Desk,
I042 words, CONFRONTATION IN THE GULF: GAMES OVER DATES; U.S.-Iraqi Minuet onTalks Drags On In a
Struggle to Project the Best Image, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON,
Jan. 3
33. The New York Times, November 30, 1990, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 11; Column I; Foreign
Desk, 1006 words, MIDEAST TENSIONS: LIGHTING THE FUSE?; Will U.N. Action Make a War Likely Or Add to
Diplomatic Maneuvering?, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, UNITED NATIONS, Nov.
29
34. The New York Times, November 22, 1990, Thursday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1187 words, MIDEAST TENSIONS; A Restraint on Bush, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New
York Times, WASHINGTON, Nov. 21
35. The New York Times, November 16, 1990, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 12; Column I; Foreign
Desk, 983 words, MIDEAST TENSIONS; Selling Sacrifice: Gulf Rationale Still Eludes Bush, By THOMAS L.
FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Nov. 15
36. The New York Times, October 11, 1990, Thursday, Late Edition - Final, Section A; Page 12, Column I; Foreign
Desk, 1129 words, MIDEAST TENSIONS: A PARTING OF PATHS?; Israelis and Americans Reach a Point Where
Their Interests May Veer Off, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Oct.
10
'
37. The New York Times, October 3, 1990, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page I3, Column 3; Foreign
Desk, 916 words, CONFRONTATION IN THE GULF: IN THE SAME BREATH; Despite Disclaimer, Remark by
Bush Adds Arab-Israel Issue to Gulf Picture, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
.
38. The New York Times, September 10, I990, Monday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1, Column 5; Foreign
Desk, 1133 words, Confrontation,in the Gulf: Decoding the Signals; The Superpowers Affirm Their Joint Aims But
Iraq Could Focus on Their Differences, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, HELSINKI,
J:inland, Sept. 9
39. The New York Times, August 22, 1990, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1, Column 4; Foreign
Desk, 1209 words, CONFRONTATION IN THE GULF: BEHIND BUSH'S HARD LINE; Washington Considers a
Clear Iraqi Defeat To Be Necessary to Bolster Its Arab Allies, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York
Times, WASHINGTON, Aug. 21
40. The New York Times, August I6, 1990, Thursday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1, Column 4; Foreign
�Desk, 1082 words, IRAQ SEEKS PEACE WITH IRAN, TURNING BACK SPOILS OF WAR IN MOVE TO END
ITS ISOLATION; New Headache for U.S., By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times,
WASHINGTON, Aug. 15
41. The New York Times, August 14, 1990, Tuesday, Late Edition- Final,. Section A; Page 1, Column 4; Foreign
Desk, 1251 words, SHIPS TURN AWAY FROM PORTS AS IRAQ EMBARGO TIGHTENS; U.S. MILITARY
FORCE POURS IN; U.S. Alliances Recast, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times,
WASHINGTON, Aug. 13
42. The New York Times, August 12, 1990, Sunday, Late Edition- Final; Section 1; Part 1, Page 1, Column 3;
Foreign Desk, 1475 words, CONFRONTATION IN THE GULF; U.S. GulfPolicy: Vague 'Vital Interest', By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times; WASHINGTON, Aug. 11
43. The New York Times, August 4, 1990, Saturday, Late Edition- Final, Section 1; Page I, Column 4; Foreign Desk,
1276 words, THE IRAQI INVASION; Batde for the Saudi Soil, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New
)94imes, WASHINGTON, Aug. 3
.
.
~he New York Times, June 22,1990, Frida"y, Late Edition- Finai,Section A; Page 11, Column 4; Foreign Desk,
1210 words, After Bush Puts P.L.O. on Sidelines: Is Shamir the Man for U.S. to Press?, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, June 21
45. The New York Times, June 15, 1990, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 10, Column i; Foreign Desk,
1254 words, Baker's Ploy: A Middle East Timeout, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times,
WASHINGTON, June 14
·
46. The New York Times, May 2, 1990, Wednesday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1, Column 3; Foreign
Desk, 1081 words, Hostage Sleight of Hand, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times,
WASHINGTON, May 1
47. The New York Times, August 25, 1989, Friday, Late Edition- Final, Section A; Page 1, Column 4; Foreign Desk,
1218 words, The Challenge of Poland; Bush Facing Problems and Opportunities In Bridging Gaps Between East and
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, Aug. 24
.
he New York Times, March 16, 1989, Thu.rsday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page{~, Column 1; Foreign
, 1231 words, BAKER'S PACE FOR MIDEAST; Experience Tells Him Gradual Approach Puts Onus on Warring
Parties to Plan Peace, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, WASHINGTON, March 15
~ The New York Times, December 19, 1988, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 4;
~n Desk, 1521 words, Reality' Time in Mideast; Israelis in Shock and Arabs in Jubilation Just Might Discard Old,
Numbing Illusions, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, WASHINGTON, Dec. 18
(\
.
The New York Times, December 31, 1987.'Thursday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 6, Column 1;
~eign Desk, 1346 words, Issue of Leadership, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times,
JERUSALEM, Dec. 30
51. The New York Times, December 25, 1987, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1169 words, Palestinians And Unrest; Neither Side Appears Nearer to a Solution, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
Special to the New York Times, JERUSALEM; Dec. 24
52. The New York Times, November 10, 1987, Tuesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 8, Column 1;
Foreign Desk, 794 words, Arab Talks: Topic Is Iran, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times,
AMMAN, Jordan, Nov. 9
53. The New York Times, January 24, 1984, Tuesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 7, Column 1; Foreign
�Desk, 1993 words, MARINES IN LEBANON: 'HOSTAGES' IN A PLACE WHERE THE ARTILLERY DOES THE
TALKING, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
.
54. The New York Times, December 13, 1983, Tuesday,,Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Columri 5;
Foreign Desk, 1249 words, NEW BLASTS: MASTER PLAN?, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New
York Times 55. The New York Times, October 10, 1983, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 3,
Column 1; F:oreign Desk, 980 words, ARAF AT MOVES TO PLAY HIS JORDAN CARD, By THOMAS L..
FRIEDMAN
.
56. The New York Times, October 3, 1983, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 10, Column 1; Foreign
D k, 1638 words~ THE LEBANESE ARMY'S BATTLE: REASON TO BE PROUD, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
·
The New York Times, September 20, 1983, Tuesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 6;
ign Desk, 754 words, A MAJOR TURN IN U.S. ROLE; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to
the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, Sept. 19
W The New York Times, July 13, 1983, Wednesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 8, Column 3; Foreign
~k, 1150. words, ARAFAT VS. SYRIA: DAMASCUS IS HOLDING THE HIGH CARDS; News Analysis, By
e
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 12
.
The New York Times, July 2, 1983, Saturday, Late City Final Edition, Section 1; Page 4, Column 1; Foreign Desk,
1245 words, ARAFAT VS. ASSAD; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times,
~MASCUS, Syria, July 1
k.oJ The New York Times, June 3, 1983, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 5; Foreign Desk,
1363 words, ARAFAT.ERRORS START TO TELL; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the
N,ew York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, June 2
·
61. The New York Times, May 18, 1983, Wednesday, Late 'City Final Edition, Section A; Page 16, Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1133 words, LEBANESE-ISRAELI PULLOUT PACT: ONLY INK ON PAPER UNLESS SYRIANS GO
ALONG; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York ,Times, KHALDE, Lebanon, May 17
62. The New York Times, May 2, 1983, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 5; Foreign
Desk, 872 words, A CONSTRAINT ON LEBANON; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the
York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, May 1
·
.
·
The New York Times, April12, 1983, Tuesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 2; Foreign
esk, 91Jwords, HUSSEIN BELIEVES SEARCH FOR PEACE IS AT A DEAD END, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN,
cial to the New York Times
The New York Times, April11, 1983, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 10, Column 3; Foreign
esk, 982 words, MURDER OF A P.L.O. MODERATE: A WARNING FOR ARAFAT?; News Analysis, By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, April10
r\
~,
Se~tion
The New York Times, AprilS, 1983, Friday, Late City Final Edi;ion,
A; Page 13, Column 1; Foreign
989 words, ARAF AT AND HUSSEIN: STATESMANSHIP OR GAMESMANSHIP?; News Analysis, By
THOMAS C FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, AMMAN, Jordan, April7
· 66. The New York Times; February 17, 1983, Thursday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 14, Column 3;
Foreign Desk, 1023 words, REAGAN PEACE PLAN: PROBLEM FOR PALESTINE COUNCIL; News Analysis, By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, .Special to the New York Times, ALGIERS, Feb. 16
67. The New York Times, December 20, 1982, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 1, Column 1;
Foreign Desk, 1286 words, ARAFAT'S STRATEGY: THE JORDANIAN CONNECTION; News Analysis, By
�THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, DAMASCUS, Syria; Dec. 15.
I
68. The New York Times, December 6, 1982, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 12, Column '1;
Foreign Desk, 903 words, REAGAN'S POLICY SEEMS TO FLOUNDER IN THE MIDDLE EAST; News Analysis,
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, Dec. 5
69. The New York Times, October 1·5, 1982, Friday,Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 10, Column 3; Foreign.
Desk, 1505 words, ON THE MIDEAST CHECKERBOARD, IT'S ARAFAT'S MOVE; News Analysis, By THOMAS
L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, AMMAN, Jordan, Oct. 14
70. The New York Tirries, October 11, 1982, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 6, Column); Foreign
Desk, 1606 words, ARAFAT-HUSSEIN TALKS: REAGAN PEACE PLAN AT STAKE; News Analysis, By
THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, AMMAN, JO'rdan, Oct. 10
Y~rk
\
The New
Times, August 11,' 1982, Wednesday,Late City .final Edition, Section A; Page 14, Column 1;
gn Desk, 1161 words, P.L.O.'S DECISION TO LEAVE; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN; Special
e New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, Aug. lO
.
.
..
·
72. The New York Times, July 22, 1982, Thursday, Late City.Fimil Edition, Section A; Page 8, Column 1; Foreign
Desk, 1117 words, P.LO. POLITICAL AIMS; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York
·
· ·
.
··
·
· ·
· es, BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 21
The New York Times, July 19, 1982, Monday, Lat~ City Final Edition, Section A; Page 6, Column 1; Foreign
, 2177 words, RESOLVING THE CRISIS; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New
k Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 18
.
. · ·.
· ··
·
·
{;:J
The New York Times, July 16, 1982, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 3, Column 1; Foreign Desk,
~ words, THE ARAB WORLD, DIVIDED AND WEAK, SEEMS HELPLESS IN THE FACE OF 2 WARS; News
Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 15
75. The New York Times, July 2, 1982, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Sectioil_A; Page 1, Column 4; Foreign Desk,
1023 words, LEBANON QUANDARIES; Talks on the P.L.O. Bog Down in Beirut; News Analysis, By THOMAS L..
FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 1
.
76. The New York Times, June 21,.1982, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section.A; Page 1, Cohimn 6; Foreign ·
Desk, 1081 words, ARAB INACTION ON LEBANON; News Analysis, By THOMAS L FRIEDMAN, Special to the
New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, June 20 ·
·
·
r:ii':J The New York Times, June 17, 1982, Thursday, Late ~ity Final Edition, Section A; Page 20, ColumnI; Foreign
~k,973 words, ISRAEL'S OBJECTIVES; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New York
Times, BEIRUT, Lebarioil, June 16
'
·
r7a .. The New York Ti~es, June 14, 1982, Monday, Late City Fin~! Edition, Section A; Page 1,.Column 5_; Foreign
"-rf{sk, 1160 words, POWER SHIFTS IN MIDEAST; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Specml to the New
York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, June 13
79. The New York Times, June 9, 1982, Wednesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 18, Column 5; Foreign
Desk, 949 words, ULTIMATE GOALS OF THE ATTACK ARE ASSESSED DIFFERENTLY FROM THE;TWO
SlOES; News Analysis, By THOMAS L..FRIEDMAN, Special.tothe New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, June 8
:.t
80. The New York Times, June 1; ·i982, Tuesday, ·Late City Final Edition, Section A;'Page 1, Columi14; ·Foreign
Desk, 913 words, PERSIAN GULF: IRAN A~OUSES FEAR IN ARABS; News Analysis; By THOMAS L.
FRIEDMAN, Special.to the New York Times, BEIRUT, Lebanon, May 31
·
�..
81. The New York Times, May I3, I982, Thursday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 5, Coiumn I; Foreign
Desk; 833 words, SHAKY TRUCE IN LEBANON; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, Special to the New
York Times, NABATIYE, Lebanon, May IO
h l h e New York Times, April26J I982, Monday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page II, Column I; Foreign
~,-I4I2 words, FOR ARAFAT, SINAI PULLOUT MEANS OPPORTUNITIES AND CEASE-FIRE SPELLS
-TROUBLE; News Analysis, By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN, BEIRUT, Lebanon, April25
�BBC ~e_w.:..J MIDDLE EAST I Analysis: Golan the key
. http://news.bbc.co. uk!hi/english!w ... ddle_ east/newsid_ 5 89000/5 89842.stm
~·'
[;][;]S HOMEPACE I WORLD SERVICE I EDUCATION
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Front Page Tuesday, 4 January, 2000, 02:26 GMT
Analysis: Golan the
key
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~ BBC ONE TV NEWS
~·)) WORLD NEWS SUMMARY
See also:
• 03 Jan 00 I Middle East
US urges talks caution
• 07 Dec 99 I Middle East
Barak halts settlemeQt
expansion
• 08 Nov 99 1 Middle East
Hurdles remain for
Mid-East peace
. • 12 Dec 99 1 Middle East
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Education
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qhe BBC's Anna
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Two crucial issues
of security and
water
~real 28k
There is guarded optimism that a deal may··
be imminent.
• 14 Dec 99
1
Middle East
Barak carries Syria
talks vote
By the BBC's Ed Butler
The Middle East peace tal.ks underway
in the United States are being seen as
the last big piece in a diplomatic
jigsaw designed to solve half a century
Of COnfliCt.
Israel and Syria have ·
long been at opposing
ends of the Middle
Eastern divide, and
lh~Qil,ll,r~HI/t~~~
have now come
together in
Shepherdstown~ West Virginia.
... ·- .
.
=====
.
~
According to Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Barak the price of pe.ace may be
painful, but it is necessary.
He states Israel's
security will be
strengthened by .
ending the conflict
1 of5
Hope for Israeli-Syrian
deal
• 17 Dec 99
1
Middle East
Mid-East commentators
cautiously optimistic
• 29· Dec 99 1 Middle East
Shas signals Israeli
coalition deal
• 17 Dec 99 1 Middle East
. Mid-East talks end on
upb_eat note
Internet links:
• Syrian Ministry of
Information
• Golan Heights
Information Server
(Israeli site)
• Occupied Golan (Syrian
site)
• Government of Israel
The BBC is not responsible for
the content of ext~rnal internet
sites
Links to other Middle
We will do our
East stories are at the
·utmost to
foot of the page .
.strengthen Israel's
4/26/2000 10:52 AM
�. News.;\ MIDDLE EAST\ Analysis: Golan the key
BB~
http://news.bbc.co. uk/hii'english/w ... ddle_ east/newsid_ 5 89000/589842.stm
ending the conflict strengthen Israel's
security by putting
with Syria, by
an end to the
demilitarising the
conflict with Syria
Golan Heights,
redeploying the
Syrian army away
from Israel's
borders, securing their water sources,
and ending "the tragedy in Lebanon".
''
The move would also "make a
qualitative leap" in the strategic
co-operation with the United States,
and bring North African states and the
Arabian peninsula into the process he
says.
Despite such benefits, Mr Barak insists
that he will not be sacrificing too much
to win them.
Syrian concessions
He is going to require some major
concessions from Syria if Israel is to
finally relinquish what it regards as the
main prize, the Golan Heights.
This mountainous stretch of land was
seized by Israel during the six-day war
of 1967.
It has become home to some 17,000
Israeli settlers and offers Israel a
natural strategic buffer to Sy'ria.
. 'The BBC's State Department
correspondent Richard Lister believes
· it remains to be· seen whether Israel is
really ready to give it up:
"I think it's no secret that the Israelis
are talking because they are prepared
to withdraw from the Golan, but the
devil is in the details and that is the
stage we are at".
2 of5
4/26/2000 10:52 AM.
I
�BBC Ne~l MIDDLE EAST I Analysis: Golan the key
http://news. bbc.co. uk!hi/english!w ... ddle_ east/newsid_ 589000/5 89842.strn
Those details are to what border the
troops withdraw from: the 1967
border, or the original Palestine border
with Syria of 1923?
Precious water
Another question is whether part of .
the border will be made available to
the Israelis for the collection of water.
Water is a prized
asset in this region,
especially to Syria,
according to the
Syrian writer and
commentator Rana
Kabbani.
Syria is extremely
worried about
water. It won't
reach an
agreement without
a guarantee of a
decent supply
.. Syria is extremely
worried about
water because it has had a major
drought in the last few years .. he said .
.. Syria's economy, unlike Israel's, is
· still agrarian-based, and with its
loaded history of conflict with Turkey
over water. I think it won't reach an
agreement without a guarantee of a
decent supply ...
That will mean Syria demanding the
handover of the source of the.Baniyas
River, which lies within the Golan
territory.
In return Israel wants concrete
security safeguards-- possibly in the
form of semi-militarised advance
warning posts inside the 'Golan and
elsewhere.
For Israel, n·ormalised relations with
syria would grant it one clear benefit the freedom to withdraw with impunity
3 of 5
4/26/2000 I 0:52 AM
�BBC New..s.·l MIDDLE EAST I Analysis: Golan the key
http://news. bbc.co. uk!hi/ englishlw ... ddle_ east/newsid_58 9000/5 89 84 2. stm
from the 'buffer' territory in southern
Lebanon.
This border area, patrolled by Israeli
troops, has cost it billions of dollars
and many lives in the approximately
18 years Israel has been there.
Israel would
probably be
relieved to pull out
now that the
Syrian-backed
Lebanese Hezbollah
guerrilla group is
no longer a threat.
The people of
Israel will have to
be convinced that
paying the price of
withdrawal is
worthwhile
''
But Syria must first prove its serious
desire for peace, according to Israeli
Government spokesman Moshe Fogel:
"The Syrian Government must
convince the Israeli electorate that it is
in our interest to end the conflict - we
can only be convinced if the Syrians
completely and totally change their
attitudes."
Historic time
President Clinton and his Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright worked hard
to push both camps towards a deal at
last month's preliminary talks.
In the past their .
influence has been.
central in keeping
the peace process
alive.
,,,
We areall
.
prepared to roll up
our sleeves and ·
really work hard
q~
"'/
Mrs Albright does
not expect these talks to conclude
quickly however. "I'm sure there will
be more than one round in this," she
4 of5
4/26/2000 10:52 AM
�..
http://news. bbc. co. uk!hi! english!w ... ddle_ east/newsid_58 9000/5 89 84 2 .stm
BBC New.iol MIDDLE EAST I Analysis: Golan the key
said.
"We are all aware how problematic the
issues are, but obviously we are all
very much seized with the idea that
this is an historic time."
Links to other Middle East stories.
~In Th_i_s_s_ec_t~io_n_________
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�PEACEW~.tch
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Vol2 # 15
Vol 2 #15: March 1, 2000
MII®•MM*4 hlliijH
Q®i!IIJBIW AQMAA
Vote - Israel-Syria Peace Poll MidEast Links
Forum Discussion!
QEsl3aYSS:OOOiililftWealfitiiiiiii71SfliEililC9i'iflm~furcesM)W
Guest Editorial
DOWN FROM THE HEIGHTS:
LAMENTS OF A ZIONIST DOVE
By Ralph Seliger
Once again, the peace process has proved to be long on process and short on
~~~~~ third or fourth time, Syria's President Assad has found a way to reject Israel's of
from the Golan Heights. The latest round of bloodshed in Lebanon is not neces
~~~~;J. doing (he does not fully control Hezbollah), but the anti-Semitic tirade about the
Syria's government-controlled press clearly is.
rr=r:==:::::=:=;rrr:r::~~
~;r==::;::::;r;:y:::::w~
Assad has yet to prove that he understands what negotiations really are. lnsistin
signed commitment to withdraw to the pre-June 1967 line before discussing all
the issue is at best a pressure tactic, at worst a propagandaploy. And Israel is f
pointing out that the 1967 line includes small but critical areas along the Sea of
Syria took by force of arms in 1948. There is hard bargaining to be done about
border should be marked, as well as the kind of security measures and econom
relations which Syria should agree to in return for the Golan.
Likewise, it is legitimate to negotiate on. the fate of the communities which lsrae
the Golan at the explicit behest of their government and, unlike in the West Ban
widespread suppo·rt of most of the political spectrum. As has been widely noted
MID EAST PEACE
approximately 14,000 Israelis who have made the Golan their home are not the
ISSUES &
uncompromising hardliners who constitute a prominent element of the West Ban
RESOURCES
population. For example, the Golan is the only area beyond the 1967 Green Lin
members of the left- wing and very dovish Kibbutz Artzi or National Kibbutz Fed
Maps
Documents merging with the United Kibbutz Movement) established new kibbutzim.
News Links &
Search Engmes
Although these kibbutzniks have from the outset declared a willingness to leave
return for a real peace with Syria, peace would only be strengthened if Israelis a
businesses were allowed to remain while acknowledging Syrian sovereignty. It i
Water & Politics
many would choose to remain under Syrian rule, but this concrete fact of Israeli
Water 1n the
M1ddle East
existence would greatly improve the new post-war climate and· provide a signific
Op1n1on Polls stagnant Syrian economy.
Be sa
There is no inherent reason why the highly successful Golan Heights Winery, fo
the ski resort at Mt. Hermon, and the other enterprises of 24 factories and 28 kib
moshavim could not benefit both Israelis and Syrians. Syria could derive benefit
taxation, rent payments, and through a spate of employment and investment op
9 .Yitzh~k
its people. The notion of such cooperation may be a piped ream; Syria has alrea
Frankenthal
opposition, but any peace which would require total evacuation by Israel would
would be immeasurably more difficult to sell to the electorate in the promised re.
Organizations Barring a radical change in the nature of the Syrian state, the most compelling r
to return the Golan Heights to Syria is to secure the Lebanese border. If Syria d
Our Special cannot prevent violence along that border, there is no enormous incentive for Is
Friends:
beautiful and productive region. Hopefully, Prime Minister Barak will comply with
Open House · Dalia Landau
d f th
8
fi ~t~af~~ e~c:r_
1 of4
4/26/2000 10:44 AM
�PEAq:w~tch
Vol2 # 15
Friends:
~
Frowefs
School
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beautiful and productive region. Hopefully, Prime Minister Barak will comply with
withdraw from southern Lebanon by July of this year, if not sooner. Then, it cou ·
clear to Syria that if violence continues from the Lebanese side, Israel remains o
indefinitely. Instead of Israel in effect being held hostage in Lebanon, the pressu
squarelyon Syria.
Neve Shalom
PACE
PaleSTiiie Assoc. for
Cultural Exchange_
Peace Child
Israel
Yakar
Peaceguest
The Shalom
Center.
Australian Jewish
Democrabc Soc1ety
Horizon
Magaz1ne
An early withdrawal from Lebanon and a flexible but realistically hard line towar
actually help progress toward a real peace with the Palestinians. Unlike on the G
the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip that the remaining sectors of Israeli militar
(misnamed as the "Civil Authority"), settlements and by-pass roads truly oppres
of people. For example, since 1967, Israel has demolished 6,000 Palestinian ho.
30,000 people homeless. Most of these demolitions are for homes built on Pale
land without an official Israeli permit, a document which is rarely granted to Wes
Jerusalem Palestinians, and never secured simply or easily.
Home demolitions, along wit~ the bulldozing of olive groves and other Palestinia
graphic reminders of the harshness of military rule over a conquered people. De
are enforced arbitrarily and without warning. Families may be visited at all hours
armed soldiers and police, and given the peremptory command to evacuate the
15 minutes. Even a moment's hesitation out of the shock of the occasion may b
"resistance," prompting the forceful dragging and beating of the soon to be hom
occupants. Such events have been witnessed by activists of the Israeli Com mitt
House Demolitions, including Prof. Jeff Halper, a Hebrew University anthropolog
M.K. Naomi Chazan.
JMCC
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Except for the shocking incident of 300 cave-dwelling bedouins forcibly removed.
homes near Jerusalem, most of this activity has been suspended by the govern
Barak. It is vital for the sake of building a peaceful future with the Palestinian pe
actions be finally and totally ended. It is on the West Bank and in Gaza, not on t
an end to occupation would lift Israel of a heavy moral and practical burden. Wh
boundaries and dimensions of the new Palestinian state in the process of becom
important that the Palestinians have a significant contiguous swath of West B.an
NOT- as threatened today- as many as 70 island-cantons surrounded by·Jew
and by-pass roads.
Prime Minister Barak's announced goal of incorporating blocs of settlements wit
proper is not unreasonable, but settlements should not make a mockery of the c
Palestinian statehood. It is on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip that it is nee .
Israel's future peace to be secured by the evacuation of at least some Jewish to
withdrawal of Israeli rule. Israel's limited political capital to sacrifice for the sake
more prudently expended vis-a-vis the Palestinians than the Syrians.
RALPH SELIGER is board secretary and publications chair of Meretz USA. The opinions expres
own. A slightly different version has recently been published in the Philadelphia Jewish Exponen
PeaceWatch - other articles
MidEast Web has the latest news at http://www.mideastweb.org/mewNews.htm
Views at http://W'Nw.mideastweb.org/mewzine.htm
,
Dialog Resources at: http://www.mideastweb.org/dialog.htm
Visits to Gaza
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SECTION: Vol. II ; No. I ; Pg. 40; ISSN: 0887-9982
LENGTH: 2183 words
HEADLINE: Remapping the landscape. Special Section: The Rabin Assassination
BYLINE: Ezrahi, Sidra DeKoven
BODY:
The shiva is over. And the shloshim. After the countdown comes the trial, so now is the time for each of us to begin to
write our own sentence ....
The signs of mourning have not been entirely erased by the rains and the routines of life in the aftermath: Hundreds of
thousands of spent candles have left· congealed wax on pavements, on rocks, .on hedges. Dead flowers hang by limp
stalks on lampposts and traffic lights. Fragments of poems and prayers cling to walls, kvittlach with petitions and
pledges to the slain leader flutter in the wind, held down by wax or pinioned on the needles of pine trees or the spikes of
iron fences.
The landscape did change: The rhetoric of hate disappeared for awhile. The bumper stickers with the inflammatory
slogans vanished the night after the assassination, their only trace the rivulets of water drying in the morning sun under
hundreds of newly scrubbed cars .... More peace doves flew in the month of mourning on rear windshields than had
ever migrated through Israeli skies. The posters announcing activities against "memshelet zadon" ("reigri of iniquity")
and sporting pictures of Rabin in a kaffiyeh or S.S. uniform were scratched from the bulletin boards and walls.
Replaced by huge posters of the same.man with the words, "oseh shalombimromav" (he who makes peace in the
heavens .... ) and "hashalom yikom et damo" (peace will avenge his blood). Draped over the luminescent billboards at
intersections advertising new products or coming attractions is a black-and-white announcement: "bemoto tziva lanu et
hashalom" (in his death he bequeathed us peace). Every so often one still encounters a poster from "before" with "Rabin
rotzeah" (Rabin is a murderer) incompletely covered by a poster announcing "Rabin nirtzah" (Rabin is murdered),
forming an eloquent dialogue, a sort of ongoing op-ed in the public square.
· These events take on melodramatic dimensions of a scale that only Steven Spielberg could have conceived (pace,
Sophocles, Hollywood has overshadowed Athens, even in Jerusalem). Rabin's murder, as we are learning every day,
had been inscribed into an unfolding pageant of imprecation, mystification, and holy war. And his death took place in a
rare moment of ecstasy and gratification, againsta choral backdrop of husky voices singing out of tune .... The most
unlikely of martyrs, Yitzliak Rabin emerged, rather belatedly, as father to a country of self-proclaimed orphans. 0
Captain, my Captain, they kept intoning, as if Whitman had just won the Bialik Prize.
Oddly enough, one thought it was the "People of the Book" who had learned, the hard way, not to take their reading
too seriously. Or maybe seriously but not too literally. Like the journey itself~ a journey to an ever-deferred end. When
the end would come, then it would be time to literalize the verses and the curses. It was the journey, then, that
safeguarded the innocuousness, the inefficacy, of words for hundreds and thousands of years. "L'halakha velo
lema'aseh" (A matter of theory, not practice), as the rabbis would have it. We are only engaged in an intellectual,
hypothetical exercise, calling someone a "moser" (informer, turncoat) as long as we don't have the mechanism or the
mandate to enforce the verdict. No one- including many of the rabbis who were preaching that Rabin and his ilk, in
their willingness to give up any of the territory ofEretz Yisrael, were "mosrim" and "rodfim" and "rozhim," (traitors,
· attackers, murderers)- seemed to notice that the young people they were addressing had been raised on the literalization
�of the text.
Coming back to the land has meant, for the post-'67 generation~ reclaiming the concrete dimension of the Jewish
imagination. Baruch Goldstein read a quite literal Megillat Esther and went out on Purim to reenact, in the Tomb of the
Patriarchs, the Jewish tale of vengeance in "real time," against today's goyim- who just happened to be twenty-nine
Moslems at prayer .... This past Yom Kippur, Kabbalistic curses written in Aramaic that constituted a contract on
Rabin's head were distributed in mainstream synagogues in Jerusaiem. (As columnist Lili Gallili wrote in Ha'aretz six
weeks after the murder: foreign corespondents keep asking her how you say "pulsa de mura" in French.) During the
weeks and months preceding his deCision to kill the Prime Minister, Yigal Amir was hearing from authorities he trusted
that Rabin was a "moser" and a "rodef' and he knew that such people must be stopped at all costs, even and up to taking
their life. Since, as he was also taught at Bar Ilan and its "Kolel," Rabin's government was not even kosher, relying as it
did on' an Arab minority for its narrow majority in the Knesset, it 'was incumbent on all those who had the courage, to
carry out the verdict.
·
These are people for whom the Book of Joshua is, quite simply, a guidebook to twentieth-century "Judea and
Samaria." For whom Maim on ides, quoted out of context (and where are the genius and flexibility of the rabbinic voices
over the generations if not in quoting each other "out of context"?) and deciphered at the convenience of the interpreter
.(who is not engaging in "politics," God forbid, but in interpretation or translation of divine will), is the highest judge of
the moral status and fate of a man who lives some eight hundred years later.
Through a pilgrimage to Jerusalem the likes of which the Holy City had never seen in its"3,000-year" history, the
people of this country from every walk of life, Ashkenazim and Sephardim, rich and poor, Hasid and Druze, and many
many Arabs who came to pay homage to the dead Prime Minister began to cast out the hideous monster· that has
evolved from fundamentalist Judaism and xenophobic Zionism. If this country wanted a "referendum" on the peace
·
'
process, this was it.
And it was not limited to Jerusalem. Folk too young to use the ballotvoted with their feet and folk too· old to use their
feet were wheeled through the local shrines erected around the casket at the Knesset and then at the gravesite on Mt.
Herzl, outside. the Rabin home, and at the demonstration site in Tel Aviv, and on nearly every comer and crossroad in
the country. In their very fragility, these little pedestrian shrines provide an alternate topography to the Tomb of Rachel
and the Cave of Machpelah and all the other idolatrous sites of ancestor-worship that have replaced the unique mobility
.of our collective imagination.
At first, I must admit, it appeared to me that we were embracing a new form of empowered secularism. Back to the
early days of the Zionist movement when territory was largely real estate to be purchased- or stolen- but not
"reclaimed." But in letting go of the territorial mania it may be, it may just be, that we are fmally beginning to reclaim
something else that was hijacked from us. Even if the Aramaic words of the Kaddish were badly mispronounced by
Rabin's son Yuval (which was, notwithstanding, a rather. appropriate tribute to his father, who would surely have
stumbled over the same words), the eulogies were in fact saturated with biblical images: "Akedat Yitzhak," Moses at
the edge of the Promised Land, "malakhei hasharet,'; (the heavenly hosts), Yehuda Amichai's allusive verses. The Bible,
on which generations of Israelis had been raised and then disenfranchised, has begun to reemerge as a new charter
between the generations, along with the blood-stained "shir le-shalom" (Song of Peace) that was folded neatly in
Rabin's pocket but proved a less adequate shield than.a bullet-proof vest would have been. It is, nevertheless, something
very local, very Israeli, something for the Zionists as well as the post-Zionists, the Jews and the Arabs, sons and
daughters of Abraham, to share. There was a conspicuous absence, in the local T.V. coverage and in the official
proceedings around the funeral, of American Jewish leaders. Some of them were here, we know, as we know that many
of them were still smarting from the tongue-lashing to which they were subjected on Rabin's last visit to the United
States.
Since the religion which is the only source of collective identity for the Jews in the Diaspora has been implicated in
the most hideous crime that this people has ever known, the breach will not be repaired without major and daring acts
of redefinition. We cannot, here or there, return Judaism to its pristine state as a religion of the Book, like a genie sent
back·into the bottle. Maybe there are some places in the world where a "nonpolitical" Judaism can be reconstructed,
untainted by the structures of power and the horrors of a sawed-off pistol held by a man wearing a. kippah (he did
�remove it during the murder ... ). Some neo-Hasidic bubbles in protected places that look like Bratslav and have names
like Westchester County or Brookline. Or as an intellectual and spiritual exercise that is safeguarded and contained
within the c~:mfines of"The Text." But I rather doubt it. As one of the commentators said. on television a few days after
the assassination, "sinat hehayyim hamithapeset leruhniut" (hatred for life that masquerades as spirituality) is no longer
tolerable among .those for whom Judaism is still the wellspring of their consciousness and who must contend with its
present contaminated condition.
There are endless discussions these days·over the airwaves and in the print media about the rhetoric of hate which no
one thought would spawn violent deeds. I am only surprised at the surprise. At the masses of people beating their
breasts and saying that as of Saturday night, November 4, 1995, Israel became a different place. Of course it is
different. Yitzhak Rabin is dead. But evidently most of the people in this country needed a major symbolic event to
teach them what had been staring us in the face for a long time: that the poison was just waiting for the first public
(=Jewish!!) victim. Emile Grunzweig, the graduate student iri political science at the Hebrew University who, just days
before his assassination at a Peace Now rally thirteen years ago, had submitted a seminar paper pleading for a public
discourse with "words, not swords," knew it. We who had our lives threatened by the "Sicarians," who spent hours and
hours at street-comer demonstrations over the past two decades being spat upon and cursed, told that it was a shame
that the Nazis didn't get us arid our families, that our mothers and our daughters were whores, knew it. All of us who
watched in horror as the crowds in the demonstration of the "nationalist" camp chanted "Rabin boged" (Rabin is a
traitor) and held up posters of our Prime Minister in Nazi uniform, knew it.
And of course the Palestinians knew it. They have been dying for years, but not being part of the "tribe," their deaths
did not desecrate the communitarianism that drew strict boundaries between Us and Them.and never allowed a true
civil society to evolve in the Jewish State. Overnight, it is true, an intimacy seemed to reemerge within a community
. that had not lost its nostalgia for a Gemeinschaft in which everyone spoke Yiddish or Judeo-Arabic or Ladino .... But if
it is to succeed, this new solidarity cannot revert to some romantic and anti-democratic, ghettoized idea of;'consensus,"
. but to something that weaves this. society together in a fabric that respects the-different colors and textures and ages of
our lives: And it is the young people who are demanding it: What h~s been released into the atmosphere besides the
breathlessness of Rabin's generation, of adults weary of war, is the energy ofyouth who are claiming three-score-andten rather than self-sacrifice as their legacy.
After his death, Rabin became much larger than he ever was in life. Those who never forgave him for giving the order
to "break bones" during the early months of the Intifada, and those who applauded him for it, cried along with those
who registered his change of course from waging war to waging peace as an act of courage greater than any heroism in
the battlefield. He became an icon not only of the peace process, but ofthe yearning for life that young people in this
country never allowed themselves to express, even in the early pioneering days. A kind of repository of all the blessings
that every individual wishes for himself or herself. What we see is not just hedonism, the desire for a "better life,"
however legitimate that mi!# be. It is a challenge to one of the. last remaining sacred cows of Zionism: •itov lamut bead artzenu" (It is good to die for our country"). Whether we believe what we will never know, that those were in fact
Yosef Trumpeldor's last words, or whether, like Rabin, his last words (and testament) were: "koev I, aval ze lo nora" ("it
hurts, but never mind ... ") may be the measure of the distance we have come as a country and as an aggregate of hurting
and hurtful individuals ....
Sidra DeKoven Ezrahi is an associate professor of comparative literature at the Hebrew University and a peace
activist. She is completing a book on exile arid homecoming ill the modem Jewish imagination.
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SECTION: Pg. 38
LENGTH: 997 words
HEADLINE: SOPHOCLES IN JERUSALEM
BYLINE: Yaron Ezrahi
BODY:
Meho1 Haharadot (The Fatal Embrace), by Meron Benvenisti. Maxweli-Macmillan-Keter; 168 pp.
Why is it invariably so much more fun to read Benvenisti's books on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict than those of his
academic counterparts? I think that at least part of the answer is that Benvenisti'smerciless determinism belongs less to
the intellectual disciplines of modern historiography or the social sciences and more to the literary genre of Greek
tragedy. Benvenisti's idea of reality is too clear, one-dimensional and rhetorically decisive to be useful in careful
intellectual analysis of complex social and political phenomena. Because social scientists and historians employ much
more subtle and underdetermined concepts of the real, they must forgo the dramatic effects that Benvenisti achieves. In
this narrative of the conflicrwhose flawless prose is uninterrupted by footnotes or references the protagonists appear
innocent of any knowledge of the facts that doom them to a tragic end. Whether they are Aral:>s or Jews, right-wingers
or left-wingers, they are prisoners of myths and illusions that deny them the recognition that their actions are futile, and
the process of self- and mutual destruction irreversible. By contrast, Benvenisti and the readers of his books are privy to
such privileged knowledge, which allows them to sit in the theater of this Middle Eastern drama like the audience of a
Sophoclean tragedy and witness the actors on the stage as they move inexorably toward their end. Benvenisti's basic
argument, updated in his new book to include recent events, is well-known: The Arab-Israeli conflict is basically a war
between communities, not states, and is a profound "existential" struggle over the foundational principles of the
respective groups.
The logic of such a chronic, irreconcilable conflict is bound to defy any attempts to resolve it by institutional
arrangements or agreements among states.Even direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians are unlikely to
result in a process leading to a resolution. The late Prof. Dan Horowitz, of the Hebrew University, also published
wjdely on the subject of inter-communal struggles, seeking to illuminate the continuities and discontinuities between
the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and other instances of communal wars. Both Horowitz and Benvenisti point to the threat
. that communal conflicts pose to state authority, and the potentially destructive 'effects of "communal armed
organizations" vigilante groups of the very kind the Israeli government is now licensing for the first time in the
settlements. In contrast to Horowitz's qualified language, howe~er, Benvenisti's notion of a historically irreversible
process of confrontation entails implicit claims of foreknowledge that are no less fantastic and intellectually
indefensible than the ideas of the utopian optimists whom Benvenisti castigates. The complexities of this conflict resist
easy formulas or reductionist theories. It seems more reasonable to view the situation as consisting of constantly
shifting convergences between several sub-conflicts among communities, states, cultures, religions, international forces
and economic interests. Benvenisti is certainly right to emphasize the increasing saliency of the inter-communal war,
but- contrary to his view - the Gulf War and the peace talks between Israel and the other parties to the conflict indicate,
at the very least, the powerful presence in this drama of other actors who obey a significantly different logic. Yet any
reader of these lines who would infer tha~ while Benvenisti's book is engaging and is not particularly instructive, will
miss my point. The fact that he carries his thesis beyond the boundaries of judgments informed by the humble
acknowledgment of the unpredictable does not mean that his perspective is without valuable insights. Benvenisti,
formerly a deputy mayor of Jerusalem, was director of the now-disbanded West Bank Data Project. Author of
"Conflicts and Contradictions" and other works, he is one of the most astute commentators on the Palestinian-Israeli
problem, whose familiarity with the occupied territories and penetrating intuition can be matched by very few experts.
�The impact of his books in Israel and abroad suggests that his mode of writing has value in focusing public debate on
some of the most epduring elements of the Arab-Israeli problem. In "The Fatai Embrace," he forcefully presents a
position that, despite its flaws, should be entertained by any sophisticated observer of Middle Eastern politics. The
gravity of his conclusions, while excessive, nevertheless illuminates the harsh and tragic elements of this bloody
conflict In. addition, Benvenisti makes some particularly instructive observations on the socio-political and ideological·
aspects of the Israeli position, such as when he explores the deeper links between the isolationism of the leaders of the
Israeli right wing and their moral immunity to the analogies between the dual system developed in the territories and
apartheid. While I find Benvenisti's polemical style refreshing, it seems to lead him to simplify the positions of those he
sees as his adversaries - and even of those who are his political allies. A ch'aracteristic illustration is his constant attacks
on what he regards as the wishful thinking and naive optimism of the left. Benvenisti clearly fails to distinguish
between optimism as a quality that may or may not be warranted by political analysis and optimism as a necessary
element in the operational code of all reformers and seekers of change. Fortunately, Benvenisti is not himself a
hopelessly consistent pessimist. In his concluding remarks, he expresses some faith in the possibility that actors who
understand reality may actually be able to change it by rational means. But this sudden illumination comes too late in
the book to spoil the reader's absorption in the drama of an Israeli-Palestinian tragedy.
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SECTION: No.4, Vol. 12; Pg. 23; ISSN: 0887-9982
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LENGTH: 4675 words
HEADLINE: Rubber Bullets: Power and Conscience in Modem Israel; book reviews
BYLINE: Efron, Noah J.
BODY:
"We shall know how to keep the rabbis in their synagogues, and our generals in their barracks," Theodor Herzl wrote
of his Judenstaat. Add to that keeping the socialists on their kibbutzim, and you've got the desideratum of Rubber
Bullets, Yaron Ezrahi's memoir-cum-political criticism about growing up Israeli and, ultimately, about Israelis growing
up Ezra hi believes that Herzl's brash confidence that ideologues of different stripes could easily be kept in check was
misplaced, or at least well ahead of its time. Most of the hundred years since Herzl first proposed a Jewish state have
seen various collectivist ideologies claiming, with great success, the hearts and minds of eretz yisraelim, Jews born in
"the land of Israel."
These ideologies were until recently so pervasive and so adept at creating collective allegiance, Ezrahi argues, that
they prevented individual Israelis from developing sturdy private identities. Israel's history, refracted by these
ideologies, was epic - in different versions messianic·, eschatoiogical, or utopian - and it transcended and overshadowed
the petty private histories of mere individuals. To be Israeli was to participate in something larger than life and·more
· important than any particular life, including one's own. To be an Israeli was to sway, Ezrahi writes, to "the epic chorus
that silenced,the lyrical voice of the self. Only after the Six-Day War did the hold of totalizing ideologies (and the epic
history they engendered) slacken somewhat, and only with the start of the intifada a decade ago, was their
psychological hegemony seriously challenged. As the image oflsrael as an embattled David became harder and harder
to sustain (given Israel's patently Goliathine might), many Israelis' confidence in the heroism of their unfolding history
was shaken.
Ezra hi nicely observes that nothing marks the end of Israel's epic history better than the introduction of rubber bullets
to fight Palestinian protesters iri the intifada. Rubber bullets, though they can be lethal, are meant to control and subdue,
not to kill. Rubber bullets are used against civilians, not enemy soldiers. They limit force, implying that in the battle
between Jewish soldiers and Palestinians, the danger is not of Jews having too little power, but rather of
indiscriminately using too much, discrediting the heroic view of beleaguered Jews struggling against implacable
enemies. Once this axiom of Israel's epic history is given the lie, other revisions follow in tow. For the first time, many
Israelis have now begun to see their foundational ideologies and their foundational mythologies as a sham. They have
turned away from collectivist visioJl, and increasingly sought to cultivate the self, enlisting in what Ezrahi calls "the
counterrevolution of the Israeli individual." It'is only now that we Israelis are, as Marlo Thomas sang, "free to be you
and me." After one hundred years of Zionism and fifty years of statehood, Israelis are finally able to effect the frame of
mind necessary for libenil democratic values to thrive.
Though the influence of the old era can still be felt, particularly in the rhetoric and rejectionism of the religious right,
Ezra hi is persuaded that better, less ideologically fraught times are upon us.
�Ezrahi, who teaches political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, is a fatuously affable mensch and a
widely-respected public intellectual and peace activist. Rubber Bullets combines these different aspects of his persona,
intertwining personal memoirs, social criticism and political analysis. This combination is appropriate, because one of
Ezrahi's most potent points, and one of his most vigorous complaints, is that for Israelis the personal is always fused
with the social and political, producing -like Brundel-fly in the sci-fi classic- monstrously amalgamated identities. In
Israel, it is hard to tell where you end and the country begins. In its form and content, Ezrahi's book captures this fact
well. Indeed, the. stories of Ezrahi's own childhood in Palestine and Israel - he was eight when Ben-Gurion declared the
establishment of the state- are the most arresting part of the book. Growing up epic, it turns out, can be cruel.
Ezrahi's most wistful anecdotes concern his family. His grandfather, an early Hebrew scholar named Mordechai
paid close attention to the four-year-old Ezrahi, but had little interest in what the boy thought or who he
was. Ezrahi's relationship with his father, Yariv, was close, but here too, communal ideologies got in the way. Yariv
was a musician and music teacher, a vocation of which Ezrahi was proud but ambivalent. He imagined his father a~ a
sort of warrior, yet the eight-year-old Ezrahi could not help but notice that his father fell short of the Israeli soldierly
ideal.
Krichev~ky,
Many years later, this ideal would come between Ezrahi and his own son, Ariel. As Ariel neared induction, Ezrahi
found himself hoping that his son would fail his physical, that they find "some defect, not serious but sufficient to
disqualify" Ariel from serving in crack combat units. In the weeks before Ariel was to go to basic training, Ezrahi
toured the United States with his son, choosing the Grand Canyon as a backdrop to warn Ariel about the ideological
indoctrination he was aboutto receive in the Army. When Ariel rejected his arguments against the occupation, Ezrahi
realized with a start, perhaps a touch condescendingly, that Ariel and his friends would ~e sent off to the army "before
they had been able to distinguish themselves as individuals from the larger society and even ·from their own high school
group."
The collectivist ideology would have its day, distancing father from son, just has it had distanced Ezra hi from his
own father.
Ezra hi also shows how collective commitments infiltrate not just one's family but also one's very self. When he was
· ten, visiting family friends on kibbutz Gvat, he set out with a group of kibbutz children to a nearby reservoir. When
they arrived, the other boys and girls stripped naked, Ezrahi alone wearing a bathing suit: "I was left with a sense of
irrecoverable loss, painfully accepting my stigma as an outsider. I was clearly and irremediably a city boy, a native of
that inferior place where money is paramount and fallen people live." This is a poignant realization, and it took its toll
on young Ezrahi. Two years later, he woke up from a nap frightened and disoriented: "I did not recognize anything
around me or remember who I was and why I was there. I'll never forget the terror as I felt I was moving in the void."
What is striking about this is that it was "a liberating moment, a fleeting escape from my dense collectivized and
historicized consciousness, a seductive invitation to a trip outside the Jewish-Zionist epic." When a total, terrifying loss
of self is a relief, something is clearly wrong. As Ezrahi puts it:
"To be born in Tel Aviv in 1940 and turri eight about four weeks before the Declaration of Is~ael's Independence
was ... to be dwarfed by a narrative stretching between catastrophe and redemption. It could dry up an early appreciation
for anything personal, for private language, private space, private time, even private life."
Ezrahi obser-Ves with understandable relief that this stultifying communalism is quickly fading now. Many Israelis
are increasingly repelled from ideology-driven politics toward more pragmatic approaches.
·
One must agree with Ezrahi that Israelis are at the same time gravitating toward bourgeoisie pleasures with greater
gusto than ever before - annual junkets abroad, for instance, are now almost de rigeur - and the pursuit of these
pleasures is less at odds with the prevailing ethos than it used to be. The new cultura~ heroes are not generals, farmers,
or scholars; they are investment bankers and stock and securities traders. The arts can no longer be relied upon for
hortatory representations of Zionist ideology. Acclaimed movies like Life According to Agfa or The Revenge of Itzik
Finkelstein portray seamy institutions that leave Israelis emotionally and morally vacant. Aviv Geffen, a teen rock idol,
threatens to kill himself if drafted, and advises his groupies to leave the country after the assassination of Rabin and
election ofNetanyahu. Each year for over a decade, it has become more difficult for the army to persuade soldiers to
�...
agree to become officers; even as standards have been lowered, too few have come forward. Over the same period, the
number of young men and women studying law has exploded, and the number of law schools has more than doubled.
The army of young lawyers in the major cities oflsrael is not, as a group, seeking to advance the public interest. The
kibbutz movement has settled into a state of perpetual crisis, with several kibbutzim closing their doors or privatizing,
and others doing away with rules limiting private property and ensuring equality of means and opportunity. And Israeli
academia, where Ezrahi spends most of his time, is experiencing a frenzy of"demythologizing" oflsraeli and Jewish
·history.·
.
r
Like the story of growing up when communalism was at its most vigorous, the story of the decline of communalism is
one that Ezra hi tells with elan. But just what were these ideologies, what accounts for their hold on eretz yisraelim for
most of the past hundred years, and what accounts for the weakening of that hold? Here Ezrahi's account is less
convincing. Liberal individualism did not develop in Jewish Palestine and Israel, Ezrahi finds, because it was
suffocated from the start by zealots and zealotry. He writes that "an Israeli society shaped and led by Eastern European
nationalists, socialists, and religious Zionists (all representing highly collectivist variants of the cultures of Judaism)
was thoroughly inhospitable to the values of self-cultivation and unfamiliar with the resources .of advanced Western
individualism. Jewish immigrants from the Arab countries, while marginalized in other respects, only reinforced these
trends in Israeli society."
·
This statement is the core of Ezrahi's j'accuse. It is telling and worth parsing. One of Ezrahi's points is that the
communalist ideologies from which Israel derived its political culture were nationalism'(by which he seems to mean the
revisionist nationalism, or corporatism, of Jabotinsky and his followers), socialism, and orthodox Judaism. Though
quite different from each other, these ideologies had much in common. They were planted in the 'Holy Land by
Ostjuden, and, except perhaps for socialism, later fortified by Sefaradim - together an unholy alliance of declasse Jews
who never had a chance to absorb Western civility. The three great Israeli ideologies all funded "epic histories," and
though the themes of these histories diffe~ed for each ideology, all three"converged in diminishing the individual".
But if these ideologies are the cause of diminished individualism, they are ~t the same time also its effect. Because,
and this is another ofEzrahi's important points, each of these ideologies traces its roots back to "the cultures of
Judaism," in which the individual is all but invisible. Ezra hi observes that Israelis lack the sense of self to produce 'true
autobiographies {finding that the autobiographies o(Moshe Dayan, Abba Eban, Shimqn Peres, Golda Meir, and .
Yitzhak Shamir do not address the iJVler life of their authors nor do they provide honest, reflective narrative ofthe
writing, or speaking, self). This, he explains, reflects the fact that "Hebrew culture from its classical period to the
present... has a distinct poverty of imtobiography as a viable literary genre". Ezra hi attributes this fact to the "secondary
status of the individual in Judaism ... : The meaning of [the Jew's] life isabsorbed in collective structures and collective
myths." The durability of these collective myths owes to another feature of the "cultures of Judaism": their "collectivist
counter-liberal orientation" toward what Ezrahi revealingly calls "the burden of the past."
It was traditional Judaism; then, that prevented Jews from becoming individuals, forcing them instead into the
juggernaut of the Jewish epic. None of this is surprising' in light ofwhat Ezrahi calls, "the long Judaic tradition of
viewing the individual as a member of a community of faith designated by God to carry out a divine mission. In this
narrative, the lives of the multitude are cemented by a single superhuman author who inscribes both nature and history:
one God, one King, one Kingdom. As a direct challenge to paganism, with its idea of a multiplicity of gods, and
kingdoms, Judaism has been a paradigmatic expression of the attempt to privilege a single all-encompassing master
narrative."
This Jewish habit-of-mind, to lose oneself in a single "master narrative," persisted even for those early Zionists who
rejected God and Halacha. Micah JosefBerdiehevski, a radical Marxist Zionist, adopted Nietzche's notion of
"transvaluation" to describe how traditional habits-of-mind might be revived, with new content, in the Jewish
homeland. As Ezrahi sees it, the "transvaluation" was all too successful; even for Jews who rejected traditional
Judaism, the traditional Jewish affinity for "master narratives" survived, be they Marxist or revisionist or whatever else.
What thrived in this ideologically-charged atmosphere was militarism. Though each ideology pointed toward its own
ut,opia, they all agreed that a powerful army was needed to achieve their visions. This elemental agreement did not
prevent different armies from arising out of different ideological milieus. In the decades before the state, socialists and
�revisionists each built their own militaries, which differed in philosophy and organization. It was only after the
revisionists were successfully stronghanded ~ Ben Gurion's decision to bomb the Altalana being the most shocking
example of the long struggle between Jewish armies - that everyone reluctantly fell in behind a single banner. Still, the
belief that a powerful military was at once a necessity and a virtue was deeply felt by almost all, regardless of their .
ideological affiliations. The military was the hub of a rare, profound consensus, and, perhaps owing to this fact, its
significance - both practical and spiritual - became an article of faith.lt did not take long for the army to become the
focus of its own "master narrative" and its own epic history, with mass sacrifice increasing the investment that all
Israelis had in the image of their heroic army forging an epic history.
·
The military "master narrative" soon became the most potent, and universally accepted, oflsrael's grand narratives,
outstripping the others in influence and allure. This comes as no surprise. What has sometimes been called the "cult of
the military" transcended ethnicity, class, and ideology, making possible a heady sort of "oncordia discordantium
among Israel's diverse Jewish population. It also played well to international audiences, cheered to have the image of
ruddy Jews in Jeeps replacing the image of emaciated Jews at the fences of Dachau. Its appeal grew further because, for
a time, it seemed to have succeeded brilliantly. By the time Israel was established, it was hard to believe that a socialist
utopia, or a revisionist one, or a halachic one would win the day. It was far easier to believe that the h~roic vi~ion of
Jews transformed from victims to victors would be fulfilled . .It had been fulfilled. Add to that the fact that the army's
achievements had exacted commitment by exacting a price; it had produced thousands of martyrs, so many that almost
every Israeli family has paid homage to Israel's military with the blood of loved ones. This mass sacrifice increased the
investment that all Israelis had in the image of a heroic army forging an epic history.
·
The epic history it forged was an epic history for the masses. Its appeal was equally great for the petite bourgeoisie in
Tel Aviv like Ezrahi's own fam_ily, for hard-core ideologues, for Jews from North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula,
for the DPs and refugees from western Europe, and for the scattered Jews from the Americas, and other far-flung places ·
from where Jews might choose to emigrate to Israel. For these reasons militarism became a most stable and
unquestioned feature oflsraeli culture and identity - that is, until recently. ·
.Ezra hi traces the weakening of communalism in all its varieties to the· unraveling of the military narrative: "Since .
1967, if not earlier, the romantic idea of the Israeli army ~ of armed Jews fighting to secure historic, religious, or
metaphysical justice for the Jewish people - has become demystified by individual Jews' experiences of killing and
being killed in wars, as well as by the moral ambiguities and ideological contradictions inherent in the encounter
between a vision of liberation and the realities of conquest."
Once Israel became, as the pundits like to call it, a "regional superpower", the story-line of vulnerable Jews winning
wars against insuperable odds quickly wore thin. As Ezrahi sees it~ the net effect of the past thirty years of Israeli
military predominance and serial political and military misadventures has been to expose Israel's collectivist "master
narratives" for the myths they are. With these given the. lie, liberal individualism finally had an opportunity to grow.
Ezrahi's accounts are right in many ways, but he oversimplifies. Ezrahi exaggerates the moral dimension of the
ennui felt by most Israelis suppressing the Palestinian uprising, or watching its suppression on television: Israelis were
morally outraged, say, when a foreign cameraman captured a soldier beating bound Palestinian children. But for most
Israelis, the intifada did not so much change their moral analysis of the occupation, as it did their cost-benefit analysis.
The intifada enervated all but led only a very few to alter their philosophical or ideological commitments.
Reading Rubber Bullets, one gets the feeling that the Israeli communalist ethos collapsed because Israelis, sick and
tired of policing and occupying, finally found the gumption to do as the bumper sticker advises: question authority. But
other factors deserve more of his attention. The Camp David Accords, which Ezra hi barely mentions, shattered many
Israelis' belief that Arab rejectionism was inevitable. The vigorous opposition of most of the West to the Israeli invasion
of Lebanon, and to Israel's settlement policy throughout the '80s, and to Israel's reaction to the intifada all dampened
enthusiasm within the country towards these policies. So did I.srael's growing affluence. The collapse of communism
also dramatically changed the balance of powers in the Middle East. Many more factors could be mentioned that,
looked at together, would weaken the morality play at the heart of Rubber Bullets.
Ezrahi also exaggerates the role the nationalist, religious, and socialist "master narratives" played in Israeli culture.
�All the ideologues of all colors, taken together, long ago became a minority. In the cafes of Jerusalem; Tel Aviv, and
·Haifa, the commitments to revisionism, Judaism, and socialism -though they may have produced strongly felt affmities
- were hardly demanding and hardly prevented the development of robust selves. The majority of workaday eretz
yisraelim were people who did not entirely buy into one or another of the utopian narratives that dominated much of
eretz yisraeli literature artd political rhetoric.
·
·
.
.
'
.
'
Ezra hi vastly overstates the extent to which Israelis were zombified by "master narratives" of any and all ideologies.
Although self-sacrifice was a highly-valued ethos, and although Israelis to this day can exhibit unparalleled empathy
(witness the national mourning that followed last month's helicopter crashes), Israelis can also be an eccentric bunch. If
a me-first sort of individualism has been frowned upon, a certain devil-may-care individuality has long been admired.
Ezrahi may find Israelis flat and superficial, their conversation "innocent of probing reflection," but others would argue
that Israelis are just as often ebullient, profound, and insightful.
Ironically, Ezrahi overstates his case in order to craft a single, coherent, and rather heroic story. Rubber Bullets is a
saga oflsraelis finally rising from their "self-imposed nonage" - as Kant famously put it in Was ist Aufklarung? This is
a saga of daring free thinkers ignoring the crushing pressure to conform. It is Exodus meets the Fountainhead, and it's
so epic that it ought have been filmed by Cecil B. De Mille.
·
·
Ezrahi's story has everything that one could ask for of epic history. It has heroes: "There is no more daring or
difficult act," he writes, "for an individual to undertake than to step outside the bounds of the prevailing universe of
meaning, the institutionalized modes of ordering and interpreting experience." It has moral growth: "When more
enlightened Israelis started slowly to draw a line·separating liberation from conquest, our country from theirs .. :selfdelusion began to give way to collective self-(re)formation." It has the battle between good and evil: It is the battle
"between individualism and collectivism, liberalism and nationalism, democratic and messianic politics, between
minimalistic and maximalistic conceptions of military force." And it is a battle ofhistoric importance, "a profound
struggle over the soul of Israel, over the very conceptions of politics and power in contemporary Israel."
Like most epic stories, Ezrahi's has a moral: strong commitment to shared ideals is stifling and infantalizing. This
moral encapsulates a theory about human nature, that humans thrive when unencumbered by communal obligations,
when freed to be "ironists," the term, Ezrahi borrows from Richard Rorty (from his essay, "Private Irony and Liberal
Hope," in Contingency, Irony and Solidarity) to describe people who have become "skeptical of the very attempt to
regard a~y idea, narrative, or claim as unambiguously or decidedly ·superior to all others." Ezrahi's moral also
·embodies the theory that what constitutes a tlgood society" is one that ensures for its members what Isaiah Berlin called
"negative liberty," liberty," the right of individuals to pursue their own appetites, whatever they may be, so long as they
do not infringe upon anyone else's rights. These theories are the foundational dogmas of Ezrahi's book.
Such dogmas account in part for Ezrahi's antipathy for the "ideologies" and ideologues that held such sway for the
first generations of Zionism and for the epic histories they produced; for their achievements, failings, strengths and
frailties. Though Zionists proved themselves capable of great cruelties -to other Jews and especially to Palestinians they also produced astonishing achievements. Zionists like Ezrahi's grandfather did revive Hebrew as a throbbing
language, and as the foundation of a new literature, and a new culture. They did absorb hordes of Je\Vs from
everywhere and nowhere, many Emma-Lazarus forlorn, and provided them relative safety and prosperity in a Jewi~h.
state. This Jewish state is a democracy. And they did create an astonishing army that forever changed the ~ay Jews
view their own strength.
One doesn't have to buy the picture-postcard account of any of these achievements. Israeli revisionist historians - we
call them the "new historians" - are feverishly rewriting the hagiographic accounts of all these achievements that were
for generations the standard accounts of Zionist history. Hebrew literature and language were laden with ideology and
.
.
propaganda. The ingathering of Jews was a highly selective affair, and immigration and absorption policies and
priorities reflected Eurocentrism, at best, and often downright racism. Israel is prosperous because of the systemic
exploitations of occupied Palestinians, and it is a democracy only if one ignores the millions of disenfranchised
Palestinians whose fate it controls. The army has been an instrument of murder, vicious repression, and massive
confiscation of lands - much of it calmly premeditated - since before the state was declared.
�All of this is sobering, and depressing but not enough to dismiss, to ignore, or to forget that there was something
splendid- yes, even heroic- about the old ideologues and their old ideologies. Yet Ezrahi has nothing but scorn, for
example, for kibbutzim: they foster conformity, discourage creativity, engender flatness of emotion, the ability to
mourn not individuals or· instances but only cohorts killed in this or that given war. Although there is much to criticize
and find disenchanting about kibbutzim, it takes a steely resolve not to see something sumptuous about the effort to
create a better society, more equal, more free, rriore productive than any that had come before. One can easily criticize
the naivete or the failed execution, or even the vision itself, but only a willful contrarian can fail to appreciate - to be
moved by- the passion and earnest self-sacrifice of the early kibbutznikim.
Ezrahi's antipathy for the "ideologies" of Zionism goes well with his affection for America and American
individualism. Ezra hi admires American political' culture because its politics are dehistoricized and deideologized, and
because its unit of analysis is always and only the individual. Surely the state of American civic and political society is
tenuous enough that Ezrahi should be more circumspect in his enthusiasm. Ezrahi approvingly quotes Tocqueville
time and again, seemingly unaware ofTocqueville's own ambivalence about the American culture he observed so well.
(One need not be Robert Bellah or Robert Putnam to suspect that American individualism has its downside.) Ezrahi's
exuberance, deaf to the constant oy-oy-oying.about the decline of American values and collapse of civil society, seems
·
·
positively Panglossian.
An admirable society, John Stuart Mill suggested in On Liberty, would be convivial to "a person whose desires and
impulses are ... the expression of his own nature, as it has been developed and modified by his own culture." Ezrahi's
complaint is that Israel had denied its citizens of their own nature, shtupping them with so much communalist ideology
from cradle to grave. Though Ezra hi describes vividly the hardships of growing up in a demanding society, his
complaint still rankles because he assumes that ideological and religious commitments are always at odds with one's
own "true" nature. Ezrahi is, as a result, deeply suspicious of the strongly held beliefs of most Israelis, beliefs founded
in Zionism, Judaism, socialism, or whatever. He wrongly assumes that those who have rejected such beliefs are more
evolved, less oppressive and more mature than the rest. He is condescending, seeing those who cling to ideological
commitments and to strong civic identities as brainwashed, or as primitives, or as having tragically gone "local" by
accepting Middle Eastern mores instead of superior western European ones.
The history of Israel need not be written as a history of dupes and somnabulist ideologues. It can just as easily be
written as the history of a society that engendered among people of countless backgrounds and countless points of view
a remarkable commitment to common goals and pride in common achievements. Circumstances have changed greatly
in the past generation, and this commitment and pride are fading. The fact that communalism in Israel is deteriorating
may have good effects, as Ezrahi has argued. Still, Ezrahi's alchemy - distilling this ambivalent fact into unalloyed
virtue - reflects a stunning lack of sympathy for the dreams of Israel's founders and the hopes of most Jewish Israelis
today.
Noah Efron has lectured in Intellectual History at Tel Aviv University. He is currently a Rothschild Fellow and
Research Scholar at the Dept. of History of Science at Harvard University.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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Affairs
The New Leader .
April 7, 1997
SECTION: No.6, Vol. 80; Pg. 15; ISSN: 0028-6044
IAC-ACC-NO: 19415799
LENGTH: 1707 words
HEADLINE: Rubber Bullets: Power and Conscience in Modem Israel; book reviews
BYLINE: Cohen, Hanan
BODY:
By Yaron Ezrahi Farrar Straus Giroux. 308 pp. $25.00.
Soon. after Mordechai Krichevsky arrived in Palestine at the end of the 19th century, he adopted the surname Ezrahi
--from the Hebrew for "citizen." Today, Yaron Ezrahi wonders whether his grandfather was conscious of the deep
symbolic meaning of this choice. "He probably could not have anticipated the ambivalence of at least one of his
.
grandsons, who would share his enthusiasm for and commitment to the privileges of Citizenship for Jews but would feel
an equally insistent impulse to keep the family domain separate from the public space and public duties."
A senior fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute, Ezra hi has written an eloquent, often personal account of a not
often talked about transformation in the way Israelis see themselves: Where once citizens were taught their individual
lives mattered only insofar as they were actors in the collective Zionist drama of return and redemption, the special
meaning of private existence is now ever more assertively permeating life.
Ezrahi explores how this emerging individualism has allowed many lsraelis--among them the late Yitzchak Rabin-to view the "land for peace" equation as something other than a betrayal of the Zionist dream.Rubber Bullets would be
worth reading for this nuanced analysis alone, but the author renders an additional service by painting a picture of a
country that is defined by more than its military and political struggles (thus. avoiding a shortcoming of many other
important works). This book is. less about policy than it is about people.
Israel's impoverished culture of the self resulted frorri a confluence of factors: religious and cultural traditions that
elevate communal values; collectivist social engineering; and living in a land literally strewn with reminders of the .
biblical Jewish commonwealths. During modem Israel's formative period, observes Ezrahi, even the national language
· tended to militate against self-expression. Hebrew, an ancient tongue revived, "was not a suitable medium for
communicating personal thoughts or feelings." It was "thick with layers of majestic, biblical, midrashic, or literary
style." And of course, living under constant external pressure, Israelis were understandably driven to identify strongly
with the state.
Probably the most powerful i.nfluence on the way Israelis have seen their role in society was the socialism at the core
of mainstream Zionism. Nowhere was this more evident than in the country's distinctive collective settlements.
Although the kibbutz communities have never accounted for more than a tiny minority of the population, says Ezrahi,
they have played a "pivotal role in projecting ideals of altruism, camaraderie, self-sacrifice, voluntarism, patriotism, and
a high work ethic." Not surprisingly, many oflsrael's more celebrated military and political leaders came from
kibbutzim.
�While children in the cities were never reared communally, as they once were on the kibbutz, many were drawn into
the socialist youth movements. And as the author recalls from his own childhood, students were often required to wear
uniforms and parents "were told not to send their children to school with expensive fruit or foodstuffs which other
families might not be able to afford." Ezrahi does not deny the appeal of these ideals and practices; yet the inevitable
consequence, he observes, was a devaluation of individualism.
The collectivist ethos has been extended across society by mandatory Army service. For once recruits don their
uniforms the "suppression of individuality" becomes explicit policy. This, of course, is true for any nation's fighting
force, and is typically justified by the need for order, discipline and solidarity. But in Israel the military takes on
additional roles that make civilian life much "more permeable to the Army's values and mores." Among them are
teaching Hebrew to immigrants, educating the underprivileged and rehabilitating ex-convicts.
Some of the author's most thought-provoking insights into the Israeli condition are found in his discussion of nature.
In the West, nature has long been conceived as a refuge from society. Jean-Jacques Rousseau went so far as to
recommend that children be. temporarily removed to the wilderness in order to strengthen their individuality and
independence. Ezrahi points to America's national parks and nature preserves as manifestations of this romantic ideal;
they were established partly in recognition of the need for protected space to allow the "experience of solitude and
privacy, for the intimate edifying dialogue between self and nature."
His own country, however, offers no such relief from the rimltitude: "In-Israel, where nature, like a thin layer of dust
covering ancient scrolls, is but the back side of human scriptures; where any hill can be a shrine covered by dirt and any
valley hide a sunken city; where the earth is but a buffer between past and present; where nature is younger than
history, no landscape is a retreat from society and any scenery is but politics in disguise."
A chapter entitled "The Precariousness of Autobiographical Time" examines how the Zionist narrative has tended to
crowd out personal ones. An illuminating example is the way in which holidays are observed. The purposeful
sequencing of Holocaust Remembrance Day, Memorial Day and Independence Day--on a calendar already filled with
Jewish holidays carrying similar slibtexts--dramatically reinforces the Zionist narrative passage "from mourning to
rebirth, from fall to redemption." Dates of mainly personal significance, by contrast, have generally been down played ·
in Israel. Birthdays are customarily marked' only for the young, and even then are "celebrated in school for several
children at once, rather than as a separate one for each" (a practice that was cruelly apparent to me as a visiting
American boy in an Israeli kindergarten).
The remainder of the book charts the course Israelis have taken to bring out what the author calls their "lyrical
personal voice." This endeavor has been a difficult, sometimes traumatic one, requiring them to challenge many ·
comfortable "truths." Among these is the notion that there is glory in sacrificing one's life for the national mission. So
strong was the impluse to "estheticize ... heroic sacrifice," writes Ezrahi, that "as the children raised on the Zionist
narrative began to die in the thousands, their own agony and ambivalence were largely repressed." In the wake of the
1973 Yom Kippur War, however, ISraelis began to assert their right to "co-author, even rewrite, the story rather than
merely to enact it."
According to the "unqualified redemptive versions of Zionism," Israel's battles have all been epic battles, the nation's
war-dead have all died epic deaths. And epic death cannot be adequately mourned by the immediate families of the
deceased. Thus, efforts to personalize grief and mourning are of great importance to Ezra hi. In recent years, he notes,
the demystification of death in war even seems to have received the bl~ssings ofthe government--which once saw itself
as the true parent of the soldiers who were lost. On Memorial Day, 1996, instead of broadcasting documentaries that
hallowed Israel's war heroes and the bravery oftheir families, state television "focused on the more strictly private
emotional or psychological responses to the absence of the dead men." .
The author draws a striking conclusion from this trend: "Because the loss of life is an absolute loss, the gradual
spread of the values of individualism has forced Israelis to juxtapose 'there is no other place' with the no less compelling
. imperative 'there is no other life."' From there it was scarcely a great leap to question the justice of making others
J mourn and suffer for the sake of ideals that were no longer sacred. Indeed, it was during the Intifada that Israelis began
�to come to terms with the tension between the prerogatives of power and the demands of conscience.
As the Palestinian rioting that erupted on December 8, 1987 in Gaza spread to the West Bank, a debate ensued in
Israel about how to classify the violence. To call it a war would have allowed the military to bring its full might to bear
against the demonstrators. From the outset, however, Army spokesmen advocated treating it as extreme civil disorder.
"They knew better than many of the political leaders," the author writes, "that a policy of shooting civilians, including
women and children, would be not only illegal but morally unthinkable for many soldiers." So the soldiers used rubber
·
bullets.
Ezrahi has chosen this mitigating munition as. a metaphor for the struggle to uphold the monil·basis oflsraeli society.
While acknowledging that it is "easy to be skeptical of any attempt to 'moderate' the force applied by soldiers to
civilians," he believes the use of rubber bullets also represents Israel's "readiness to actually reframe the conflict, to see
· it not as a war of survival but as a struggle between a civilian population and an occupying force." This transformation
of the Israeli body politic helped set the stage for the present peace process. When Yitzchak Rabin was sworn in as ·
Prime Minister in July 1992, he spoke of the Labor Party's determination to "place the citizen at the top of our
concerns." It was in this context, says Ezrahi, that "the readiness to make territorial concessions made sense."
Critics on the Zionist Right may argue that by focusing so determinedly on how changes in Israel have opened the
door to peace, Ezrahi impiies that the J~wish State is the only significant actor in the Middle Eastern conflict--and in its
resolution. Yet the author never denies that real peace can come only with parallel transformation among the
Palestinians and the other Arab peoples. His gaze is intentionally, and courageously, turned inward, on Israel and
Israelis.
At any rate, peace will merely be an early step toward self-discov~ry. Israelis have. still to resolve the difficult ·
tensions of living in a state whose Declaration of Independence upholds both the particularistic values. of Judaism and
the universalistic values of liberal democracy.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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March 2, 1997,.Sunday, Late Edition- Final
SECTION: Section 7; Page 6; Column I; Book Review Desk
LENGTH: 1217 words
HEADLINE: The Big Kibbutz
BYLINE: By Geoffrey Wheatcroft; Geoffrey Wheatcroft is a columnist for The Express of London and the author of
"The Controversy of Zion: Jewish Nationalism, the Jewish State and the Unresolved Jewish Dilemma."
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BODY:
RUBBER BULLETS
Power and Conscience
in Modem Israel.
By Yaron Ezrahi.
308 pp. New York:
Farrar, Straus & Giroux. $25.
SINCE the day the radical bourgeois took their seats to the left of the conservative aristocrats in the French
revolutionary assembly more than 200 years ago, we have been stuck with a political image that obscures more than it
illuminates. The terminology of "liberal" and "conserVative" is almost as confusing and fruitless. That applies not least
in Israel, with its stereotypes of "right-wing" nationalists and ~eligious zealots opposed by a secular liberal left.
·
On the face of it, Yaron Ezra hi fits conventional categories: academic liberal, leftist, peacenik. On the face of it also,
"Rubber Bullets" covers the well-trodden ground of Israeli-Palestinian relations and Israel's inner conflicts. In fact, this
is one of the most original and stimulating books about Israel and Zionism for a long time. The title refers to the bullets,
metal coated with rubber, adopted during the Palestinian uprising ofthe late 1980's by Israeli forces willing to wound
but afraid to strike dead. Mr. Ezrahi takes this as a metaphor.
He sees that "the rubber bullet was, of course, a fantasy that could be neither effective enough militarily nor morally
acceptable against stone-throwing Palestinians." He wonders whether the rubber bullets were meant to spare those at
whom they were fired, "or, rather, to protect the tender souls oflsraeli soldiers." And ye~ he still believes that the way
Israel dealt with the uprising marked a genuine turning point in_ attitudes.
Even this is almost peripheral to the true theme of his book, which is as much a challenge to the left as to the ,
nationalist right. What he says is of particular interest to American readers, .since it sheds further light on the great,
\)
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albeit often unrecognized, gulf between the Jewish state and 'Jewish America, which for so long gave its heart to a
country about which it actually knew very little. His argument could be said to tum on the word "liberalism."
There is a sense in which almost all Americans are liberals, not excluding the neocons who use that word as a curse,
but this is not the usual journalistic sense of the word. That's to.say, Americans believe instinctively in a pluralist,
individualistic, open society. Jewish Americans may have been (and remain) to the left of the American average. But
·.even when many of them were more openly critical of materialistic capitalism than they are now, they found
themselves thriving in a country ~hose underlying value was liberal individualism. American culture has always
stressed individual fulfillment over duty ·owed to the state; the nation's very founding creed was "life, liberty and the
. pursuit of happiness."
·
·
�Which was just what Zionism rejected. In that same sense of the word~ Israel was deeply illiberal in its origins.
Although it was ~ free country, it was also for long much the most collectivized society outside the Communist bloc.
Only a small (and now reduced) minority of Israelis ever lived on a kibbutz, but the kibbutz epitomized the Zionist
attempt "to create and shape the Israeli-born Jew as a new kind of Jew."
·
Looking back, you·don't have to be a crazed militiaman or an Ayn Rander to be dubious about that attempt. The
kibbutz meant not merely socialist production and collectivized agriculture but socialist family life and collectivized
child rearing. Parents saw almost nothing of their own children, children were encouraged to think of the kibbutz itself
as their mother and father, and the most despised value of all was privacy.
Mr. Ezrahi describes brilliantly how Zionism came to devalue the Western ideals of individual happiness and selfrealization. Some of this stemmed from circumstances. Life under siege, "coupled with a delayed reaction to the
Holocaust, reinforced the tendency to idealize state power and weakened the force of liberal-democratic principles."
But more stemmed from Zionist ideology, with its heroic collective national narrative that denied "cultivating the
solitary self, the lyrical personal voice of the individual."
·
Indeed, there are three versions of this narrative. Orthodox religion sees the lives of the multitude "cemented by a
single superhuman author who inscribes both nature and history." National Zionism sees the Jew as a member of a
persecuted minority, and the fate of the individual as determined by membership in the group "rather than by personal
resources, talents or chance." And socialist Zionism adds its own version. The combination is
formidable.
Sometimes Mr. Ezrahi seems hard on his country. Even the title, with its scope for irony and skepticism, is a
reminder that Israel does have the conscience as well' as the power of his subtitle. Someofus who once covered South
Africa will recall the Afrikaner police chief rounding on a 'reporter: "Listen, man, we will fire rubber bullets when they
throw rubber rocks." Better rubber bullets than the plain kind against riotous crowds; if they seem hypocritical, isn't
hypocrisy what La Rochefoucauld called "the homage vice pays to virtue"?
Again, to illustrate the suppression of the individual in Israel, Mr. Ezrahi observes that "autobiography -- as the voice
of the first person singular, of the self-reflecting, self-narrating individual, not as a soldier or missionary of a particular
collective-- has not flourished in Jewish or Zionist culture." The memoirs ofMoshe Dayan, Abba Eban, Shimon Peres,.
Golda Meir and Yitzhak Shamir "do not address the inner life of their author, nor do they provide honest, reflective
narrative of the writing, or speaking, self.". ·
He is rightabout those books. He is wrong in thinking this peculiar to Israel or its politicians. Mr. Ezrahi should try
some of the equivalent books from my own couritry. The dire category of modern politiCal autobiography has recently
produced a subgenre -- the memoirs of British cabinet ministers of the 1980's -- outstanding even in this field for selfimportance, self-justification and lack of self-honesty, not to mention sheer tedium (one of these Tory autobiographers
was congratulated by a critic for managing to stay awake while he wrote his book).
Nevertheless, Mr. Ezrahi's underlying message is vitally important, and one that only an Israeli could have given.
Not only can an"lsraeli criticize his own society with a candor almost impossible for outsiders; Jewish or gentile, but
only an Israeli-- and by his own lights a patriotic one-- could cut through the Zionist rhetoric that perplexes not only
anti-Zionists but those who claim to revere Israel. Mr. Ezra hi is a professor of political science at the Hebrew
University in Jerusalem, and occasionally writes like one. Mostlyhe writes not as a scholar, or even as an activist, but
as a human being.
A while ago, Michael Kinsley wrote that Jewish Americans envied Israelis for living out history in a way that made
. the comfort and security of life in. New York or Los Angeles seem jejune. This may be so. But "Rubber Bullets"
explains why many Israelis-- by no means easily categorized on obvious political lines-- increasingly envy Americans
not just their material prosperity but their freedom to pursue happiness and individual destiny.
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�http://idi. org. iU english/ezrahi.htm
Yaron Ezrahi
among
·--fr.!11'ii~<::r.'Ptit~ and the Transformation of Contemporary Democracy, published
by the Harvard University Press in 1990. He was the co-editor, with Everett
Mendelsohn and Howard Siegal, of Technology, Pessimism and Postmodemism,
published by Kluwe
· ut:llisliets in t994-:-P-Fef~~or Ezrahi's most
recent book i
ubber Bullets, Power and Conscience in Modem Isrel"(Farrar,
Straus Girou' _ew or
m
r a
er ey
. e received the
National Jewish book Award for 1997, in the category oflsrael and Zionism.
Prof. Ezrahi served as the head of the advanced program for the History and
Sociology of the Sciences at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and as
chairman of the Academic Committee of the Sidney M. Edelstein Center for the
History, Philosophy and Sociology of the Sciences at the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem. He was a fellow at the Center of Advanced Study in the Behavioral
Sciences at Stanford University and served as a visiting professor at the
universities of Pennsylvania, Harvard imd Duke. He also served as consultant to
a variety of institutions· including The White House (The National Goals
Research Stafo, the OECD, The Israel National Academy of Science, and, more
recently, the Carnegie Commission on Science and Government. In the context
of the Israeli policy, ProfEzrahi has been active on a number of public issues
like, the peace process, the politization of Israel's public and private television,
and the state of Israel's system of higher education. Since 1993, Prof.. Ezrahi has
been a senior fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute in Jerusalem where he
directs the project "Mass Communications and the Democratic Process."
'I Projects and Programs
• Communications and Democracy
• The Seventh Eye
'I Titles and Affiliations
•. Senior Fellow, The Israel Democracy Institute
• Professor of Political Science, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
'I Fields of Research
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
'I Publications
• Rubber Bullets: Power and Conscience in Modern Israel, University of California
Press, 1998
• Gewalt und Gewissen- Israels Langer Weg in Die Moderne, Alexander Fest Verlag.
(German)
·
• Myths of Information and Democracy" in Dvarim Ahadim a! Tikshoret, Jerusalem ·
Van Leer, Hakibbutz Hameuchad Publishing House and The Smart Institute of the
Hebrew University, 1997, pp. 19-25.
• "Haldane Between Daedalus and Icarus", in Daedalus on Science and the Future
Dronamraju (ed), Oxford: Oxford University Press, January 1995, pp .64-78.
• "Dewey's critique of Democratic Visual Culture and its Political Implications", in
Philosophical Studies in the History Vision, Levin, David N.(ed), MIT Press,1997,pp.
315-336.
/
----···
Rule of Law
Constitution Making
Human Rights
Political Theory
CivicEducation
Presidential and Parliamentary Structures
Public Administration and Policy
.
All rights reserved to The Israel Democracy Institute
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Author: Y aron Ezrahi
Power and Conscience in Modem Israel·
As the Israel of today is undergoing a profound. change- a transformation from a
defensive embattled society to a prosperous liberal society, Yaron Ezrahi offers a
brilliant analysis and des'<ription of th~se events, especially as they relate to the
conflict between Israel's OcollectivistO national aspirations, upon which the state
was fom1ded, and the ever more clamorous voices of individualism, called forth by
Israel's tradition of liberal democracy. His title is taken from the Israeli army's
decision to use steel bullets coated with rubber against the intifada demonstrators,
an image that goes to the heart of the relationship between power and conscience .
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�LEVEL 1 - 8 OF 17 STORIES
Copyright 1993 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
September 10 ,' 1993, Friday
SECTION: Features
LENGTH: 870 words
HEADLINE: Israel and the PLO sail along while the US waves from shore
BYLINE: DAVID MAKOVSKY, WASHINGTON
HIGHLIGHT:
US officials are haunted by a sense of deja vu. Not only was the US not
involved in directly producing the Middle East breakthrough, but it was actively
promoting another diplomatic.approach altogether.
BODY:
US officials are haunted by a sense of deja vu.
Not only was the US not
involved in directly producing the Middle East breakthrough, but it was actively
promoting another diplomatic approa~h altogether.
In 1977, six weeks after the dramatic US-Soviet call for all Arabs and
Israelis to attend an international peace conference, Egypt's Anwar Sadat shook
the world by making a solo trip to Jerusalem.
Sixteen years later, the US was not at it again. Secretary of State Warren
Christopher visited the region to set up a back-channel dialogue between Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Syria's Hafez Assad.
Within three weeks, a
breakthrough was indeed reached - with the Palestinians.
In a postmortem of where the US went wrong, US officials admitted they had
ignored Foreign Minister Shimon Peres.
They saw his Oslo activities as the irrelevant flurry of a person kept at bay
by the only man who counts in Jerusalem: Rabin.
The Clinton'administration has always viewed Rabin as its "partner."
Christopher said barely a word when he met with Peres at the Foreign Ministry in
Jerusalem early last month.
. ...
~
The administration shifted toward the Syrian track, as both Rabin and the US
shared a frustrating few months at the peace table with the Palestinians.
"We were kept informed about Oslo, but our eyes were elsewhere," a senior US
official said. Sources say the US was kept informed about Oslo by the
Norwegians and through furtive messages from Ambassador to Washi'ngton It;amar
Rabinovich to US special coordinator for Middle East peace talks Dennis Ross.
Some would say that by going the opposite direction both in 1977 and in 1993,
the US unwittingly contributed to progress each time.
Sadat went to Jerusalem
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The Jerusalem Post, September 10, 1993
for a variety of reasons, but the timing of his trip may have been linked to a
fear of the US bringing the Soviets into the Middle East.
The PLO may have been
nudged into final concessions by fear, that Christopher was warming up a
Rabin-Assad back channel.
But the US did not plan it this way. US officials dismiss as "too clever by
half" reports that Christopher's second trip to Damascus in three days last
month was a decoy to persuade the Palestinians they had to act since the
diplomatic train was leaving the station.
Even after the Oslo deal was arrived at, Christopher showed a distaste for
intrigue. He dismissed a plea by Peres during their meeting in California a
couple of weeks ago to present the Israel-PLO deal publicly as a US proposal, so
as to soften the news to the Israeli and Palestinian publics.
US CREDIBILITY made Oslo possible. Richard Haass, a Bush administration
official on the Middle East and a fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, said: "The US contributed its share'.
It won the Cold War,
Gulf war, and convened (the) Madrid (peace conference).
"The breakthrough for peace was done by Israel and the PLO.
It is a proper
division of labor.
Peace will not last if it is imposed, but only if the
parties are committed.".
The US contributed more than just the groundwork, according to Prof. Hisham
·.sharabi, a Middle East expert at Georgetown University. He said the
Palestinians concluded - contrary to the accepted wisdom - that since the
Clinton administration was the most pro-Israel in US history, it could not be
counted on to pressure Israel to accede to better terms than Jerusalem was
willing to offer in negotiations,
Fouad Ajami, a Middle East expert at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced
International Studies, sounded delighted that the old approach appears to be in
bad repute.
"Pity the pundits.
Israel, not the US, motored this locomotive
A generation of 'peace processors' have theorized that this could not happen
without the US leaning heavily on Israel.
It shows that history can happen
without angst."
Clinton administration officials suggest a high-handed approach may have been
suitable in dealing with a Likud government, but not in dealing with a Labor
government that sees territorial withdrawal as consistent with Israel's national
interest.
It did not hurt that Clinton views foreign policy through a domestic prism
and did not want to offend his American Jewish constituency, they say. Distrust
and suspicion in th.e Bush-Likud period has been replaced by Clinton-Rabin trust.
NOBODY SHOULD assume the US will stand and watch diplomacy glide past. The
US .adhered to a request by Jerusalem to urge Syria not to obstruct the accord.
So far, Syria has told the US it will remain neutral, but it has not acceded to
a US request to restrain Damascus-based Palestinian rejectionists.
·Senior US officials fear that unless Syria is. brought in, it will seek to
thwart a separate Israeli-FLO accord.
Christopher is almost certain to make a
••
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The Jerusalem Post, September 10, 1993
trip to the Middle East in October and seek to revive the Rabin-Assad
back-channel.
And us help is still likely to be needed on the Palestinian track: Sixteen
years ago, Sadat embarked on a historic course, but he needed assistance from
the US at Camp David to close any'deal.
All sides are likely to come to the US for financial aid in one way or
another.
"The US is tagging behind with her checkbook," Ajami said.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: September 13, 1993
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TiK0 'liA'i\JRE.'rz O·p -·Ed
Tuesday, April 25, 2000
In Hebrew
Barak goes nowhere fast
By Yael Marcus
El
The mayor of Haifa, Amram Mitzna, says that Prime Minister
Ehud Barak lacks "the wisdom of simplicity." Communications
Minister Binyamin "Fuad" Ben-:-Eliezer says that Barak suffers
from "too much brain" - ueber-hakham, in the colloquial
Mapainik of the forefathers of the Labor Party. There was little
news in Barak's holiday interviews, but there were many
complaints about the impatience and short fuses of the public.
"There are things that cannot be done overnight, things that need
to ripen," said the prime minister.Not that his complaints are
wrong, but before he gets mad at the public, a bit of self-criticism
is in order. The tightly packed dates that Barak has set for himself
to achieve goals and agreements are what have put the public into
a frenzy of expectations. And when the deadlines go by or are
about to go by with nothing happening, the public's
disappointment and_impatience are perfectly understandable.
Nation's soul is
with the times/
Benz1man
Tire tracks sea
dunes/By Zafri
Women may n
harassed, but t
sold/By Hannah '
Crying over sp
Nehemia Strasle
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July 7, the date for the withdrawal from Lebanon, is the only
deadline that Barak cannot evade without a real blow to his.
image. However, ifhe is forced to pull out without an agreement
with Syria, this will, according to military intelligence
~-:S;:, ·;·,0; ',,
assessments, be a withdrawal tinder fire and the firing will
continue after the withdrawal i"s completed. It is clear now why
~d
.]
Barak was compelled to fly for 25 hours for a single meeting with
[W/eath'e~'·· · ·-'
]
U.S. President Bill Clinton, who is concerned lest fire draw more
[Cdri~on · · J · fire if an agreement with the Pales,tinian Authority is not reached
quickly. Were the two not considered allies, it would have been
possible to describe the summons·to Washington as Clinton's
':·~(qgiiJld~~·
ultimatum to Barak to put an end to the procrastination.
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Does this mean that we are on the threshold of an agreement with
the Palestinians? The answer is negative. To understand the basis
for this pessimism, it is worth examining the extraordinary way
the prime minister has functioned in the realm of foreign policy
ever since his inauguration. Barak, as a former senior government
official has defined him, has been blessed with "iron balls" with
respect to his ability to make the bold decisions from which the
prime ministers who preceded him refrained: 1.) He has decided
on a unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon. 2.) He has declared
publicly, in contrast to his predecessors who did so in secret, his
willingness to relinquish all of the Golan Heights. 3.) He is
confident of his ability to market any agreement he 'signs and
convince the public to accept it.
But above all, what has been revealed is his ability - whether
through cleverness or cunning - to bring the other side to the
4/26/2000 10:32 AM
�-----------------------------------------------------------,
H~aret4-.:Pjlily
Newspaper - English Internet Edition
wysiwyg:/!17/http://www.haaretzdaily.com/htmls/kat8_2.asp
through cleverness or cunning - to bring the other side to the
"moment of truth" where action must be, taken. His willingness to
make generous territorial concessions in exchange for peace with
Syria has forced Syrian President Hafez Assad, who has been
,driving the world crazy with his '!peace strategy," to deal with the
need to decide once and for all. And indeed Assad dithered,
squirmed and over the last hundred meters fled (at least to date),
with all the blame falling on him. If Barak was looking for an
alibi, and heaven forfend that we should think this was his
intention, he found it.
'
The same bulldozer energy that was supposed to have pi_erced the
barriers of suspicion and hesitancy in Damascus is now
threatening Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat. With
his goa1 of a "framework agreement" and his commitment that
this time we are serious, Barak is leading Arafat to show his 'cards
(to mix a metaphor) at the level of the bottom line. In short, he is
leading Arafat to the same place he brought Assad: the moment
of truth that demands a decision one way or the other.
The question is whether Arafat will behave differently from
Assad. Does he have a mandate from a billion Muslims all over
the world to relinquish Jerusalem? Can he sign an agreement that
would allow most of the Jewish settlements beyond the 1967 · ·
borders to remain in 'the territories? And can he give up the right
of return and deny the hundreds ofthousands ofPalestinians who
live in refugee camps in the Arab states the hope of a return to an
independent Palestinian state? "And if it is not possible to arrive
at a final-status agreement that means burying all the dreams,
then it is certain that there is no chance of coming to a framework
agreement," says Education Minister Yossi Sarid. '.'You can't leap
over an abyss in two steps."
If Barak is looking for an alibi on the Palestinian issue as well,
and heaven forfend that we should suspect this is his intention,
perhaps he will find it in Arafat's court. If so, then we will have a
prime minister with tWo alibis but a country that will remain with
the same problems and the same results. While media opinion is
divided as to whether Barak is gaining altitude or not, and as to
whether he is landing too quickly or notlanding at all, the truth at
the moment is that, at least for the moment, he is flying nowhere
"'-'""7-io1.... P r i n t
\;":;-.,;;..;JP""" this arti c I e
© copyright 2000 Ha'aretz. All Rights Reserved
2 of2
4/26/2000 10:32 AM
�Page 4
LEVEL 1 - 6 OF 17 STORIES
Copyright ,1997 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
March 14, 1997, Friday
SECTION: OPINION; Pg. 6
LENGTH: 926 words
HEADLINE: The Naharayim tragedy
HIGHLIGHT:
Editorial
BODY:
Once again, the hearts of all Israelis are sickened by the news of a
terrible tragedy. Seven young girls, on a school trip to see a concrete example
of the warm peace with Jordan, were massacred by a r?gue Jordanian soldier.
The
response to the loss of so many young lives must go beyond a temporary hiatus
from rhetoric that incites violence. Even if the action was of an isolated
should force res onsible Arab leaders to address the culture of
Israel that permeates the Arab wo ld.
The youngsters were standing on Naharayim, the "island of peace," a spit of
land that was transferred to Jordan by Israel under the peace treaty, but was
leased back by Israel so the nearby kibbutzim could continue to cultivate their
fields there. Just as the girls were listening to a description of this close
Israeli-Jordanian cooperation, they were fired upon.
For Jordan, this incident constitutes a tremendous security failure and is a
deep embarrassment. King Hussein quickly called President Weizman to say he felt
as if the tragedy had happened to "his children." Later, however, he defended
the blistering letter he had sent Sunday to Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu,
in which he blamed Israel's policies for fostering "inevitable violent
resistance" from the Palestinians.
Israeli leaders, such as Netanyahu, Foreign Minister David Levy, and Defense
Minister Yitzhak Mordechai were right to conclude from this incident that the
drumbeat of similar predictions of "spontaneous" violence from the Palestinians,
Jordan, and .Egypt must stop.
As Net.anyahu put it, "I believe that this incident demonstrates what I have
long contended - that the mentality of certain elements who sanctify violence
and are prepared to use violence poses the greatest threat to the peace process.
Neither do I expect anyone to grant legitimacy to violence, in-any form. We may
have political differences, but there must be a total, absolute and vigorous
rejection of all manifestations of violence, of this or any other kind."
King Hussein, and all those who have recently been predicting v,iolence,
would no doubt deny that 'they support violence, or that such predictions lead to
violence.
The fact is that predictions of violence are a subtle form of
justification, particularly if they are not accompanied by explicit rejections
'"\;
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�Page 5
The Jerusalem Post, March 14, 1997
of violence and calls for restraint.
Whether or not this specific slaughter was caused by all the talk of
potential violence is a moot point; chances are that we will never know. What
we do know is that those who seek to advance their interests in the peace
proces~ by fostering a climate of violence are playing with fire. They certainly
should not be allowed to get away with doing so in the name of the peace.
·.·.'
But the problem is deeper than those who claim to be promoting peace by
threatening violence. There is a longer- term problem that likely had as much or
more influence on the Jordanian soldier than the current tense atmosphere: The
widespread opposition in the Arab world to any accommodation with Israel.
As the noted Arab-American political analyst Fouad Ajami wrote in a
much-quoted article in U.S. News and World Report "There has been no discernible
change in the Arab attitudes toward Israel and little preparation in the Arab
world for the accommodation the peace promised. The great refusal persists. A
foul wind attends this peace in Arab lands. It blows in that 'Arab street' of
ordinary men and women, among the intellectuals and the writers, and in the
professional syndicates. The force of this refusal can be seen in the press of
the governments and of the oppositionists, among the secularists and the
Islamists alike, in countries that have concluded diplomatic agreements with
Israel and those that haven't. This is the one great Arab fidelity that endures
in a political culture that has been subjected to historic ruptures of every
kind."
......
It is ironic th~t in Israel the strongest support for the peace process is
among intellectuals, while in Egypt and Jordan the exact opposite situation
persists. In the Arab world, the peace with Israel is, as Ajami puts it, a
"peace of kings and pharaohs," not of the people at large.
Normally far-sighted leaders such as King Hussein understand this, and are
courageous in their attempts to lead by example. Over time, the sight of Arab
leaders meeting their Israeli counterparts, Israeli flags flying in their
capitals, Israeli tourists visiting their countries, can slowly break taboos and
barriers. But this sort of evolutionary process does not move quickly enough. It
must be supplemented by effort, not just from the top down, .but from the ground
up.
-'~The maps throughout the Arab world on which Israel does not appear ~ ~uding
those on official Palestinian documents - must be changed. Arab
schoolchildren should learn not only about the wars with Israel, but also about
the hope for peace. Arab intellectuals and professionals who know better must
challenge their colleagues and professional associations to talk to Israelis,
not boycott them. The "people-to-people" sections of Egyptian and Jordanian
peace treaties and the Oslo II accord should not be ignored.
The Israeli Embassy in Jordan was flooded yesterday with expressions of deep
sorrow and embarrassment, from Jordanians in all walks of life, at the massacre
perpet.rated by one of their own. The most constructive outcome from this
terrible tragedy would be if it sparked efforts to build a culture of peace in
the Arab world.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
••
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••
�.----------------~~--
-
---~------------------------------------------,
;.:
LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 17 STORIES.
1
SECTION: OPINION; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 835 words
HEADLINE: Peace with modernity
~
BODY:
A few months ago, the compliments bestowed upon Prime Minister Ehud Barak by
Syrian President Hafez Assad made headlines in Israel, and presaged the opening
of Israeli- Syrian negotiations. Now, an editorial in Tishrin, a newspaper known
to be a government mouthpiece, compares Israel to the Nazis and claims that
Zionism "created the Holocaust myth to blackmail and terrorize the world's
intellectuals and politicians." Such statements would be serious enough if they
were on the fringes of Arab.society- but the fact that unbridled hatred of
Israel .x.emains common even among our "peace partners" rais~es serious questions
regarding the viability of the peace process as a whole.
It is tempting, as many Israelis do, to dismiss examples of rabid Arab
antisemitism and anti-Israeli expressions as crude hyperbole, and a throwback
that will naturally lessen as the circle of peace ~idens. This theory,
unfortunately, has not been substantiated in the over 20 years since the signing
of the Camp David Accords.
'
b
·over this period, i~is difficult to claim that opposition to Israel has
moderated, even among the Arab parties that have signed peace treaties or
agreements w~th it. A recent poll taken by political scientist Hilal Khashan of
the American University of Beirut among 1,600 Jordanians, Lebanese,
Palestinians, and Syrians, found that peace with Israel was opposed by a ratio
of 69 to 28 percent. By a ratio of 87 to 13 percent, the Arab respondents
·supported attacks by Islamic groups against Israel. And by a ratio of 79 to 18
percent, those polled rejected the idea of doing business with Israelis even
ter a total peace.
The response of some Israelis to the resilience of Arab rejectionism is
simply to forge ahead faster, as if more peace agreements alone will solve the
problem. Further, many Israelis have become used to the "cold peace" with Egypt
and do not expect more from the Palestinians, Syria, and even the country that
represents Israel's warmest peace, Jordan.
The slow process of learning to live with Arab enmity, even as the peace
process proceeds, seems to have penetrated Israel's negotiating positions.
When Yitzhak Rabin began the previous round of negotiations with Syria, he
expressed Israel's formula as "the depth of the withdrawal (from the Golan) will
••
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�'
.
Page 3
The Jerusalem Post, February 2, 2000
equal the depth of peace." This formula was subtly altered by Barak to link the
depth of a withdrawal to the depth of "security arrangements." The message sent
by Barak is.that pushing Syrian armored divisions back is more important than
the number of Israeli tourists and trade delegations welcomed in Damascus.
Though Barak's shift in emphasis might be considered a bow toward realism
that was necessary to bring the Syrian's back to the table, a peace process that
deemphasizes peace is problematic, and not just in the long term. Barak himself
and Israelis in general may be more impressed by the "hard" prospect of security
arrangements compared to the "soft" advantages of normalization. Ultimately,
however, the idea of a peace standing only on security arrangements is as flawed
as a peace that rests only on normalization. It is one thing for a peace to be
"cold," quite another for it to be hostile.
There is a difference between lack of enthusiasm, or even disillusionment,
and utter rejection by the leading elements of society. For example, Dr. 'Ali
'Aqleh Ursan, the head of the~~Wr~ters Assoc~i~n in Syria, wrote just days
ago that Israel will remain "a~m§' se len9 as-i"t"' occupies any part of "Arab
Palestine," that is, so long as it exists. If Syria recognizes Israel's right to
statehood, Ursan laments, "what legitimacy would remain to what Syria had said
at the Camp David, (Jordanian), and Oslo accords? Would it help Syria if it.
claimed that it was the last one to sign? What path would it take in the panArab cause? Would there be a path left at all?" '(Translation by the Middle East
Media and Research Institute.)
---
,L_
~
Ursan, in fact, asks the right question for both the Arab world and for
ael. If peace with Israel destroys the core tenet of Arab identity, then the
b world must find a substitute cause for peace to survive.
Given that, according to a 1995 World Bank report, 260 million citizens of
the Moslem Middle East and North Africa exported fewer manufactured goods than
Finland· (population five million) , the Arab world's post-peace agenda would see
to be clear: catch up with the political freedom and economic advances of the
modern world.
Fouad Ajami, in his book Dream Palace of the Arabs, notes that a handful of
Egyptian intellectuals - including the renowned novelist Naguib Mahfuz - helped
convince Anwar Sadat to make peace with Israel. "For these men," Ajami writes,
"peace with Israel was a precondition of modernity and an open society." The
reverse is also true; a peace that is not intertwined with an Arab transition to
modernity will remove neither Israel nor the Arab world from their respective
predicaments.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: February 2, 2000
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FOCUS - 11 OF 24 STORIES
Copyright 1997 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
June 5, 1997, Thursday
SECTION: BOOKS; Pg. 2
LENGTH: 1210 words
HEADLINE: Aiming for Peace
BYLINE: Michael Widlanski
BODY:
RUBBER BULLETS: Power and Conscience in Modern Israel by Yaron Ezrahi. New
York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 307 pp., $ 25.
ISRAEL ON THE ROAD TO PEACE: Accepting the Unacceptable by Ziva Flamhaft.
Boulder, Westview. 252 pp.
$ 59 (cloth); $ 17 (paper).
•·'(
GENEALOGIES OF CONFLICT: Class, Identity and State in Palestine/Israel and
South Africa by Ran Greenstein. Hanover, Weslyan University Press. 306 pp.
Price not stated.
JERUSALEM TODAY: What Future' for the Peace Process? Edited by Ghada· Karmi,
with a contribution by Edward Said. Berkshire, UK, Ithaca Press (Garnet) . 191
pp. pounds 25.
When academics tackle controversial political topics, there is always a
danger that unacademic - political - ends will justify and thereby predetermine
the means.
All four books surveyed here are affected by this problem, but only Yoram
Ezrahi's work manages to prevail, not because it avoids the danger, but because
it actually embrac s the danger.
about his feelin~s concerning Israeli
a
d Gaza. He opposes the "occupation," all it
~epresents, and, to his mind, all it has brought. H1s wr1t1ng 1s powerful and
eloquent, affecting even those who will not subscribe to his viewpoint. Ezrahi
uses "rubber bullets" as a metaphor for the Israeli condition: wanting to
control without being brutal, but being forced to be brutal nevertheless.
military r
The author is honest and up-front about his views, and his learned
background allows him to make his personal statement with the added force of
keen insight into what he sees as the Israeli condition. It is, in short, an
Israel that is moving from a collective ideological agenda to a "me generation"
more interested in individual rights, individual interests and creature
comforts. Ezrahi's epiphany occurs while watching the evening television news
reports on the IDF's use of rubber bullets.
What emerges, at last, is a powerful sense of the ennui felt by many modern
••
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FOCUS
The Jerusalem Post, June 5, 1997
secular Israelis. This book's subtitle, therefore, is probably mischosen,
because this is less a dispassionate outsider's analysis of Israeli policies and
feelings and more an autobiographical account.
..
... ·
;,: .
ZIVA FLAMHAFT'S book lacks Ezrahi's honesty. It pretends to be a
dispassionate analysis of the various Arab-Israeli diplomatic contretemps from
Camp David to Oslo. Flamhaft, who teaches at Queens College, has set forth a
good framework, which, if filled properly, would have probably taken three times
the space and been a tough read. To make her own life easier, she keeps only the
framework of academic analysis, while the heart and guts are clearly biased or
carelessly researched. What results is a book that is a miracle of modern
embalming: the surface epidermis looks intact, while all the internal organs
have been taken out and buried elsewhere.
Flamhaft misreports key elements of the Camp David, Madrid and Oslo
processes. In fact, Flamhaft misses the essence of Camp David - the meeting of
Israeli and Egyptian strategic interests- and vastly overrates the part.played
by the United States in that process and subsequent ones. As someone who
traveled with secretary of state George Shultz during his 1988 shuttles and as
someone who advised the Israeli delegations in 1991-92, this reviewer can
testify to many of Flamhaft's accounts being erroneous.
There is a strong
sub-text to Flamhaft's analysis: only the Labor Party will really push peace
initiatives, while the Likud and other rightist parties will not.
Indeed, says Flamhaft, Camp David happened because "for Israel it had become
too difficult to keep holding on to the West Bank and Sinai." This is nonsense.
In 1977, the West Bank was relatively quiet, but Menachem Begin had an
Egypt-first approach that matched Anwar Sadat's Egypt-first policy: "Misr
awalan, Misr daiman" (Egypt first, Egypt always). This was quite different from
Gamal Abdel-Nasser's pan-Arab approach or the Israeli Labor Party's Jordanian
option. Flamhaft suggests that peace talks with the Palestinians were motivated
by the "common-sense perception of reality" heavily influenced by Scud missile
attacks. Quite the contrary, common sense seemed to work in a different
direction, and one recalls that Yossi Sarid, influenced by the sight of
Palestinians cheering the Scuds, told Yasser Arafat to go chase himself ("sheh
yihapsu oti"). A full list of Flamhaft's analytical and factual errors need not
be supplied here, and would certainly be far longer than the 36-page section of
documents (which can easily be obtained elsewhere) .
RAN GREENSTEIN is an Israeli-born researcher who now teaches in South Africa
and whose book began as his doctoral thesis for the University of Wisconsin. His
book still reads like a bad dissertation.
To Greenstein's fleeting credit, he acknowledges that comparing Israel to
South Africa is a dangerous business - but he does so anyway, without offering
any cogent argument for the comparison. After all, Greenstein argues that Israel
and South Africa represent colonialist societies fighting with native
populations. This is not completely true of South Africa, and it is certainly
not true of "Palestine/Israel," where the 19th century and early 20th century
saw an influx of both Jewish and Arab settlers.
A full critique of Greenstein's false assumptions would require far more
space than readers need bestow on such a work.
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The Jerusalem Post, June 5, 1997
GHADA KARMI'S book is unremittingly terrible even as an exercise in
propaganda. It contains 14 articles by authors including Palestinian activist
Edward Said, former Jordanian minister Adnan Abu Odeh ("The Ownership of
Jerusalem: A Jordanian View"), Ohio State University Professor John Quigley
("Jerusalem in International Law"), Paris-based lawyer Rodman Bundy ("Legal
Approaches to the Question of Jerusalem"), and Mahdi Abdul-Hadi ("The Ownership
of Jerusalem: A Palestinian View").
Said's article is called the "Keynote
Essay."
In an article that should be read by the administration of Ohio State
University, Quigley asserts that Palestinian Arabs are the descendants of the
Canaanites who lived in Jerusalem, which ~as part of an area known as Palestine
since ancient times. This may make good bedtime reading for PNA minister Hanan
Ashrawi, who claims that Jesus was a Palestinian, but for those of us who have
already read our share of bad propaganda, it won't do.
The "Israeli view" is "represented" by Uri Avineri in an a,rticle entitled
"The Ownership of Jerusalem: An Israeli View." Suffice'it to say that Avineri
supports the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital.
Avineri closes his article with a quote from Churchill: "This is not the end. It
is not even the beginning of the end. But it is perhaps the end of the
beginning." Avineri says he is talking about the struggle of Israeli and
Palestinian peace activists to change public opinion, but maybe he is being
unusually prescient about the nature of Palestinian demands. When PNA Justice
Minister Freih Abu-Medein reminds audiences that 92 'percent of Israel is built
on stolen private Palestinian land, then, indeed, it becomes clear that, in
negotiations, we have only reached "the end of the beginning."
',"•
GRAPHIC: Photo: These metal balls covered with plastic were taken from the head
and neck of a man in the Kalandia refugee camp. (Credit: Brian Hendler)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: June 18, 1997
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LEVEL 1 - 31 OF 45 STORIES
Copyright 1999 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
June 24, 1999, Thursday
SECTION: OPINION; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 651 words
HEADLINE: Dare we hope for progress?
BYLINE: Daoud Kuttab
HIGHLIGHT:
Palestinian freedom of movement was in the news this past week. Let's see if
there will be concrete results.
The View from the East
BODY:
During the past year I have devoted many of my columns on this page to
issues dealing with the Palestinians' freedom of movement.
I have done this
because I feel that any genuine progress in the peace process needs the proper
public atmosphere to support it.
The Palestinian public has the power to allow any peace seedling to grow or
wither and die. And in the daily life of the average Palestinian there is
nothing more pressing - and often depressing - than issues relating to freedom
of movement.
These and many other day-to-day issues have been raised by Palestinian
negotiators as well as international mediators, yet somehow, the politicians
rarely paid attention to these calls.
But on this front, three things took place last week.
First was the surprise suggestion by Israeli prime minister-elect Ehud Barak
that he favors building a bridge to connect Gaza and the West Bank. According to
press reports, he favors a four-lane elevated highway for ca.rs, buses and
trucks, a rail track and communication·and electricity links.
Jordan's King Abdullah II made a surprise visit to the Jordanian terminal of
the King Hussein Bridge to check out the facilities at the bridge, as the summer
vacation begins and travel increases. And there was a report on Israel Radio
that an antiterrorism unit had paid a visit to Allenby Bridge (note that
Jordanians and Israelis use different names for the same bridge) , to assess
whether the present security precautions are still necessary.
The idea of a bridge between Gaza and Hebron has elicited many respon·ses.
The Palestinian National Authority's official response was that this idea
should not replace the commitment to immediately open a safe passage route. Such
a ground route was already agreed upon by the military people under the
Netanyahu government and all that was needed was for the Israeli political
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The Jerusalem Post, June 24, 1999
establishment to give the OK to open it up.
The idea of the bridge produced new ideas by Palestinians living in the
center of the country. Some. suggested a bridge connecting Bethlehem with
Ramallah, to replac~ the existing dangerous road that bypasses Jerusalem to the
east. Others proposed a rail connection between Gaza and Ramallah as well, so as
to avoid having to go to Hebron to access Barak's super bridge.
Yet to others, Barak's bridge idea somehow indicated that the new Israeli
leader seems serious about separating the Palestinian territor~es from Israel.
Many Palestinians are worried that if Barak's idea of separation is
implemented without true independence and sovereignty, this would leave the
Palestinians stuck in a huge prison - ~ot being able to enter Israel while still
having many restrictions on traveling to and from the rest of the Arab world.
Without a reciprocal opening of the Arab worid to the Palestinian territories,
such a separation from Israel could be .suicidal, they fear.
The international crossing points between the Palestinian territories and
nearby countries will probably be among the most crucial issues future
negotiations will have to deal with. But in the meantime, the suffering on the
bridges and at the crossing points in and out of Jerusalem and Gaza will
continue to dominate the day-to-day agenda of most Palestinians. And while the
events of last week seem promising, they need to take a much more serious turn
before the Palestinian public will believe that there is genuine interest in
their well-being.
An apology: In my March 4 column entitled "Travel Agonies," I wrote about
the closure of the territories for the Purim holiday and said, "Purim is not a
national Israeli holiday nor a religious holiday. It is similar to Halloween in
the United States."
A number of readers have written to me as well as to the paper informing me
that Purim is, in fact, a religious holiday. I stand corrected and apologize to
anyone offended by my remarks.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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--5/t
Copyright 1999 The Jerusalem Post
The Jerusalem Post
December 17, 1999, Friday
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 2A
LENGTH: 658 words
HEADLINE: Long is the road to peace
BYLINE: Eyal Zisser
HIGHLIGHT:
ANALYSIS.
Eyal Zisser is a senior research fellow at Tel Aviv University's
Moshe Dayan Center.
BODY:
The media focus on the "key question" of why Syrian Minister Farouk Shara
avoided a handshake with Prime Minister Ehud Barak in Wednesday's ceremonial
opening of the renewed peace talks must not distract from the important issues
at hand. The negotiations with Syria on borders, security arrangements, and the
nature of the new peace have greater historic significance for Israel's future
than a handshake that didnit happen.
Nonetheless, those Israelis who watched Shara avoiding a public handshake
with Barak, or who listened to his cool, even hostile, address, had good cause
to feel disappointed: If this was to be the first step on the road to peace,
that road seemed long indeed.
For close to nine years Syrian President Hafez Assad has been in a peace
process with Israel. There were low points and even break-offs in the
negotiations between the nations, but there were also high points where it
seemed a breakthrough that would allow for an peace accord was close.
But this breakthrough never came, to all appearances because Assad got on
the road to peace, even displaying a desire to move forward, without having the
determination or political motivation to bring the negotiations to a successful
conclusion.
Assad's surprise decision last week to renew talks with Israel raised hopes
both here and in the West. Assad displayed unprecedented and startling pliancy albeit with strategic interests at heart - and even a zest to advance the peace
process, sending his right-hand man, Shara, to Washington for the historic
meeting with Israel's prime minister. Thi~ led many Israelis to believe that the
Syrian president has finally made a strategic decision to achieve peace with
Israel in the near future.
On the face of it, this is indeed how it seems. Nonetheless, Shara's body
language at the ceremony showed that the road to peace will be long. Possibly
Shara's conduct in the White House rose garden is a product of Syria's
difficulty in grasping the mysteries of playing politics with a democratic
••
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The Jerusalem Post, December 17, 1999,
'.
~··
country like Israel,~or its obliviousness to the role of public relations and
public statesmanship .in advancing a peace process. Perhaps his behavior was a
result of Syria - haunted as it is by the past - finding it difficult to
adjust to the new reality of peace with Israel.
The Syrians, for their part, claim that Israel should not expect them to do
Barak's work of persuading the Israeli public to support the peace process.
Nonetheless, the Syrians are likely to discover that, for Israelis, these
matters of decorum are critical, and that they will find it hard to support a
peace deal entailing painful and palpable sacrifices without Syria's
contribution being equally felt - first and foremost by a change in the tone,
rhetoric, and even body language of Damascus.
All this, and we haven't even touched on the serious issues at hand. On
these, it seems, there is a general understanding between the nations, and
breaking it down into details would be a long and arduous task. Syria and Israel
are still divided on the question of the future border between them - between
the international line, favored by Israel, and the June 4, ~967 border that
would bring Syria to Lake Kinneret and which is Syria's firm and uncompromising
demand.
The issues of the security arrangements ~ the depth of demilitarized zones
on either side of the border, the installation of an Israeli advance-warning
station on the Golan, and others - still await clarification and finalization.
Finally,. the depth and scope of normalization between the nations must be
determined.
Understandings on these issues have been reached in the past but, again,
translating such deals into the detailed clauses of a peace accord is a
complicated business. Shara's coming to Washington attests to Syria's
willingness to move forward on the road to peace, but his conduct on the White
House lawn shows that road will be long.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: December 20, 1999
�Copyright 1996Times Newspapers Limited
The Times
SECTION: Features
LENGTH: I 032 words
HEADLINE: So who did killYitzhak Rabin?
BYLINE: Amos Oz
BODY:
A year after the assassination oflsrael's Prime Minister, Amos Oz considers who should bear the real responsibility.
Certainly, not the Israeli right wing. Not the Likild party, nor the West Bank settlers, nor the Orthodox Jewish
community, nor the Hawks. But it was indeed from parts of those quarters that we heard the hateful voices towards
Rabin, while some of their leaders- who could have tamed the anti-Rabin incitement- preferred to fuel it. And now,
their much-needed soul-searching has apparently been postponed: they seem to have more urgent business.
Actually, many of these leaders have one and only one piece of business, namely the idea of a "Greater Israel". For
the sake of this idea, some of them have been painting peace in the colours of disaster and turning the public debate
surrounding peace into a hunt for traitors. But no, these are not the people who murdered Rabin. These are a very
.
devout group of people.
~ority
of the population in Israel is will in with certain provisions, to make a historiCal compromise with
the Palestinians and to artttion e coun
wna omelands. With.this in mind, some of the intransigents of
t e reater Israel" ideology are donning a different cap nowadays. They are pretending to be the guardians of Israel's
security and the vigilantes of Palestinian violations of the Oslo accords. Yet it is common knowledge that even had the
Oslo accords bestowed heavenly peace on Israel, with not so much as a single Palestinian violation, nor a single Israeli
casualty, those same people would still be preaching that there is no reason for us to make any concessions at all to the
Palestinians.·
For several months this year, between April and September, there were indeed very few violations of the agreements
on the part of the Palestinians, and these resulted in only a small number oflsraeli casualties. Full of hubris, that same
group of devout people interpreted this relative calm as a green light for opening the controversial tunnel in Jerusalem,
for putting off redeployment in Hebron and for increasing Jewish settlements on the West Bank. The hawkish logic
behind this is: when all's calm on the Palestinian front, why give them anything at all? Why not take from them, acre by
acre, land which is still. theirs? ·
For 30 years, fundamentalist elements withinthe hawkish side of the Israeli spectrum have been reducing all of
daism into a rite of Holy Places. A choir of fiery rabbis, who have never bothered to utter a single note of Jewish
orality about society's starving and homeless, its battered women, its justice or injustice, its compassion - these .rabbis
ve condensed all of Jewishness into the holy tombs of the Patriarchs. They may well be responsible for alienating an
entire generation of Israelis from their own Jewishness, but they are not guilty of killing Rabin: they are very devout
people.
·
·
G
Of course, only the murderer himself and his accomplices are guilty of slaying Rabin. No one else. Still, the
·inspiration for the murder may well have sprung from the shrine in Kiryat Arba, erected in memory of another Jewish
murderer, Baruch Goldstein, who died in the course of murdering 30 Arab worshippers, and who has become the hero
of an ultra-nationalistic religious sect. This sect worships Goldstein's memory and makes pilgrimages to his grave,
where a monument has been erected. It would have been easy for Rabin's murderer to deduce that he, like Goldstein,
)~
':{
�would be elevated to martyrdom. That, by killing Rabin, he, too, would be promoted by some to sainthood "in the name
of a Greater Israel".
No, the adherents of a "Greater Israel" were not involved in Rabin's death: they are, after all, a very devout group of
people. Nevertheless, some of them are responsible for spreading the monstrous ndtion that all the means are sanctified
if the end is a "Greater Israel". An end which justifies all means is not an end but a vicious obsession. And this
particular obsession still hovers above the monument of the murderer from Hebron, as well as some other places where
people are being taught that for the Holy sake of a "Greater Israel", anything goes. There it stands, this outrageous
shrine, every day, every hour, attracting worshippers and pilgrims alike- a· ratification of Rabin's assassination and an
incitement for more spilling of innocent blood. The Goldstein cult must be outlawed, with no further delay.
'
'
Had all the Torah sages, all the Jewish clergy, all the rabbis, stood as one immediately after Goldstein's massacre of
innocent Arabs in Hebron to excommunicate and exorcise the Goldstein cult, to erase his name !_lnd his memory·Yitzhak Rabin might still have been with us today.
Alas, several rabbis seem to have made Rabin, not Goldstein, the target of religious damnation and furious
e~communication. This happened, perhaps, because some of the very devout group ofpeople are more devoted to a
"Greater Israel" than they are to the Sixth Commandment.
A year has passed since Rabin died. We all mourned him, then we all returned to our day-to-day lives, convinced that
Rabin had given his life for peace. We were wrong: Rabin died ifi: the battle over the question of who we are and what
this nation really is all about.
·
In previous generations, it. is true, holy tombs in the Land oflsrael were conceived of as symbolic segments of the
Jewish sense of identity. Maybe there will come a day when they will be considered so once more. But for now, Jewish
fundamentalists have managed to tum those sepulchres from a symbol of identity into a. dark threat to our collective
identity. Eagerly waving flags over ancient tombs, these people do not hesitate to cause the need for fresh graves to be
'
·
dug.
.
'
Yitzhak Rabip died because he turned his back - and ours - on tombs. He opted for life in line with the Torah, which
commands us always to choose life. Let us not sanctify Rabin's memory, or his grave. Rather, let us sanctify life and
justice and freedom and reason and realism: For it is for these values that Rabin lived and died.
Ainos Oz's latest novel, Don't Call It Night, is published by Vintage.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October27, 1996
�Copyright 1996 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian (London)
March 5, 1996
SECTION: THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE; Pg.
IS
LENGTH: 1200 words
HEADLINE: HAND IN HAND TO HELL?
Amos Oz pleads for peace in an open letter .to a Palestinian friend
BYLINE: Amos Oz
BODY: .
ISRAEL is our homeland; Palestine is yours. Anyo_ne who refuses to live with these two simple facts is either blind
or evil.
Two and a half years after signing the Oslo Accords you and we have still to agree about the terms of peace. We still
have to work hard, negotiate, persist with some issues, make concessions on some others. But, after three generations of
fighting each other, we have at last agreed to start healing the wounds, This is what Yasser Arafat meant when he spoke
about the Peace ofthe Brave.
Yitzhak Rabin was a brave man: he paid with his life for his effort. Shimon Peres is a brave man: both his life and
his political futUre are at stake. Now is the time for Yasser Arafat to demonstrate that he too is a brave man- or to give
his place to someone braver than him.
There are hundreds of clauses to the Oslo Accords, but the essence is clear and simple: we stop ruling over you and
suppressing you, and you recognise Israel and stop killing us.·But up until now we have delivered and you haven't.
Israel is no longer controlling the lives of 85 per cent of the Palestinians in the territories. The Palestinians, for their
part, have not stopped killing us. In fact, more Israelis are being killed by Palestinians after the agreement than before.
The symbol of your recognition oflsrael- the cancellation of the Palestinian Covenant calling for our destruction.- is
still delayed.
know: the injustice, the humiliation, the misery and the loss which your people have experienced and for which
your people and mine are responsible, are not yet gone. But then the injustice and.the losses inflicted on us Israelis
\\
y your fanatic and uncompromising leaders fo.r many decades cannot be undone either.. The purpose of peace is not to
~\\ . erase all past sufferings but to prevent further suffering. We must both ch?ose now.
V'\ '
M;;iend, I have not forgotten the fact that hundreds of thousands of you are still rotting in miserable refugee
camps. Nor am I ignorant of the fact that the Palestinian autonomy is less than an independent nation, or that problems
such as Jerusalem and the Jewish settlements are still unresolved. Is there anyone amongst you who seriously
maintained that everything could have been resolved in two years? Do any of you really think that you could possibly
take without giving, or that Israel can give without taking?
You say that Israel had given you too little. Perhaps so. And yet, if is a fact that Rabin's and Peres's Israel has given
· the Palestinians more in two years than the entire Arab world has ever done for them. Whatever the Palestinians have
t now has been achieved for them not by Arab weapons, not by the superpowers, not even by bloody Holy War, but
a narrow majority of Israelis who have, at last, reached the conclusion that military occupation and suppression are
th immoral and useless.
-
.
.
This is a moment of decision: a shaky majority of Israelis still Sl;lpport the Oslo Agreements, but even within this
majority there ~re some who are beginning to consider other options. Even our doves cannot bear a.situation where
'
�...
- Land for Peace means that Israel gives away la~d and gets less and less peace. Some of us are now looking into ideas
such as drawing our border with you unilaterally, according to our best interests, disengaging ihe Israeli population
completely from the Palestinian population and defending ourselves from behind these new borders. It is unthinkable
that Israel will go on living by its Oslo commitments while you Palestinians pay us with post-date'd cheques, claiming
Jhat it is too hard for you to cancel the covenant, too hard to fight with Hamas, too hard to change the contents of
antisemitic school textbooks, too h~rd to Isolate your fanatics.
r
.
. _· .
·
.
· Of course it i~ hard for you; but, alas, it is quite hard for us Israelis to get killed every day. "We· aren't strong ·
enough", you say, but it is not just your strength which must be put to the test now. It is, first and foremost, your .
courage and integrity.
'
If you and your friends remain quiet now, if you make do with mumbling, half -hearted condemnations and offering
private condolences over the phone to your Israeli friends, Oslo might soon become a missed window of opportunity. If
this happens, it will fulfil the dark visions of your engineer and our. doctor: Goldstein and Ayash still threaten to return
hand in hand from hell and bring hell upon us all.
Now it is your tum to rise and fightfor peace. Don't delay.
1996 Amos Oz
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 5, 1996
�.•
Copyright 1995 Telegraph Group Limited
The Daily Telegraph
June 17, 1995, Saturday
SECTION: INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 17
LENGTH: 651 words
.
HEADLINE: Dreams must die to pay for peace Israel and a Palestinian state can flourish together only if both sides are
prepared to compromise, saY.S Israeli writer Amos Oz
BYLINE: BY AMOS OZ
BODY:
.
.
THERE is hope that the Palestinians will soon be holding the first democratic elections in their history. If the elected
Palestinian leadership so desires, it is possible for their Autonomy to develop, eventually, into a Palestinian or a
Jordanian/Palestinian State, which will maintain a peaceful relationship with Israel. However, much depends on
whether the elected Palestinian leadership be stiff-necked, full of bitter, self-righteous indignation, or will it engender In
its pe~ple a creative enthusiasm for building their homel~d and for healing old wounds? Will Palestinian public
opinion be wise enough to isolate those instigators of revenge and of hatred? Will the words and actions of the
Palestinian leadership be aimed, among other things, at soothing the apprehensions and suspicions which still cloud the
.Israeli psyche? If the answers to these questions are positive, then the day when Palestine will exist as an independent
nation is not far off. A change in the. Palestinian ·charter, which the PLO committed itself to at the signing of the Oslo
Accords, is an urgent and crucial step in this direction. Israelfor her part, will have to give up the malignant::..;n:!:o~t;lol.'"'-.w.l.lj...__
whatever is bad for the Palestinians must be good for us imd vice~ versa. The tragedy ofthe Palestinians, their suffering,
humiliation, poverty and desperation - all these are our problem, even if we are not to blame for them, or at least not the
principle culprits. So long as the Palestinian people live in the pits, Israel will have no peace and no security.
-------
The help of the international community, together with that of the Arab world and ofisrael in assuaging the suffering of
the Palestinian people is as urgent and necessary a matter for Israel herself. The Israeli settlers in the occupied territories.
will have to choose b.etween fulfilling their religious vocation and realising fully their national identity. If, from
religious motives, they want to make their home in close proximity to the Jewish holy places, in a Palestinian State, as
residents of that State, not as masters in it- they should be allowed to do so. On the other hand, if they choose to move
back within Israel's peace boundaries, we must do our best to help them to be re-integrated into Israeli society,
materially, socially and morally. Most of the Israeli settlers in the occupied territories are not enemies of peace, nor are
they Arab-eaters. They are people who crossed the green line in order to fulftl a dream, an impossible dream based on
blindness. For more than 20 years, successive Israeli governments have piled large quantities of support,
encouragement; sponsorship and applause on this dream: And now it appears that the conflict can be solved, if the
Arabs are willing to relinquish the realisation of their dream to return to Jaffa and Haifa, and the Jews to relinquish
theirs to go back to Jericho and to Shiloh. Relinquishing these dreams will involve a tragic shock for many people on
both sides, who see this as rio less than tre~son sacrile e or the first ste to losin eve h'n . Extremists are asking
th se ves ese days: If we don't have the rignt to Hebron, how do we have the right to Haifa? or, If we forgo our
demand to return to Haifa, what rights have we to Nablus? The only feasible answer to this is that Israel could not exist
with()ut Jaffa and Haifa, while Palestine, without Nablus and Hebron, is just as ill1possible. On the other hand, Israel can
exist and even thrive without Hebron and Ramallah, just as Palestine can flourish without Lydda and Jaffa.
e
traumatic emotional upheaval involved in relinquishing certain of the rights is very real and the pain is real. V.fe must
take care not to rub salt into open wounds. It may be possible to tum victims of peace- at least some of them·- into
partners, who can invest their future in making peace work, rather than in blocking it.
~-=:::~
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (65%);
�Copyright 1993 Time Inc.
Time
September 20, 1993, U.S. Edition
SECTION: MIDDLE EAST; Pg. 42
LENGTH: .1903 words
HEADLINE: TO PREVAIL OVER THE PAST;
The real rift is no longer between Jew and Arab but betweeen backward-looking and forward-looking people on both
sides
BYLINE: By AMOS OZ ARAD; ·
Amos Oz is an Israeli novelist, essayist and peace activist. (c) 1993 Amos Oz;
With the editorial assistance of Maggie Bar-Tura
BODY:
A few nights ago, when Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization recognized each other, I had a vivid ~ .
·recollection of the night of May 14 and May 15, 1948, when Israel declare.d its independence. I was nine years old. I
·
remember my father coming to my bed and lying beside me in the dark. "When I was a' boy, I was beaten in school in
Russia and then in Poland for being a little Jew," he said. "You may still get beaten in school, but not for being a Jew.
This is what the State oflsrael is all about." In the darkness I could suddenly feel his tears. It was the only time in my
.
life that my father cried in my presence.
*
The next morning, within hours of Israel's declaration of independence~ five Arab armies invaded the country from all
directions. The Jewish section of Jerusalem was besieged for several months, bombarded by Jordanian artillery from the
east and by Egyptian forces fro.m the south. What had been, since the beginning of the century, a neighborly feud
between Arabs and Jews turned that night into a major international war ..
Twice in my life, in ~967 and again in 1973, I saw the face ofwar as a reservist soldier, first in Sinai and then in the
Golan Heights. That experience turned me into a peace activist, but not into a pacifist ready to tum the other cheek to an
enemy. If anyone tries totake my .life or the life of my people, I will fight. I will fight if anyone tries to enslave us, but
noth"
of life and freedom could make me take u arms. "National interest," "ancestral rights" and
an extra bedroom or t e nation e not reasons to go out to the battlefield.
As a teenager addicted to politics, I would do my shift as night watchman along the perimeter fence of Kibbutz
Hulda, secretly listening to the news on a portable radio. Through the night,' I would wander between the transmissions
of Jordan, Syria and Egypt. Whenever they referred to Israel, they used the term the Zionist entity. The announcer
would say "the so-called government of the so-called state" but would stop short of pronouncing the word Israel, as if it
were a four-letter word. The Arab world, primarily the Palestinians, dealt with us as if we were nothing more than a
passing infection.
I remember how those nights in Kibbutz Hulda, about three miles from the pre-1967 armistice lines, were punctuated
by fires and explosions on the eastern horizon as we guarded against the fedayeen, which is what the Palestinian
infiltrators were called. On the Israeli radio station, you could hear the rhetoric of a society of armed settlers: "Our
generation, and perhaps gener~tions to come, are destined to plow the fields while carrying a gun." At that time I didn't
think I would see an Israel-Arab peace in my lifetime. The term Palestinians was hardly used in those days. It was
almost as unpronounceable for Israelis as "Israel" was for the Arabs. We used to talk about "refugees," "terrorists" or
simply "the enemy." Since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank imd Gaza Strip, most of us simply refer to them as
locals. One winter night I shared my guard duty in Kibbutz Hulda with an eldei"ly ideologue (without the illicit radio).
�With a strangely ironic expression on his face, he suddenly whispered to me, "What do you expect from those
Palestinians? From their point of view, aliens have landed in their country and gradually taken some of it away,
. ·claiming that in return they will shower the natives with loving-kindness, and Palestinians simply said no thanks, and
took to arms in order to repel the. Zionist invaders?" Being the teenage product of a conventional Zionist upbringing, I
was shocked by his use of the word Palestinians, as well as by the treacherous revelation that the enemy not only had a
point of view, but a fairly convincing one at that.
~
c:::....--
His words eventually turned me into a relativist about the ethical dimension of the Israeli-Palestinian tragedy. There is
nothing tragic about the conflict between Israel and Syria or Israel and Iran. They have been the aggressors, and we
have def~nded ourselves as best we could, The case between Israelis and Palestinians is a tragedY: precisely becapse jt is
\J,. a clash between one ve owerful claim and anothe aelis are in the land of Israel because there is not and cannot
1:i a nationa omeland for the Jews anywhere else. The Palestinians are in Palestine because their ancestor~ have been
here for more than a thousand years. Where one powerful claim clashes with another, there can be either an endless
cycle of bloodshed or a somewhat inconsistent compromise. Since 1967, the Israeli peace movement has advocate~ a
compromise based on mutual recognition of the simple fact that one small country, about the size of the state of New
s.
ever there is a clash between ri ht and right, a value higher than
Jersey, is the only homela
ieve a simi ar premise underlies the changing attitudes toward
, right ought to prevail, a d this value is life itsel .
peace among Palestimans.
.
Tf' r
For many years, fanatics on all sides have tried to tum this conflict into a holy war or a racial clash. Do-gooders
outside the.region tended to present it as a civil rights issue or simply as a sad misunderstanding. Fortunately, this
conflict is essentially nothing but dispute over real estate.: Whose house? Who is going to get how much of it? Such
conflicts can be resolved through a compromise. I believe in a two-state solution that can be achieved only step by step:
Israeli recognition o(the Palestinian right of self-determination in part of the land, in return for Arab readiness to meet
Israel's legitimate security provisions. The two parties are not about to fall in love with each other once the agreement is
signed. Yet the parties do not need to see eye to eye regarding who was' David and who was Goliath in this conflict.
(Obviously if one focuses on the West Bank and Gaza Strip, then the Israelis are clumsy Goliath, whereas the stonethrowing Palestinians are brave little David. Yet by changing the zoom and putting the frame around the conflict
between almost 5 million Israelis and more than 100 million Arabs, and perhaps severat"hundreds of millions of
Muslims, the question of David and Goliath looks very different.) Luckily, Israelis and Palestinians and other Arabs can
conclude their.conflict even·without agreeing about the narrative.
a
a
Many Israelis and certain past Israeligovemments are guilty of blindness to the gradual emergence, perhaps as a byproduct of modem Zionism, of a Palestinian.national persona. The Palestinian national movement, for its part, has
brought disaster upon the two peoples by taking an uncompromising stance toward the Israeli national persona. It may ·
have blinded itself by perceiving Zionism as a colonial phenomenon. Actuall~, the early Zionists had absolutely nothing
'\ t ~ to colonize in this country when they began to return to it nearly I 00 years ago: it has no resources. In terms of coloma!
~ 'exploitation, the Zionists have involved themselves in the worst bargain of all times, as they have brought into the
country thousands of times more wealth than they could ever hope to get out of it.
l
Both parties, in two·different ways, are victims of Christian Europe: the Arabs through colonialism, imperialism,
oppression and exploitation, while .the Jews have been the victims of discrimination, pogroms, expulsions and,
ultimately, mass murder. According to the mythology ofBertolt Brecht, victims always develop a sense of mutual
solidarity, marching together to the barricades as they chant Brecht's verses. In real life some of the worst conflicts
develop precisely between victims of the same o
o children of the same cruel parent do not necessantyTove
e o er. ey o en see in eac ot er the image of their past oppressor: So it is, to some extent, between Israelis and
Arabs: the Arabs fail to see us as a bunch of survivors. They see in us a nightmarish extension of the oppressing
colonizing Europeans. We Israelis often look at Ar~bs not as fellow victims but as an incarnation of our past
oppressors: cossacks, pogrom makers, Nazis who have grown mustaches and wrapped themselves in kaffiyehs; but who
are still in the usual business of cutting Jewish throats.
·
·
Naturally, all sides are uneasy, everi worried, about the present breakthrough. Many Palestinians fear that "Gaza and
Jericho first" is nothing but disguise for an Israeli plot to get away with "Gaza and Jericho only." Many Israelis, for
their part, fear that Israel is about to give away land and forfeit strategic assets return for nothing more than a piece of
a
.
:
t
in
�paper, a sweet document that may easily be tom to shreds the following day. Some of those apprehensions can be
alleviated when people on both sides realize that the present contract contains an element of time as well as one of
space: the fulfillment of Palestinian national rights in the occupied territories is going to be implemented over a period
of several years, delivered not mile by mile, but one attribute of sovereignty after another so that Israel will have the
time to find out if the Arab and Palestinian peace .check does not bounce.
The present agreement is not accompanied by a burst of brotherly emotion on both sides. If anything, Israelis and
Palestinians may be feeling like patients awakening from an anesthetized slumber after amputation surgery, discovering
with pain and frustration that things are never going to be the same again. This is the time for well-meaning
governments and individuals outside the region to stop wagging their fmgers in disapproval and instead to consider the
prompt incorporation of a peaceful Middle East into larger securi and ec
·c s stems, thus helping both sides to
overcome some of their fears. This is the time to develop a arshall Plan for the Middle Eas in·order to help resettle
almost a· million Palestinian refugees as wei as a Simi ar num er o ew1s re gees from the former Soviet Union and
elsewhere. I believe within 15 years a peaceful, prosperous Middle East will be able not only to repay the sponsors of
such a Marshall Plan .but even to extend material aid to other, less privileged parts of the world.
The labors of peacemaking are not concluded once the treaty is signed. Courageous sappers on both sides must start
clearing the emotional minefields, the aftermath of war, removing mutual stereotypes created by many years of fear and
hatred. Describing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a tragic clash between right and right, I maintain that we do not
want a Shakespearean conclusion, with poetic justice hovering over a stage littered with dead bodies. We may now be
nearing a typical Chekhovian conclusion for the tragedy: the players disillusioned and worried, but alive.
longer between Jew and Arab but rather between past-oriented and future-oriented people on both s1 e I believe there
IS a goo c ance a e ture WI prevail over the past. To get er t e srae IS an
e a es Imans are today sending a
resounding message to·every agonized comer of the earth: If we can compromise with each other and tum our backs to
violence despite 100 years·of sound and fury, is peace not possible between all deadly enemies in the world?
1;
GRAPHIC: Picture PALESTINIANS New Beginnings: A group of young girls in the West Bank start the fall term
descColor: Palestinian girls walking to school., AP; Picture 2, ISRAELIS ~ope Springs Eternal: Settlers in the Gaza
Strip head home after class de·scColor: Israeli" children walking home from school., RICKI ROSEN-- SABA FOR
TIME
LANGUAGE: .ENGLISH
�Copyright 2000 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.
Foreign Affairs
January, 2000 I February, 2000
SECTION: REVIEWS; Review Essay; Pg. 158
LENGTH: 2496 words .
HEADLINE: New History for a New Israel;
Two Landmark Looks at a Sentimentalized Past
BYLINE: Yaron Ezrahi; YARON EZRAHI is Professor of Political Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
His latest book is Rubber Bullets: Power and. Conscience in Modem Israel.
BODY:
Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-1999. BY BENNY l"fORRIS. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1999,751 pp. $40.00.
'
'
The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World Since 1948. BY AVI SHLAIM. New York: W. W. Norton, 1999,448 pp.
$32.50.
l[;::~~;i;st;e~r~in~t~e~d~ovish
l~d
recently.~
new Israeli government
by Ehud Barak caused a stir
decided
·
hould teach their students about something most Israelis would just as soon not dwell
on: e massacre by Israeli soldier of dozens of Israeli Arab civilians who broke a curfew in and near the village of
Kafr
some 43 years ago. The shootings were followed by a trial and an Israeli court's landmark decision to pin
individual responsibility on Israeli soldiers who follow illegal orders. w;th Sarid's directive, dirty laundry from Israel's
founding era was to be aired for its next generation.
·
This was something quite new under the sun. For decades, Israelis were raised on a celebratory, heroic version of
their history -- a story of the return to Zion, of the resettlement of the desolate Jewish homeland, of a war of liberation
in which the few stood up to the many; and of a constant struggle by the newly established state to survive in a sea of
Arab hostility and brutal violence. This epic was founded on ideas and beliefs that most Israelis held as self-evident:
the Jewish nation is ancient, and the Palestinian claim to nationhood is questionable at best; Israelis are innocent, and
Arabs have an innate propensity to terrorism; Israel's humanistic soldiers were driven to fight by necessity, not fear or
hatred; the Arabs are determined to push the Jews into the sea; the Israeli army's victories were made possible by the
spirit of the Israeli fighters, not their superior numbers or weapons; the Arabs have failed to modernize and to
ameliorate their economic condition; Israel is a tiny sliver of land in a region of vast Arab territories; the Palestinian
refugee problem was created by Arab leaders; and many costly wars could have been prevented if not for Arab
intransigence, starting with the 1947 U.N. partition plan and continuing through the many rebuffed Israeli peace
initiatives.
Toward the end of the 1980s, however, these certainties began to be shaken. A small group of revisionist historians,
including A vi Shlaim, an Oxford professor, and Benny Morris, who teaches at Ben-Gurion University in Beersheva,
published more skeptical versions of the early phases ofthe Arab-Israeli conflict. These studies elicited some
legitimate criticism from professional academics. But the Israeli public-- including much of the intelligentsia-- was
unwilling to sympathetically consider a more complex version of Israel's history that implied greater Jewish
responsibility for the Palestinian refugee problem, criticized Israeli diplomatic blunders that prolonged the conflict, and
exposed Israeli soldiers' involvement in some atrocities. The works of the "new historians" triggered an angry public
debate that quickly deteriorated into a clash between apologists for both the received Israeli master narrative and its
"post-Zionist" debunkers.
·
Shortly after Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization formally recognized each other in September 1993, a
�..
~end living in exile in Pads asked. me, •'1-iow that we have recognized you, will you smrt rememberin
·
what you did to us?" Israelis have. For nations in conflict, the selective processes o remem ering and forgetting are
i'. always shaped""Oy the. fluctuations between war and peace. The Oslo breakthrough and its aftermath demonstrated that - despite such grave setbacks as the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the 1996 wave of
Islamist bus bombings-- once they thought of the Arabs not as the enemy but as·neighbors and future partners in peace,
· battle-hardened and skeptical Israelis could reassess the extent of their responsibility for the conflict and even recognize
some of their adversaries' claims. This ability to share blame for the costly struggle has let former fighters, some of
them notoriously ruthless, meet again as diplomats around the negotiating table and convert their military reputations at
home into the political authority that can sanction painful compromises with erstwhile foes.
Although the peace negotiations with the Palestinians have made Israelis more ready to replace unexamined, selfglorifying notions of the past with more complex and even painful historical accounts, the new Israeli openness must
also be traced to deep social and cultural transformations. Recent decades have brought a slow, steady erosion of the
almost automatic national solidarity and docile public conformism on which Israeli governments once counted,
especially during emergencies; a growing fragmentation of Israeli society into competing groups (Sephardim, the ultraOrthodox, Israeli Arabs, Ru~sian immigrants; and so on) with distinct senses of identity and profoundly divergent takes
on the meaning of the Jewish state; and perhaps most significant, the rise of Israeli individualism, which brings with it a ·
spreading distrust of authority in almost all spheres of life.
Taken together, these developments mark a dramatic shift from an epic culture and politics to a post-epic Israel. In
the new, more jaundiced Israeli mood, the once-hegemonic version of Israel's past can survive only as another partisan
history. What used to be the official heroic Israeli narrative of the Arab-Israeli conflict is today mostly the version of
the Israeli right.
·
In this climate, the two major new books by Morris.and Shlaim are in ore likely to trigger debates among academics
than among ideologues -- an improvement on the debate over their earlier books some ten years ago, which
demonstrated that very little light is shed when the bias of apologists meets the bias of debunkers. But now there is a
very different Israel to read the new historians.
WOUNDED SPIRITS
The periods covered by the two books converge only partly. Benny Morris' Righteous Victims begins with the start
of major Zionist settle·ment in Ottoman Palestine .in 1881 and ends in 1999, whereas A vi Shlaim's The Iron Wall
extends from Israel's creation in 1948 to the present. The bulks of these two volumes may make readers decide that one
is plenty, but they are more complementary than redundant. While Morris concentrates on the details of military
history, which he combines with an account of the politics of the conflict, Shlaim focuses on the diplomatic history of
Arab-Israeli relations.
As in his earlier work -- inost notab.ly, on why som 700,000 Palestinians fled their homes during Israel's War of
Independence -- Morris provides a very rich account' o e military and political aspects oft e con 1ct an a very thin
interpretive framework. The greatest merit of this bulky "synthesis of existing research" is that the massive body of
facts it builds defies sweeping generalizations about the conflict and facile attributions of moral responsibility to any
one side. As such, Morris' book. provides a timely account for readers who have been learning to regard parts of Israel's
past with ambivalence rather than apologetics. His work can help Israelis face the contradictions and ironies of a
narrative· of liberation that entailed a narrative of conquest and displacement. Where Zionists repeatedly recalled the
Arab thre.at "to throw the Jews into the sea," Morris quotes the fuller statement made during World War I by the Jaffa
Muslim-Christian Association: "We will push the Zionists into the sea-- or they will send us back into the desert."
Morris describes the role of rightist Jewish militias in introducing the indiscriminate bombing of civilians into the
conflict by attacking the markets of Haifa and Jaffa in 1938, but he does not exonerate the Arabs for their share of the
terrorism. He details the Israeli army's edge in both numbers and equipment but does not underestimate the superior
·
motivation of Israeli soldiers or the demoralizing effects of internal Arab rivalries.
Righteous Victims illuminates the historical evolution of Jewish perceptions of Arab violence-- particularly the shifts
from viewing it as merely the result of incitement by a few belligerent leaders like Hajj Am in al-Husayni, the mufti of
�..
Jerusalem in the 1920s ~md 1930s, to regarding it as a consequence of innate Arab and Muslim aggressiveness, to the
post-intifada view of Palestinian violence as an expression of national aspirations. But when Morris examines the way
Israelis look at their own armed forces, his book suffers from his, unwise assumption that one can separate a nation's
military from its social and cultural history. Hence, he does not consider the nexus between the evolution of Jewish
perspectives on force and the Zionist aspiration to make the Jew into a soldier-- to create a new Jewish identity to
"· replace the Jewish merchant or the feeble religious scholar. Against this background, the debate between activists such
as the country's founding prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, and moderates such as his foreign minister, Moshe
Sharett, reflects not only competing strategies for handling the Arabs but competing notions of modern Jewish identity
and the meaning of freedom and statehood for post-Holocaust Jews.
Since writing history, however empirically based, is inevitably also an exercise in interpretation, Morris should have
been more explicit about how he chose his sources and weighed his evidence. The impression of a neutral, factual
description may be misleading even when the historian tries to be fair.
\BETWEEN GUN AND OLIVE BRANCH
A vi Shlaim takes a bolder and richer approach than Morris'. His mastery of the sources and his explicit preferences
win him the reader's trust for his decisions about what to highlight, when to summarize, and which shortcuts to take in
retelling the complicated history of the· Arab-Israeli conflict. By advancing a reasonably coherent interpretation and
constructing a flowing narrative, Shlaim risks the criticism that the ·~real world" is too messy, contradictory, and
ambiguous to fit into neat patterns. But this is usually a worthwhile price to pay for parsimony and provocation.
The principal theme of The Iron Wall is·the constant disagreement between Israeli moderates and military activists on
how to handle the conflict with the Arabs. According to Shlaim, moderates like Sharett, Levi Eshkol, and Abba Eban
usually read the Middle East situation correctly and relied on diplomatic rather than military means, whereas activists
like Ben-Gurion, Moshe Dayan, Ariel Sharon, Golda Meir, and Menachem Begin tended to miss important
opportunities for negotiations that might well have preve!J.ted costly wars.
'I.
Shlaim's account of the competition between these two schools makes fascinating, revealing reading, although the
·dichotomy he draws between them is sometimes too sharp. Despite the sympathy the reader might feel toward the
moderates, one doubts that the bridges they proposed building would have served Israel better during its formative
years than the "iron wall" that the activists, and especially the militants, actually built around the Jewish state-- on the
theory that after they had bashed their heads against it often enough, the Arabs would eventually reconcile themselves
to Israel's existence. The echoes of these opposing approaches can still be heard iri the two parallel conceptions of the
ultimate goals of the peace talks with the Palestinians-- the Rabin school, which seeks to separate Israel from the
Palestinians, and the _school of his rival and successor, Shimon Peres, which seeks to link the Palestinian and Jewish
states.
The biggest problem with Shlaim's study is its occasional lapses into 20-20 hindsight. A case in point is Shlaim's
assessment of Peres' decision in 1996 to let the Israeli General Security Service kill Yahya: Ayyash, the mastermind
behind many gory suicide bombings by the Islamist militants ofHamas. Shlaim calls this decision "the greatest mistake
of Peres's political career." Hamas, writes Shlaim, "declared Ayyash a martyr" and, in a series of retaliatory suicide
attacks, seriously undermined Peres' leadership, making him politically vulnerable to the assaults of his foe in the 1996
elections, .Likud leader Binyam in Netanyahu. Peres, to be sure, could have anticipated that Hamas might seek revenge,
but he had no way of knowing how savage the terrorists' spree would be -- or that it would tip the electoral scales for
Netanyahu. Shlaim is ~uilty here of retroactive foreshadowing, or what the literary critic Michael Andre Bernstein calls
"backshadowing" --judging participants in historical events as if, unconstrained by uncertainties, they should have
known the future that we know as the past. Nevertheless, Shlaim's usual appreciation for complexities and
contradictions and his keen sketches of the principal Israeli'actor~ make this very readable book one of the best and
inost illuminating accounts of Arab-Israeli relations in years. ·
Read together, these two books give a historical perspective from which it is easier to understand why the peace
proce~s has proven stronger than any Middle Eastern government or leader. Looking at their past, the adversaries can
see that military solutions to the conflict are becoming obsolete. There is no Soviet Union to arm and support the
�Arabs, and the remaining superpower is the main sponsor of the peace process. Moreover, in today's world of
globalization, the media puts military operations under such a glare that, increasingly, they are simply not worth the
risk.
Both Shlaim and Morris have tried to carve out a space for history between the domain of myths, which have for
many years governed Israelis' perceptions of the more distant past, and the domain of journalism, which mediates their
perceptions of the very recent past and the present. Writing history inherently revises the mythological past. But the
special authority ofthe historian -- who can combine a historical perspective with painstaking research based on
original docum·ents and testimonies -- diminishes the closer his or her account comes to the present. The two volumes
are, therefore, more revealing about the early phases of the Arab-Israeli conflict than about more recent ones. Toward
the end, Morris' and Shlaim's accounts tend to merge with the familiar journalistic reports and become shallow. Still, in
a democracy, self-reflection, skepticism, and ambivalence toward authority accelerate the movement from myth to
history and encourage history to lend depth to journalism. Without ignoring the limits ofthese two volumes, Shlaim and
Morris can only be commended for their contributions to this process. Israelis' reactions to these two landmark works
will be deeply telling.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: January 18,2000
�Copyright 1999 U.S. News & World Report
U.S. News & World Report
April12, 1999
Correction Appended
SECTION: WORLD REPORT; Pg. 20
LENGTH: 724 words
HEADLINE: The ancient roots of grievance
BYLINE: By Fouad Ajami
HIGHLIGHT: For 600 y~ars, violent nationalisms have bloodied the Balkans
'.
BODY:
Speaking of war, there'll be troubles in the Balkans in the Spring.
RUDYARD KIPLING, THE LIGHT THAT FAILED, 1940
In Kosovo, the great, brutal truth has not varied: a deadly impasse between demography and history. Demography has
been Albanian; and overwhelmingly so. But a nationalist Serbian narrative asserts a mystical claim to the land. There is
nothing. new about Slobodan Milosevic's campaign to "cleanse" the place of its Albanian people. Consider what the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said about the Balkan wars of 1912-1913: "Houses and whole villages
reduced to ashes, unarmed and innocent populations massacred en masse, incredible acts of violence, pillage and
brutality of every kind ... with a view to the entire transformation of the ethnic character of regions inhabited ·
exclusively by Albanians."
It was odd that a Communist Party hack like Milosevic, and a Montenegrin at that, would unleash this new fury in
Kosovo. He had not shown a penchant for nationalist romanticism, but once he found the pathos of Kosovo--the
solitude of the Serbs, their view of themselves standing at the ramparts of Christendom and fighting noble wars only to
be undone by more cunning peoples in more worldly.lands--he had found his themes. The Serbs had spun a history at
once grand and tragic, and their inspirational memory was Kosovo, where the Ottoman Turks defeated them on the
Field of Blackbirds in 1389.
·
·
·
I
Polyglot empire. But the truth of history was less poetic and less exalted. It was the tale of how all the peoples of the
Balkan Peninsula made their accommodation with the Pax Turcica and found their way into the armies and the court of
the empire. But the Serbs in the province of Belgrade had been left to their own devices. The Turkish presence was
scant there, confined to the principal fortress towns, while the countryside had remained Serbian, a world of peasants
tilling their own fields. Kosovo, ruled by an Ottoman pasha in Pristina, was of a piece with the larger world of the
northern Albanians. Religious identity was fluid here, and folk religious ways were more important than formal, high
religion. The world was checkered; as was practically the whole polyglot Ottoman empire.
·
The oid ways of the Ottoman world came to an end in the late years of the 19th century. Out of the ruins came
Balkan states seiz~d with nationalist. delirium--dreams of Greater Serbia, Greater Bulgaria, Greater Albania. The Balkan
wars of 1912-1913 then sealed the fate of the Ottoman dominions in Europe. The Albanians declared their own
statehood, but a good deal of their territory was contested by Serbs and Bulgars and Greeks. Serbia, consumed with a
spirit of historical triumphalism, swept into Kosovo in 1912, only to find an Albanian majority on the sacred land of its
imagination. A relentless campaign of Serpianization was let loose on the place, driven by desire to reclaim Kosovo and
make it whole--and Serbian. Some 5,000 Albanians were liquidated. A brief respite came for the Albanians when a
�'•
combined Gennan-Austrian-Bulgarian campaign overwhelmed the Serbs in 1915.
·~
The Serbs returned at the end of the war, in the nimbus of a mighty legend: In their retreat to the Adriatic, through
Montenegro and Albania, 100,000 of them had perished. In the eyes of the Serbs, the newly created Kingdom of Serbs,
Croats, and Slovenes (renamed Yugoslavia in 1929) was their gift and their redemption. But when Serbs tried to
colonize and settle Kosovo, displacing the majority Albanians, they were foiled by the destruction of the Yugoslav state
by Gennany in 1941.
The Communist leader Josip Broz Tito, son of a Croat father and Slovene mother, denied and balanced all the
competing nationalisms of the Yugoslav state. But Tito died in 1980, and the lid started to come loose. In less than a
decade, an awkward and coldblooded bureaucrat annulled Kosovo's autonomy and made the bulk of Yugoslavia's
peoples yearn for the vainglorious Tito. "Brotherhood and Unity" of the southern Slavs had been Tito's slogan, an
escape from the bloodletting of the Balkan nationalisms. Men and women soon longed for the time when such
pretensions held the "ethnic cleansers" in check. Marvel at Milosevic, sorcerer of Belgrade: Can he still control the
furies he has called up with his spell?
·
.,
CORRECTION-DATE: July 5, 1999
·CORRECTION: "The Ancient Roots of Grievance" [April12] should hav~ cited 1891 as the publication date for
Rudyard Kipling's The Light That Failed.
·
GRAPHIC:. Picture, Nationalist romanticism. The memorial at the Field of Blackbirds (Gary Knight--SABA)
· LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: April?, 1999
�Copyright 1997. U.S. News & World Report.
U.S. News & World Report
February 17, 1997
SECTION: WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Pg. 44
LENGTH: 870 words
HEADLINE: The peace of kings and pharaohs
BYLINE: By Fouad Ajami
HIGHLIGHT: On the 'Arab street,' rejection oflsrael remains the only constant
BODY:
.Beyond the long-awaited and long-delayed Israeli-Palestinian deal on Hebron and its impossible details lies a larger
\
truth that diplomacy has yet to take up: There has been no discernible change in the Arab attitudes toward Israel a
~
little preparation in the Arab world for the accommodation t e peace romised. The great refusal persists. A foul wind
attends this peace in ra an s. t ows m t at "Arab street" of ordinary men and women, among the intellectuals and
the writers, and in the professional syndicates. The force of this refusal can be seen in the press of the governments and
of the oppositionists, among the secularists and the lslamists alike, in countries that have concluded diplomatic
agreements with lsra~~ and those that haven't. ll).is is
Arab fideli
ures in a olitical culture that
has been subjected to historic ruptures of every kind.
It is no accident that the two leaders who have gorie furthest with the peace, King Hussein of Jordan and Yasser
Arafat of the Palestine Liberation Organization, were the same weak men who blew with the wind from Saddam
Hussein's Baghdad in 1990-1991. Having bet on Saddam Hussein and lost, they sought a way out of the disgrace of the
choice they had made and a way back into the diplomatic, game of nations. For King Hussein, this was a return to the
politics of his family, which had ~lways been based on reconciliation with the Israelis. across the Jordan River. But it
was different for Arafat, who left behind him the exiles and the refugees who had been his foot soldiers, left behind an
imaginary Palestine, and settled for what he could get in the West Bank and Gaza.
Passive peace. But neither the Jordanian ruler nor the Palestinian leader could or would take this peace to the
coffeehouses and the·universities and defend it. When pressed, the men ·on top fell back on democratic principies: They
would not force the pace; they would wait for the great enmity to subside. Inde~d, in a twist of fate, Arafat, who had run
the affairs of the Palestinians from his back pocket for a quarter century and had taken his people on endless detours,
lived to see the emergence of a genuine opposition to him. The man who had been followed by the Palestinians over the
roughest and loneliest roads would come to know recriminations once he embarked on this new path of realism.
In the way of Arab politics, the opposition to the peace remains fiercest in Egypt, the state that led the way to
accommodation with Israel in the 1970s. Opposition has become part of the ethos and the ideology of the state, in many
ways a substitute for repairing the land and opening up the country's political life. Uneasy with their country's
relationship with its American benefactors, Egypt's ruling circles and intellectuals have been swept up of late with a
nostalgia for the 1960s, for the time of nonalignment and Arab nationalism.
Thi~
gateke~p~main
has given the regime and its oppositionists a joint endeavor, for the
unalterably opposed to normal traffic with IsraeL They have kept Israelis out of an annual internati
·
d
out of book fairs year after year. And they have discourage t e men and the women o culture and letters from
trave m
&
•
tha simple deed as a journey across forbidden lines. When a distinguished man of letters,
aywright Ali Salem,
an who marc
n drummer broke with the unwritten ban and traveled to Israel,
I
�he had to endure a relentless campaign of vilification.
Prevailingwisdom has it that the hard-line st~nce of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu frightened off those in the
Arab world who had bet on the peace. But that wisdom errs. It was not Netanyahu's frigidity but Shimon Peres's
embrace th~t made the Arab world recoil; the "New Middle East" of Shimon Peres, his talk of a region at peace with
open borders, became a rallying point for those who maligned peace as nothing other than a form of Israeli hegemony,
a Pax Hebraica. Millennia!, grand, and technocratic Peres's ro. ect was a threat to all the sacred tote
rab lands, an exuberant seducer
nationalism. Peres had come forth at a tilne of great political and
at an Arab wake. The most celebrated poet in the Arab world the S rian Nizar Qabbani, ught this dread of Peres's
utopian world when he said that its vision was one of a "Midd e
with an Israeli chairman of the
board."
Six years and two secretaries of state ago, Dennis Ross, the State Department negotiator~ made the case for a deeper
American role in Middle Eastem.peace in a tefling way: "We have seen an earthquake. We have to move before the
rth resettles, because it will and it never takes long." The· Earth had split open m the Arab world in the aftermath of
the gulf war, ut the landscape as c ose agam. The king's peace, they call it in Jordan; the pharaoh's peace, in Egypt.
Arafat's "surrender," Arafat's Versailles, is how his Palestinian opponents describe the deal he made. Now this is better
than yesterday's wars, but the peace of the autocrats is yet to put down roots in Arab lands.
GRAPHIC: Picture, Vasser Arafat and King Hussein in Gaza last month (Jim Hollander--Reuter)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: February 13, 1997
�Copyright 1996. U.S. News & World Report
U.S. News & World Report
October 14, 1996
SECTION: OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Pg. 15
LENGTH: 552 words
HEADLINE: The tugging of a dreaded past
BYLINE: By Fouad Ajami
BODY:
Last time around, it was a brilliant sunny day on the south lawn of the White House, Sept. 13, 1993. The gruff soldier,
Yitzhak Rabin, had made that occasion. The hesitant handshake he had offered Vasser Arafat was true to the great,
heartbreaking impasse between Arab and Jew. It would be different for this summit of Arabs and Israelis. The dreary
Washington weather the day the gathering came to an end gave the thing away. We no longer have the Israeli soldier
whose unique authority had anchored the peace. The Washington summit was a culmination of all that had come to
pass in the year behind us.
Grant Yigal Amir, the assassin of Rabin, his due. He had struck down the one historic figure who could have given
that "new Middle East" we celebrated a fighting chance. But Amir had accomplices in that effort that brought down the
peace. There were the Hamas boys and their gdm campaign ofterror in Ashkelon and Jerusalem and in the heart of Tel·
Aviv, last winter, which broke the back of Labor Zionism and shattered Israel's faith in the peace. it had made with the
Palestinians. There was Vasser Arafat being his old, familiar self: a "partner" of the Jewish state and then a leader
winking at the diehards of Hamas that he shared their determination to recover all of Palestine by other means. And
there was the large Arab· olitical world that in the main (Jordan and Oman and Qatar aside) continued to see Israel as
· an illegitimate presence in the landscape and a great usu ation. A whole olitical c ass in t e ra wor
ad denied
e peace Its suppo . a e
auto
ace was dismisse· as the rulers' eace a e 1 mg eed of Arab
s rren er. o wonder an Egyptian state that had made an early peace with Israel was now waging a steady campaign
against "normalization" of cultural and political traffic with Israel.
Cravings. There is a great irony in the Arab and Palestinian nostalgia for the "new Middle East" and for its standardbearer, Shimon Peres. Israel had yearned for a new life beyond its familiar siege. It had wearied of the alleyways of the
West Bank imd Gaza. A great risk had been taken for the peace. A veritable Palestinian army, the police force of the
Palestine National Authority, had been introduced between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean. Butterror had
stalked the peace. The political triumph of Binyamin Netanyahu's Likud Party was owed to the recognition that the
world around Israel remained a hazardous place.
It would not have been in the nature of things for a summit in a far-away capital to resolve the deep disillusionment
with the peace that has gripped Israelis and Palestinians alike. The Pax Americana whose shadow lies across the
Mideast is part reality and part the illusion of power, a ~ake-believe born of our sense of imperial duty and their need
for a distant arbiter. In the end, we were indispensable arid helpless: We could summon the protagonists to Washington,
but we could not dictate terms of reconciliation. We could not get Israel's leader to shred the very cause--reciprocal
peace--that had brought him to power. It is their world there, and they must make it in their own image. It is their dawn
that will witness either the birth of a new accommodation or the return to the dreaded familiar past.
GRAPHIC: Picture, No deal. PLO's Arafat, Israel's Netanyahu and Jordan's King Hussein at the White House (Chick
Harrity--USN& WR)
�LANGUAGE: ENGLISH ..
LOAD-DATE: October 10, 1996
�.
•
Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company
The New York Times __,
February 11, 1997, Tuesday, Late Edition- Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 21; Column 2; Editorial ·Desk
LENGTH: 1140 words
HEADLINE: No Longer the Unthinkable
BYLINE: By A. S. Khalidi; A. S. Khalidi, editor of the Arabic edition of The Journal of Palestine Studies, advised
·
the Palestinian delegation duri'ug Middle East peace talks from 1991 to 1993.
DATELINE: LONDON
BODY:
In the weeks since the signing of the Hebron agreement, the final destination of a Palestinian-Israeli peace settlement
has begun to emerge from the political haze. Such a settlement must not only end the Israeli occupation and
colonization of Palestinian soil, it must give the Palestinian people a sovereign, uncontested, independent state of their
own. This is a matter of justice and practicality. If a truly lasting and stable peace is the goal, there is no other option.
The notion of a Palestinian state has gradually broken the bounds of the unthinkable and has seeped into the very
center of the debate over the future of the peace process. In the United States, even such ardent supporters of Israel as
Henry Kissinger and William Safrre have grudgingly acknowledged that a Palestinian state is inevitable.
Even on the Israeli right, political discourse has begun to shift significantly. David Bar-Illan, Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu's senior adviser, has spoken of a stat~ of "limited sovereignty" for the Palestinians. A vraham
Stem, a right-wing member of the Knesset, has declared that opposition to a state "is not something holy." For its part,
Israel's Labor Party has dropped its longstandin~ opposition to a Piilestinian state.
Although these changes have yet to be acknowledged by Mr. Netanyahu, the truth is that Palestinians already have
most of the prerequisites of sovereignty: control over land, a legitimate political process and quasi-governmental
institutions. Yet these precursors of statehood remain fragile, incomplete and still subject to Isr:aeli dictates. Israel, for
example, continues to seal offPalestinian areas, keeping thousands from jobs, schools and even hospitals. And Mr.
Netanyahu continues to insist on maintaining and expanding Israeli settlements, recentlyrestoring financial incentives
to settlers.
· ·
In the coming weeks, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators are scheduled to begin taking up the toughest issues, those
left for the final stage of the peace agreement: refugees, bord.ers, settlements, security and the future of Jerusalem.
Though the Israeli Government is not likely to publicly acknowledge it, these talks will really be about the future shape
of a Palestinian state.
For a settlement to be truly final, it must minimize the chances of future rejection or violent disaffection. The vast
majority of Palestinians would support a settlement that resulted in a Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank, with
its capital in East Jerusalem. Such a settlement would have the legitimacy necessary for a stab!~ peace, which would be
in the interests of Palestinians and Israelis.
'
· But the mere trappings of statehood will not suffice. The state has to be real and workable. The following are its
essential conditions:
�•..
Territorial integrity and contiguity. The Palestinians' ability to accept further territorial compromise is severely
constrained by historical, political and geographic realities, including the lack of a direct link between Gaza and the
West Bank. Any further dissection of Palestinian territory would make it politically and economically impossible to
maintain a state.
Because Israeli settlements would be a constant challenge to the new state's security and integrity, there can be no
civilian pockets under Israeli rule on Palestinian land. But there is no reason why individual Israelis could not live in
Palestine and individ,ual Palestinians could not live in Israel.
A sovereign capital in Jerusalem. East Jerusalem is Palestine's historical, spiritual and commercial heart. To exclude it
from a Palestinian state is unthinkable. Moreover, the boundaries of what Israelis call their "eternal united capital" are
neither sacred hor'irrevo~able. Israel imposed arbitrary new borders on the city in 1967 by annexing to it areas of the
West Bank.
With the exception of the Jewish holy places in the Old City, few Israelis can claim much attachment to Jerusalem's
existing boundaries. A recently published survey by researchers from the University of Maryland and Israel's Guttman
Institute of Applied Social Research found that 70 percent of Israelis who have been to Jerusalem have never ventured
into the Arab areas beyond the Old City, and about 60 percent would accept a redefinition of the-city limits to "exclude
Arab neighborhoods" and insure an overwhelming Jewish majority in their part of Jerusalem. A poll published late last
year by Maariv, an Israeli newspaper, even found a slight majority oflsraelis in favor of moving the capital to Tel
Aviv.
The view perpetuated by politicians that Israelis would accept nothing less than exclusive control over the whole city
need not be blithely accepted. There is no good reason why Jerusalem cannot have two separate coexisting .
sovereignties within nominal, open borders that demarcate the Arab and Jewish areas. Freedom of movement and
access to holy places could be guaranteed without redivision of the city~
Security. While appreciating Israeli security concerns, Palestinians have deeply rooted concerns of their own. Given
the loss of their homeland in 1948 and occupation since 1967, Palestinians cannot be expected to cede their right to .
self-defense unilaterally. Instead of being totally demilitarized, a Palestinian state should be capabie of limited selfdefense but nothave the ability to threaten its neighbors. .
In practical terms, this would mean no defense pacts with countries hostile to Israel, limits on the size and nature of
Palestinian defense forces and no offensive weaponry. International guarantees for both sides and a bilateral
nonaggression pact should reinforce mutual security. An international presence of some kind, Israel's requirements for
early-warning and ground-to-air defenses and joint security arrangements cov~ring the Jordan Valley could be
negotiated.
Justice and fairness for refugees. No fmal resolution can be complete without addressing the needs and aspirations of
Palestinian refugees. As a matter of principle, the Palestinians' right to return or to be compensated for their lost homes
_and land is nonnegotiable. How this right is exercised is a matter for negotiation. Israel must acknowledge the suffering
and hardship Palestinian refugees have faced as a result of their eviction from their homeland, and must assist in their
rehabilitation and reabsorption.
·
For their part, the Palestinians have to acknowledge that a return to the.status quo be.fore the creation oflsrael in 1948
is impossible and that a resolution of the refugee issue will effectively close the file on this fundamental issue.
· This is not a full blueprint for Palestine. The hard details must be left to the negotiators. But these conditions for
Palestinian statehood must be met if hopes for a lasting peace settlement are not to be an illusion.
GRAPHIC: Drawing (Graham Elliott)
·
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: February 11, 1997
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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[Middle East] [3]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 3
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-003-003-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/fa4a6d6773e497a5bf0f9064ed248280.pdf
dfe7f3b4c9a472919c74380e38a00805
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Middle East] [4]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
k>
8
3
v
(
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 I. statement
SUBJECTrriTLE
DATE
re: Draft remarks of Samuel R. Berger, Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs, at the Ceremony on the Conferment of
Honorary Degrees at Tel Aviv University (19 pages)
RESTRICTION
05117/2000 . P5
COLLECTION: .
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
. FOLDER TITLE:
[Middle East] [4)
2008-0703-F
'm622
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PJ
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an agency j(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAJ
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information j(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy j(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�J# .>ji
ll" -
MAIL-IT REQUESTED: APRIL 26, 2000
lOOYST
, I'
CLIENT: NSC
LIBRARY: NEWS
FILE: PAPERS,WIRES,MAGS
YOUR SEARCH REQUEST AT THE TIME THIS MAIL-IT WAS REQUESTED:
BYLINE (AMOS OZ)
NUMBER OF STORIES FOUND WITH YOUR REQUEST THROUGH:
LEVEL
1 ...
42
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.PAGE
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LEVEL 1 - 42 STORIES
1.
The Independent (London), October 21, 1999, Thursday, COMMENT; Pg. 4, 674
words, PODIUM: WE MUST TRY TO CONTAIN FANATICISM; AMOS OZ FROM A LECTURE GIVEN
BY THE PROMINENT ISRAELI NOVELIST FOR THE BBC RADIO 3 SERIES. 'SOUNDING THE
CENTURY' , Amos Oz
2.
Newsweek, July 19, 1999, Atlantic Edition, SOCIETY AND THE ARTS;
Independence Day; Pg. 54, 579 words, When the British Troops Went Home, Surreal
Delights, Amos Oz, Frank Mistarz, Ruth Kligman
3.
The Washington Post, April 26, 1998, Sunday, Final Edition, OUTLOOK; Pg.
C03, 2876 words, A LOOK AT ... Israel, Turning 50; Go Forth and Argue, Amos Oz,
ARAD ISRAEL
I
4.
Time, April 13, 1998, TIME 100; Pg. 134.~ 1416 words, David Ben-Gurion; Part
Washington, part Moses, he was the architect of a new nation state that altered
the destiny of the Jewish people--and the Middle East, Amos Oz
5.
The Evening Standard (London), July 31, 1997, Pg. 4, 627 words, THE VICIOUS
'COALITION' FIGHTING TO KILL HOPE; COMMENTARY, Amos Oz
6.
International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France), May 29, 1997,
Thursday, Opinion; Pg. 8, 547 words, For Israel, Ballots Against Bullets, By
Amos Oz; International Herald Tribune, Copyright, Amos Oz, 1997, ARAD, Israel
7.
The Guardian (London), March 13, 1997, THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE; Pg. 19,
1254 words, NO ONE IS ALONE IN JERUSALEM, Amos Oz
8.
The Guardian .(London), January 16, 1997, THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE; Pg. 15
1200 words, A WAY TO EASE THE PAIN OF HEBRON, Amos Oz
9.
The New York Times, January 16, 1997, Thursday, Late Edition- Final,
Section A; Page 25; Column 2; Editorial Desk , 732 words, A Victory for
Pragmatism,
By Amos Oz; Amos Oz is the author, most recently, of "Israel,
Palestine and Peace.", ARAD, Israel
··•
10.
Newsday (New York, NY), November 4, 1996, Monday, ALL EDITIONS, Page A41,
1058 words, DEVOUT PEOPLE, BLIND TO SEEDS OF HATE, By Amos Oz. Amos Oz, an
eli writer, is the author of "Don't Call it Night."
Q
.The
T~mes~
Y~tzhak
October 26, 1996, Saturday, Features, 1032 words,
Amos Oz
·
So who did
Rab~n?,
12.
The Observer, June 2, 1996, Sunday, THE OBSERVER NEWS PAGE; Pg. 16, 1534
words, A FANTASY RETURNS TO THE POLITICAL MARGINS, Amos Oz
13.
The New York Times, April 25, 1996, Thursday, Late Edition- Final,
Section A;
Page 25; Column 1; Editorial Desk , 624 words, Israel's wrath,
Iran's Sweet Grapes,
By Amos Oz;
Amos Oz is a member of Peace Now and the
author, most recently, of "Israel, Palestine and Peace.", ARAD, Israel
14.
The Observer, April 21, 1996, Sunday, THE OBSERVER NEWS PAGE; Pg. 18, 920
words, 'MAKING PEACE IS NOT A MILITARY OPERATION' ,.Amos Oz
~O
~
••
The Guardian (London), March 5, 1996, THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE; Pg. 15,
words, HAND IN HAND TO HELL? Amos Oz pleads for peace in an open letter
-··
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LEVEL 1 - 42 STORIES
to a Palestinian friend, Amos Oz
16.
Newsweek, November 20, 1995 , UNITED STATES EDITION, INTERNATIONAL;
Israel; Pg. 61, 452 words, Israelis Will Not Stand for Fanaticism, By Amos Oz;
(c) AMOS OZ 1995. Oz's latest book is "Israel, Palestine and Peace" (Harvest).
17.
The Washington Post, November 12, 1995, Sunday, Final Edition, OUTLOOK;
Pg. C04, 479 words, And Death Shall Have No Dominion, Amos Oz ,
The Times, November 7, 1995, Tuesday, Overseas news, 728 words, Zealot's
18·.
bullet shatters sacred values of Israel, Amos Oz
19.
The New York Times, November 6, 1995, Monday, Late Edition - Final,
Section A; Page 17; Column 1; Editorial Desk , 582 words, An Unsentimental
Dove, By Amos Oz;
Amos Oz is the author of "Israel, Palestine and Peace."
20.
The Scotsman, October 28, 1995, Saturday, Pg. 18, 759 words, Man of
feeling: Don't call it night by Amos Oz Chatto & Windus 14.99, His Mastery Of
The Minutiae Of Everyday Life Marks Out Amos Oz As A Novelist Of Rare Talent,
Says Allan Massie
21.
The Scotsman, October 28, 1995, Saturday, Pg. 18, 759 words, Man of
feeling: Don't call it night by Amos Oz Chatto & Windus 14.99, His Mastery Of
Minutiae Of Everyday Life Marks Out.Amos Oz As A Novelist Of Rare Talent,
Allan Massie
The Daily Telegraph, June 17, 1995, Saturday, INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 17, 651
s, Dreams must die to pay for peace Isr~el
Palestinian state can
ourish together only if both sides are prepared to compromise, says Israeli
writer Amos Oz
and a
WO
23.
Los Angeles Times, June 16, 1995, Friday, Home Edition, Metro; Part B;
Page 7; Metro Desk, 797 words, PERSPECTIVE ON A PALESTINIAN STATE; THERE COMES A
TIME TO RELINQUISH DREAMS; WILL LEADERS BE ELECTED WHO ARE CREATIVE ENOUGH TO
SEE SOLUTIONS WHERE THERE HAVE ONLY BEEN ROADBLOCKS?, By AMOS OZ, Amos Oz's two
collections of essays, Israel, Palestine and Peace, and Under 'This Blazing Light
were published in April, copyrighted 1995 by Amos Oz, Translated from the Hebrew
by Ora Cummings., ARAD, Israel
24.
The New York Times, April 11, 1995, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final, Section
A; Page 25; Column 2; Editorial Desk , 1043 words, The Hamas-Likud Connection
By Amos Oz;
Amos Oz, a novelist, is author, most recently, of "Fima." He is a
leader of the Peace Now movement. (This article was translated from the Hebrew
by Ora Cummings.), ARAD, Israel
25.
The Times, April 11, 1995, Tuesday, Overseas news, 791 words, Israel's far
Right 'collaborates with Hamas in thwarting peace', Amos Oz
26.
International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France), February 03,
1995, OPINION, 960 words, State of Israel, State of Palestine, Each Side Secure
and Responsible, Amos Oz, JERUSALEM
27..
Newsday, April 22, 1994, Friday, NASSAU AND SUFFOLK EDITION, VIEWPOINTS;
Pg. A59, 912 words, Bridge of Peace Is Nearly Finished, By Amos Oz. Israeli
novelist and essayist Amos Oz' latest book is "In the Land of Israel." This
••
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LEVEL 1 - 42 STORIES
article was translated from Hebrew by Ora Cummings., TERRORISM; ISRAEL; BUS;
ISLAM; PALESTINE; JEWS; VIOLENCE; MURDER; OPINION; PALESTINE LIBERATION
ORGANIZATION
28.
The New York Times, March 1, 1994, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final, Section
A;
Page 23; Column 1; Editorial Desk, 779 words, Where Is Israel's Iron
Fist?, By Amos Oz;
Amos Oz is author, most recently, of "Fima." This excerpt
from The Observer of London was translated from the Hebrew by Ora Cummings.,
JERUSALEM
@
Time, September 20, 1993, U.S. Edition, MIDDLE EAST; Pg. 42, 1903 words,
REVAIL OVER THE PAST; The real rift is no longer between Jew arid Arab but
eeen backward-looking and forward-looking people on ~oth sides, By AMOS OZ
ARAD; Amos Oz is an Israeli novelist, essayist and peace activist. (c) 1993 Amos
Oz; With the editorial assistance of Maggie Bar-Tura
30.
The Jerusalem Post, September 3, 1993, Friday, Opinion, 1181 words, From
battles to bridges, AMOS OZ
31.
The Guardian (London), September 1, 1993, THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE; Pg.
18, 1669 words, BUILDING BRIDGES TO THE. PROMISED LAND; Israeli writer Amos Oz
argues that fanaticism is fatal whereas compromise is the essence of life itself
AMOS OZ
32.
The Guardian (London), October 5, 1992, THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE; Pg. 21
2391 words, WHEN EVIL IS WRAPPED IN A FLAG; 'Especially now, when national·
self-determination has deteriorated into bloody disintegration, threatening to
turn each of us into.
island,· there . ought 'i:(; be a'n alternative ~is ion. I Amos
Oz , in Germany, gives his, 'AMOS OZ
an
33.
The Record, October 31, 1991; THURSDAY; ALL EDITIONS, OPINION; Pg. B11,
681 words, HOPE IN THE MIDEAST, CENTERPIECE, Amos Oz
34.
Los Angeles Times, October 30, 1991, Wednesday, Home Edition, Metro; Part
B; Page 7; Column 2; Op-Ed Desk, 803 words, PERSPECTIVE ON MIDDLE EAST PEACE ;
WHAT BLISS TO FIGHT WITH WORDS; AT LAST, NO ONE QUESTIONS ISRAEL'S EXISTENCE;
NOW, ALL THAT'S TO BE SETTLED IS HOW THE FORMER ANTAGONISTS WILL COEXIST., By
AMOS OZ, Amos Oz is an Israeli novelist. His latest book is To Know a Woman
(Harcourt Brace, 1991). This article was translated by Nicholas de Lange., ARAD,
Israel
35.
The Jerusalem Post, May 24, 1991, Friday, Opinion, 101 words, PEACE
DELEGATION, AMOS OZ, A.B. YEHOSHUA, YAEL DAYAN, DAVID SHAHAM, MENACHEM BRINKER,
YORAM KANIUK
36.
Newsday, November 13, 1990, Tuesday, NASSAU AND SUFFOLK EDITION,
VIEWPOINTS; Pg. 67, 209 words, The Promised Land They Cannot Share, By Amos Oz .
.Amos ,oz is an Israeli novelist whose latest book is "The Slopes of Lebanon"
(Harcourt Brace Jovanovich) . This article first appeared in the Israeli
newspaper Yediot Acharonot., OPINION; ISRAEL; JEWS; PALESTINE i ·BOUNDARIES; ARAB
37.
The Independent (London), May 28, 1990, Monday, EDIT9RIAL PAGE; Page i7 ,
1356 words, Innocent blood in Israel; Israel's leading author, Amos Oz,
delivered the following speech to a Peace Now rally in Tel Aviv on Saturday
night, By AMOS OZ
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LEVEL 1 - 42 STORIES
38.
The Washington Post, May 27, 1990, Sunday, Final Edition, EDITORIAL; PAGE
B7, 1380 words, Not Vengeance, but Peace, Amos Oz, JERUSALEM, OPINION EDITORIAL
39.
The Jerusalem Post, June 8, 1989, Thursday, Features, 2785 words, FOR THE
SAKE OF LIFE AND PEACE. STOP THE MONSTER NOW!, Amos Oz
40.
Maclean's, April 18, 1988, COVER; Essay; Pg. 32, 1002 words, LIVING WITH
THE DREAMS, By AMOS OZ, Born in Jerusalem in 1939, Amos Oz is one of Israel's
leading novelists and journalists. He was a member of a kibbutz for three
decades and fought as a reservist in the 1967 and 1973·wars
41.
The New York Times, July 11, 1982, Sunday, Late City Final Edition,
Section 6; Page 26, Column 1; Magazine Desk, 2796 words, HAS ISRAEL ALTERED ITS
VISIONS?, By Amos Oz
42.
The New York Times, May 19, 1982, Wednesday, Late City Final Edition,
Section A; Page 27, Column 1; Editorial Desk, 926 words, ARABS AND ISRAELIS-ALL
VICTIMS OF EUROPE, By Amos Oz
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1.
U..S. News & World Report, April 3, 2000, WORLD REPORT ; Vol. 128 , No. 13;
Pg. 30, 852 words, Leaders, leadership, legacy, By Fouad Ajami
2.
U.S. News & World Report, June 28, 1999, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Pg. 41,
· 717 words, The new Hapsburgs, By Fouad Ajami
Q
•.
U.S. News & World Report, April 12, 1999 Correction Appended, WORLD REPORT;
20, 724 words, The ancient roots of grievance, By Fouad Ajami
.
4.
The National Interest, 1999 SPRING, 1893 words, The Road to Damascus
Review of Itamar Rabinovich's The Brink of Peace: The Syrian-Israeli
Negotiations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998}, Fouad Ajami
5.
The New Republic, JANUARY 18, 1999, Pg. 37, 9129 words, The Fire of Great
Designs, Fouad Ajami
6.
U.S. News & World Report, December 28, 1998, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT;
COMMENTARY; Vol. 125 , No.
25; Pg. 38, 775 words, An end to cheat and retreat,
By Fouad Ajami
7.
U.S. News & World Report, November 9, 1998, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Pg.
38, 814 words, A hard reckoning with peace, By Fouad Ajami
8.
The New Republic, JULY 13, 1998, Pg. 34, 6513 words, The Traveler's Luck,
Fouad Ajami
9.
The Weekly Standard, March 9, 1998, BOOKS & ARTS; Pg. 35, 1569 words,
DREAMS OF ARABY, By David Pryce-Janes; A scholar in London, David Pryce-Janes is
the author of The Closed Circle: An Interpretation of the Arabs. Fouad Ajami &
the Future of the Islamic Past
:.1.
10.
U.S. News & World Report, January 26, 1998, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Pg. 9, 619
words, Dual containment, dual failure, By Fouad Ajami
11.
Foreign Affairs, September, 1997 /October, 1997, 75TH ANNIVERSARY ISSUE;
Pg. 133, 5863 words, The Arab Inheritance, Fouad Ajami; FOUAD AJAMI is Majid
Khadduri Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the School of Advanced
International Studies, Johns Hopkins University .
. ··..
12.
The New Republic, MAY 19, 1997, Pg. 28, 5224 words, The Suit in History,
Fouad Ajami
U.S. News & World Report, February 17, 1997, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Pg.
70 words, The peace of kings and pharaohs, By Fouad Ajami
.S. News & World Report, October 14, 1996, OUTLOOK;. ONE WEEK; Pg. 15, 552
The tugging of a dreaded past, By Fouad Ajami
U.S. News & World Report, June 3, 1996, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Pg. 8, 523
words, What really happens to lines in the sand, By Fouad Ajami
16.
U.S. News & World Report, March 18, 1996, WORLD REPORT; ON THE MIDDLE
EAST; Vol. 120 ; Pg. 51, 819 words, Caught in a web of contradictions, By Fouad
Ajami
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17.
U.S. News & World Report, February 19, 1996, WORLD REPORT; ON WAR CRIMES;
Vol. 120 , No. 7; Pg. 67, 780 words, Why Bosnia needs a Nuremberg; By Fouad
Ajami
18.
The New Republic, JANUARY 1, 1996, Pg. 30, 4833 words, LUCKY JIM, Fouad
Ajami
19.
U.S. News & World Report, November 20, 1995, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 119 ,
No. 20; Pg. 24, 1160 words, The tears of autumn in the promised land, By Fouad
Ajami
20.
Foreign Affairs, Fall September, 1995 /October, 1995, ESSAYS; Pg. 72, ·
6532 words, The Sorrows of Egypt, Fouad Ajami; FOUAD AJAMiis Majid Khadduri
Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the School of Advanced International
Studies, Johns Hopkins University.
21.
The New Republic, AUGUST 7, 1995, Pg. 15, 1869 words, BEYOND WORDS, Fouad
Ajami
22.
U.S. News & World Report, June 12, 1995, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 118 , No.
23; Pg. 6, 519 words, Giving name to a terrible hell, By Fouad Ajami
23.
U.S. News & World Report, April 10, 1995, WORLD REPORT; ON THE MIDDLE
EAST; Vol. 118 , No. 14; Pg. 55, 796 words, The phantoms of Egypt, By Fouad
Ajami
24.
The New Republic, NOVEMBER 21, 1994, Pg. 29, 8067 words, In Europe's
Shadows, Fouad Ajami
25.
U.S. News & World Report, October 24, 1994, WORLD REPORT; ON THE MIDEAST;
Vol. 117, No. 16; Pg. 48, 913 words, Hosing down the gulf's arsonist, By Fouad
Ajami
26.
U.S. News & World Report, August 1, 1994, WORLD REPORT; ON THE MIDEAST;
Vol. 117, No. 5; Pg. 48, 836 words, Stalked by the memory of the dead, By Fouad
Ajami
27.
U.S. News & World Report, June 27, 1994, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Vol.
116, No. 25; Pg. 42, 2791 words, The battle for Egypt's soul, By Fouad Ajami
28.
U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1994, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 116, No.
17; Pg. 10, 500 words, Standing up to the Serbs, By Fouaq Ajami
29.
U.S. News & World Report, March 14, 1994, WORLD REPORT;' ON THE MIDEAST;
Vol. 116, No. 10; Pg. 38, 816 words, Closing the Zionist circle, By Fouad Ajami
30.
U.S. News & World Report, December 13, 1993, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 115, No.
23; Pg. 67, 1396 words, An old city's dreams, By Fouad Ajami, Jericho;
31.
U.S. News & World Report, September 13, 1993, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 115,
No. 10; Pg. 10, 498 words, The other side of a dream, By Fouad Ajami
32.
Foreign Affairs, 1993, Fall, COMMENTS; Pg. 2, 3661 words, Responses to
Samuel ];>. Huntington's "The Clash of Civilizations?" The Summoning; 'But They
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Said, We Will Not Hearken.' JEREMIAH 6:17, Fouad Ajami; FOUAD AJAMI is Majid
Khadduri Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the School of Advanced
International Studies, The Johns Hopkins University.
33.
U.S. News & World Report, March 8, 1993, SPECIAL REPORT; Vol. 114, No. 9;.
Pg. 74, 3203 words, Rediscovering Jerusalem, By Fouad Ajami
34.
U.S. News & World Report, December 21, 1992, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 113,
No. 24; Pg. 24, 494 words, Somalia: The work of order and mercy, By Fouad Ajami
35.
U.S. News & World Report, November 9, 1992, WORLD REPORT; ON THE MIDDLE
EAST; Vol. 113,, No. 18; Pg. 76, 830 words, A post-election agenda, By Fouad
Ajami
36.
U.S. News & World Report, September 14, 1992, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 113, No.
10; Pg. 55, 889 words, Exploring a road not taken, By Fouad Ajami; David
Makovsky
37.
U.S. News & World Report, June 8, 1992, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 112, No. 22;
Pg. 44, 2214 words, The spoils of war, By Fouad Ajami
38.
The New Republic, April 6, 1992, Vol. 206 ; No. 14 ; Pg. 22; ISSN:
0028-6583, 3348 words, The 9ther 1492: Jews and Muslims in Columbus's Spain.,
Ajami, Fouad, IAC 12088541
39.
U.S. News & World Report, March 2, 1992, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Vol.
112, No. 8; Pg. 48, 898 words, The imperial temptation, By Fouad Ajami
40.
U.S. News & World Report, February 17, 1992, WORLD REPORT; ESSAY; Vol.
112, No. 6; Pg. 39, 1944 words, Forgotten voyages of 1492, By Fouad Ajami
41.
U.S. News & World Report, December 16, 1991, OUTLOOK; ·ONE WEEK; Vol. 111,
No. 25; Pg. 28, 498 words, A happy end. Now can peace begin?, By Fouad Ajami
42.
U.S. News & World Report, November 4, 1991, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 111,
No. 19; Pg. 18, 484 words, This stubborn neighborhood, By Fouad Ajami
43.
U.S. News & World Report, October 7, 1991, OUTLOOK; ONE WEEK; Vol. 111,
No. 15; Pg. 10, 478 words, Where the warrior comes to rest, By Fouad Ajami
44.
U.S. News & World Report, July 8, 1991, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Vol.
111, No. 2; Pg. 43, 870 words, Tribal fantasies in Europe, By Fouad Aja~i
45.
U.S. News & World Report·, June 24, 1991, WORLD REPORT; COMMENTARY; Vol.
110, No. 24; Pg. 45, 885 words, The gods must be angry, By Fouad Ajami
46.
U.S. News & World Report, March 11, 1991, VICTORY IN THE GULF; COMMENTARY;
SPECIAL ISSUE; Vol. 110, No. 9; Pg. 24, 1905 words, Into the dangerous twilight,
By Fouad Ajami
47.
U.S. News & World Report, February 4, 1991 Correction Appended, OUTLOOK;
ONE WEEK; Vol. 110, No. 4; Pg. 10, 1069 words, Evils that changed the war, By
Fouad Ajami
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48.
U.S. News & World Report, December 31, 1990 I January 7, 1991, OUTLOOK
1991; PREDICTIONS FOR THE YEAR AHEAD; Vol. 109, 1650 words, Innocents abroad, By
Fouad Ajami
49.
Foreign Affairs, 1990, Winter, Pg. 1, 8114 words, THE SUMMER OF ARAB
DISCONTENT, Fouad Ajami; Fouad Ajami is Majid Khadduri Professor of Middle
Eastern Studies at the School of Advanced International Studies, The Johns
Hopkins University. He is author of The Arab Predicament and other works.
50.
U.S. News & World Report, August 27, 1990 I September 2, 1990, CuRRENTS;
ONE WEEK; Vol. 109, No. 9; Pg. 18, 627 words, History reflected in a cracked
mirror, By Fouad Ajami
51.
U.S. News & World Report, June 11, 1990, CURRENTS; ONE WEEK; Vol. 108, No.
23; Pg. 14, 623 words, Now begins the legend of the Washington summit, By Fouad
Ajami
52.
U.S. News & World Report, March 19, 1990, CURRENTS; ONE WEEK; Vol. 108,
No. 11; Pg. 12, 809 words, Old tales in a new script, By Fouad Ajami
53.
U.S. News & World Report, December 25, 1989 I January 1, 1990, OUTLOOK
1990; Politics; Vol. 107, No. 25; Pg. 22, 670 words, The leaders we deserve, By
Fouad Ajami
54.
U.S. News & World Report, December 4, 1989, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 107, No.
22; Pg. 40, 1994 words, The tenative triumph of the ballot, By Fouad Ajami
55.
U.S. News & World Report, October 9, 1989, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 107, No. 14;
Pg. 31, 1087 words, Trapped between prison and anarchy, By Fouad Ajami
56.
The New Republic, April 10, 1989, Vol. 200 ; No. 15 ; Pg. 23; ISSN:
0028-6583, 7847 words, Collusion Across the Jordan: King Abdullah, the Zionist
Movement, and the Partition of Palestine. book reviews, Ajami, Fouad, IAC
07486035
57.
The New Republic, April 10, 1989, Vol. 200 ; No. 15 ; Pg. '23; ISSN:
0028-6583, 7899 words, King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan. book
reviews, Ajami, Fouad, IAC 07486037
58.
U.S. News & World Report, April 10, 1989, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 106, No. 14;
Pg. 44, 1025 words, The folly of absent-minded imperialism, By Fouad Ajami
59.
U.S. News & World Report, December 26, 1988 I January 2, 1989, WORLD
REPORT; OUTLOQK '89; Vol. 105, No. 25; Pg. 75, 1833 words, Bush's Middle East
memo, By Fouad Ajami; Fouad Ajami is professor of Middle Eastern studies at the
School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. He is the
author of the award-winning book "The Arab Predicament "
60.
Foreign Affairs, 1988 I 1989 America and the World, Pg. 135, 8427 words,
IRAN: THE IMPOSSIBLE REVOLUTION, Fouad Ajami; Fouad Ajami is Majid Khadduri
Professor of Middle Eastern Studies at The School of Advanced International
Studies, The Johns Hopkins University. His latest book, with photographer Eli
Reed, is Beirut: City of Regrets.
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61.
U.S. News & World Report, October 31, 1988, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 105, No.
17; Pg. 45, 998 words, An Arab fascination with the forbidden, By Fouad Ajami;
Fouad Ajami is professor of Middle Eastern studies at the School of Advanced
International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of the
award-winning book "The Arab Predicament."
62.
Foreign Affairs, 1985, Spring, Pg. 778, 8878 words, LEBANON: THE
PROSPECTS: LEBANON AND ITS INHERITORS, Fouad Ajami; Fouad Ajami, born to a Shia
family in the south of Lebanon and raised in Beirut, is Director of Middle East
Studies at The Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International
Studies and author of The Arab Predicament.
63.
The New Republic, May 7, 1984, Vol. 190
Pg. 29; ISSN: 0028-6583, 2398
words, Jinnah of Pakistan. book reviews, Ajami, Fouad; IAC 03259196
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• ( ] 1 . Foreign Affairs, January, 2000 I February, 2000, REVIEWS; Review Essay; Pg.
··
' 1
, 2496 words, New History for a New Israel; Two Landmark Looks at a
entimentalized Past, Yaron Ezrahi; YARON EZRAHI is Professor of Political
Science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His latest book is Rubber
Bullets: Power and Conscience in Modern Israel.
2.
Tikkun, November 21, 1996, No. 6, Vol. 11; Pg. 21; ISSN: 0887-9982, 795
words, Netanyahu's prospects; Benjamin Netanyahu, Ezrahi, Yaron
3.
Tikkun, July, 1996, Vol. 11 ; No. 4 ; Pg. 65; ISSN: 0887-9982, 2267 words,
The Songs of Songs: A New Translation with an Introduction and Commentary._book
reviews, Ezrahi, Sidra DeKoven, IAC 18585148
~
Tikkun, January, 1996, Vol. 11 ; No. 1 ; Pg. 40; ISSN: 0887-9982, 2183
Remapping the landscape.Special Section: The Rabin Assassination, Ezrahi,
Sidra DeKoven, IAC 18082775
~ds,
5.
Tikkun, May, 1993, Vol. 8 ; No. 3 ; Pg. 41; ISSN: 0887-9982, 4820 words,
Operation Shylock._book reviews, Ezrahi, Sidra DeKoven ; Lazare, Daniel ;
erkin, Daphne ; Dickstein, Morris ; Norich, Anita, IAC 14413065
'
The Jerusalem Report, March 1~, 1992, Pg. 38, 997 words, SOPHOCLES IN
ALEM, Yaron Ezrahi
.· ... ··
'..
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The New Republic, February 25, 1991, Vol. 204 ; No. 8 ; Pg. 36; ISSN:
0028-6583, 3318 words, Variable Directions. book reviews, Ezrahi, Sidra DeKoven,
IAC 10365789
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�.Pale~~-Israel Cont1ict
..
IS:~:;/5~::~~::e, PM~M43/Pale,We/~~·7
Palestine
Part 9
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
Israel has sought peace with its Arab neighbor states but has steadfastly refused to negotiate with
Palestinians directly, until the last few years. Why?
"My friend, take care. When you recognize the concept of'Palestine', you demolish your right to live in
Ein Hahoresh. If this is Palestine and not the Land of Israel, then you are conquerors and not tillers of
the land. You are invaders. If this is Palestine, then it belongs to a people who have lived here before
you came. Only if it is the Land of Israel do you have a right to live in Ein Hahoresh and in Deganiyah
B. If it is not your country, your fatherland, the country of your ancestors and of your sons, then what are
you doing here? You came to another people's homeland, as they .claim, you expelled them and you have
taken their land." Menahem Begin, quoted in Noam Chomsky's "Peace in the Middle East?"
More from the horse's mouth
"Why should the Arabs make peace? lfl was an Arab leader, I would never make terms with Israel. That
is natural: we have taken their country. Sure; God promised it to us, but what does that matter to them?
Our God is not theirs, We come from Israel, it's true, but two thousand years ago, and what is that to
them? There has been anti-Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but was that their fault? They only
see one thing: we came here and stole their country. Why should they accept that?" David Ben-Gurion,
quoted in "The Jewish Paradox" by Nathan Goldman, former president of the World Jewish Congress.
More from the horse's mouth
"Before [the Palestinians] very eyes we are possessing the land and the villages where they, and their
ancestors, have lived ... We are the generation of colonizers, and without the steel helmet and the gun
barrel we cannot plant a tree and build a home." Israeli leader Moshe Dayan, quoted in Benjamin
Beit-Hallahmi, "Original Sins: Reflections on the. History of Zionism and Israel"
More from the horse's mouth
"The phenomenon that has prevailed among us for. years is that of insensitivity to acts of
wrong ... [Consequently,] public opinion, the army, the police's ... conclusion was that Arab blood can be
freely shed. And th~n came the amnesty for those [convicted of the massacre] at Kafr Qasim, and some
· conclusions could be drawn again, and I could go on like this ... It must make the State appear in the eyes
of the world as a savage state that does not recognize the principles of justice as they have been
established and accepted by contemporary society." Israel's second prime minister, Moshe Sharett, in
1961, quoted in I,ivia Rokach, Israel's Sacred Terrorism."
The international consensus on Israel (a very small representative sampling)
"[In the early 1950s] Arab states regularly complained of the reprisals to the UN Security Council,
which routinely rejected Israel's claims of self-defense ...
"In June 1982 Israel again invaded Lebanon, and it used aerial bombardment to destroy entire camps of
Palestinian Arab refugees, By these means Israel killed 20,000 persons, mostly civilians .. .Israel claimed
self-defense for its invasion, but the lack of PLO attacks into Israel during the previ'ous year made that
claim dubious ... The [UN] Security Council demanded 'that Israel withdraw all its military forces
forthwith and unconditionally to the internationally recognized boundaries ofLebanon' ...
"The UN Human Rights Commission, using the Geneva Convention's provision that certain violations of
humanitarian law are 'grave breaches' meriting criminal punishment for perpetrators, found a number of
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Israel's practices during the uprising [the intifada] to constitute 'war crimes.' It included physical and
psychological torture of Palestinian detainees and their subjection to improper and inhuman treatment;
the imposition of collective punishment on towns, villages and camps; the administrative detention of
thousands of Palestinians; the expulsion of Palestinian citizens; the confiscation of Palestinian property;
and the raiding and demolition of Palestinian houses.'' John Quigley, "Palestine and Israel: A Challenge
to Justice."
Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have been detained in Israeli prisons, often without trial for many
months. In 1996, the Israeli Supreme Court officially sanctioned the use of "force" in inte~ogating them. ·
What does this mean?
"Israel's two main interrogation agencies in the occupied territories engage in a' systematic pattern of
ill-treatment arid torture- according to internationally recognized definitions of the terms:.. The methods
used in nearly all interrogations are prolonged sleep deprivation; prolonged sight deprivation using
blindfolds or tight-fitting hoods; forced, prolong~d maintenance ofbody positions that grow increasingly
painful; and verbal threats and insults.
"These methods are ·almost always combined with some of the following abuses; confinement in tiny,
closet-like spaces; exposure to temperature extremes, such as deliberately overcooled rooms, prolonged
toilet and hygiene deprivation; and degrading treatment...Beatings are far more. routine in IDF
interrogations than in GSS interrogations. Sixteen of the nineteen detainees we interviewed [detained
between 1992 and 1994] reported having been assaulted in the interrogation room. Beatings and kicks
were directed at the throat, testicles, and stomach. Some were repeatedly choked; some had their heads
slammed against the walls ...
"Israeli interrogations consistently use methods in combination with one another, over long periods of
time. Thus, a detainee in the custody of the General Security Service (GSS) may spend weeks during
which, except for' brief respites, he shuttles from a tiny chair to which he is painfully shackled; to a
stifling, tiny cubicle in which he can barely move; to questioning sessions in which he is beaten or
violently manhandled; and then back to the chair.
·
"The intensive, sustained and combined use of these methods inflicts the severe mental or physical
suffering that is central to internationally accepted definitions of torture. Israel's political leadership
cannot claim ignorance that ill-treatment is the norm in interrogation centers. The number of victims is
too large, and the abuses too systematic," 1994 Human Rights Watch report, "Torture and Ill-Treatment:
Israel's Interrogation ofPalestinians from the Occupied Territories.''
·
The use of "force'- continued
"Amnesty International also observed that, when brought to tri~ll, most Palestinian detainees arrested for
'terrorist' offenses and tortured by the Shin Bet (General Security Services) 'have been accused of
offenses such as membership in unlawful associations or throwing stones. They have also included
prisoners of conscience such as people arrested solely for raising a flag.' On a related point, Haaretz
columnist B. Michael noted that there wasn't a single recorded case in which the Shin Bet's use of torture
was prompted by a 'ticking pomb' scenario: 'In every instance of a Palestinian lodging formal complaint
about torture, the Shin Bet justified its use in order to extract a confession about something that had
already happened, not about something that was about to happen.'" Norman Finkelstein, "The Rise and
Fall ofPalestine.''
·
The 1997 U.N. Commission Against Torture rules against Israel
"B'Tselem estimates---that the GSS annually interrogates between 1000-1500 Palestinians [as of 1998].
Some eighty-five percent of them- at least 850 persons a year- are tortured during interrogation...
"The U.N. Committee Against Torture, .. reached an unequivocal conclusion: .. .'The methods of
interrogation [used in Israeli prisons] ... are in the Committee's view breaches of article 16 and also
constitute torture as defined in article 1 of the Convention ... As a State Party to the Convention Against
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Torture, Israel is precluded from rmsmg before this Committee exceptional circumstances' ... The
prohibition on torture is, therefore, absolute, and no 'exceptional' circumstances may justify derogating
from it." 1998 Report from B'Teslem, The Israeli Information Center for HumanRights in the Occupied.
Territories, "Routine Torture: Interrogation Methods of the General Security Service."
Some arguments used to justify Zionism
"There is clearly no need to justify the Zionist dream, the desire for relief from Jewish suffering ... The
trouble with Zionism starts when it lands, so to speak, in Palestine. What has to be justified is the
injustice to the Palestinians caused by Zionism; the dispossession and victimization of a whole people.
There is clearly a wrong here, a wrong which creates the need for justification...
[E.g., the inheritance claim] The aim of Zionism is the restoration of a Jewish sovereignty to its status
2,000 years ago. Zionism does not advocate an overhauling of the total world situation in the same way.
It. does not advocate the restoration of the Roman empiie ... [In addition,] Palestinians have claimed
. descent from the ancient inhabitants of Palestine 3,000 years ago!. ..
[Jewish suffering as justification] .It was easy to make the Palestinians pay for 2,000 years of
persecution. The Palestinians, who have felt the enorrhous power of this vengeance, were not the
historical oppressors of the Jews. They did not put Jews into ghettos and force them ~o wear yellow
stars. They did not plan holocausts. But they had one fault. They were weak and defenseless in the face
·
· of real military might, so they were the ideal victims for an· abstract revenge....
[Anti-semitism as justification] Unlike the situation of Jews persecuted for being Jews, Israelis are at·
war with the Arab world because they have committed the sin of colonialism, not because of their
Jewish identity ...
[The law of the jungle justification.] Presenting the world as naturally unjust, and oppression as nature's
. way, has always been the first refuge of those who want to preserve their privileges ... The need to justify
Zionism, and the lack of other defenses, has made it part of the Israeli world view .. .In Israel, one
common outcome is cyn~cism, for which Israelis have become famous ...
[The effect on Israelis] Israelis seem to be haunted by a curse. It is the curse of the original sin against
the native Arabs. How can Israel be discussed without recalling the dispossession and exclusion of .
non-Jews? This is the most basic fact about Israel, and no understanding of Israeli reality is possible
without it. The original sin.haunts and torments Israelis; it marks everything and taints everybody. Its
memory poisons the ·blood and marks every moment of existence." Israeli author, Benjamin
Beit-Hallahami, "Original Sins: Reflections on the History of Zionism and Israel."
Zionism's 'historical right' to Palestine
"Zionism's 'historical right' to Palestine was neither historical nor a right. It was not historical inasmuch
as it voided the two millennia of non-Jewish settlement in Palestine and the two millennia of Jewish
settlement outside it. It was not a right, except in the Romantic 'mysticism' of 'blood and soil' and the
Romantic 'cult' of'death, heroes and graves' ...
"The claim of Jewish 'homelessness is founded on a cluster of as~umptions that both negates the liberal
idea of citizenship and duplicates the anti-Semitic one that the state belongs to the majority ethnic
nation. In a word, the Zionist case for a Jewish state is as valid as the anti-Semitic case for an ethnic
state that marginalizes Jews." Professor Norman Finkelstein, "Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine
Conflict,"
How about the Zionist argument that Jordan already is the Palestinian state?
"It is often alleged that there was, in fact, aii earlier 'territorial compromise', namely in 1922, when
Transjordan was excised from the promised 'national home for the Jewish people,' ... a decision that is
difficult to criticize in light of the fact that 'the number of Jews living there permanently in 1921 has
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reliably been estimated at two, or according to some authorities, three persons.'" Noam Chomsky, "The
Fateful Triangle."
Why doesn't Israel, "the only democracy in the Middle East," have a constitution?
"The abstention from formulating a constitution was no accident. The massive expropriation of lands
and other properties from those Arabs who fled the country as a result of the War of Independence and
of those who remained but were declared absent, as well as the confiscation of large tracts of land from
Arab villages who did not flee, and the laws passed to legalize those acts - all this would have
necessarily been declared unconstitutional, null and void, by the Supreme Court, being expressly
discriminatory against one part of the citizenry, whereas a democratic constitution obliges the state to
treat all of its citizens equally." Israeli author, Boas Evron, "Jewish State or Israeli Nation?"
"The only democracy in the Middle East?"- continued
"The 1989 Israel High Court decision that any political party advocating full equality between Arab and
Jew can be barred from fielding candidates in an election... [means] that the Israeli state is the state of the
Jews ... not their [the Arabs'] state." Professor Norman Finkelstein, "Image and Reality of the
Israel-Palestine Conflict.'~
First j~stice, then peace
"The United States has been a terrible 'sponsor' of the peace process. It has succumbed to Israeli pressure
on everything, abandoning the principle of land for peace (no U.N. Resolution says anything about
returning a tiny percentage, as opposed to all of the .land Israe~. seized in 1967), pushing the lifeless
Palestinian· leadership into deeper and deeper holes to suit Netanyahu's preposterous demands.
"The fact is that Palestinians are dramatically worse off than they were before the Oslo process began.
Their annual income is less than half of what it was in 1992; they are unable to travel from place to
place; more of their land has been taken than ever before; more settlements exist; and Jerusalem is
practically lost...
·
"Every house demolishment, ev.ery expropriated dunum, every arrest and torture, every barricade, every
closure, every gesture of arrogance and intended h).lmiliation simply revives the past and reenacts Israel's
offenses against the Palestinian spirit, land, body politic. To speak about peace in such a context is to try
to reconcile the irreconcilable ...
"The first challenge, then, is to extract acknowledgement from Israel for what it did to us~ .. But then, I
believe, we must also hold out the possibility of some form of coexistence in which a new and better
life, free of ethnocentrism and religious intolerance, could be available .. .If we present our claims about
the past as ushering in a form of mutuality and coexistence in the future, a long-term positive echo on
the Israeli and Western side will reverberate." Edward Said in "The Progressive", March 1998
Israeli professor calls for a new Zionism for an open society
(
"It was our nationalism; .. which drew the .country into an occupation and settlement of the West
Bank... None of the leaders of the Labor movement believed that the Palestinians deserved the same right
[as Jews] because none of them believed in universal rights. Pretending, like [Arthur] Hertzberg and
others do, that the Occupation and the colonial situation created in the last thirty years was merely the
product of the Arab refusal to recognize Israel, is no more than looking for an alibi and falsifying
history ...
.
.
"The time has come to say that if the settlements in Judea and Samaria or in the very heart of Hebron are
the natural, logical and legitimate continuation of the original intention of Zionism, then we need
another Zionism. If a 'Jewish State' that does not recognize the absolute equality of all human beings is
considered to be closer to the spirit of the founding fathers than a new liberal Zionism, then it is time to .
. say good-bye to the ghosts of the founders, and to start forging for ourselves an identity detached from
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the mystical ramifications of our religion and the irrational side of our history." Israeli professor of
political science, Ze'ev Sternhell, in "Tikkun", May/June 1998.
The answer? A sovereign Palestinian state.
"The final destination of a Palestinian-Israeli peace settlement has begun to emerge from the political
haze. Such a settlement must...give the Palestinian people a sovereign, uncontested, independent state of
their own. This is a matter of justice and practicality. If a truly lasting and stable peace is the goal,. there
is no other option... The mere trappings of statehood will not suffice. The state has to be real and
workable. The following are its essential conditions.
Territorial integrity and contiguity ... Any further dissection of Palestinian territory would make it
politically and economically impossible to maintain a state ... There can be no civilian pockets under
Israeli rule on Palestinian land ...
A sovereign capital in Jerusalem. East Jerusalem is Palestine's historical, spiritual and commercial heart.
To exclude it from a Palestinian state is unthinkable...
·
Justice and fairness for refugees ... As a matter of principle, the Palestinians· right to return or be
compensated for their lost homes and land is nonnegotiable .. .lsrael must acknowledge the suffering and
hardship Palestinian refugees have faced as a result of their eviction from their homeland, and must
assist in their rehabilitation and reabsorption." A.S. Khalidi, Op-Ed piece in the New York Times,
·
February 11, 1997.
Part 10
Back to Palestine
Back to Islam Awareness Homepage
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Justice Minister Yossi Beilin calls it a "quiet revolution."
Through the years, Israel has been consistently criticized by many human and
civil rights organizations for invoking national security to explain practices
that were considered exclusionary, discriminatory and coercive toward Israeli
Arabs and Palestinians.
But since the right-wing government was replaced last summer by a broad
coalition including several 'leftists and human rights advocates, crucial policy
changes have bee
e t
, together with a spate of High court decisions,
point toward a
change_
The torture of Palestinian suspects has been b~~~ed. The practice of
stripping Palestinians of their residency rights in East Jerusalem has all but
ended. In a lanarnark ruling, the equal right of Arabs to land allocated by the
state has been affirmed. And for the first time in Israel's history, land long
considered part of a Jewish town was taken away and returned to the Arab village
from which it was expropriated decades ago.
The number of Palestinian administrative detainees, those imprisoned without
charges, has plummeted to 9 from 66 last April and hundreds in previous yearsOn Wednesday, Iarael released one of J.E; remaining Lebanese who are being held,
in contravention of international law, as "bargaining chips" for captured
Israelis.
In some ways, it is almost a stealth liberalization process, an incremental
phenomenon,rather than a declared program. Committed to peace, Israel is
dropping seYeral policies that it justified by its near perpetual state of armed
conflict with its neighbors. As it undergoes normalization, many say, Israel
slowly letting down its guard, le>sing its fear and relinqui_shing a sense of
itself as a special nation living under such special circumstances that it
cannot be judged by the norms applied to others .
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The New York Times. April 7. 2000
~·
"During war, democracy can be more restricted,·" s~id Naean Sharansky, the
interior minister and a former Soviet dissident and human righes champion. "But
we a're noe ae war. we are 'engaged in a pea.ce process, and we are erying to live
a more normal life. That means aealing with questions we have avoided
answering for years. That means removing inequality in our socieey."
The process of normalization is incremental, and it involves the shedding 'of
deep-seated anxieties and ingrained habits. Israeli-Arab lawmakers· have
responded to some decisions with something approaching wonderment:.' Muhammad
Barakeh, · a le'gislator who often refers to Israel as an apartheid state~
.suggested recently that perhaps Israel "was moving toward being a democratic
state tor all its citizens."
But he and other Is.raeli-Arab lawmakers, critics of israel's seeelement
policies and Palestinian. leaders are quick to add that. Israel still has a long
way to go. They point to continued abuses by border police officers, to the
continued expropriation of Arab land; to habitual discrimination .in education,
employment and housing:
But Mr. Beilin, who like Mr .. Sha~ansky is a leading catalyst of t.he change,
said the process was an e-volution. He is working to eliminate the l?Pd._erl1ring
\
l:e_:g:.::a=l~J:·us=_:t:.::i::.:f::..:l.:.'c.:.:a~t~i:..:o:.:n:.._f:_o:_:r_::i::s::r:..:a:.e:..:l:._'.::.s_·..:::s..:e::l::.:f:.-_d:.:e.:f.:i::n::i:.t.:~:·.:.o..::n:.....:a..::s:__a::.._.:s:.::pe:.:..c:.l.:.-a:.:;l_-..:c..:a..:s;..;e;;_s;;.o.;;..;.c..;;i..:e;..t..:y~.---~)
The Justice Ministry is preparing the groundwork to end. by' ~his s~r a
52-year-old legal state of emergency, which .has given ~e Israeli cabinet the
power.to supersede the legislative process.
Mr. Beilin said he thinks that it has taken Israelis many years to
internalize the peace process. "And then it began to happen," he said. "And we
said t.o ourselves, 'We are approaching pea.ce, and we still have a legal system
that aces as if i~ were in a state of war. And it justifies things that are no
longer, if they ever were,. justifiable. • n
Some Israeli Arab leaders say mainstream Israelis see as groundbreaking some
events that appear to them to be tok~n or trivial.-- like. the recent. employment
of four Arab fligh~ attendants by El Al, or_the crowning last year of the first
Arab wo~• as Miss. Israel. Enough rage is still bubbling in their communities to
na;e fueled a strident Land Day protest last week, after which an elderly woman
died and her fellow villagers instantly asserted -- despite the hospital's
denial ~- that her death was caused by ~osure to the Israeli ~roops • ·tear gas.
But other changes, even unofficial ones, are·undeniably fUndamental, changes
that reflect. a relaxation of Israel's eternally security-conscious at~ieudes
toward territory and ~he use of force.
The demolition of illegal Arab homes in Ease Jerusalem and the West Bank, for
'
.
.
instance, has declined sharply since. Prime Minister Ehud Barak took office in
July, according to statistics kept by the Btselem human rights organizaeion. In
East Jerusalem, all the d~molitions since November were done by the
municipality, which is run by a right-wing mayor, and none by the national
government., which also has the authority.
)
This is not: an official policy change, which could provoke intense political
debate, but: a quiet change in practice
like a recent freeze in the
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authorizat.ion of. new settlement. construction and in the paving of "bypass roads"
that. connect settlements to Israel, circumventing Palestinian towns. Settler
leaders.say none of the 60 or 70 construction permits requested recently were
authorized. ·although construction authorized by Benjamin Net.anyahu when he was
prime minister has not been frozen, infuriating the Palestinians.
The relaxation began under Yitzha.k Rabin, the assassinated prime minister,.
and went int:o abeyance during the anti-liberal tenure of Mr. Netanyahu, experts
say. It: began picking up st:ea.m again when the election of Mr. Barak, who
reinvigorated the peace effort, emboldened the High court and even politicians
who served in the Netariya.hu government..
.
In September, the High Court stunned Israel by banding' down a decision to
outlaw brutal meth~o~s~u~s~e~~?-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
confinement
ha.lt.
increased,
to a:
Significantly, in the ensuing political debate, when right.-wing lawmakers
proposed circumventing t.he court with legislation permitting ehe use of torture,
several centrist legislators publicly revealed a new sensitivity. to L&rael•s
image. Ophir Pines-Paz. who heads the One Israel faction, brought to the
Parliament: floor a briefcase filled with letters from around the world urging
Israel not. t.O "go backward_u
While the High Court is supposedly abmre the political fray, its rulings, and
the timing of their release, appaar to be affected by the political climate,
many say. Legal experts think that the court had sidestepped an overarching
ruling on che torture issue for years. Chief Justice Aharon Barak had written in
1997 that it was a "grave mistake" to.view human rights issues in times of war
and emergency as similar to those in ~imes of peace. Tha.t·was the prevailing
attitude of t.he court for decades.
said the torture decision revealed a fund
of
society,~ as Yaron
he·-continued, "is in .a process of demobilization, reflecting its sense of
security, militarily and economically. The fact that it. is willing togive up
its"practice of using these torture methods indicates t:hat.,pecurity is no longer
in-~ked as the be all and the end all."
·
Not every"one is thrilled, of course. Several right-wing lawmakers think that
such thinking is just denial. and that recent court decisions and new policies
will be self-defeating for Zsrael. •rsrael is still fighting for its very
existence as a state and for the very existence of its people against the
possibility of a new Jewish holocaust," said Yuval Steinitz, a. lawmaker from the
opposition Likud Party. "If anyone here thinks different, he .deludes himself.
Some lawmakers oppose Mr. Beilin's move t.o. end the state of emergency for
that reason -.- because t.he state of emergency.· th~}- say, is a chronic one.
But Mr. Beilin, supported by many others here, disagrees, arguing that "we
shouldn't be screaming 'fire• every ,day." In t:he case of a genu.i.ne emergency,
the government always retains the power to declare one, he said .
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The New York Times, April 7, 2000
A panoply of laws, from those regulat:ing- the permitted uses of baking powder
eo those permitting administ:rative detention, are technically emergency
provisions~ Striking workers are ordered ~ck eo work. as happened with
lifeguards. last year, under
legal mechanism designed for quick governmental
response during actual war. When tens of thousands of Russian immig~ants
poured into israe~, Che government used the emergency regulations to circunrvent
planning boards and building procedures and slap up inexpensive and often
shoddily co'nstructed housing developments.
a
"If you're talking about being a real democracy, this is a basic flaw in the
structure," said.Anat Scolnicov, a civil rights lawyer. "The executive branch
has the constant power to overtake and overturn the legislative.
"You're running a country on the premise that:.. technically, anything goes."
Other recent. decisions,
security is not the
sacred cow it once was her
he identi
chiefs, always top secret, has become public, and the recent process of
( nominat~ng a new General Security Services director was even publicly debated~
The Justice Ministry is seeking to create open government oversight of security
agency's activities.
·
.
Several army decisions, formerly sacrosanct, have been overturned by the
courts and the government in.the last few months,· Facing unrelenting pressure
from environmentalists, Mr. Barak, who is also the defense minister, recently
overrode an army plan to build. a base in the Shaked. Forest. It was the first
time that a popular revolt interfered with the army's construct'ion plans. And
the High Court recently ordered the army to return some Palestinian cave
dwellers to their homes; they had been evicted from what was termed a firing
range, even though it was no~ in use.
After the High Court decision on torture, the ground.shifted again when,
despite right-wing protests, Israeli-.~ab lawmakers were appointed to
ositions. ~en Mr. SharanskY halted the Israeli
i
estinians in East Jerusa em of the~r res~ ency ~f they
had moved the center of their life elsewhere for seven years or more.
Statistics shOw that:. the ~henomenon, which human r~ghts group,had. called a
"silent deportation" and Palestinians considered "ethnic cleansing," has
essentially ended. Fifty-five Palestinians lost their residency rights last·
June, the month before Mr. Barak took office, .and only three in December, ihe
last month for which statistics are available.' Additionally, Mr. Sharansky
re~ently decided to make his policy retroactive and return residency rights to
some of the thousands who lost them .
. Sharans
has surprised many here, because he is a hard-liner on the.
peac
. But he explains his positions as consistent. He does not trust .
peacemaking -...ith undemocra~ic artners who do no~ res ct human rights, he· said,
.
etermined to raise Israel's standards of democracy as we
In a more radical decision, Mr. Sharansky returned to Kfar Kassem, an Arab·
village, some land that had been confiscated "for securi~y reasons" in the
1950's. This involved taking the land, which is zoned for an industrial park,
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away from ehe Jewish town of Rosh Ha'ayin.
'I'he decision, in addition eo being the firse of. its· kind,
because of the history of ehe village. Israeli border gliards
'
.
villagers in Kfar Kassem in l956, and this ear for·
·
~
ere see it as an anLi-Zionist move,d Mr.
can no longer justify those lands being confiscated for security
reasons. It's a rather safe area. And this village deserves an industrial park,
the jobs and Lhe tax benefits, as much as Rosh Ha•ayin.· If you wane to have a
stable, normal, democratic Zionist soc~ety, you have t~·give minimal rights, at
the least."
Similarly, in a watershed legal decision, the High Coure ruled that a Jewish
community on state land may not exclude Arab residents. Speaking to the heart of
Israel•s complicated definition as a Jewish, democratic state, ehe court said
the country's identity as a.refuge for Jews cannot be used as a basis for
discriminating against any of its citizens. Ie cited the American Brown v. Board
of Education school desegregation decision, saying separate but equal is a
policy ehat inherently hurts the rninoriLy.
Yakir, legal adviser to the Association for Civil Rights in isr~el, said·
that in an informal hearing two years ago, Justice Barak fretted about ehe
"unforeseen rarnificationsq of a such a decision. The justice urged the parties
to settle the matter among themselves, eo find a way to allow the plaintiffs, an
Arab family, eo moved into the.Jewish community of Katzir.
Dan
Ae the same time" Mr: Yakir said, the judge added, "Imagine if Brow.o v. the
Board of Ed had been solved bv mediation."
I
A
The mediation failed, and with one of the justices presiding in the case
slat.ed to retire this spring, the court. was forced t:o rule.
"I chink that the change of government eased the way for such a decision,
because. it was clear that at least the government would not attack the court,"
Mr. Yakir said. "Also, that: the change in. government reflected a growing
tolerance in society."
Another change in government, back to the right, could once again slow ehe
process. Or, in the volaeile Middle East, anything that once again raises the
anxieLy level in rar~el -- a Spate Of fatal terrorism Or a border war -- could
retard it, too. But most here, boeh those opposed and supportive, think that
there is a kind of inexorable evolution taking place, a willful, if in some
cases tentative, hike toward normalization.
http://www.nyeimes.com
GRAPHIC: Photo: ~he Israeli High Court recently ordered the army to allow the
return of some Palestinian cave dwellers who had been evicted. One family stood
outside its home in the Mount Hebron region ot ehe occupied West Bank. (Agei?-Ce
France-Presse) (pg. Al2)
LANGUAG~:
•
ENGLISH
._ •
- I •• - -
••
- I·- -
. -- ..,-- .
,
·---
.
, ...-· ....
��., r
http://mirror.nobel.ki.se/laureates/literature-1949 .htrnl
Literature 1949
-~
-Mirrors-,'-·_.___·search--.:~~,, ----..l.iile-map~---Tirne!in.e-·
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1949
"for his powerful and artistically unique
contribution to the modem American novel"
Prize Presentation
William Faulkner
USA
1897- 1962
Biography
Acceptance Speech
Swedish Nobel Stamps
Other Resources
~~~~~
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Biograppy of William Faulkner
-Mirrorss-'---search- .::_~\?s;., --,.l)ite-mapi-+---Tinleline.f)f.:f .
.
William Faulkner
.
'
.
.
.
..
William Faulkner (1897~1962)~·who came from an old southern family, grew
up in Oxford, Mississippi. He joined the Canadian, and later the British, Royal
Air Force during the First World War, studied for a while at the University of
Mississippi, and temporarily worked for a Ne~ York bookstore and a New
Orleans newspaper. Except for some trips to Europe and Asia, and a few brief
stays in Hollywood as a scriptwriter, he worked on his novels and short stories .
on a farm in Oxford;
·
)
In an attempt to create a saga of his own, Faulkner has invented a host of
characters typical of the historical growth and subsequent decadence of the
South. The human drama in Faulkner's novels is then built on the model of the
actual, historical drama extending over almost a century and a.half Each story
and each novel contributes to the construction of a whole, which is the
imaginary Yoknapatawpha County and its inhabitants. Their theme is the decay
ofthe old South, as represented by the Sartoris and Compson families, and the emergence of ruthless
and brash newcomers, the Snopeses. Theme and technique - the distortion of time through the use of the
inner monologue are fused particularly successfully in The Sound and the Fury (1929), the downfall of
the Compson family seen through the minds of several characters. The novel Sanctuary (1931) is about
the degeneration of Temple Drake, a young girl from a distinguished southern family. Its sequel,
Requiem For A Nun (1951 ), written partly as a drama, centered on the courtroom trial of a Negro woman
who had once been a party to Temple Drake's debauchery. In Light in August (1932), prejudice is shown
to be most destructive when it is internalized, as in Joe Christmas, who believes, though there is no
·proofofit, that one of his parents was a Negro. The theme of racial prejudice is brought up again in
Absalom, Absalom! (1936), in which a young man is rejected by his father and brother because ofhis
mixed blood. Faulkner's most outspoken moral evaluation of the relationship and the problems between
Negroes and whites is to be found in Intruder In the Dust (1948).
In 1940, Faulkner published the first volume of the Snopes trilogy, The Hamlet, to be followed by two
volumes, The Town ( 1957) and The Mansion (1959), all of them tracing the rise of the insidious Snopes
family to positions of power and wealth in the community. The reivers, his last- and most humorouswork, with great many similarities to MarkTwain's Huckleberry Finn, appeared in 1962, the year of
Faulkner's death.
FrornNobel Lectures ,Literature 1901-1967.
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• Last updated by.Webmaster@www.nobel.se/ September 11,1998
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Acceptance Speech_:
I feel that this award was not, made to me as a man, but to my work - a life's work in the agony and sweat
of the human spirit, not for gl~ry and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the
human spirit something which did not exist before. So this award is only mine in trust. It will not be
difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of
its origin. But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from
which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the satp.e anguish and
travail, among whom is al~eady that orie who will some day stand here where I ain standing.
Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even
bear it. There are no longer problems of the spirit. There is only the question: When will I be blown up?
Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart
in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about,
worth the agony and the sweat.
·
He must learn them again. He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid; and,
teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities
and truths of the heart, the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed - love
and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice. Until he does so, he labors under a curse. He
writes not of love but of lust, ofdefeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without
hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no
scars. He writes not of the heart but of the glands.
Until he relearns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man. I
decline to accept the end of man. It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will
endure: that when the last dingdong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging
tideless in the last red and dying evening; that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his
puny inexhaustible voice, still talking. I refuse to accept this. I believe that man will not merely endure:
he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but
because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. The poet's, the
writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by
reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice
which have been the glory ofhis past. The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be
one of the props, the pi pars to help him endure and prevail.
·
*The acceptance speech was apparently revised by the author for publication in The Faulkner Reader.
These minor changes, all of which improve the address stylistically have been incorporated here.
FrornNobel Lectures,Literature 1901-1967.
""';,1;;~
• Copyright© 1999 The Nobel Foundation ·"':•
• For help, info, credits or comments, see "About this project"
• Last updated by Webmaster@www.nobel.se I September 9, 1998
1 of 1
5/8/2000 9:51AM
�Page.l of4
i
THE WHITE HOUSE
I
Office·of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
. September 22, 1998
REMARKS BY .PRESIDENT ,CLINTON
AND PRESIDENT NELSON MANDELA
AT AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIOUS LEADERS RECEPTION
East .Room
6:30 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDE~T: Thank you very mdch.·· The Scripture says, it's
more blessed to give than to receive. I·was sitting here thinking, in
this case,. I wish I were on the giving rather than the receiving end.
It is difficult to absorb the depth and breadth of what I have heard and
what you have given to me through the words of Reverend King and through
your expression, and I thank you.
I thank you also·for what you have given to our country. I thank
the members of Congress and the administration, the educators, the
ministers, the ambassadors
all of you who are here -- and our friends
from South Africa.
·
Hillary and I are delighted to have President Mandela· and Graca
here. We thank you, Graca, for your concern for the children who have
been made victims of war by being impressed into combat as children and
the scars they bear from it. And we thank'you, Mr. ·President, for being
the person· we'd all like to be on our best day.· (Applause. )
I would like you all to think for a few moments before I bring
President Mandela on\-- not about the terrible unjust sacrifice of his
27 years in prison, but about what he's done Wlth the years since he got
out of prison; not about how he purged his heart of bitterness an9 anger
while still a prisoner, but how he resists every day the temptation to
take it up again in the pettinesi and meanness of human events. In some
ways, that is all the more remarkable.
There have been many blessings for Hillary and_ for me far
outweighing all the trials of being given the opportunity by the
American people to serve in this position and live in this house. But
certainly one of the greatest ones has been the friendship of this good
man.·
And I want to tell you one little story -- I try never to betray
any private conversations I.have with anybody, but I want to tell you
this.
(Laughter.) When President Mandela --once I was talking to him
and I said to him, you know, I haye listened carefully to everything you
have said, to how you laid your anger and your bitterness down. But on
the day you got out of prison -- Hillary and I were living in Arkansas
in_the Governor's Mansion, our daughter was~ very young girl. I got
he~ up early nn.a Sunda~ morning and I sat her down on the counter in
the kitchen, because we ·had an elevate'd television. And I said,
8helsea, I want you to watch this. This is one of the great events of
your lifetime; and I want you to watch this.
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And ·she watched President Mandela walk down that last road toward
freedom, after all those years in prison.. So I said to him one day, I
said, now, tell me this.
I know you invited your jailers to the
·
inauguration, and I know how hard ~ou've worked on this.
But weren't
you angry one more time when you were walking down that road? He; said,
yes, briefly, I was.
I don't know if he remembers this.
He said, "Yes,
briefly, I was.. And then I .remembered, I have waited so long for
freedom.
And if my anger goes.with me out of this place I will still be
their prisoner, and I want to be free. " I want. to be free.
(Applause.)
I say that to set the stage for what is now happening in Nelson
Mandela's life.
Yesterday we were at the United Nations, and he and I.
spoke back to back, and then we had this luncheon. And we were talking
about the troubles in the Congo; we were talking about the continuing,
almost compulsive destructiveness of the people there and all the
countries outside, trying to get into the act, to make.sure that whoever
they don't like doesn't get a leg up. And we were ~amenting the
colossal waste of human potential 'in that phenomenally ric~ country.
And I thought to myself, apartheid is gone in the .law in South
Africa, but it is still alive in the heart of nearly everybody on.Earth
in some way or another. And here is this man still giving of himself to
try to take the apartheid out of the heart of the people of his
continent and, indeed, the people of·the world.
We were talking just before ·we came down' about a mutual friend of
ours who is the leader of a country, and how he had calle~ and
admOI1ished him to try to work through aproblem that he has had for t.oo
long. And so, I say -- I have to say one thing that is slightly amusing
about this.
Now, President Mandela will probably get up here and make
some crack about being an old m~n an~ how his time is running out, and
all that.
The truth is he'~ leaving office because he feels like he's
about 25 years old again.
(Laughter.)
And he's so happily married he.
can't be troubled with all these boring affairs of politics.
(Applause.)
But I must say,. ·it's the only time I've.ever known him to
misrepresent the facts, but that is, ·I'm sure, what is going on here.
(Laughter.)
But I ask you to think about that.
Every time Nelson Mandela
walks into a room we all feel a little bigger, we all want to stand up,
we all want to cheer, because we•d like to be him on our best day.
But
what I would say to you is, there is a little bit of apartheid in
everybody's heart. And in every gnarly, knotted, distorted situation in
the world where people are kept from becoming the best they can be,
there is an ~partheid of the heart. And if we really honor this
stunning sacrific·e of 27 years, if we really rejoice in the infinite
justice of seeing this man happily married in the autumn of his life, if
we really are seeking some 'driven w'isdom from the power of his example,
it will be to do whatever we can, however we can, wherever we are, to.
take the apartheid out of our own. and other'~ hearts.
Ladies and gentlemen, the President of South Africa.
(Applause. )
'
PRESIDENT MANDELA:
President Clinton and Mrs. Clinton, Reverend
Bernice King, distinguished guests and friends. , When_I turned 70, a
young lady who is now.principal of a leading university in the country
ca'me to see me in prison.
She was blunt and straightforward, did not
flatter me.
She didn't say; I came to see you here because of my
interest in you.
She said, if my father were alive today he would have
been 70. And when I read in the paper that you were turning 70 today, I
thought I should come 'and see how~ man of 70 looks like.
(Laughter.)
Now I've turned 80.
I suspect that many of you came here to see
(laughter) -- to see what a man of 80 looks like.
(Laughter.)
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No visit t6 the United States by a representative for the South
African people wo~ld be ·complete without an opportunity to meet with
those who are gathered here tonight.
For us, probably on our last
official visit to your country, it has special meaning, and I most
sincerely thank our host for makin~ it possible ..
More than friends, we· are among those on whom history has visited
the same pains and deprivation, and who have shared our victories.
The
founders of our liberation movement drew deep inspiration at the turn of
the century from black America striving under difficult circumstances to
fulfill our common aspiration for the restoration of human dignity.
It
is small wonder that the struggle to end apartheid drew such strength
from here, or that we n~w look to you to work with us as we seek to
banish poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and ignorance from our land.
Mr. President, by embodying your identification with these said
as-pirations in the program of your administration, you have won· for
yourself a warm place in the heart of the South African people, as you
witnessed on your visit to our country earlier this year. We know that
we have your understanding as we seek with the countries of the south to
shift the world economic system towards the needs of the poor and the
weak.
We are aware of the national debate that is taking place in this
country about the President, and it is not our business to interfere in
this matter.
But we do wish to say that President Clinton is a friend
of South Africa and Africa, and I believe the friend of the great mass
of black people, and the minorities, and the disabled of the United
States.
(Applause.)
Few leaders of the United States have such a
feeling for the position of the black people and the minorities in this
country.
(Applause.)
We. have often said that our morality does not allow us to. desert
our friends.
(Applause.)
And we have got to say tonight, we are
thinking of you in this difficult and uncertain time in your life.
\.:r
Two days ago, the President of Zambia, Frederick Chiluba, phoned
me.
Now, he is far younger than me -- I think he's in his 60s.
(Laughter.)
And in meetings he only speaks to me with great respect,
and sometimes when we don't agree, he says, now, look, ·I'm not
convinced, Mr. President, of what you~re saying, but in our custom, we
never challenge an old man.
(Laughter.)
But he projected a new image
two days ago when he phoned me.
He did not make a request to me; he
gave me an instruction. And he said, Madiba, I want you to support
President Clinton.
(Applause.)
He was not speaking for himself, and he
said so.
He said, I'm speaking for the continent of Africa.
(Applause. )
When he addressed our Parliament, he almost brought
of that building when he said, "We, in the United States,
asking the wrong question. We have been saying, what can
Africa? That was the wrong question.
The right question
·we do with Africa?"
(Applause.)
down the walls
have been
we do for
was, what can
That is the man, my friend, who I respect so much.
But it clearly
is changing American foreign policy, to the satisfaction of all those
who accepted the United States as a world leader, with the biggest
economy in the world, and he is decisively changing American policy.
I repeat that I will not interfere in the domestic affairs of this
country.
(Laughter and applause.)
But you should have seen the way he
was received by the General Assembly of the United Nations.
(Applause.)
The applause was spontaneous and overwhelming. All of us rose to our
feet when he came in.
It was the same after he delivered his speech.
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Page 4 of4
That sent a strong message as to what the worl? thinks on this matter -(applause.)
The men and women who were there come from every part of the
globe.
They a~e leaders of thoughts -- Presidents, Prime Ministers,
Fdreign Ministers, and other opinion makers.
That was the
strong message they sent . . If you judge from the reaction of the
National Assembly, the United States is completely isolated on this
question.
(Applause.)
·
But if our expectations, if our fondest prayers and dreams are not
realized, then we should all bear in mind that the greatest glory of
living lies not in never falling,· but in rising every time you fall.
(Applause. )
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
I want to leave you on a high note here.
(Laughter.)
I want to tell you a story that I never told the President.
I have a friend who is a minister -- a white minister who was in South
Africa recently. And he was given the chance to meet the President, but
he was told, you'll have to go to the airport if you want to meet ·the
President.
He said, I'll go anywhere to shake his hand. ·So he said, I
·was standing off here waiting for him to come; and here comes the
President across the lobby of th'e airport. And he said, President
Mandela walked up to this gorgeous little blond-haired, blue-eyed girl,
about six years old. And my friend went up to hear the conversation.
And he said to the littie girl, "Do you know who I am? She said,
"Yes, you're President Mandela.~ And he looked at her and he s~id, "If
·you study hard and learn a lot you,can grow up to be President of _South
Africa some day."
(Applause.)
That's a lot to say after this life.
bless you all.
Thank you.
(Applause.)
END
Remember the point.
6:55
P~M.
God.
EDT
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CHAPTER 13
Prisoner 466/64
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..
In trying to explain the collapse of Umkhonto, Joe_Slovo ~~~ke of '. '· ,'an heroic failure'. The reality, however,,was that right frorn the·.:::
start the conspirators had made a fatal miscalculation about the· .... ~
power of the government and the ways in which the government,-·..
was willing to use it. They also underestimated the effectiveness · ,.
of police techniques. 'Having talked of fascism for a decade or_.
more, the movements were nevertheless caught by surprise wheiF!.:,~
the poliCe behaved like fascists,' noted Ben Turok. All the othet' 1:; ..
mistakes and errors committed by the conspirators -the '~ood of ..
ca,relessness and bravado; which Slovo admitted had overtaken the·
conspirators, the neglect of political work among their African .'.•
constituency that Kotane wanted. to continue, the failure to develop' '1~i~Jl:
a real underground organization of the kind that Man_dela had' ; .
once proposed -all this me~ely comp~unded the p~ocess of defeat.:~.-::: .
Whatever reasons were given, what was ultimately proved was··.,
that a collection of a~ateur revolutionaries were no match for
:.
brute ·strength of the South African state.
The price for this miscakulation was huge: With the nationalist.
movement destroyed, a 'silence descended for more than a decade.:'
On Robben Island, Mandela and his colleagues became largely ·
forgotten men.
~
~'
-
-.,
\i ·:i·:~
.:·t. l..,l
d '
MANDELA: A BIOGRAPHY
I
:,;: :i' i
d
·~.NELSON
~
. fifteen or twenty years; others for lesser periods. Nearly fifty rnen ' '::were sentenced to death.: Most of the trials were held in rel_ative
obscurity.
·- "(._,
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The winter of 1964 on Robben Island, when Mandela and
six ·other Rivonia prisoners arrived there, was the coldest that
. ~nyone could remember. So fierce were the Atlantic winds sweeping
.·:across the island that prisoners working -in the: quarries were
'numbe_d to the bone, hardly able to raise their picks; at night they
:lmddled together in groups, desperate for warmth. On the day that
.the Dakota aircraft bringing theRivonia men landed, it was bitterly
cold; wet and windy.
.
.),_In the ye~r.since Mandela had left the island, a new maximum. security prison had been constructed, close to Murray's Bay har~
hour, not far from the old prison buildings. A special section within
it, a single"storey rectangular block with a cement courtyard in the
~centre, had been built at the south-eastern corner of the compound
. to house prisoners whom the authorities wanted to isolate from
the mass of the prison pop~lation. This.prison within a prison was
· i!1tended to be the home of the Rivonia group for the rest of their
lives .. ·
.J :Mandela's cell, like the others in B Section, was no more than'
about seven feet square. A barred .window looked out on to a
cement courtyard and beyond it to a high wall patrolled by guards.
The walls of the cell were damp. There was no bed. Mandela was
provided with a sisal mat on which to sleep, three flimsy blankets,
. a toilet bucket and a plastic bottle of water. In the winter months,
his cell was s'a cold he slept fully dressed iri prison ·garb. Outside
the cell was fixed a white card giving his name and identification
nu!flber: 466/64.
· As well as the Rivonia group, a number ·of other . political
j,'''
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280
281
�A DOUBLE ORDEAL
Returning to the prison at 4 p.m. for a shower and supper, ·-~~ ; *
and calm.' But he spoke of himself as not being particularly religious ·
Mandela was locked up in his cell for the rest of the night b-y· ~
or spiritual: 'I am just ~nordinary person interested in trying to
5 p.m. He used the time for study and writing letters. He also •:
· make sense of the mysteries ·of life.'
surreptitiously undertook legal work for prisoners in the gerief~~
For relaxation, Mandela enjoyed playing draughts, competing
section who wanted help preparing judicial appeals. As an A-gt:ade:
each year in the draughts c-ompetition and occasionally winning
prisoner, he was entitled to three outgoing and· three incoming,
·it. His style of play was slow and deliberate, with each move
letters each month, as well as two half-hour visits of two peoplef
considered carefully. Once a fortnight he watched a film show in
at a time each month.
·
·
i:he isolation section, though he tended to become bored with the
His cell, seven feet square, had taken on a more homely appear;··.;
-:·~ediocre selection of films on offer.
'
ance. As a result of high blood pressure, from which he had suffer.~d.:·:-:
-~ .. : .: His favourite occupation, though, was gardening. He had
for more than ten years, in 1973 Mandela was provided with a.:;.,
~~~&;.o;,~~·> ·acquired a love of. gardening and growing vegetables during his
bed; and because of back problems, -he was given a cha·ir instead ~-i
·schooldays at Clarkebury, working in the garden belonging to the
of a bench. On a bookshelf st~od a picture of Winnie which he~,.
principal, Reverend Harris~ Soon after arriving on Robben Island;
would dust affectionately each day, rubbing his nose against hers(:
.he·- had asked the authorities for permission to start a gardertin the
Weekends were spent either in the confines of the courtyard or..'
·; courtyard, but it had takeri years for them to agree. Given a narrow
·in the cells. Mandel a devoted considerable time to trying to improvt:'
patch ofearth alongside a perim~i:er wall, he worked assiduously
relations between the ANC and the PAC, seeking out PAC leadersi·-~
· to' •nurture plants in the dry, stony soil, studying hortic~ltural
in the isolation section, believing that if the two organizati4
techniques from library books, and he took immense satisfaction·
could settle their differences on Robben Island, that might provide~-'
:..,_ ~• '·'h·•;-,,,~i.~ in the resulting tomatoes and onions he produced. a basis for national reconciliation. Both the AN C and PAC particic:'.:
·.·The highlight-of Mandela's routine was the arrival of a letter or
pated in a prisoners' committee known as Ulundi which representee{~··
_a- visitor from his family;, especialiy Winnie. She was the focus of
all groups in the isolation section. But every other a~tempt -~ :,
;.~.$$1~:1<-H· h,is emotions. Without a letter from Winnie, he said, he felt as dry
producing a united front proved fruitless.
_.,
·,·as. the desert. A letter from her was like the coming of the· summer ·
On· Sundays, M~ndela attended chu~ch services of
:.;>:;J;t-r?~·z~\ rains. His own letters in return w~re full of love and affection and
denomination had been chosen for the day, listening with
:_r~ deep longing for her presence. He constantly referred to memories
attention t~ the sermons by Catholic, Hindu, Muslim and Dutc~ · ·
-~ __ of their time together, of touching her hand, hugging her, tasting
Reformed Chu'rch priests who visited the island. Though broughti\
, .-.·~r.. :. the delicious dishes she cooked, and of the hours they had spent
.H..
.
..
.
up in the Methodist Church and still regarding himself as. a stauncll<;
_In the bedroom.
member, he favoured a broad attitude towards religion. The prieg;,"<(
··::On the occasions when they met in the visiting room, separated
whom Mandel a most appreciated and who always gained· the: ·;J ·
a panel of thick glass, Winnie was always careful to dress with
largest congregation was an Anglican minister named Fa the,(;;.:
,, :-:-ir, knowing that he would cherish the details for weeks to come.
Hughes, a burly Welshman who endeavoured to lace his sermorjs;'f'l ~~Holq;'A>
' Each time, he said, he felt like lingering in the room after she had
with titbits of news and words of encmiragement. One of his; ~
:· gone to savour the moment a little longer but forced himself to
favourite quotations was: 'I .groused and groused beca~se I had no:~ ,
.<.!~ave lest emotion overtook him. His next letter would be full of
shoes until I saw a man who had no feet.' Father Hughes brought:; .
·,compliments about her dress and about the effect her beauty had
- on'him.
with him a portable organ with which he accompanied the pr&:
oners, praising them for their singing. DuringKid Ruction's regiip<;i
. -' Winnie was also the focus of his main concern. There seemed
the portable organ was prohibited. Mandela took holy
. .
::+~~ be no respite from the harassment the security police meted out'
7
on a regular basis: 'The sa~rament gave me a sense of inner
~tp her, nor to her propensity for becoming entangled with police
JI6
317
i
ti
.,
�Muhammad Anwar
El-Sadat
speech in Cairo
Mar 8, 1978
Ronald Reagan
i
f
I
I
1 I
'i
I. :
!I!
::;
·
. The Observer
Peace is much more precious than a piece of land.
Of the four wars in my lifetime, none came about because the
U.S. was too strong.
jun 2!:!. 1980
.Kenneth Kaunda
Kaunda 011 Violmce
1980
Passive resistance is a sport for gentlemen (and ladies)-just
like the pursuit of war, a heroic enterprise for the ruling classes but
a grievous burden on the rest.
Kenneth Kaunda
"On the State of South
Africa"
Ka.1ind.a on Violence
1980
The drama can only be brought to its climax in one of two
ways-through the selective brutality of terrorism or the impartial
horrors of war.
Ken~eth Kaunda
Kaunda on Violence
1980
War is just like bush-clearing-the moment you stop, the
jungle comes back even thicker, but for a little while you can plant
and grow a ·crop in the ground you have won at such a terrible cost.
Jimmy Carter
televised address to the
nation on the invasion of
Afghanistan by the USSR
Jan 4, 1980
·
·
. Max Cleland
speech at the dedication
of Vietnam Veterans
Mem-orial. Washington
D.C.
Aggression unopposed becomes a contagious .disease.
Within the soul of each "Vietnam veteran there is probably
something that says "Bad war, good soldier." (It is time to) separate
·
the war "from the warrior.
Time
Nov 22. 1982
Ernest i•. Hollings
on U.S. Marines in
Lebaf!on
If they've been put there to tight, there are far too few. If
they've been put there to be killed, there are far too many.
Time
!lee 26, 1983
Ronald Reagan
speech to the United Nations General Assembly
Sep 26. 1983
The awful truth is that the use of violence for political gain has
become more, not less widespread in the last decade.
Ronald Reagan
referring to veterans of
the Vietnam War, at a
press conference
Nov II, 1984
Some of your countrymen. were unable to distinguish between
their native· dislike for war and the stainless patriotism of those who
suffered its scars. But there has been a rethinking (and) now we can
say to you, and say as a nation, thank you for your courage.
.Ronald Reagan
on the Unknown Soldier
of the Vietnam War
May 25, 1984
We pray for the wisdom that this hero be America's last
unkown.
Gen. John W. Vessey
Jr.
The_ Nc~p Vork Times
Jul 15, 1984.
(My job is) to give the president and secretary of defense
military advice before they kno_w they need it.
·342
J ·. , ..
WAR AND PEAcE
�. We don'~ thrive on military acts. We do them because we have
to, arid thank God we are efficient.
J"conserlives than
•re clearly ·
~rved
Golda Meir
Vogue
]ul, 1969
Ydu will killlO of our men, and we will killl of yours, and in the
end it will be you who tire of it.
only
Ho Chi Minh
reCalled on his death
Sep 3, 1969
It is not enough just to be for peace. The point is, what can we
do about it?
·
ckas you
ion of the
need and
Richard M. Nixon··
interview With C.L.
Sulzberger
. The New York Times
Mar 10, 1971
That was the order of the day.
William L. Calley Jr.
on killing Vietnamese ci·
vilians at My Lai in 1968
Feb 23, 1971
They were all enemy. They were all to be destroyed.
William L. Calley Jr.
on killing Vietnamese civilians at My Lai In 1968
Feb 23, 197:r
ncredible
·>maybe,
If there is any one lesson to be pla_inly derived from the
experiences we have had with disarmament in the past half-century, it is that armaments are a function and not a cause of political
tensions and that no limitation of armaments on a multilateral scale
· can be effected as long as the political problems are not tackled and
regulated in some realistic way.
lear war
Defense
to save,
The sergeant is the Army.
n't think
sible for
George F. Kennan
MemOirs
1972
Dwight D. Eisenhower
·The New York Times
Dec 24, 1972 ·
Not war but peace is the father of all things.
.
· Nicht der Krieg, der Friede ist der Vater alter Dinge.
Willy Brandt
Uber den Tag hinaus ·
1974
onsider
.If the Third World War is fought.with nuclear weapons, the
fourth will be fought with bows and arrows.
.
States.
tf,
:emakJOns to
had a
~~.]
le ...
I don't think the contradictions between capitalism and socialism can be resolved by war. This is no longer the age of the bow and
arrow. It's the nuclear age, and war can annihilate us all. The only .
way to achieve solutions seems to be for the different social
systems to coexist.
Fidel Castro
Seven Days
Jun 20, 1977
A war regarded as inevitable or even probable, and therefore
much prepared for, has a very good chance of eventually being
fought.
George F. Kennan
The Cloud of Danger
The superpowers have the privilege of being able to destroy
our planet several times in rapid succession, and yet there are still
those who try to sqJre political points by declaring that one or other
of them is lagging dangerously behind the other in potential for
obliteration.
Peter Ustinov
Dear Me
'I
f.:
!
Lord Louis
Mountbatten
Maclean's
Nov 17, 1975
.
i'
r~
,1r~
·~,
t,\\
1977
1977
WAR AND PEACE .1 341
�Herbert Block
"llerblock"
/Jerblock Gallery
1968
This is particularly true of those bellicose Republican "conservatives" and Dixiecrats who are more ready to lay down lives than
prejudices and who can hear the most distant drum more clearly
than the cry of a hungry child in the street.
ll
I
I
Will Durant
The /,essons of History
. 1968
Peace is an unstable equilibrium, which can be preserved only
by acknowledged supremacy or equal power.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
news conference in Indio,
California
Mar 15, 1968
I say when you get into a war, you should win a·s quick as you
can, because your losses become a function of the duration of the
war. I believe when you get in a war, get everything you need and
win it.
Robert McNamara
on the utility of nuclear
weapons
One cannot fashion. a credible deterrent out of an incredible
action.
The Essence of Secun·ty
1968
Lyndon Baines
Johnson
quoted
I don't know what it will takeout there-500 casualties maybe,
maybe 500,000. It's the aughts that scare me.
Time
Apr 15, 1985
,.
Norman Thomas
recalled on his death
Dec 19, 1968
(President john F.) Kennedy said that if we had nuclear war
we'd kill300 million people in the first hour. (Secretary ofDefense
Robert) McNamara, who is a good businessman and likes to save,
says it would be only 200 million.
Lyndon Baines
"Johnson
quoted
It is always a strain when people are.being killed: I don't think
anybody has held this job who hasn't felt personally responsible for
those being killed.
i
Time
Apr 15, 1985
Charles De Gaulle
quoted
The New York Times
No country without an atom bomb could properly consider
itself independent.
Magazine
May 12, 1968
Richard M. Nixon
· televised speech
Nov 3, 1969
North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States.
Only Americans can .do that.
Richard M. Nixon
first inaugural address
Jan 20, 1969
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America ..... This is our summons to
greatness.
Golda Meir
L1je
Oct 3, 1969
We have always said that in our war with the Arabs we had a
secret weapon-no alternative.
Gamal Abdel Nasser
speech to the Nationa!
Assembly
Jan 20, 1969
People do not want words-they want the sound of. battle ...
the battle of destiny.
340
WAR AND PEACE
�Sir Winston S.
Churchill
The New York Times
Jun 27, 1954
Sir Winston S.
Churchill
80th birthday address to
Parliament
Nov :30, 1954
To jaw-jaw always is better than to war-war.
I have never accepted what many people have kindly saidnamely that I inspired the nation. Their will was resolute and
remorseless, and as it proved, unconquerable. It fell to me to
express it. It was the nation and the race dwelling all round the globe
that had the lion's heart. I had the luck to be called upon to give the
roar. I also hope that I sometimes suggested to the lion the right
place to use his claws.
·
J~waharlal Nehru
The only alternative to coexistence is codestruction.
London Observer
Aug 29, 1954 .
Dwight D. Eisenhower
reported remarks
Mar 17, 1~54
The most terrible warfare is to be a second lieutenant leading a
platoon when you are on the battlefield.
Charles De Gaulle
Memoires de guerre:
·
L'Appel
1955
- The war has started incredibly badly. Therefore, it must be
continued. ·
La guerre commence injiniment mal: Il /aut done qu'elle
continue.
Capt. Robert Lewis
comments on lOth armiversary of first
nuclear bomb
Enola Gay
May 19, 1955
As the bomb fell over Hiroshima and exploded, we saw an
. • entire city disappear. I wrote in my log the words: "My God, what
.
have we done?~'
llwight D. Eisenhower
letter to Everett E.
Hazlett
Aug 20, 1956
Some day there is going to be a man sitting in my present chair
who has not been raised in the military services and who will have
little understanding of where slashes in their estimates can be made
with little or no damage. If that should happen while we still have the
state of tension that nowpasts in the world, I shudder to think of
what could happen in this country.
.
John Foster Dulles
Life
Jan 11, 1956
You have to take chances for peace, just as you must take
chances. in war. Some say that we were brought to the verge of war.
The ability to get to the verge of war without getting into the war is
the necessary art.
Harry S Truman
Memoirs
1955-56
Warfare, no matter what weapons it employs, is a means to an
end, and if that end can be achieved by negotiated settlements of
conditional surrender, there is no need for war.
(.
Gen. Nathan F.
·Twining
The New York Times·
Mar :ll, 1956
goal.
Eleanor Roosev~lt
letter to Gus Ranis
Jan 23, 1956
Mr. Dulles has just frightened most of our alli~s to death with a
statement that there is an art in actually threatening war and coming
to the brink but retreating from the brink.
336
If our air forces are never used, they have achieved their finest
WAR AND PEACE
·
�I tell you there's nothing to stop war from going on forever.
... A slight case of negligence, and it's bogged down up to the
axles. And then it's a matter of hauling the war out of the mud again.
But emperor and kings and popes will come to its rescue.
ns. One
Bertolt Brecht .
Mother Courage
1939 .
lch sag: dass der Krieg einmal aufhort, ist nicht gesagt. ...
Vielleicht ein Ubersehn, und das Schlamassel ist da. Und dann kann
man den Krieg wieder aus dem Dreck ziehn! Aber die Kaiser und
Konige und der Papst wird ihm zu Hilf kommen in seiner Not.
s fat.
I hear the same talk about "sanctity of treaties," '~law and·
order," "resisting agression" and "enforcement of morality." Such
phrases have always been the. stock in trade of those who have
vested interests which they want to preserve against those in revolt
against a rigid system.
Victory at all costs, victory in spite o{.all terror, victory
however long and hard the road may be; for without victory there is
no survival.
k from
speace
Sir Winston S.
Churchill
Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so
many to so few.
and its
dividual
litics to
John Foster Dulles
speech opposing U.S. en-
Sir Winston S.
Churchill
1uld be
:juarrel
Jthing.
try into World War II,
Detroit, Michigan
Oct 29, 1939
speech in the House of
Commons
May 13, 1940
speech in the House of
Commons on role of the
R.A.F. during Battle of
Britain
Aug 20, 1940
You ask, what is our policy? I will say, it is to wage war by sea,
land, and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can
give us.·
·
:hame.
I
.i
:et rid
1
:isive
speech in the House of
Commons
May 13, 1940
We shall not flag or fail. We shall goon to the end. We.shallfight ·
in France, we shall fight on the seas and ,oceans, we shall fight with
growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend
our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches,
we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and
in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.
,sJovaithout
;t and
s that
·sir Winston S.
Churchill
'j
Sir Winston S.
Churchill
We cannot accept the doctrine that war must be forever a part
of man's destiny.
·
Franklin D. Roosevelt
War challenges virtually every other institution of societythe justice and equity of its economy, the adequacy of its political
systems, the energy of its productive plant, the bases, wisdom and
purposes of its foreign policy.
Walter Millis
The Faith of an American
In the Soviet Army it takes more courage to retreat than to
advance.
Joseph Stalin
speech in the House of
Commons following the
Dunkirk evacuation
Jun 4, 1940
campaign speech in Cleveland, Ohio
Nov 2, 1940
1941
reported conversation
with Averell Harriman·
Sep, 1941
WAR AND PEACE I 331
�I am proud of the fact that I never invented weapons to kill.
Is like calling
:erous quality in
There is a price which is too great to pay for peace, and that
price can be put in one word. One cannot pay the price of selfrespect.
The belief that public opinion or international public opinion,
unbacked by force, had the. slightest effect in restraining a powerful
military nation in any course of action
has been showh to be a
pa~etic fallacy.
0
a political knot .
would face all
osperity which
sword against·
the man who
0
0
Only a peace between equals can last. Only a peace the very
principle of which is equality and a common participation in a
common benefit.
no.
I want to stand by my country, butl cannot vote for war. I vote
All wars are wars among thieves who are too cowardly to fight
and who therefore induce the young manhood of the whole world to·
do the fighting for them.
·
)Oor reading.
.,
Thomas Alva Edison
The New York Times
Jun 8, 1915
Woodrow Wilson
speech in Des Moines,
Iowa
Feb 1, 1916
Theodore Roosevelt
Metropolitan
Feb, 1916
Woodrow Wilson
speech to the U.S. Senate
Jan 22, 1917
Jeanette Rankin
casting her vote against
declaration of war
Apr 6, 1917
Emma Goldrnan
"Address' to the Jury"
Mother Barth
Jut, 1917
The government will
go on in the highly democratic
method of conscripting American marihood for European slaughter.
Emma Goldman
"Address to the Jury"
Mother Earth
1e built and in :·
Jut, 1917
The right is more precious than peace.
Woodrow Wilson
speech to Congress
Apr 2, 1917 ·
rirlle against
:because it is
This may be safely turned down. No sane enemy, acquainted
with our institutions, would destroy the .War Office.
the warfare
Sir 'George Murray
comment on a World War
I defence memo, quoted
by Austen Chamberlain
Down the Years
1935
ting to win.
War is much too serious a matter to be left to generals.
Laguerre est une chose beaucoup trop serieuse pour etre conjiie a
des generaux:
Georges Clemenceau
quoted
New York Times
Jul14, 1944
My home policy? I wage war. My foreign policy? I wage war.
Always, everywhere, I wage war.
:he United
It is far easier to make war than to make peace.
Georges Clemenceau
speech to the Chamber of
Deputies
Mar 8, 1918
Georges Clemenceau
speech at Verdun, France
Jul14, 1919
~articipat-
Injustice, arrogance, displayed in the hour of triumph will
never be forgotten or forgiven.
WAR AND PEACE
David Lloyd George
memorandum written during the Paris peace
conference
1919
327
�letter to Noah Worchester
Nov 26, 1817
My views and feelings (are) in favor of the abolition of war
and I hope it is practicable, by improving the mind and moral~ ·of
society, to lessen the disposition to war; but of its abolition I
despair.
, Charles Caleb Colton
War is a game in which princes seldom win, the people never.
Thomas Jefferson
Lacon
1825
Kafl von Clausewitz
War, Politics and Power
1962
War is the province of chance. In no other sphere of human
activity must such a margin be left for this intruder. It increases the
uncertainty of every circumstance and deranges the course of
events.
Karl von Clausewitz
War tnerefore is an act of violence intended to compel our
opponents. to fulfil our will.
On War
1832
Karl von Clausewitz
On War
i833
Andrew Jackson
farewell address
Mar 4, 1837
3rd Viscount
Palmers ton
War is regarded as nothing but the continuation of state policy
with other means:
·
Der Krieg ist nichts anderes als die Fortsetzung der Politik mit
anderen Mitteln.
·
I
We shall more certainly preserve peace when it is well understood that we are prepared for war.
I
Prnsees
1842
Andrew Jackson
A quarter of a century of peace does not pass over a nation in
vain.
Th~ sound of the drum drives out thought; for that very reason
it is the most military of instruments.
War is a blessing compared with national degradation.
letter to James A. Polk
May 2, 1845
Heinrich Heine
"Zwei Ritter':
Living, just as much as dying/ For one's fatherland, is sweet.
Leben bleiben, wie das Sterbenl Fiir das Vaterland ist siiss.
komancero
1851
Lord John Russell
If peace cannot be maintained with honor, it is no longer peace.
speech in Greenock,
Scotland·
Sep 19, 1853
John Greenleaf
Whittier
Peace hath higher tests
of manhood/ Than battle ever knew.
"The Hero"
1853
John Bright
speech in the House of
Commons
Mar 31, 1854
322
I.
I
letter to Lord Granville of
France
Jun 10, 1839
Joseph Joubert
I
If this phr.ase· of the "balance of Power?" is to be always an
argument for: war, the pretence for war will never be wanting, and
peace ca'n never be sec~re.
WAR AND PEACE
�-----
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�Donne- Jonson
are there, I neglect God and his angels, for the noise
of a fly, for the rattling o~ a coach, for the whining
of a door.
Ibid. 80, preached at the funeral of Sir William
Cokayne, December 12, 1626
me, dear Christ, Thy spouse, so bright and
clear.
Ibid. 18, I I. 1
I am coming to that holy room,
with thy choir of saints forevermore,
be made thy music; as I come
the instrument here at the door,
what I must do then, think here before ..
Hymn to God My God, in My Sickness [written
c. 1623 or 1631], st. 1
my physicians by their love are grown
and I their map, who lie
bed.
ibid. st. 2
thou forgive that sin where I begun,
· was my sin, though it were done before?
thou forgive that sin; through which I run,
do run still: though still I do deplore?
thou hast done, thou hast not done,
I have more.
A Hymn to God the Father [first published
1633]
·I. observe the physician with the same diligence as
he the disease.
.·Devotions upon Emergent Occasions [1624],
no. 6
{do nothing upon myself, and yet am mine own
·
2
Ibid. 12
The flea, though he kill none, he does all the harm
Ibid.
. he can.
No man is an island, entire of itself; every man .is
a piece of the continent,3 a part of the main; if a clod
be washed away by the sea, Europe is the less, as well
' as if a promontory were, as well as if a manor of thy
· friends or of thine own were; any man's death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind; and
therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls;
it tolls for thee.
Ibid. 17
9
What gnashing is not a comfort, what gnawing of
the.worm is not a tickling, what torment is not a
marriage bed to this damnation, to be secluded eternally, eternally, eternally from the sight of God?
. LXXX Sermons [1640], no. 76, preached to the
· :. ··Earl of Carlisle, c. autumn 1622
Now God comes to thee, not as in the dawning of
the'day, not as in the bud of the spring, but as the
~un at noon to illustrate all shadows, as the sheaves
~~.harvest, to fill all penuries, all occasions invite his
mercies,. and all times are his seasons.
.
Ibid. 3, preached on Christmas Day, 1625
II · I
"'·
;
!
1
throw myself down in my chamber, and I call in
a~d invite God and his angels thither, and when they
·'.
1
t
b.
·~>i¥i~st published in 1899.
.
•·'Se e Th omas Browne, 248:18.
.
v .ee Romans 14:7, 42:26; Francis Bacon, 159:15; and
Q!:!arles, 242:5.
··is
''\i
231
Arid what is so intricate, so entangling as death?
:Who ever got out of a winding sheet?
Ibid. 54,,preached to the King at Whitehall,
April 5,' 1628
12
13
Poor intricated soul! Riddling, perplexed, labyrinthical soul!
Ibid. 48, preached upon the Day of St. Paul's
Conversion, january 25, 1629
14
j
When my mouth shall be filled with dust, and·the
4
worm shall feed, and feed sweetly upon me, when
the ambitious man shall have no satisfaction if the
poorest alive tread upon him, nor the poorest receive
any contentment in being made equal to princes, for
ths:y shall be equal but in dust.
XXVI Sermons {1661], no. 26, Death's Duel,
last sermon, February 15, 1631s
Ben Jonson
6
c. 1573-1637
15
As sure as death?
Every Man in His·Humour [1598], act II, sc. i
16
As he brews, so shall he drink.
t7lt
must be done like lightning.
Ibid .
Ibid. IV, 5
18
Art hath
19
There shall be no love lost.
20
True happiness
Consists not in the multitude of friends,
But in the worth and choice.
Cynthia's Revels {1600], act Ill, sc. ii
21
Queen and huntress, chaste and fair,
N!JW the sun is laid to sleep,
·
Seated in thy silver chair,
State in wonted manner keep:
Hesperus entreats. thy light,
Goddess, excellently bright.
an enemy called Ignorance.
Every Man out of His Humour [1599], act I,
sc. i
Ibid. II, i
Ibid. V, iii
'See job 24:20, 14:36.
5Called by His Majesty's household the Doctor's Own Funeral Sermon.-Preface to the first edition [1632]
'0 rare Ben Jonson!- joHN YoUNG, Epitaph
Which was don.e at the charge of JackY oung, who, walking
there when the grave was covering, gave the fellow 18 pence to
cut it.-AUBREY, Brief Lives
'Corne del morire [Sure as death].-GIOVANNI BoccACCIO
[1313-1375], II Filostrato, canto IV, st. 140
r:
�122 I PHILOSOPHY
what we have known as "race." There are four major blood types and
all four are found in every racial group. There, are no superior and infe-
Na
."Pr
19
ro
...
tic
ad'
pu
vic
au
thJ
tur
len
stn
or I
Chi
clc:'
ere
nor races.
The next truth _is evidential in the history of mankind. Not only are all
mt;n alike (generically speaking), but man is by nature a societal creature. Aside from the strength and weakness found in H91no sapiens, man
has been working from·the beginning at the great adventure of "community." Whenever Cro-magnon man, under whatever strange impulse,
put aside his stone ax and decided to mutually cooperate with his· caveman neighbor, it marked' the most creative turn of events in his existence. That seemingly elementary decision set in motion what we now
know as civilization. At the heart of all that civilization has meant and
. developed is "community" -the mutually cooperative and voluntary
venture of man to assume a semblance of responsibility for his brother.
What began as the closest answer to ~ desperate need for survival from
the beast of prey an!i the danger of the jungle was the basis of present,day cities and nations. Man could not have survived without the. impulse
·
which makes him the societal creature .he is.
The universe is so structured that things do not quite work out rightly
if men are not diligent in their concern (or others. The selfcannot be
self without other selves. I cannot 'reach fulfillment without thou. Social
. psys_!!QIQgists_tellils that we can~Y_b~e-r-ersons u__!!.k~we interact
with other persons. ~Kll-melsTnterrelated. All men are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. This
ts w at John Donne meant.
as'
l>n:
CS.'\4
1
arr~
tu t
Crut
say,
mat
male
t.lut
can·
tlnlc
GOD AND HUMAN WORTH
Now let nie hasten to say that while all of the three aforementioned
points are basic, they represent Christianity's minimal declaration of
human unity.. In the final analysis, says the Christian ethic, every man
must be respected because God loves him. The worth of an individual
does not lie in the measure of his intellect, his racial origin, or his sdt:ial
position. Human worth lies in relatedness. to God. An individual has value because he has value to' God. Whenever this. is recognized, "whiteness"· and "blackness" pass away as determin.ants in a relationship and
"son" and "brother" are substituted. · ·
For me, this:is a welcome conference. In the last few years we have.
had to face admittedly some very sharp changes in our customs and mores in the South. They have'been difficult changes, notonly to whites,
but also at times to Negroes.
·
" ... BECAUSE IT IS RIGHT!"
'
Nevertheless, as difficult as the changes may be, it is change produced
�984 I Chapter 15. History
this eagle, with this serpent-not to a new life, or a
better life, or a similar life:
-1 come again eternally to this identical and
selfsame life, in its greatest and its smallest, to
teach again the eternal return of all things,- To speak again the word of the great noontide of earth and man, to announce again to nian
the Superman.
Nietzsche, Thus Spake Zarathustra, III, 57 .
73 This life, as thou livest it now, as thou hast lived
it, thou needst must live again, and an infinite
number of times; and there will be in it nothing ·
new; but every grief and e~ery joy, every thought
and every sigh, all the infinitely great and the
infinitely little in thy life must return for thee, and
all this in the same sequence and the same order.
And also this spider and the moonlight through
the trees,· and also this· moment and myself.· The
eternal hour-glass of existence will ever be turned
again, and thou with it, dust of dust.
Nietzsche; Joyful Wisdom, 341
74 The more ignorant men are, the move convinced
are they that their little parish .and their little
chapel is an ~pex to which civilization and philosophy has painfully struggled up the pyramid of
time from a desert of savagery. Savagery; they
think, became barbarism; liarbarism became an. cient civilization; ancient civilization became
Pauline Christianity; Pauline Christianity· became Roman Catholicism;. Roman Catholicism
became the Dark Ages; and the Dark Ages were
finally enlightened by the Protestant instincts of
the English Pace. The whole process is summed up
as Progress with a capital P. And any elderly gentleman of Progressive temperament will testify
that the improvement since he was a boy is enormous.·. . .
The notion that there has been any such Progress since Cresar's time (less than 20 centuries) is
too absurd for discussion. All the savagery, barbarism, dark ages and the r~st of it of which we have
any record as existing in the past exists at the
present moment. •
Shaw, Caesar and Cleopatra, Notes
.75 We must . : . frankly give up ·the notion that
·Man as he exists is capable of net progress. There
will always be an illusion of progress, because
wherever we iue conscious of an evil we remedy it,
arid therefore .always seem to ourselves to be pro- ·
gre8sing, forgetting that most of the evils we see
are the e'ffects, finally become acute, of long-un- ·
. noticed ·retrogressions; that our compromising
remedies seldom fully reco'\'c::r the lost ground;
above all, .that on the lines along which we are
degenerati~g. g~ has beeome evil in o~r eyes,
and is being undone in the name of progress precisely as evil is undone·and replaced by good on
the lin,es along ~hich we are evolving. This is in-
·deed the Illusion of Illusions; for it gives us infallible and appalling assurance that if our political
ruin is to come, it will be effected by ardent re- ·
formers and ·supported by enthusiastic patriots as
a series of necessary steps in our progress. Let the
Reformer, the Progress\ve, the Meliorist then reconsider himself and his eternal ifs and ans which
never become pots and pans. Whilst Man remains
what he is, there can· be no progress beyond the
point already attained and· fallen headlong from
at every attempt at civilization; and since even
that point is but a pinnacle to which a few people
cling in giddy terror above an abyss of squalor,
mere progress should no longe'r charm us.
Shaw, Man and Superman, Revolutionist's
Handbook
76 The reas~nable man adapts himse.if to the world:
the unreasonable one' persists in trying to adapt
the world to himself. Therefore all progress ·depends on the unreasonable man.
Shaw, Man·and Superman, Maxims
for Revolutionists
77 The differ.ences between the nations. and races of
mankind are required to preserve the conditions
under which.higher. development is possible. One
main factor in t!le upward trend of animal life has
been the power of wandering. Perhaps this is why
the armour-plated monsters fared badly. They
could not wander. Animals wander into new conditions. They have to adapt themselves or die.
Mankind has wandered from the trees to the
plains, from the plains to the seacoast, from climate to climate, from continent to continent, and
from habit of life to habit of life. When man ceases to wander, he will cease to ascend in the scale
of bei~g. Physical wandering is still important,
but greater ·still is the power of man's spiritual
adventures--adventures of thought; adventures of
passionate feeling, adventures of aesthetic experience. A diversification among human communities is essential for the provision of the incentive
·.and material for the Ody8sey of the human spirit.
Other nations of different habits are .not enemies:
they are. godsends.:Men require of their neigh'\bours something sufficiently . akin to be understood, something sufficiently different to provoke
· attention, ·and Something great enough to command admiration. We must not expect, however,
all the virtues. We should even be satisfied if there
is something odd enough to be interesting.
Modern science has imposed on humanity the
necessity for wandering: Its progressive thought
and its progressive te.chnology make the transition
through ·time, ·from ·generation to generation, a
true migration into uncharted seas of adventure.
The very benefit of ~andering is that it is danger'ous and needs skill to.ave.rt evils. We must exp~ct,
therefore, that the future will disclose dangers. It
is· the busines5 of the future to be dangerous; and
•,
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I Chapter 14.
an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war;
is applauded by those whose own act and authority he desregards and sets at naught; as if the state
were penitent to that degree that it hired one to
scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree
that it left off sinning for a moment.
Thoreau, Civi! DiSobediende
99 The shield may be as important for victory, as the
sword or spear ..
Darwin, On'gin of Species, IV
100 In proportion as the exploitation of one individual
by another is put an end to, the exploitation of
one nation by another will also be put an end to.
In proportion as the antagonism between classes
within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end.
Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto, II
l, .~
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101 "If no one fought except on his own conviction,
there would be no wars," he' said.
"And that would be splendid," said Pierre. ·
Prince Andrew smiled ironically. ·
"Very likely it would be splendid, but it will
"
never come about. .
Tolstoy, Wai and Pe~ce, I, 6
102 The younger Emperor could not restrain his wish
to be present at the battle and, in. spite of the
remonstrances of· his couitiers, at twelve o'clock
left the third column with which he had been and
galloped toward the vanguard. Before he came up
with the hussars, several adjutants met him with
news of the successful result of the action.
This battle, which consisted in the capture of a
French squadron, was represented as a brilliant
victory over the Fre~ch, and so the Emperor and
the whole army, especially while the smoke hung
over the battlefield, believed that the'French had
been defeated and were retreating against their
will. A few minutes after the Emperor had passed,
the Pavlograd division was ordered to advance. In
·Wischau itself, a petty German town, Rostov saw
the Emperor again. In the market place, where
. there had been some rather heavy firing before
the Emperor's arrival,' lay several killed· .and
wounded soldiers whom there had not been time
to move. The Emperor, surrounded by his ~uite of
officers and courtiers, was riding a bObtailed
chestnut mare, a different one from that which he
had ridden at the review, and bending to one side
he gracefully held a gold lorgnette to his eyes and
looked· at a soldier who lay prone, with blood on
his uncovered· head: The wounded soldier was so
dirty, coarse, and revolting tha~ his prmcimity to
the Emperor shocked Rostov. Rostov saw how the
Emperor's rather round shoulders shuddered as if
a cold shiver had run down them, how his left foot
began convulsively tapping the. horse's side with
War 'and, Peace
the spur, and how the weli-trained horse looked
round unconcerned and did not stir. An adjutant,
dismounting, lifted the soldier under the arms to
place him on a stretcher that had been brought.·
The soldier groaned.
\'· "Gently, gently! Can't you do it more gently?"
said the Emperor apparently suffering more ·than
the dying soldier, and he rode away.
Rostov saw tears filling the Emperor's eyes and
heard him, ·as he was riding away, say to Czartoryski: "What a terrible thing war is: what a terrible thing! Q}ulle terrible chose que Ia guerre!"
Tolstoy, War and Peace, III, 10
103 One has renounc.ed grand life when one renounces
war.
Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idol. .
Morality as Anti-Nature
104 Many . . . substitutes for war will be discovered,
but perhaps precisely thereby it will become more
and more obvious that such a highly cultivated
and therefore necessarily enfeebled humanity as
that of modern Europe not only needs wars, but
the greatest and most terrible wars,-consequently occasional relapses into barbarism,-lest, by
the means of culture, it should lose its culture and
its very existence.
Nietzsche, Human, All- Too-Human, 4 77
105. The beauty of war . . . is that it is so congruous·
with ordinary hu'rnan nature. Ancestral evolution
has made us all potential warriors; so the most
insignificant individual, when thrown into an
army in the field, is weaned from whateyer excess
of tenderness towards his precious person he may
bring with him, and may easily develop into a
monster of insensibility . . . . The immediate aim
of the soldier's life is . ·. . destruction, and nothing
but destruction; and whatever constructions wars
result in are remote and non-military.. Consequently the soidier cannot train himself to be too
feelingless to all those usual sympathies and respects, whether for persons or for things, that
make for conservation. Yet the fact remains that
war is·a school of strenuous life and heroism;. and,
being in the line of abOriginal instinct, is the only
school that as yet is universally available. But
when we gravely ask ourselves whether this
wholesale organization of irrationality and crime
be our only bulwark against effeminacy, we stand
agha.St at the thought, and think more kindly of
ascetic religion. One hears of the mechanical
equivalent of heat. What we now need to discover
iri the social realm is the moral equivalent of war:
something heroic that will speak to men as universally as war does, and yet will tie 'as compatible
with their spiritual selves as war has proved itself
to be incompatible. I have ()ften thought that· in
the old monkish poverty-worship, in spite of the
pedantry which infested it, there might be some-
- ·'?- '.'
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I
I
I
Emerson, War
the·
, !apt in uni-
peace and in the
socialistic equiwar-function is
war-making is
to prudential
just like any
whole nations
143. The Conditions of Peace
duction, I see that war becomes absurd and impossible from its own monstrosity. Extravagant
ambitions will have to be replaced by reasonable
claims, .and nations must make common cause
against them. I see no reason why all this should
not apply to yellow as well as to white countries,
and I look forward to a future when acts of war
955
shall be formally outlawed as between civilized
peoples.
William James, Moral Equivalent of War
48 The only way to abolish war [is] to make peace
heroic.
.Dewey; Human Naturetmd Conduct, Ii, 3
�"
954
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40 The morally practical reason utters within us its
irrevocable veto: There shall be no war. So there
ought to be no war, neither between me and you
in the condition of nature, nor between us as
members of states which, although internally in a
condition of law, are still externally in their relation to each other in a condition of lawlessness; for
this is not the way by which any one should prosecute his right. Hence the question no longer is·as
to whether perpetual peace is a real thing or not a
real thing, or as to whether we may not be deceiving ourselves when we adopt the former alternative, but we must act on the supposition of its
being real. We must work for what may perhaps
not be realized, and establish that constitution
which yet seems best adapted to bring it about
(mayhap republicanism in all states, together and
separately). And thus we may put an end to the
evil of wars, which have been the chief interest of
the internal arrangements of all the states without
exception. And although the realization of this
purpose may always remain but a pious wish, yet
we do certainly not deceive ourselves in adopting
the maxim of action that will guide us in working
incessantly for it; for it is a duty to do this. To
suppose that the moral law within us is itself deceptive, would be sufficient to excite the horrible
wish rather to be deprived of all reason than to .
live under such deception, and even to see oneself,
according to such principles, degraded like the
lower animals to the level of the mechanical play
of nature. ·
Kant, Scimce of Right, Conclusio,n
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41 Confidence in the principles of an enemy must
remain even during war, otherwise a peace could
never be concluded; and hostilities would degenc
erate into a war of extermination since war in fact
is but the sad resource employed in a state of nature in defence of rights; force standing there in
lieu of juridical tribunals. Neither of the two. parties can be accused of injustice, since for that purpose a juridical decision would be necessary. But
here the event of a battle (as formerly the judgmmts 'Of Gocf) determine the justice of either party;
since between states there cannot be a war of punishment no subordination existing between them.
A war, therefore, which might cause the destruction of both parties at once, together with the annihilation' of every right, would permit the conclusion of a perpetual peace only upon the vast
burial-ground of the human species.
Kant, Perpetual Peace, Section I, 6
r-· --
ll2 With men, the state of nature is ·not a state of
!
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peace, but of war;
th~ugh ·not
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least, ever ready to break out. A state of peace
must therefore be established; for, in order to be
sheltered against every act of hostility, it is not
sufficient that none is committed; one neighbour
;
must guarantee .to another his personal security,
i
which cannot take place except in a state of legislation; without which one may treat another as an
I
enemy, .after having in vain demanded this pro,
J
tection.
. n , _.__
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· Kant, Perpetual Peace, Section~
,.,
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Chapter 14. War and Peace
involving a duty, and founded upon the right of
individual men and states.
Kant, Scimce of Right, 61
i
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of open war. at
43 It'it is. a duty, if the hope·can even be conceived,
of· realizing,. though by .an endless progress, the
reign of public right-:-perpetual peace, which will
succeed to the suspensions
hostilities, hitherto
named treaties ot' peace, is not then a chimera,
but a problem, of which time, probably abridged
by the uniformity of the progress of the human
mind, promises us the solution.
Kant, Perpetual Peace, Appendix, 2
or
44 In cases where it may be doubtful on which side
justice lies, what better umpires could be desired
by two violent factions, flying to arms and tearing
a State to pieces, than the representatives of confederate States not heated by the local flame? To
the impartiality of judges they would unite the
affection of friends. Happy would it be if such a
remedy for its infirmities could be enjoyed by all
free governments; if a project equally effectual
could be established for the universal peace of
mankind!
Madison; Federalist 43
1
45 War is on its last legs; a!ld a universal peace is as
sure as is the prevalence of civilization over barbarism, of liberai governments over feudal forms.
The question for us is only How soon?
Emerson, War
46
The war-drum throbb'd no longer, and the
battle-flags were furl'd
In. the Parliament of rnan, the Federation of tij9
world.
There the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe.
And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapt in universal law.
Tennyson, Locksley Hall, 127
47 I devoutly believe in the reign of peace and in the
·gradual advent of some sort ·of a socialistic·equilibrium. The fatalistic view of the war-function is
to me nonsense, for I· k~ow that war-making is
due to definite motives and subject to prudential
checks and reasonable criticisms, just like any
other f~rm of enterprise. And when whole nations
are the armies, and the science of destruction vies
in intellectual refinement with the sciences of pr~-
�14.3. The 1 Conditions of Peace
overcomDangers, are
wherein the
therefore evident .
the Help of th~
us see in the next
.the Soldier's Mind
Now this may be
the End and Obthat Intention is to
the noblest End its
Learning, ·I mean,
I speak not of Dito Heaven, for
·as that) Is
Justice, bestowto procure and
; ·an End really
high· Commen"dawhich Knight-Erand End is Peace,
can wish for in .
good News the
brought in
of our Day,
to God on high,
Good-will. And
by the best
his Friends
House they
And at other
I give to you, My
you. A JewDonor, a Jewel so
be no HappiThis Peace is the
War are one and
Don: Quixote, I, 37
security and
be in the unaof peace, as
can be lawfully
of war we.must
a:> to unlearn the
of War and Peace
Bk. III, XXV,
z
inen by external
· qualities!
Who will
clever, But I· am
fight over this.
only one. This
It falls to me
the matter. By
this means we are at peace, which is the greatest
of boons.
··
Pascal, Pensees,' V, 319
953
rageous spmt which· are 5o proper among freemen,· and tend to keep up their taste for liberty,
than from the neccisity of providing for their de~
fence.
Rousseau, Origin of Inequality, Dedication
31 No War, or Battails sound
Was heard the World around,
The idle spear and shield were high up hung;
The hooked Chariot stood
Unstain'd with hostile blood,
The Trumpet spake not to the armed throng,
And Kings sate still with awfull eye,
As if they surely knew their sovran Lord was by.
Milton, On the Morning of C,hrists Nativity, 53··
36 johnson. It is. thus that mutual cowardice keeps us
in peace. Were one half of mankind brave, and
one half cowards, the brave would be always beating the cowards. Were all brave, they would lead
a very uneasy life; all would be continually fighting: but being all cowards, we go on very well.
Boswell, Life of johnson (Apr. 28, 1778)
32
37 Hereafter, perhaps, . . . the inhabitants of all the
Peace hath her victories
No less renownd then warr, new. foes aries
Threatning to bind our soules with secular
chaines:.
.
Helpe us to save free Conscience from the paw
.Of hireling wolves whose Gospell is their maw.
Milton, To the Lord .Generall
Cromwell May 1652
33 The more commonwealths there are, that have
contracted a joi~t treaty of peace, the less. each of
them by itself is an object of fear to the remainder,
or the less it has the autho;ity to make war. But it
is so much the· more bound to observe the conditions of peace; that is, the less independent, and
the more bound to accommodate itself to the general will of the contracting parties.
Spinoza, Political Treatise, III, 16
34 If the innocent honest man must quietly quit all
he has for peace sake to him who will lay violent
hands upon it, I desire it may be considered what
kind of a peace there will be in the world which
consists only in violence and rapine, and which is
to be maintained only for the benefit of robbers
and oppressors. Who would not think it an admirable peace betwixt the.· mighty and the mean,,
when the lamb, without resistance, yielded his
throat to be torn by the imperious wolf?
Locke, 1/ Civil Government, XIX, 228
35 I should have wished to choose myself a country,
diverted, by a fortunate impotence, from the bru-.
. tal love of.conquest, and secured, by a .still rriore
fortunate situation, froin the fear of becoming itself the conquesi of other States: a ·free city situated between several nations; n'one of which should
have any interest in attacking it,.while each had
an interest in preventing it from being ·attacked
by the others; in short, a Republic which should.·
have nothing to tempt the ambition of its neighbours, but might reasonably depend on their assistance in 'case of need. It follows that a republican
State so happily situated could have nothing to
fear but from itself; and that, if its members
trained themselves to the' use of arms; it would be
rather to keep alive that military ardour and cou-
'
different quarters of the world may, arrive at that
equality. of courage and forcewhich, by inspiring
mutual fear, can ·alone overawe the injustice of
independent nations into some sort of respect for
the rights of one another. But nothing seems more
likely to establish this equality of force than that
mutual communication of knowledge and of all·
sorts of improvements which an extensive coin-.
·• merce from all countries to all countries naturally,
or rather necessarily, carries 'along with it.
Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations,' IV, 7
38 The . . . daring (Romait General) Probus pursued his Gallic victories, passed the Rhine, .and
displayed his invincible eagles on the banks of the
Elbe and the Neckar. He was fully convinced that
nothing could reconcile the minds of the barbarians to peace, . unless they experienced in their
own country the calamities of war.
Gibbon, Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire; XII
39 The ~atural state of nations·as well as of individu- ·
a! men is a state which it is a duty to pass out of,
in order to enter into a legal state. Hence, before
this transition occurs, all the right of nations and
all the external property of states acquirable or
maintainable by war are merely provisory; and
they can only become peremptory in a universal
union of states analogous' to that by which a nation becomes a state. It is thus only .that a real
state of peace could be established. But with the
too great extension of such a,union of states ov.er
vast regions; any government of it, and consequently the protection 'of its individual members,
must at last become impossible;'and. thus a multitude of such corporations · would again bring
round a state of war. Hence the perpetual peace,which is the ultimate end of all the right of nations, becomes in fact an impracticable idea. The
political principles, however,-whifh aim at such
an end, and which enjoin the formation of such
unions among the states as niay promote a continuous approximation to a perpetual peace, are not
impracticable; they are as practicable as this approximation itself, which is a practical problem
�952 ./ Chapter 14. War and Peace
the sense that it governs mankind on the basis of
what all have in common and that by a common
law it leads all toward peace. This common norm ·
or law should be received by local governments in
the same way that practical intelligence in action
receives its major premises from the speculative
intellect. To these it adds its own particular minor
premises an~· then draws particular conclusions
for the sake of its action. These basic norms not
only can come from a single source, but must do
. so in order to avoid confusion among universal
principles. Moses himself followed this pattern in
the law ·which he composed, for, having chosen
the chiefs of the several tribes, he left them the
lesser judgments, reserving to himself alone the
higher and more general. These common norms
were then used hy the tribal chiefs according to
their special needs. Therefore, it is better for mankind to be governed by one, not by many; and
hence by a single governor, the world· ruler; and if
it is better, it is pleasing to God, since He always
wills the better. ·And when there are only two alternatives-the better is ·also the best, and is consequently not only pleasing to God, but the choice
of "one". rather than "many" is what most pleases
Him. Hence it follows that mankind lives best under a single government, and therefore that such a
government is necessary for the well-being of the
world.
Dante, De Monarchia, I, 14
· 27 The reins of man are held. by a double driver according to man's twofold end; one is the. supreme
pontiff, who guides mankind with revelations to
life eternal, and the' other is the emperor, ..;ho
guides mankind with philosophical instructions to
temporal happiness. And since none or very few
(and these with difficulty) can reach this goal, unless a free mankind enjoys the tranquility of peace
and the waves of distracting greed are stilled, this
must be the constant aim of him who guides the
globe and whom we call Roman Prince, in order
that on this threshing floor of life mortals may
exist free and in peace.
Dante, De Monarchia, -III, 16
28 Let none presume to tell me that the Pen is preferable to the Sword; for be they who they will, I
shall tell them they know not what they say: For
the Reason they give, and on which chiefly they
rely, is, that the Labour of the Mind exceeds that
of the Body, and that the Exercise of Arms depends only the Body, as if the use of them were
the BusinesS ~f Porters, which requires.nothiitg
but much Strength. Or, as if This, which we who
' profess it call Chivalry, did not include the Acts of
Fortitude, which depend very much upon the Understanding. Or else, as if that Warrio~r, who
commands an Army or defends a City besieg'd,
did not labour as much with the Mind as with the
.Body. If this be not so, let Experience teach us
whether it be 'possible by bodily Strength to discover or gue~ the Intentions of an Enemy. The
forming Designs, laying of Stratagems, overcoming of Difficulties, and shunning of Dangers, are
all Works of the Understanding, wherein the
Body has no Share. It being therefore evident,
that the Exercise of Arms requires the Help of the
Mind as well as Learning, .let us see in the next
place, whether the Scholar or the Soldier's Mind
undergoes the greatest Labour. Now this may be
the better known, by regarding the End and Object each· of them aims at; for that Intention is to
be most valued, which makes the noblest End .its
Object. The Scope and End of Learning, I mean,
human Learning (in this Place I speak not of Divinity, whose aim is to guide Souls to Heaven, for
no other can equal a Design so infinite as that) Is
to give a Perfection to distributive Justice, bestow-·
ing upon every one his due, and to procure and
cause good Laws to be observ'd; an End really
Generous, Great, and worthy of high Commenda. tion; but yet not equal to that which Knight-Errantry tends to, whose Object and End is Peace,
which is the greatest Blessing Man can wish for in
this Life. And therefore the first good News the
World receiv'd, was that the Angels brought in
the Night, which was the Beginning of our Day,
· when they sang in the Air, Glory to God on high,
Peace upon Earth, and to Men Good-will. And·
the only manner of Salutation taught by the best
Master in Heaven, or upon Earth, to his Friends
and Favourites, was, that entring any House they
should say, Peace be to this House. And at other
times he' said to them, My Peace I give to you, My
Peace I leave to you, Peace be among you. A Jewel and Legacy worthy of such a Donor, a Jewel so
precious, that without it there can be no Happiness either in Earth or Heaven. This Peace is the
true End of War; for Arms and War are one and
the same thing.
Cervantes, Don Quixote, I,
37f
29 In the very·heat of war the greatest security and
expectation of divine support must be in the unabated desire, and invariable prospect of peace, as
the only end for which hostilities can be lawfully
begun. So that in the prosecution of war we must
never carry the rage of it 5o far, as to unlearn the
nature and dispositions of men. · .
Grotius,' Rights of War and Peace,
Bk. III, XXV, 2
30 How rightly' do we distinguish men by external
appearances rather than by internal qualities!
Which of us two shall have precedence? Who will
give place to the other? The least clever. But I am
as clever as he. We should have to fight over this.
He has four Iacken, and I have only one. This
can be seen; we have only to count. It falls to me
to yield, and I am a fool if I contest the matter. By
�I4 '3. The Conditions of Peace.
•
,I
opposing parties who contested for the enjoyment
of those things which were too small to satisfy
both. This peace is purchased by toilsome wars; it ·
is obtained by what they style a glorious victory.
Now, when victory remains with the p(lrty which
had the juster cause, who hesitates to congratulate
the victor, and style it a desirable peace?· These
things, then, are good things, and without doubt
the' gifts of God. But if they neglect the better
things of .the heavenly city, which are secured by
eternal victory and peace never-ending, and so inordinately covet these present good things .that
they believe them to be the only desirable things,
or love them better than .those things which are
believed to be better-if this be so, then it is necessary that misery follow and ever increase.
Augustine, Giry of God, XV, 4
'
he were a
great lover of
reclaimed.men
for which reason
l
17 Peace is a good so great, that even in this earthly
and. mortal life there is no word we hear with such
pleasure, nothing we desire with such zest, or find
·
to be more thq,roughly gratifying.
.
Augustine, Gig of God, XIX, II
18 It is ..· . with the desire for peace that wars are
waged, even by those who take pleasure in exercising their warlike nature in command and battle. And hence it is obvious that peace is the end
sought for by. war. For every man seeks peace by
waging war, but no man seeks war by making
peace. For even they. who intentionally interrupt
the peace in which they are living.have no hatred
of peace, but only wish it changed into a peace
that suits them better. They do not, therefore,
wish to have no peace, but only one more to their
mind.
Augustine, Giry of God, XIX, 12
19 Even wicked men wage war to maintain the peace.
of their own circle, and wish that, if possible, all
men belonged to them, that all men and things
might serve but one head, and might, either
through love or fear; yield themselves to peace
with him!
Augustine, Gig of God, XIX, 12
Numa Pompilit.s
peace for the
it makes war
since, if it has .
one to resist it, it
while there were
20 Peace between man and man is well-ordered con~
cord. Domestic peace is the well-ordered concord
between those of the family who rule and those
who obey. Civil peace is a similar.concord among
the citizens. The peace of the celestial city is the
perfectly ordered and harmonious enjoyment of
God, and of one another in God. The peace of all
things is the tranquillity of order:
Augustine,. Giry of God, XIX, 13
21 If one, man concord with another, not by a spontaneous will but through being forced, as it were,
by the fear of some evil that threatens him, such
i:oncord is not really peace, because the order of
each concordant is not observed, ·but is disturbed
951
by some fear-inspiring cause.
.
Aquinas, Summa Theologica, 11-11, 29, I
22· Even those who seek war and dissen~ion desire
nothing but peace, which they do not consider
·themselves to have. For . . . there ·is no peace
when a man 'agrees with another man counter to
what he would prefer. Consequently men seek by
means of war to break this concord, because it is a
defective peace, in order that tliey may obtain a ·
peace in which· nothing is contrary to their will.
Hence all wars are waged that men may find a
more perfect peace than that which they had be·
fore.
Aq~inas, Summa Theologica, 11-11, 29, 2
23 Peace is the work of justice indirectly, in so far as
justice removes the obstacles to· peace; but it is the
· work of charity directly, since charity, according
to its very notion, causes peac~.
Aquinas, Summa The~logica" 11-11, 29, 3.
24 The proper work of mankind taken as a. whole is
to exercise continually its entire capacity for intellectual growth, first, in theoretical matters, and,
secondarily, as an extension of theory in practice.
·And since the part is a sample of the whole, and
since individual men find that they grow in prudence and wisdom when they can sit quietly, it is
evident that mankind, too, is most free and easy to
carry on its work when it enjoys the quiet a,pd
tranquillity of peace.
Dante, De Monarchia, I, 4
i ·:
'I
'
25 Wherever there can be contention, there judgment should exist; otherwise things would exist
imperfectly, without their own means of adjustment or correction, ·which is·impossible, since in
things necessary, God or Nature is not defective.
Between any two governments, neither of which is
in any way subordinate to the other, contention
can arise either through th~ir own fault or that of
their subjects. This is evident. Therefore there
should be judication between .them. And since
neither can know the affairs of the other, not
being subordinated (for among equals there is no
authority), there must be a third and wider power
which can rule both within its own jurisdiction.
This third.power is either the world-government
• or it is not.· If it is, we have reached our conclusion; if it is not, it must in turn have its equal
outside its jurisdiction, and then it will need a
third party aS judge, and so ad infinitum, which is
impossible. S.o we must arrive at a first and supreme judge for whom all contentions are judicia-.
ble either directly or indirectly; and this will be
our world-governor or emperor. Therefore, worldgovernment is necessary for the world.
Dante, De Monarchia, I, 10
26 World government
... must be understood in
F
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Chapter 14. War and Peace
forcing an opponent to swear to a treaty to his
disadvantage,, but when the more fortunate combatant waives these his privileges, to be guided by
gentler feelings, conquers his rival in generosity,
and accords peace on more moderate conditions
than he expected, From that moment, instead of
the debt of revenge which violence must entail, his
adversary owes a debt of generosity to be paid in
kind, and is inclined by ho~our to stand to his
agreement .. And men oftener act in this manner
towards their greatest enemies than where the
quarrel is of less importance; they are also by nature as glad to give way to those who first yield to
them, as they are apt to be provoked by arrogance
to risks condemfled by. their own judgment.
·
Thucydides, Peloponnesian War, IV, 19
7 Hermocrates. In the face of. 'the universal consent
that peace is the 'first of blessings, how can we
refuse to make it amongst OUrSelves; Or do you not
think that the good which you have, and the ills
that you complain of, would be better preserved
and cured by quiet than by war; that peace has its
honours and 'splendours of less perilous kind, not
to mention the numerous other blessings that one
might dilate on, with the not less numerous miseries of war?
Thucydides, Peloponnesian War, IV, 62
a
8 Athenian Stranger. No one can·be a 'true statesman,
whether he aims at the happiness of the individual or state, who looks only, or first of all, to external warfare; nor will he ever be a sound legislator
who orders peace for the sake of war, and not war
for the sake of peace. ·
Plato, Laws, I, 628B
9 Facts, as well as arguments, prove that the legislator should direct all his military and other measures to the provision of leisure and the establishment of peace. For most of.these military states
are safe only while they are at war, but fall when
they have acquired their empire; like unused iron
they lose their temper in tinie of peace; And for
this· the legislator is· to blame, he never having
·
taught them ho~ to lead the life of peace.
Aristotle, Politics, 1334•3
10 An unjust peace is better than· a just.war.
.'cicero, Ad Atticum, VII, 14
II The only excuse for going to war is to be able to
live in peace undisturbed. When victory is won we
should spare those who have not been bloodthirsty or barbarous in their warfare.
Cicero, De Officiis, I, II
12
·.:·,
Rome, 'tis thine alone, with awful sway,
To rule mankind, and make the world obey,
Disposing peace and war by thy own majestic
way;
To tame the proud, the fetter'd slave to free:
These are imperial arts, and worthy thee.
.
Virgil, Aeneid, VI
\ .
13 There is no employment that gives so keen and
quick a relish for peace as husbandry and a country life, which leave in men all that kind of courage that makes them ready to fight in defence of
their own, while it destroys the licence that breaks
out into acts of injustice and rapacity.
Plutarch, Nuina Pompilius
14 Janus, whether in remote antiquity he were a
demigod or a king, was certainly a great lover of
civil and social unity, and one who reclaimed men
·from brutal and savage living; for which reason
they figure him with two faces, to represent the
two states and conditions out of the one of whiCh .
he brought mankind, to lead them into the other.
His temple at Rome has 'two· gates, which they
call the gates of war, because they stand open in
the time of war, and shut in the times of peace; of
which latter there was very seldom an example,
for, as the Roman empire was enlarged and extended, it was so encompassed with barbarous nations and enemies to be resisted, that it was seldom or never at peace. Only in the time of
Augustus Ca:sar, after he had overcome Antony,
this temple was shut; as likewise once before,
when Marcus Atilius and Titus Manlius were
consuls; but then it was, not long before, wars
breaking out, the gates were again opened.
But, during the reign of Numa, those gates were
never seen open a single day, but continued constantly shut for a space of forty-three years together; such an entire and universal cessation of war
existed. For not only had the people of Rome itself
been softened and charmed into a peaceful temper by the just and mild rule of a pacific prince,
but even the neighbouring cities, as if some salubrious and gentle air had blown from Rome upon
· them, began to experience a change of feeling,
and partook in the general longing. for the sweets
of peace and order, and for life employed irwhe
quiet tillage of soil, bringing up of children, and
worship of the gods. Festival days and sports, and
the secure and peaceful interchange of friendly
visits and hospitalities prevaile<;l all through the
whole of Italy.
Plutarch, Numa Pompilius
15 To robbery, slaughter, plunder, they [the Romans) give the lying name of empire; they make a
descilation and call it peace.
Tacitus, Agricola
16 [The earthly city) desires earthly peace for the
sake of enjoying earthly goods, and it makes war
in order to attain to this peace; since, if it has
conquered, and there remains no one to resist it, it
enjoys a peace which it had not while there were
�··1_4.3. The Conditions of Peace \ ?49
by Hegel. Of an opposite tenor is the hope
tells us, is a state of peace in which the um- that emerges here from the recognition that,
pirage of government and the reign of law
. the ultimate cause of war being anarchy, the
provide the instrumentalities for settling disultimate condition of peace is government.
putes without recourse to violence; for the
If local civil peace has been established here
use of authorized force by government is not
and there by -local government, then per- ·
violence. Other writers, notably Augustine
haps there is some prospect for world civil
and Aquinas, fill out this positive conception
peace through world government. The read·. of peace by the notion that genuine concord
er will find this insight presented and this
is essential to the tranquility of order and by
hope weighed in passages drawn from
the insistence that genuine concord is imposDante, Kant, 'The Federalist, and Tennyson;
sible witp.out justice and love.
but in th~: absence of twentieth-c~ntury
Both here and in . Section 14.1, there is
voices, the impact of the discussion is not as
some discussion of the possibility of abolish· encouni.ging as if mighi: be.
ing war-not merely actual warfare, but
As already indicated, materials of relealso the state of war. The negative voices on
vance to the future of war and peace will be
this subject, found mainly in Section 14.1,
found in· Section 14.1; and with regard to
regard war as inevitable and irremediable,
the role of government in the establishment
given man as he is and-societies as they are.
of civil peace, turn to Section 10.3 on Gov.
,Sometimes thi~ is said with regret, as by
ERNMENT: hs NATURE, NEcEssiTY. AND FoRMS.
'Freud, and sometimes with acquiescence, as
Great peace have they -:vhich love thy law: and
nothing shall offend them.
Psalm 119:165
2 When a man's ways please the Lord, he.maketh
even his enemies to be at peace with him.
·
Proverbs 16: 7
the defeated
the Romans
call it peace.
in Sec-
3 [The Lord] shall judge among the nations,' and
shall rebuke ·many people:. and they shall beat
their swords into plowshares, and their spears into
pruninghooks: nation shall not lift up. _5Word
against nation, neither shall they learn war any>•
more.
Isaiah 2:4
4 The wolf . . . shall dwell with the lamb, and the
leopard shall lie down with the kid; and the calf
· and the young lion anq the fading together; arid a
little child shall lead them.
Isaiah 11:6
5
Trygaeus. Think. of all the thousand pleasures,
Comrades, which to Peace we owe,
All the life o'! ease and comfort
Which she gave us long ago:
Figs and olives, wine and myrtles,
Luscious fruits preserved and dried,
Banks of fragrant violets, blowing
By the crystal fount~in's side;
Scenes for which our hearts are yearning,
Joys that we have missed s0 long--Comrades, here is Peace returning,
Greet her back with dance and song!
Chorus. Welcome, welcome, best and dearest,
welcome, welcome, welcome, .home.
We have looked and longed for. thee,
Looking, longing, wondrously,
Once again our farms' to see.
..
0 the joy, the bliss, the rapture, really to behold
thee come.
Thou wast aye our chief enjoyment, thou wast aye
our greatest gain.
We who ply the farmer's trade
Used, through thy benignant aid,
All the joys of life to hold.
Ah! the unbought pleasures free
Which we erst received of thee
In the merry days of old,
When thou wast our one salvation and our roast:ed barley grain.
Now will all the tiny shoots,
Sunny vine and fig-tree sweet,
All the happy flowers and fruits,
Laugh for joy thy steps to greet.
Aristophanes, Peace, 571
6 Lacednemonian envoys. If great enmities are ever to
be really settled, we think it will be, not by the ·
system of revenge and military success, and by
�948 / Chapter 14. War and Peace
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to demonstrate their merits, when they relate to a
battle that has been won.
Tolstoy, War and Peace, X, 28
72 The result of a battle is decided not by the orders
· of a conimander in chief, nor the place where the
troops are stationed, nor by the number of cannon
or of slaughtered men, but by that intangible
force called the spirit of the army.
Tolstoy, War and Peace, X, 35
73 The activity of a commander in chief does not at
all resemble the activity we imagine to ourselves
when we sit at ease in our studies examining some
campaign on the map, "':ith a certain number of
troops on this and that side in a certain known
locality, and begin our plans from some given moment. A commander in chief is never dealing with
the beginning of any event-the. position from
which we always contemplate it. The commander
in chief is always in the midst of a Series of shifting
events and so he never can at any moment consider the whole import of an event that is occurring.
Tolstoy, War and Peace, XI, 2
74 The army has always been the basis of power, and
it is so today. Power is always in the handS ·of
14.3
J
those who command it.
Tolstoy, The Kingdom of God Is Within You
75 An army, considered ideally, is an organ for the
state's protection; but it is far from being such in
its origin, since at first an army is nothing but a
ravenous and lusty horde quartered in a conquered country; yet the cost of such an incubus
may come to be regarded aS an insurance against
further attack, and so what is in its real basis an
inevitable burden resulting from a chance balance
of forces may be justified in. afterthought as a rational device for defensive purposes.
Santayana, Ltfe of Reason, II, 3
76 The military classes, since they inherit the blood
and habits of conquerors, naturally love war and
their irrational combativeness is reinforced by interest; for in war officers can shine and rise, while
the danger of death, to a brave man, is rather a
spur and a pleasing excitement than a terror. A
military class is therefore always recalling, foretelling, and meditating .war; it fosters artificial
and senseless jealousies toward other governments
that possess armies; and finally, as often as not, it
pr.ecipitates disaster by bringing about the objectless struggle on whic~ it has set its heart.
Santayana, Life of Reason, II, 3
The Conditions of Peace
If
It is said, in some of the passages below, that gives voice to in the words of the defeated
war is for the sake of peace; and it is also British chieftain, Galgacus: the Romans
said that an unjust peace is to be preferred make a: desolation, he said, and call it peace.
to a just war. The latter statement is chalThe basic distinction that emerges in Se~
lenged by those who question the genu- tion 14.1 on WARFARE AND THE STATE OF WAR is
ineness of peace without justice and who of primary relevance to the conception of
point out that oppressive injustice breeds vi- peace as a. positive, not merely a negative,
.
I
olence and rebellion which, as Locke ob- state of affairs-not just the absence of actuserves in commenting on the etymology of al fighting, but the elimination of the need
the word (re-bel/are), is a return to war. This for recourse to violence in order to settle disdifference of opinion is epitomized in two putes. Animals, it has been asserted, have
· views of the Pax Romana-the Virgilian view only one way of settling their differencesof it as a boon that Rome conferred by con- by fighting; but men have two ways-by
quest and the opposite view that. Tacitus . fighting and by .law. Civil society, Locke
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\.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(New Delhi, India)
For Immediate Release
March 22, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE INDIAN JOINT SESSION OF PARLIAMENT
Parliament
New Delhi, India
11:10 A.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr.
Speaker, members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, I am privileged to
speak to you and, through you, to the people of India.
I am honored to
be joined today by members of my Cabinet and staff at the White House,
and a very large representation of members of our United States Congress
from both political pariies. We're all honored to be here and we tha~k
you for your warm welcome.
(Applause.)
I would also like to thank the people of India for their kindness
to my daughter and my mother-in-law and, on their previous trip, to my
wife and my daughter.
(Applause.)
I have looked forward to this day wi~h great anticipation.
This
whole trip has meant a great deal to me, especially to this point, the
opportunity I had to visit the Gandhi memorial, to exp~ess on behalf of
all the people of the United States our gratitude for the life, the
work, the thought of Gandhi, without which the great civil rights
re~olution in the United States would never had succeeded on a peaceful
plane.
(Applause.)
As Prime Minister Vajpayee has said, India and America are natural
allies, two nations conceived in liberty, each finding strength in its
diversity, each seeing in the other a reflection of its own aspiration
for a more humane and just world.
A poet once said the world's inhabitants can be divided into "those
that have seen the Taj Mahal and those that have not."
(Laughter.)
Well, in a few hours I will have a chance to cross over to the happier
side of that divide.
But I hope, in a larger sense, that my visit will
help the American people to see the new India and to understand you
better. And I hope that the visit will help India to understand America
better. And that by listening to each other we can build a true
partnership of mutual respect and common· endeavor.
From a distance, India.often appears as a kaleidoscope of
competing, perhaps superficial, images.
Is it atomic weapons, or
ahimsa? A land struggling against poverty and i~equality, 9r the
world's largest middle-class society? Is it still .simmering with
communal tensions, or history's most successful melting pot? Is it
Bollywood or Satyajit Ray? Swetta Chetty or Alla Rakha? Is it the
handloom or the hyperlink?
The truth is, no single image can possibly do justice to your great
nation.
But beyond the complexities and the apparent contradictions, I
believe India teaches us some very basic lessons.
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The first is about democracy.
There are still those who deny that
democracy is a universal aspiration;·who say it works only for people of
a certain culture, or a certain degree of economic development: India
has been proving them wrong for·52 years now .. Here is a country where
more than 2 million people hold elected office in local government; a.
country that shows at every election that those who possess the least
cherish their vote the most.
Far from washing away the uniqueness of
your culture, your democracy has brought out the richness of its
tapestry, and given you the knot.that holds it to~ether.
A second lesson.India teaches is about diversity.
You have already
heard remarks about that this morning.
But around the world there is a
chorus of voices who say ethnic and religious diversity is a threat; who
argue that the only way to keep different people from killing one
another is to keep them as far apart as possible.
But India has shown
us a better way.
For all the troubles you have seen, surely the
subcontinent has seen more innocence hurt in the efforts to divide
people by ethnicity and faith than by the efforts to bring them together
in peace and harmony.
·
Under trying circumstances, you have shown the world how to live
with difference.
You have ·shown that tolerance and mutual respect are
in many ways the keys to ou.r common survival. That is something· the
·whole world needs to learn.
A third lesson India teaches is about globalization and what may be
the central debate of our time. Many people believe the forces of
globalization are inherently divisive; that they can only wid~n th~ gap
between rich and poor.
That is a valid fear, but I b~lieve wrong.
As the distance between producers large and small, and customers
near and far ;becomes less relevant, developing countries will have
opportunities not only to succeed, but to lead in lifting more people.
out of poverty more quickly than at any time in human history.
In the
old economy, location was everything;
In the new economy, information,
education and motivation are everything -- and India is proving it.
You liberated your markets and now you have one of the 10 fastest
growing economies in the world. At the rate of growth within your
grasp, India's standa~d of living could rise by 500 percent in j~st 20
years.
You embraced information technology and now, when Americans and
other big software companies call for consumer and customer support,
they're just as likely to find themselves talking to an expert in
Bangalore as one in Seattle.
(Applause.)
·
·
You decentralized authority, giying more individuals and
communities the freedom to succeed.
In that way, you affirmed what
every successful country is finding in its own way:
globali~ation does
not favor nations with a licensing raj, it does favor nations with a
panchayat raj. And the world has been beating a.path to your door.
In the new millennium, every great country must answer one
overarching question:
how shall 'we define our greatness? Every country
--America included-~ is tempted to cling to yesterday's definition of
economic and military might.
But true leadership for the United States
and India derives more from the power of our example and the potential
of our people.
I believe 'that the greatest of india's many gifts to the world is
the example its people have set "from Midnight to Millennium." Think of
it:
virtually every challenge humanity knows can be found here in
India. And.every solution to every challenge can be found here as well:
confidence in democracy; tolerance for diversity; a willingness to
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embrace social change.
That is why Americans admire India; why we
welcome India's leadership in the region and the ~orld; and why w~ want
to take our partnership to a new level, to advance our common values and
interests, and to resolve the differences that still remain.
T~ere were long periods when that would not have been possible.
Though our democratic ideals gave us a starting point·in common, and our
dreams of peace and prosperity gave us a common destination, there was
for too long too little common ground between East and West, North and
South.
Now, thankfully, the old barriers between nations and people,
economies and cultures, are being replaced by vast networks of
cooperation and commerce. With our open, entrepreneurial societies,
India and America are at the center of those networks. We must expand
them, and defeat the forces that threaten them.
To succeed, I believe there are £our large challenges India and the
.United States must meet together ~- challenges that should define our
partnership in the years ahead.
The first of these challenges is to get our·own economic
relationship right. Americans have applauded your efforts to open your
economy, your commitment to a new wave of economic reform; your
determination to bring the fruits of growth to all your people. We are
proud to support India's growth as your largest partner in trade and
investment. And we want to see more Indians and more Americans benefit
from our economic. ties, especially in the cutting edge fields of
information technology, biotechnology and clean energy.
The private sector will drive this progress, but our job as
governments is to create the conditions that will allow them to succeed
in doing so, and to reduce the remaining impediments to trade and
investment between us.
Our second challenge is to sustain global economic growth in a way
that lifts the lives of rich and poor alike, both across and within
national borders.
Part of the world ~oday lives at the cutting edge of
change, while a big part still exists at the bare edge of survival.
Part of the world lives in the information age.
Part of the world does
not even reach the clean water age. And often the two live side by
side.
It is unacceptable, it is intolerable; thankfully, it is
unriecessary and it is far mor~ than a regional crisis. Whether around
the corner or around the world, abject poverty in this new economy is an
affront to our common humanity and a threat to our common prosperity.
The problem is truly immense, as you know far better than I.
But
perhaps for the first time in all history, few would dispute .that we
know the solutions. We know we need to invest in education and
literacy, so that children can hav~ soaring dreams and the tools to
realize them. We know we need to make a special commitment in
developing nations to the education of young girls, as well as young
boys.
Everything we have learned about development tells us that when
women have access to knowledge, to health, to economic opportunity and
to civil rights, children thrive, families succeed and countries
prosper.
Here again, we see how a problem and its answers can be found side
by side in India.
For every economist who pr~aches the virtues of
women's empowerment points at first to the achievements of India's state
of Kerala -- I knew there would be somebody here from Kerala -(laughter and applause.)
Thank you.
!
To promote development, we know we must conquer the. diseases that
kill people and progress.
Last December, India immunized 140 million
children against polio, the. biggest public health effort in human
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history.
I congratulate you on that.
(Applause. ) ·
I have launched an initiative in the United States to speed the
development of vaccines for malaria, tuberculosis and AIDS -- the
biggest infectious killers of our tim~~
This July, when our partners in
the G-8 meet in Japan, I will urge them ~o j6in us ..
But that is not enough, for at best, effective vaccines are years
away.
Especially for AIDS, we need a commitment today to prevention,
and that means straight talk and an end·to stigmatizing. As Prime
Minister Vajpayee said, no one should ever speak of AIDS as someone.
else's problem.
This has long been a big problem for the United States.
It is.now a big problem for you.
I promise you ~erica's partnership in
the continued struggle.
(Applause. )
To promote development, we know we must also stand with those
struggling for human rights and freedom around th~ world and in the
region.
for as the economist; Amartya Sen has said, no system of
government has done a better job in easing human want, in averting human
catastrophes, than democracy.
I am proud America. and India will stand
together on the right' side of history .when we launch the Community of
Democracies in Warsaw this summer.
All of these steps are essential to lifting .people's lives.
But
there is yet another. With greater trade and the growth it brings, we
c~n multiply the gains of education,_ better health and democratic
empowerment . . That is why I hope we will work· together to launch a new
global trade round that will promote economic development for all.
One of the benefits of the World Trade Organization is that·it has
given developing countries a bigger voice in global trade policy.
Developing dountries have used that voice.to urge richer nations to open
their markets further so that ·all can have a chance to grow.
That is
something the opponents .of the WTO don't fully appreciate yet.
We need to remind them that when Indians and Brazilians and
Indonesians speak up for open trade, they are not speaking for some
narrow corporate interest, but for a huge part of humanity that has no
interest in being saved from development. Of course, trade should not
be a race to the bottom in environmental and labor standards, but
neither should fears ~bout trade keep part of our global community
forever at the bottom.
Yet we must also remember that those who are concerned about the
impact of globalization in te.rms of inequality, . in environmental .
degradation do speak for a large part of humanity . . Those who.believe
that trade should contribute not just to ~he wealth, but also to the
fairness of societies; those who share Nehru's dream of a structure for
living'th~t fulfills our material needs, and at the same time sustains
our mind and spirit.
We can advance these values without engaging in rich-country
protectionism.
Indeed, to sustain a consensus for open trade, we must
find a way to advance these values as well.
That is my motivation, and
my only motivation, in seeking a dialogue about the connections between
labor, the environment, and trade and_development.
I would remind you -- and I want to emphasize this -- the United
States has.the most open markets of any wealthy country in the world.
We have the largest trade deficit. We also have had a strong economy,
because we have welcomed-~he products and the services from the ~abor of
people throughout the world.
I am for an open global trading system.
But we must do it in a way that advances the cause of ~ocial justice
around the world.
(Applause.)
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The third challenge we face is to see that the proSperiiy and
growth oLthe information age require us to abandon some of the outdat~d
truths of the Industrial Age. As the economy grows faster today, for
example, when childre"n are kept in school, hot put to work.
Think about
the industries that are driving our growth today in India and in
America.
Just as oil enriched the nations who had it in the 20th
century, clearly knowledge is doing the same for the nations who have it
in the 21st century.
The difference is, knowledge can be tapped by all
people everywhere, and it will never run o~t.
We must also find ways to achieve robust growth while protecting
the environment and rev~rsing climate change.
I'm convinced we can do
that as well. We will ~~e in the next few years, fpr example,
automobiles that are three, four, perhaps five times as efficient as
those being driven today.
Soon scientists will make alternative sources
of energy more widely available and more ·affordable.
Just for example,·
before long chemists almost certainly will unlock the block that will
allow us to produce eight or nine galions of fuel from bio-fuels, farm
fuels, using only one gallon of gasoline.
Indian scientists are at the forefront of this kind· of research
pioneering the' use of solar energy to power rural communities;
developing electric cars for use in crowded cities; converting
agricultural waste into electricity.
If we can deepen our cooperation
for cle'an energy' we will strengthen our economies' improve our people's
health and fight global. warming.
This should be a vi tal element of our
new partnership.
A fourth challenge we face is to protect the gains of democracy and
development from the forces ":'hich threaten to undermine them.
There is
the danger of organized crim~ and ~rugs.
There is the evil of
trafficking in human beings, a modern form of slavery. And of course,
there is the threat of terrorism.
Both our nations know it·all too
well.
Americans understood the pain and agony you went through during the
Indian Airlines hijacking. And I saw.that pain firsthand when I met
with the parents ~nd the widow of the, young man who was killed on that
airplane.
(Applause.)
We grieve with you for the Sikhs who were killed
in Kashmir -- (applause) -- and our heart goes out to their families.
We will work .with you to build a system of justice, to strengthen our
cooperation against terror.
(Applause.)
We must·never relax our
vigilance or allow the perpetrators to intimidate us into retreating
from our democratic ideals.
Another danger we face is the spread of weapons of mass destruction
to those who might have no reservations about using them.
I still
believe this is the greatest potential threat to the security .we all
face in the 21st century.
It is why we must be vigilant in fighting the
spread of chemical and biological weapons. And it is why we must both
keep working closely to res6lve our remaining differences on nuclear
proliferation.
'I am aware that I speak to you on behalf of a nation that has
possessed nuclear weapons for 55 years and more.
But since 1988, the
United States has dismantled more than 13,000 nuclear weapons. We have
helped Russia to dismantle their nuclear weapons and to ·safeguard the
material that remains. We have agreed to an outline of a treaty with
Russia that will reduce our remaining nuclear arsenal by more than half.
We are producing no more fissile ma~erial, developing no new land- or
submarine~based missiles, engaging in no new nuclear testing.
From South America to South Africa, nations are foreswearing these
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weapons, realizing that a nuclear. future is n~t a more secure future.
Most of the world is moving toward the elimination of nuclear weapons.
That goal is not advanced if any country, in any region, it moves in the
other direction.
I say this with ~reat respect. Only India can determine its own·
interests. Only India -- (applause) -- only India can knqw if it truly
is safer today than before the tests. Only India can determine if it
will benefit from expanding its nuclear and missile capabilities, if its
neigh~ors resp6nd by doing th~ same thing.
Only India knows if it can
afford a sustained investment in both convent~onal and nuclear forces
while meeting its goals for human development.
These are questions
others .may ask, but only you can answer.
I can only speak to you as a friend about America's own experience
during the Cold War. We were geographically distant from the Soviet
Union. We were not engaged in direct armed combat.
Through years of
direct dialogue with our adversary, we each had a very good idea of the
other's capabilities, doctrines, and intentions. We each spent billions
of dollars on elaborate command and control systems, for nuclear weapons
are not cheap.
And yet, in spite of··all of this-- and as I sometimes say
·jokingly, in spite of the fact that both sides had very good spies, and
that was a good thing-- (laughter) --in spite of.all of this, we came
far too close to nuclear war. We learned that deterrence alone cannot
be relied on to prevent accident or miscalculation. And in
nuclear
standoff, there is nothing more dangerous than believing there is no
danger.
a
I can also repeat what I said at the outset.
India is a leader, a
great nation, which by virtue of its size, its achievements, and its
example I has the ability to shape the character of. our time. ,For any of
us, to claim that mantle and assert that· sta.tus is· to accept first and
foremost that our actions have consequences for others beyond our
borders.
Great nations with broad horizons must consider whether
actions advance or hinder what Nehru called the larger cause of
humanity.
So India's nuclear policies, inevitably, have consequences beyond
your borders: eroding the barriers against the spread of nuclear
weapons, discouraging nations that have chosen to foreswear these
weapons, encouraging'others to keep their options open.
But if India's
nuclear test shook the world, India's leadership .for nonproliferation
can certainly move the world.
India and the United States have reaffirmed our commitment to
forego nuclear testing. And for that I thank the Prime Minister, ~he
government and the people of India.
But in our own self-interest -- and
I say this again ~- in our own self-interest we can do more.
I believe
both nations should join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty; work
to launch negotiations on a treaty to end the production of fissile
materials for. nuclea~ .weapons; strengthen export controls. And India
can pursue defense pOlicies in keeping with its commitment not to seek a
nuclear or missile arms race, which the Prime Minister has forcefully
reaffirmed just in these last' couple of days.
Again, I do not presume to speak for you or to tell you what. to
decide.
It is not my place.
You are a great nation and you must
decide.
But I ask you to continue our dialogue on these issues. And
let us turn our dialogue into a genuine partnership against
proliferation.
If we make progress in narrowing our ~iffere~ces, we
will be both more secure, arid our relationship can reach its full
potential.
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I hope progress can also be made in overcoming a source of tension
in this region, including the tensions between India and Pakistan. I
share many of your government's concerns about the course Pakistan is
taking; your disappointment that past overtures have not always met with
success; your outrage over recent violence. I know it is difficult to,
be a democracy bordered by nations whose governments reject democracy.
But I also believe
I also believe India has a special
opportunity, as a democracy, to show its neighbors that democracy is
about dialogue. It does not have to be about friendship, but it is
~ ~~.:.,;:~~~.n2.=::_::~.~~~~--C!It\OI'lg-f)e0f)±e,..wl:t9_d..,l.,_·f,_,f.;.e,;r.,;·----~..._-~
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~~e of the wisest things anyone ever said to me is that you don't
make peace with your friends. That is what the late Israeli Prime.
Minister Yitzhak Rabin told me before he signed the Oslo Accords with
the Palestinians, with whom he had been fighting for decades. It is
well to remember -- I remind myself of it all the time, even when I have
arguments with members of the other party in my Congress -- (laughter)
you don't make peace with your friends.
-.....,.-~Er.:tcg-·a·gement with adversaries is not the same thing as
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endorsement.
Indeed, I
~trongly believe that what has happened since your Prime Minister made
his courageous journey to Lahore only reinforces the need fpr dialogue.
(Applause. )
·
I can think of no enduring solution to this problem that can be
achieved in any· other way. . In the end,. for the sake of the innocents
who always suffer the most, ·someone must end the contest of inflicting
and absorbing pain.
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Let me also make clear, as I have repeatedly, I have certainly not
come to South Asia to mediate the dispute over Kashmir. Only India and
Pakistan can work out the problems between.. them. And I will say the
same thing to General Musharraf in Islamabad. But if outsiders cannot
resolve this problem, I hope ybu will create the opportunity to do it
yourselves, calling on the support of others who can help where
possible, as American diplomacy did in urging the Pakistanis to go back
behind the line of control in the Kargil crisis.
(Applause.)
In the meantime, I will continue to _stress that this should be a
ti'me for restraint, for respect for the line of control, for renewed
lines of communication.
Addressing this challenge and all the others I mentioned_will
require us to be closer partners and better friends, and to remember
that good friends, out of respect, are honest with one another. And
even when they do not agree, they always try to find common ground.
I have 'read that one· of the unique qualities of Indian classical
music is its elasticity. The composer lays down a foundation, a
structure of melodic and rhythmic arrangements, but the_ player has to •
improvise within that structure to bring the raga* to life.
Our relationship is like that. The composers of our past have
given us a foundation of shared democratic ideals. It is up to us to
give life to those ideals in this time. The melodies do not have to be
the same to be beautiful to both of us. But if we listen to each other,
and we strive to realize our vision together, we w{ll write a symphony
far greater than the sum of our individual notes.
The key is to genuinely an~ respectfully listen to each other.
we do, Americans will better understand the scope of India's
If
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of8
achievements, and the dangers India'still faces in this troubled part of
the world. We will understand that India will not choose a particular
course simply 'because others wish it to do so.
It will choose only what
it believes its interests clearly demand and what its people
democratically embrace.
If we listen to each other, I also believe Indians will understand
better that America very much wants you to succeed.
Time and again -(applause) --time and again in my time·as President, America has found
that it is the weakness of great nations, not their strength, that
threatens our vision for tomorrow.
So we want India to be strong; to· be secure; to be united; to be ~
force for a safer, more prosperous, more democratic world. Whatever we
ask of you, we ask in that spirit alone. After too long a period of
estrangement, India and the United States have learned that being
natural allies is a wonderful thing, but it is not enough.
Our task is
to turn a common vision into common achievements so that partners in
spirit can be partners iri fact.
We have already come a long way to this
day of new beginnings, but we still have promises to keep, challenges to
meet and hopes to redeem.
So let us seize this moment with humility in the fragile and
fleeting nature of this life, but absolute confidence in the power of
the human spirit.
Let us seize it for India, for America, for all those
with whom we sh~re this small planet, and .for all the children that
together we can give such bright tomorrows.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.·)
END 11:45 A.M.
(L)
'··.
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LONG WALK TO FREEDOM
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our destination; bumping up and down in a plane at fifteen thousand
fc.::t seemed far more perilous than being locked in a ~ell behind high
walls.
.
After about an hour in the air, dawn lightened the terrain below. The
plane had portholes, and as soon as we could· see in the half-light, my
comrades pressed their faces to the glass. We flew southeast, over the dry,
flat plains of the Orange Free State and the green and mountainous Cape
peninsula. I, too, craned to see out the portholes, examining the scenery
not as a tourist but as a strategist, looking for areas where a guerrilla
army might hide itself.
·
·
·
· · .There had been a running argument since the formation of MK a5 to
whether the countryside of South Africa could support a guerrilla army.
Most of the High Command thought that it could not. When we flew ave~ a wooded, mountainous are·a called Matroosberg in the Cape, I yelled
to my colleagues that here was terrain where we could fight. The men
became excited and craned to get a better look, and indeed, the heavily
forested area appeared as though it could'shelter a nascent guerrilla force.
Minutes later we approached the outskirts -of Cape Town. Soon, we
could see the little matchbox houses of tlie Cape Flats, the gleaming towers
of downtown, and the horizontal top of Tabie Mountain. Then, out in
Table Bay, in the dark blue waters of th~ Atlantic, we could make out the
misty outline of Robben Island.
·
We landeCl on an airstrip on one end of the island. It was a grim, overcast day, and when I stepped out of the plane, the cold winter wind
whipped through our thin prison uniforms. We were met by guards with
aut~matic weapons; the atmosphere was tense but quiet, unlike the bois~
terous rec~ption I had received on my arrival on the island two years
.
.
·
before. _- ;:
We were driven to the old jail; an isolated stone building, where. we
were ordered to strip while standing outside. One of the ritual indignities
of prison life is that when you are transferred from one prison to another,
the first thing that happens is that you change from the garb of the old
prison to that of the new. When we were undressed, we were thrown the
plain khaki uniforms of Robben Island.
Apartheid's regulations extended even to Clothing. All of us, except
Kathy, received short trousers, an insubstantial jersey, and a canvas jacket.
Kathy, the one Indian among us, was given long trousers. Normally
Africans would receive sandals niade from car tires, but in this instance
we were given shoes. Kathy, alone, received socks. Short trousers for
Af~icans 'were meant to remind us that we were "boys." I put on the short_
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The fourth morning we were handcuffed and taken in a covered truck to
a prison. within a·prison. This new structure was a one-story rectangular
stone fortress wl.th a flat cement courtyard in the center, about one
hundred feet by thirty feet. It had cells on three of the four sides. The
fourth side was a twenty-foot-high wall with a catwalk patrolled by guards
with German shepherds. The three lines of cells were known as sections A, B, and C, and we
were put in section B, on the easternmost side of the quadrangle. We
were ea~h given individu.i.J ·cells oneither side_ of a iong corridor, with .
half the cells facing the courtyard. There were about thirty cells in all.(•
The total number of prisoners in the single cells was usually about twenty-.
four. Each cell had one window, about a foot square, covered with iron
bars. The cell had two doors: a metal gate or grille with iron bars on the
inside and a thick wooden door outside of that. During the day, only the
grille was locked; at night, the wooden door was locked as well.
The cells had been constructed hurriedly, and the walls were perpetually
- damp. When I raised this with the commanding officer, he told me our
bodies would absorb the moisture. We were each issued three blankets
- so flimsy and worn they were practically transparent. Our bedding consisted of a single sisal, or straw, mat. Later we were given a felt mat, and
one placed the felt mat on top of the sisal one toprovide some softness.
At that time of year, the cells were so cold and the blankets provided so
little warmth that we always slept fully dressed.
I was assigned a cell at the head of the corridor. It overlooked the
courtyard and had a small eye-level window. I could walk the length of
· my cell in three paces. When I lay down, I could feel the wall with my
feet and my head grazed the concrete at the other side. The width was
about six feet, and the walls were. at least two feet thick. Each cell had a
white card posted outside of.it with our name and. our prison service
number. Mine read, "N Mandela 466/64," which meant I was the 466th
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trousers that day, bc~t I vowed that I would not put up with them for
long.
-The warders pointed with their guns where they wanted us to go, and
barked their orders in simple one-word commands: "Move!" "Silence!"
"Halt!" They did not threaten us in the swaggering way· that I recalled
from my previous stay, and betrayed no emotion.
The old jail was only temporary quarters for us. The authorities were
in the process of finishing an entirely separate ~aximum-security structure
for political prisoners. yYhile there, we were not permitted to go outside
or have any contact with other prisoners.
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ROBBEN ISLAND: THE DARK YEARS
LONG WALK TO FREEDOM
*
prisoner admitted to the island in 1964-. I was forty-six years old, a political
prisoner with a life sentence, and that small cramped space was to be my
· home for I knew not ho_w long. '. ·
We were immediately joined by a number of prisoners who had been
held in the general section of the prison; a squat brick building not far
from Section B. The general prison, known as sections F and G, con- tained about a thousand mostly common-law-prisoners. As many. as a
quarter of them were political prisoners, and a handful of those men were
put with us in Section B. We were isolated from the general prisoners
for two reasons: we ~ere considered risky from a security perspective,
but even more dangerous from a politicat standpoint. The authorities . _.
were concerned we might "infect" the other prisoners with our political views.
·
·
Among the men put with us was George Peake, one of the founders
of the South African Coloured People's Organization, a Treason Trialist,
and most recently a member of the Cape Town City Council. He had
been sentenced for planting explosives outside a Cape Town prison. Dennis Brutus, another Coloured political activist, was a·_poet and writer from
Port Elizabeth imprisoned for violating his bans. We were also joined by
Billy Nair, a longtime member of the Natal Indian Congress, sentenced
for sabotage as a member of Umkhonto we Sizwe.
Within a few days we had, more company, .including Neville Alexander,
a prominent Coloured irite~ectual and member of the Non-European
Unity Movement, who had formed a tiny radical offshoot called the Yu
Chi Chan Club in Cape Town which studied guerrilla warfai-e. Neville
had a B.A. from the University o£Cape Town and a doctorate in German
literature fl:qm Tubingen University in G~rmany. Along with Neville,
there was FiJ<ile Bam, a law student ofthe University of Cape Town and
another member of the Yu Chi Chan Club; and Zephania Mothopeng,
a member of the PAC National Executive. Zeph had been a teacher in
Orlando, and was a staunch opponent of Bantu Education, and one of
the most level-heade~ of the PAC's leaders. Three aged peasants from the
Transkei, sentenced for plotting to assassinate K. D. Matanzima, now
the chief minister of the "self-governing" Transkei, were also imprisoned
with us.
This became our core group of about twenty prisoners. ·some I knew,
some I had heard of, while others I did not know at all. Normally, in·
prison, one of the few festive times is seeing old friends and new faces,
but the atmosphere in those first few weeks was so oppressive we were
- not even able to greet each other. We had as many guards as prisoners,
and they enforced every regulation with threats and intimidation.
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That first week we began the work that -would occupy us for the next few
months. Each morning, a load of stones- about the size of volleyballs was
dumped by the entrance to the courtyard. Using wheelbarrows, we moved
-the stones to the center of the yard. We were given either four-pound
hanimer~ or fourte~n-pound hammers for the larger stones. Our job was
to crush the stones into gravel. We were divided into four rows, about a
yard-and-a-half apart, and sat cross-legged on the ground. We were each
given a thick rubber ring, made from tires, in which to place the stones.
The ring wa~ meant to catch flying chips of stone, but hardly ever did
so. We wore makeshift wire masks to protect our eyes.
Warders walked among us to enforce the silence. During those first
few weeks, warders from other sections and even other prisons came to
stare at us as if we were a collection of rare caged animals. The work was
tedious and difficult; it was not strenuous enough to keep us warm but
it was demanding enough to make all-our muscles ache.
June and July were the bleakest months on Robben Island. Winter was
in the air, and the rainswere just beginning. It never seemed to go above
forty degrees Fahrenheit. Even in the sun, I shivered in my light khaki
shirt. It was then that I first understood the cliche of feeling the cold in
one's bones. At noori we would break for lunch. That first week all we
were given was soup, which stank horribly. In the afternoon, we were
permitted to exercise for half an hour under strict supervision. We walked
briskly around the courtyard in single file.
On one of our first days pounding rocks, a warder commanded Kathy
·. to take a wheelbarrow filled with gravel to the truck parked by the entrance.
Kathy was a slender fellow unused "to hard physical labor. He could· not
" budge the wheelbarrow. The warders yelled: «Laat daardie kruiwa loop!))
(Le~ that wheelbarrow move!) As Kathy maiiaged to nudge it for~ard,
the wheelbarrow looked as if it would tip over, and the warders began to
laugh. Kathy, I could see, was determined not to give them cause for ·
mirth. I knew how to maneuver the wheelbarrows, and I jumped up to
help him. :eefore being ordered to sit down, I managed to tell Kathf to
wheel it slowly, that it was a matter of balance not strength. He nodded
and then carefully moved the wheelbarrow across the courtyard. The
warders stopped smiling.
· The next morning, the authorities placed an enormous bucket in the
courtyard and announced that it ha~ to be half full by the end of the
week. We worked hard and succeeded. The following week, the warder
in charge announced that we must now fill the bucket three-quarters of
the way. We worked with great diligence and succeeded. The next week
we were ordered to fill the bucket to the top. We knew we could not
�.-,
12/4/99 12:30 pm
SAMUEL R. BERGER
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
REMARKS AT AMERICANS FOR PEACE NOW DINNER
NEW YORK
DECEMBER 6, 1999
Thank you, Lesley [Shahl]. It is an honor to be here, in such distinguished company, to present
the first "Americans for Peace Now Lifetime Achievement Award." I want to begin by paying
tribute to the members of Americans for Peace Now: Thank you for standing firmly and
unequivocally for a just peace for Israel and its neighbors. You should be very proud of what
you have achieved.
Tonight there are so many things I could say about King Hussein's extraordinary life, about his
courage, his determination, his kindness. I have many memories of him, personal as well as
public. Let me just recount two episodes, from near the end of his life, that suggest the kind of
man he was.
A little over a year ago, Israeli and Palestinian delegations came to Wye River to try to break a
long stalemate and get the peace process back on track. Despite his poor health, King Hussein
readily accepted President Clinton's invitation to come to Wye. Over the nine days of difficult
talks, one side or the other, seeking his counsel; would go to the house where he and the Queen
were staying.
On the ninth day, God having long since rested, the President declared that we would finish that
day or end the negotiations. We succeeded -- but only by redefining the last. day to embrace 36
�2
hours. Straight. At about 10 pm, we hit.another impasse. The President called King Hussein
and asked him to come over to the building where all three delegations were meeting. The King
arrived, sat down at the head of the table, and spoke in a soft but certain voice, for perhaps 10 or
15 minutes, to the weary parties. He said not a word about the immediate issue at hand. Instead,
he spoke about the moment of history and the responsibilities and obligations ofboth sides to
their people and to the future. It was a riveting moment, lifting everyone, at least for a time,
above their differences and to their common humanity.
Now, I can't say that the waters suddenly parted. There were still at least half a dozen fights to
follow in the coming hours, leading one of my colleagues to lament that "the spirit ofKing
Hussein" had lasted about 20 minutes. But in fact the spirit of King Hussein prevailed at Wye.
And it is still present today. Because every time the parties have reached a logjam, some of us
have recalled that moment, recalled the message of King Hussein and his partner in peace,
Yitzhak Rabin: the chance for peace is as fleeting as our lives. There is not a moment to waste.
We have to do the right thing -- and make the day of peace come, at last.
The other episode that is vivid in my mind came three months after Wye. The King had
completed his treatment at the Mayo Clinic. Before returning to Jordan, he stopped at the White
House to see the President. He talked about everything except himself. Although his body was
weak, he was filled with energy and determination and a sharp sense of purpose to move the
I
· peace process forward.
�3
Soon after, on January 20 of this year, he flew home. Always the pilot, he insisted on taking the
controls of his plane for the last leg into Jordan. His people gave him a jubilant embrace. And
he embraced them back, despite the cold, cold rain, passing through the streets of Amman, his
head and shoulders poking through the sun roof of his car. He smiled and waved to thousands
and thousands. These were his people. They loved him, and, in return, he wanted to express his
deep love for them, his gratitude to them, his faith in them.
Eleven days later, he was gone. But in his life he transformed his country, made peace with old
enemies, and left us his abiding aspiration: to finish the job. It is why we are all here and why
King Hussein is such a fitting recipient of your first lifetime achievement award.
Our sadness that King Hussein is not here to accept this award is tempered by our joy that Queen
Noor will receive it on his behalf. Her Arabic name, Noor al-Hussein, means "light of Hussein."
It would be hard to find a more fitting phrase to describe someone who has brought such
radiance and illumination to her husband, her family, and her countries -both America and
Jordan.
For 21)years, she has worked to advance friendship between Jordan and its neighbors. She has
lent her leadership to causes ranging from cancer awareness to helping victims of land mines, to
protecting the environment, promoting education and ensuring that, as she has said, "everyone
have a key to the global village." She has worked to help overcome our frequently simplistic
understanding of Islam and the Arab world. For true peace to take root and flourish in the
�•
4
Middle East, it will depend on an abiding respect for all the peoples who occupy the Holy Land.
Queen Noor, every American is grateful for your work toward this end.
The challenges ahead for the Middle East are great. This President and his team will do all we
can to support Prime Minister Barak and Chairman Arafat as they move ahead on the difficult
path of peace. There are painful decisions and compromises to be made. But they must be made
if Israelis and Palestinians are to realize their most profound aspirations: a secure Israel finally at
peace, recognized by all its neighbors, enjoying its rightful place in the region and the world.
The Palestinian people finally masters of their own destiny, on their own soil. And a region able
to focus on the future, not the past -- on economic development, health, and education -- no
longer diverted by bitterness and violence.
No one should underestimate the difficulty of this challenge. Success is not inevitable. This is
. no time for the friends of peace to relax. The struggles ahead will be harder than anything that
has come before. It is not a coincidence that a comprehensive peace has eluded us for 50 years.
We are dealing with existential issues for all the parties. But with the legacy of King Hussein's
unflinching determination to drive us, we must seize the opportunity to build peace between
Israelis, Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese. The best way we can honor the man we celebrate
this evening is for each of the parties, for each of us, to follow the example ofKing Hussein: We
can find the courage, take the controls, pilot our own destinies, and achieve the lasting peace we
all want for our children.
�.,
5
Over the last nine months, Queen Noor has received many letters of condolence. To each, she
has responded with a letter of her own, always ending with the words "please remember him
with a smile." Tonight, I know we are all happy to honor that request. It is my great privilege to
present to Her Majesty Queen Noor, on behalf of His Majesty King Hussein, the 1999
·Americans for Peace Now Lifetime Achievement Award.
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In its search for root causes of gross human rights violation.s, PIOOM has discovered the centrality of conflict
formations and escalation. Human rights violations are both an indicator of impending escalation of domestic
tensions to armed conflict, and a result of the escalated conflict itself. Increasingly, 'gross human rights
violations are also a means of waging armed cont1ict, with rape of women and starvation of trapped civilian
populations being tactics of warfare. Last year, Mary Robinson spoke· about her experiences . as High
Commissioner of Human Rights in the following way: 'civilians are no longer just victims of war today. They
are regarded as instruments of war. Starving, terrorising, murdering, raping civilians - all that is seen as
legitimate. Sex is no defense, nor is age; indeed women, children and the elderly are often at greatest risk.
That is a strange, terrible state of affairs in the. year after we commemorated the 50th aimiversay of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.' I In his most recent report to the United Nations Secretary-General,
Kofi Annan, noted 'that the hopeful trend towards a world with fewer and less deadly wars may have been
halted in the past year. 2 In the General Asse~bly he called for a new era of interventionism. 'There are a great
number of peoples who need more than just words of sympathy from the international community. They need
a real and sustained commitment to help end their cycles of violence, and launch them on a safe passage to
prosperity. •3 The trend reversal noted by the Secretary-General is confirmed by the most recent fmdings based
on PIOOM's database. In the past year at least six conflicts escalated to high-intensity conflicts that were
accompanied with campaigns of ethnic cleansing. These are Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Kosovo,·East
Timor and Chechnya. These cont1icts saw hitherto unseen levels of displacement of civilians. 4
Introduction
Will the 21st century be even more bloody than the 20th century?5 A number of critical factors
increase the probability of war: poverty linked to unequal access to political power, economic
decline, lack of democracy, vicious identity politics in heterogenous states and the struggle to
control economic resources, bad governance with high levels of corruption; and the continuing
climate of impunity for war criminals. While international pressure for improved early warning
mechanisms has become stronger, creation of sufficient political will to do something about crisis
situations remains the most critical factor. 6. The international security climate is further
complicated by a worsening disarmament climate,7 a range of new weapon technologies that opens
new ways of warfare;8 and the low rate of success in stopping tl,le proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. 9 Chemical and biological weapons are widely considered to be the terror weapons in
future conflicts.lO
·
Balance sheet of the century of megadeath
War and conflict researchers sometimes are too much focused on the dead and levels of
destruction and seem to forget about other victims and the less measurable costs. Saferworld and
.the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict published studies presenting details of
the enormous costs of a number of the post-World Warn armed conflicts. These studies focus on
the costs that can be measured.ll Studies that try to assess the less measurable effects are more
scarce. Very little research, for example, has been done on the mental damage experienced by
those tortured, raped, maimed, and handicapped during war, as Helen Fein recently observed.l2
Yet even the measurable damage has not been assessed with any degree of precision. The estimates.
about the 20th century deat~s from violence vary widely. Zbigniew Brzezhiski writing on 'the .
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•
politics of organized insanity' concluded that the 'century of megadeath'. had consumed the lives
of 87,000,000 people. He estimated.that 33,000,000 of this total _were young men, mostly between
the ages of eighteen and thirty, who perished in the name of nationalism and ideology.13 Ruth L.
.. Sivard continued the work of the late William Eckhardt and estimated that the 20th century has
seen more tha~ 250 wars, causing nearly· 110,000.000 war-related deaths. 14 ·Eric Hobsbawn
estimates that the 'age of catastrophe' has claimed in excess of 187,000,000 victims worldwide. IS
The most comprehensive estimate in the literature ·is presented by Rudolph Rummel. While he
estimated wars had resulted in a total of 33,000,000 direct battle-related deaths, his total for what
he calls democide, which ·includes: mass murder, genoCide and other types of government killing,
reaches up to 169,198.000 people. Combining the two categories we arrive at a figure of nearly
203,000,000 deaths for the first ·87 years of the 20th century. Prof. Rummel considers this to be a ·
conservative ·estimate; had he taken the upper estimates he encountered in his survey of 8,000
pieces of war statistics on vi~lence, he could hav~ reached a figue of no less. than 360 niillion.l6
The post World War II Period
• Researchers of the University of Hamburg counted for the period since 1945 no fewer than.
194 wars, more than 90 percent of them fought in the developing countries.l7 An earlier
analysis of 135 wars in the 1945-1992 period, indicated a total death toll of 12,500,000
people. Lacking complete data the German researchers estimated the total death toll at
17,000,000, or an average of 354,000 war-related deaths per year for the post-World War II
period.18
· ..
.
• Frank Pfetsch and his research group developed the KOSIMO databank. By distinguishing
five levels of confliCt (laten't conflict, crisis, severe crisis, violent conflict and war) the
KOSIMO group identified a total of 546 cases of conflict This total was reduced to 258 basic
conflict formations for the 1945-1990 period. This total excludes the nearly 400 post-World
War II coup d'etats.and coup attemps which are listed in.a separate register.l9 In an update
including conflicts during the 1990-1995 period, Pfetsch and his colleagues conclude that the
death toll of armed confJict in the period 1945-1995 must lie somewhere between 10 and 24
million people. This does not include the annual death toll of 15,000 people due to 'forgotten'
weapons and uncleared fields of la~dmines.20
Different definitions of armed conflict, different counts of direct and indirect deaths and different
degrees of thoroughness in registering wars and lesser conflict, produce divergent such counts.
Another example:
·
·
.
.
• The latest issue of the Military Balance 1999-2000 of the International Institute ofStrategic
Studies (IISS), includes a map listing a total of 70 major wars in the 1945-1999 period which
resulted in a total of 4,574,000 battle-related deaths. According th the IISS count, most
people died in South.East Asia and the Far East (41.8%)and Sub-Saharan Africa (31.1 %),
followed by North Africa and the Middle East (6.8%), Americas (2.8%) and Europe (2.1 %)
Of the 70 wars, 33 were reported to be on-going: 2 in the Americas, 3 in Europe, 4 in North
Africa & the Middle East, 17 in Sub-Saharan Africa, 3 in Central Asia and 4 in South-east
Asia and the Far East. The IISS estimates tha't in ~he year up to August 1, 1999, about
·
110,000 people died in the ongoing wars. Cumulatively, that is, since the beginning of these
33 ongoing conflicts, already 3,684,000 people died_21. '
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The post Cold War Period
The end or" the Cold War brought no peace: according to researchers of the University of Uppsala
between 1990 and 1998 73 .states were involved in 108 wars in which five and one half million
people died. Five new armed conflicts broke out in 1998:. Yugoslavia (Kosovo), Nepal,
Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho and between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Five conflicts recommenced: in the
United Kingdom (Northern Ireland), Tajikistan, Angola, Ethiopia (Ogaden) and Rwanda. Of the
108 conflicts active in the ten-year period, 75 had been terminated by the end of 1998. Of these, 21
were ended by peace agreements, whereas 24 ended in victory for one of the sides and 30 had
other outcomes (ceasefire agreements or activity below the level for inclusion into the Uppsala
database).22 The disintegration of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia has led to about a dozen new
wars on the rim between Europe and the Near East and Central Asia. The war in Kosovo had
destabilising effects on Montenegro, Macedmi.ia, Voyvodina and Sandzak. The recent escalation of
conflict in Dagestan and Chechnya threatens to engulf the whole Caucasus region and is, in the
view of some observers, closely linked to the decision-making process about the construction and
control over new gas and oil pipelines. The impact of the end of the Cold War on African
conflictuality was even stronger; with state failures (Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone) and genocides
(Rwanda, Burundi) being· one consequence.
The PIOOM Databank
Bewildered by 'the incomplete findings of some of the more prestigious war registrars like SIPRI
and IISS, PIOOM has been monitoring armed conflicts on three different levels independently
and has, since 1996 reported annually its own findings. It uses the term high-intensity conflict
(HIC) when more than ,1,000 people die from it in a 12-months period. The term low-intensity
conflict (LIC) is used when between 100-1,000 die in a year's period. The lowest level measured by
PIOOM are violent political conflicts (VPC), which include violent protests and terrorist
. campaigns with fewer than 100 people killed in atwelve months' period. The PIOOM findings
confirm the trend reversal noted by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, as the following table
illustrates:
·
·
Table I: Number of Armed Connicts between 1995 and 1999, according to PIOOM
mid
'95
High · Intensity
Conflict
Conflict
mid
mid
mid
'96 .. '97
'98
'99
(HJC)
Low
mid
(LIC)
Intensity
Total
Table 2: High-Intensity Connicts, as of November 1999
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Begin
>100,000
1983-
>2,000,000
50,000-70,0001
>18,000
1,500,000
>500,0001
50,000-150,0001
>6,0001
I 00,000-120,000
>5,000
60,000-75,000
45,000-250,0001
.. >5,0001
30,000-70,000
>40,000
12,000-300,000
>2,000
>15,000
>1,000 825,000-1,000,000
>1,000
>1,000
I ,000-2,000
20 I ,000-250,000
>1,0001
>5,000
I 00,000-250,000
000
>1,000
(E.Timor)
.l. situation de-escalates; t
situation escalates;
=
11975~
1
>1,000
>200,000
situation remains mo~e or less the same
The number of HICs has increased between mid-1998 and mid-1999 by six from 16 to 22 and has
even further increased to 25 in early November 1999, following conflict escalation in Dagestan,
Chechnya and East Timor. The total number is likely to increase even further before the end of
the year, as several LICs are on ·the verge of becoming high-intensity conflicts. The number of
L~Cs increased from 70 to 77 in the past year, and the number of VPCs from 114 to 151. At least
189,000 people were killed·in these conflicts during the past year while the cumulative death toll of
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these conflicts problaby has surpassed 6,8 million people. Table 3 shows the regional distribution
of the conflicts and the estimated number of people killed. Most· LICs were reported in Africa,
although the regional total decreased from 32 to 28. The highest increases were reported in
Central Asia (from 11 to 29) and in the Far East (from 6 to 11). The most striking increases were
reported from Nigeria and Indonesia~ In both countries authoritarian governments.were deposed.
The new governments face the difficult task to keep the countries together and prevent them .from
fractionalizing or collapsing in outright civil wars.
Table 3: Regional Distribution of Conflicts (mid-i998- mid-1999)
Conflict Level
Deaths
Deaths
1998-1999
conflicts)
'
High-Intensity Conflicts (H!Cs) (22)
Region
(nr.
Americas (I)
cumulative
>250,000
Europe (2)
>21,000
>112,000 .
>58,000
>3,629,000
Middle-East (4)
>8,000
>231 ,000
Central-Asia (5) ·
>19,000
>1,596,000
>164,000
>5,559,000
>1,550
>31,700
Europe (5)
>800
>12,000
Africa (i8)
. >7,670
>584,460
>550
>47,870
Central-Asia (19)
>5,420
>105,490
Far East (I 0)
>3,310 1
>367,soo 1
Subtotal
Low:Jntensity Conflicts (LiCs) (77)
Americas (9)
Middle-East (5)
__,'
Subtotal
>19,300
>1,149,020
Violent Political Conflicts (VPCs) (!51)
America (23)
IEurope (16)
IAfrica (50)
IMiddle-E.ast (13)
>1',1251
I
'I
I
Far East (22)
Eal(250)
>34,910
>2,075
. >425
>17,540
>3o,ooo
>8551
I
1
>4,030
>1,1251
Centnil-Asia (27)
Subtotal
>4881
>3,soo 1
>6,1931
>~
1
>87,3251
> 177,305
>6,885,325
Ip. Europe the situation in Kosovo escalated to a high-intensity conflict. After NATO intervention
the Kosovo Albanians took revenge on the non-Albanian population. KFOR has not been very
successful in controlling the law and order situation and a climate of impunity and intimidation
continues. In Africa the number ofHICs rose from 6 to 10. New on the list are Angola, Congo-DR,
Guinea-Bissau and Uganda. In Angola the war re-escalated again and is threatening to spread to
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Zambia; In the Democratic Republic of Congo the uprising against president L. Kabila is reviving
and possibly even intensifying. Under international pressure a peace accord was reached but after
cease-fire violations rebel organisations have declared the accord to be null and void. In
Guinea-Bissau the November 1998 peace accord ~ed to the .withdrawal of Senegalese and Guinean
troops but in May 1999 troops of president Bernardo Viera surrendered to rebels of the deposed
General Mane. In Uganda the conflict with the Lord Resistance Army (LRA) has escalated to a
high-intensity conflict. The most bloody interstate· war of the past year was the border-war
. between Eritrea and Ethiopia. More than 300,000 troops dug in and fire at each other ~ith heavy
artillery. Tactics of the so-called 'human wave'· sometimes resulted in thousands of casualties per
day. Another interstate war, which attracts hardly any attention,.is the continuing air war by the
United States and the United Kingdom against Iraq. One of the most dangerous escalations in the
past year occurred in Kashmir due to the fact that both India and Pakistan possess together
dozens of nuclear warheads. Several hundred guerrillas supported by the Pakistani army crossed
the Line of Control. India launched a large· seal~ operation to expel the guerrillas. Due to severe
international pressure from the side of the United States, China and Russia, further escalation was
prevented. The situation is still very unstable and Pakistan's military, displeased with the
diplomatic capitulation, staged yet another coup. Some of the conflicts just discussed· are also
figuring in Table 2 which indicates escalation and de-escalation trends, based on 13 indicators
·
·
·
monitored by PIOOM.
The number of high-intensity conflicts listed by PIOOM lies between the numbers listed by the
Scandinavian and German researchers. However, in terms of substance, the closest fit of
PIOOM's High-Intensity Conflict list is with the 24 ongoing humanitarian emergencies listed by
the US National Intelligence Council. The few discrepancies between the US NIC and PIOOM are
largely accounted for by the different criteria for inclusion and defined time periods. P.
Wallensteen .& M. Sollenberg from Uppsala University list 13 wars, 13 intermediate ·armed
conflicts and 10 minor armed conflicts. Their major omissions are the air war on Iraq by the US
and UK and the continuing conflict with the Kurds in northern Iraq, the ethnic and religious
conflicts in Pakistan and the conflict in Congo-Brazzaville. When it comes to lower conflict levels,
many war registrars are looking the other way. More than 50 low-intensity conflicts listed by
PIOOM do not appear on the Wallensteen/Sollenberg list. The German researchers from.
Hamburg list 32 wars and 17 armed conflicts for 1998. Their inajor omissions .are also the ethnic
and religious conflicts in Pakistan and the continuing conflict in south Iraq against the Marsh
Arabs. In its monitoring of low-intensity conflicts, PIOOM pays more attention· than other
monitors to sub-national conflicts in large states with large heterogeneous populations - countries
like Nigeria, Sudan, South Africa, Uganda, India, Indonesia and Myanmar/Burma. Many of these
low-level conflicts get only scant attention in the international media. Due to daily monitoring of
local media PIOOM has been able to produce a more complete and thorough conflict map than
major institutes. Most of the so-called violent political conflicts- those with fewer than 100 deaths
..:.. are beyond the horizon of the Uppsala and Hamburg research teams. In its coverage of Violent
Political Conflicts with fewer than 100 fatalities per year PIOOM is unique in its coverage.
Table 4: Current Humanitarian Emergencies, according to the National Intelligence Council, August 1999
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People currently
in need
3,900,000
>3,000,000
880,000
750,000
4
2,000,000
1,600,000
8. Fed.Rep Yugoslavia
Serbia
,),
,),
Kosovo
,),
t
Montenegro
=od
1,000,000
500,000
4,400,000
500,000
820,000
400,000
,j,
1;000,000
900,000
t
1,500,000
6,700,000
?
1,400,000
20. Bosnia-Hetz.
21. Croatia
360,000
t
400,000
330,000
t
300,000
Arrows in columns 2 (situation last year) and 3 (projection for second half of 1999 and the year 2000) indicate humanitarian situation in the
country: worsen (,J, ), worsen then improve (,J, t ), worsen then level off(,),=), status quo(=), improve (t ).
As mentioned above, most of the high-intensity conflicts listed by PIOOM appear on the National
Intelligence Council (NIC) list of current humanitarian·emergencies.23 The National Intelligence
Council lists also 10 cases that PIOOM has listed as LIC or. VPC. The NIC defines humanitarian
emergencies as situations in which at least 300,000 civilians require ·international humanitarian
assistance. In its latest assessment, NIC concluded that the number of people in need will remain
at about the same high level or even increase somewhat by December 2000 - testing the capacity
and willingness .of the international donor community to respond adequately. The NIC found five
major changes in the character of humanitarian emergencies; the most important being the fact
that genocidal-type conflicts create the most intractable humanitarian emergencies. They trigger
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large numbers of refugees and IDPs, create special security risks for neighboring· states and
humanitarian workers, and place substantial demands on resources.
In its efforts to develop Early Warning capabilities, PIOOM has also developed an escalation
index, based on 13 variables (see second column in. table 2). PIOOM's escalation index is more
inclusive than the one presented by the Scandinavian researchers . which only indicates a
percentage change in casualties. The researchers ·from Uppsala also tend to concentrate on
battle-related deaths which leads to niuch lower estimates than the PIOOM data. While the
Scandinavian researchers listed escalation in only 6 of their 27 ·major armed conflicts in 1998,
PIOOM found escalation· in 19 of the 25 high-intensity conflicts as of November 1999 (see Table 2).
In some conflicts there are strong oscillations· depending on weather conditions (in sm'ne conflicts
fighting is closely related to the seasons) and political factors;
Following the conclusion of the Cold War, it was expected that the world could reap the positive
effects of a so-called 'peace dividend' as was predicted by institutions like the IMF. World military
expenditures were indeed reduced to below the level of 3 percent of the globai Gross National
Product. However, a total of$ 745 billion ($ 125 per capita,and 2.6 per cent of world GNP) is still
devoted to military purposes. Arms exports have been reduced and reached a total of$ 21.9 billion
(in constant 1990 prices). The total value of world arms production reached an estimated $ 200
billion (give or take$ Sb) in 1996.24 These figures reflect only major weapon systems. Most wars,
however, are fought with light arms or small arm~. Some 500 million military-type small arms are
believed to be in circulation worldwide ..,.. one for every twelve persons on earth. More than 300
companies in nearly 50 countries have been identified as manufacturers of small arms and related
equipment. 25 States and firm~ that supply light weapons to combatants who do not respect
international humanitarian law ought to bear also some moral responsibility for the use to which
such arms 'are put.26
·
·
Ten Hot Spots to Watch
On the basis of its monitoring escalatory trends, PIOOM recommends that special attention
should be given to the following situations:
1. SUDAN! In Sudan the civil war for control of Sudan's oil.:rich regions has led to human rights
abuses and the displacement of up to 4.5 million - one-fifth of its population.· Famine in· the
war-ravaged south reportedly killed 60,000 ·people just in 1998. Most of the increased military
action and human rights abuses in the past two years happened near Bentiu, where the
state-controlled oil consortium has planned to extend an important pipeline. It is to be feared that
the government will use its new oil wealth to stock up its military gear so that it can hope to win a
victory on the battlefield. The government employs militias to wage its war against rebel groups .
from the south.27
··
2. ANGOLA: As the war in Democratic Republic of Congo has spread to neighboring countries,
the war in Angola is gradually spreading to neighbouring Zambia. The recent murder of Major
Wezi Kaunda, the son of former Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda, has been interpreted as a ·
plot against president Chiluba. Wezi Kaunda allegedly had been involved in training guerrillas
inside Angolan territory. The Chiluba regime also continued to allow military assistance and
supplies to pass through Zambian te~ritory into UNITA-held areas in West Angola. Former
ministers in the Chiluba regime have been personally named as key players in arms, food and
supply deals in exchange for UNITA diamonds. According to region specialists, Zambia is Jonas
Sav.imbi's last major remaining supply line. For that reason Angolan and Zimbabwean interests·
and Zambian malcontents could hav:e had an interest in the overthrow of the Chiluba regime. 28
3. YUGOSLAVIA: In Kosovo, a climate of impunity continues as ethnic Albanians !ake revenge
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on the non-Albanian population. There is growing evidence that the .Kosovo Albananian
leadership is behind some of this activity, and encourages the formation of a mono-ethnic state,
despite PR-exercises to the contrary. 29 Another disturbing signal is that members of the
paramilitary groups that were responsible for the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, like the Frenkijevci,
Arkan's Tigers and the Munja (Lightning) have moved into Montenegro. It is assumed that they
are still in contact with their headquarters and r.emain ready for their next assignment. There are
reports that .the Montenegrin police may have enlisted the services of such paramilitary groups.30
4. KOREA: In North Korea, one of the last communist bullwarks, unrest in outlying regions of the
country may be near the breaking point. Localized dissatisfaction with the current economic and
political situation could lead to eruptions of violence. Many North Koreans cross into China and
seek refugee status. Both countries oppose calling. them refugees out of fear that granting such
status would trigger a massive increase· in the number of North Koreans into China. 3l An
estimated 2,000,000 people have already died as a result of a prolonged· famine. Even with 300,000
tons of ~ommercially bought grain and food aid of 370,000 tons, the country is still short of
623,000 tons of grain, which would be required for feeding the population adequately. The high
rates of malnutrition among children is likely. to blight a whole generation with lifelong
disabilities.32 The Americans supply half of North Kore~'s heavy fuel oil needs and feed one third
of the population~ The food aid occurs despite the fact that the threat posed by North Korea to
South Korea still exists. An American intelligence estimate indicates that due to poor human
intelligence, allied forces do not have the 12 hour advance warning of a North Korean invasion,
which is the current guiding military operational policy and strategy inSouth Korea.33
5. BURUNDI: In Burundi the situation is quickly deteriorating with 800,000 Hutu people living in
camps. The FAO has recently warned that many will die of hunger as a result of escalating
violence.3 4
6. CHINA: Tensions between Taiwan and China have increased since President Lee 'feng-hui
abandoned the 25-year-old principle ·of 'one China' in favor of what he called 'special
state-to-state relations' .. Taiwan also seeks to persuade the United States to favour Taiwan over
China in the intensifying strife between them; 35 Both Chinas try to improve their military
capabilities. Especially Taipei's plans to build a new $ 10 b. low-altitude missile shield angers the
Chinese, which is in a process of improving its missile capabilities. 36 The new low-altitude
anti-missile system has to replace Taiwan's Tienkung (Sky Bow) air defense system. 37
7. INDONESIA: The new government in Indonesia faces the difficult task to bring it's military
~nder control. 38 Aceh will become an important test case. It is feared that the country will
disintegrate if the Wahid government fails to defuse separatist demands in Aceh. Failure to head
off the independence demands could gravely weaken the new government and bring it into conflict
with the military. Mr. Wahid has indkated that he is prepared to offer Aceh 75 percent of the oil
revenues to calm the separatist issue. In the meantime, a commission of inquiry has found
evidence to prosecute a number of high-ranking military officers for human rights abuses during
the campaign against the Acehnese, which resulted in 2, 768 killed and another 3,862 disappeared,
according to local human rights organisations.39
8. AFGHANISTAN: A bumper crop of h~roine in. Afghanistan is looking for a market. The
heroine consumed in Europe comes almost entirely from Afghanistan ·and Pakistan. Afghanistan
also has become a major processing center. Most of the heroin is shipped over land to Europe
through Iran and Turkey. War in the Balkans has pushed the heroine traffickers northward from
their traditional route through Serbia, with the drug now moving through eastern Bulgar,ia,
Romania, Hungary and Poland before reaching Western Europe through Germany. 40 The new
states of Central Asia are fast becoming one of the niain new routes for opium and heroin,
produced in Afghanistan, and bound for Russia and Europe. The UNDCP estimates that up to
60% of the crop destined for export is now being trafficked through the mountains and deserts of
the former Soviet states. In Tajikistan the multi-billion dollar trade is feeding on the .lawlessness
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that has followed the civil waL Almost weekly shoot-outs are reported between the traffickers and
border troops.41 Iran has about 100,000 police officers, troops and-Revolutionary Guards engaged
in an effort to prevent opium, hashish and heroin from entering Iran from Pakistan and·
Afghanistan, destined mainly for markets in western Europe. It claims that 2,800 members of the
security forces have been ·killed in clashes with drugtraffickers in recent years despite the
strengthening of border defenses. 42 The United Nations has stepped up the pressure against the
Taliban movement in Afghanistan and have announced sanctions for the refusal to extradite the
alleged terrorist Osama bin Laden. Some observers have warned that the economic sanctions may
cause th.e death of up to a million people who will die of hunger. 43
9. MYANMAR/BURMA: The country's economy is locked in a sharp downward spiral. I( the
military government does notchange economic policy the country willsoon face a severe banking
crisis which could result in a complete state failure. Military spending accounted for 32 percent of
last year's budget and on a per capita basis was nine times the amount spent on health and two
times spent on education. 44 Tension on the border with Thailand has increased as Wei
Hsueh-kang, a Burmese drug warlord, has expanded his activities to a border province with the
complicity of the military· regime. 45 This years opium harvest in Myanmar has been bad due to
the weather, which might further. sharpen the crisis in the country. 10. COLOMBIA: The civil war in Colombia has· spill-over eff~cts to its neighbouring countries.
While the United States is stepping up its anti-drug war. it has been accused .of gradual
involvement in a counterinsurgency operation. Being sensitive·to sovereignty concerns, the United
States so far has focused mainly on information and intelligence sharing and not so much on
active military engagement. It has· trained several counter-narcotics units which now comprise. a
brigade of nearly 3,000 soldiers. 46 The Amazon Surveillance System, originally built for
environmental purposes, is gradually given capabilities to play a role in the drug war, including
air traffic 'Control and detection· and confrol of narcotic trafficking. The US has also expanded its
military reach in the region. A new generation of Colombian drug traffickers, using Internet and
'other modern technology, has sharply increased cocaine production and smuggling in the past two
years despite growing budgets for law enforcement. The new cartels have adapted to previous
mistakes and are much harder to track. 47 The FARC guerrillas who are also deeply involved in
the cocaine ag.d heroine industry, recently amassed a ·small airforce and are looking for
surface-to-air missiles which could have an important impact on the battlefield. Foreign business
interests as well as Colombians are pulling out indicating an imploding economy.
Given the fact that PIOOM recorded 250 armed conflicts of varying intensity in mid-1999, this
shortlist cannot enumerate all hotspots. Even the 250 conflicts which PIOOM registered do not
represent the whole universe of conflictuality. What we have not discussed here are the 'Political
Tension Situations' which, in PIOOM's five stage conflict model, is situated between stable peace
and violent political conflict. Due to financial and manpower constraints, PIOOM is unable to give
these Political Tension Situations the attention they deserve. Unfortunately no one else is covering
them. It is to be hoped that the new United Nations Terrorism Prevention Branch in Vienna will
be equipped to monitor these situations· in its. at~empt to build up Early Warning capabilities
which the UN system still)acks despite several well-intentioned but under-funded attempts in the
a . .
.
pMt.
.
. .
UN Peace-making and Humanitarian Intervention
While the United Nations was for a while unchained by the end of the Cold War and developed
considerable activism, it has found out the hard way· how difficult peace-making, led. alone
peace-enforcement is. Various peace processes like the one in Angola: are in deep trouble while a
costly UN investment to bring post-genocide Cambodia back to normalcy lies in shambles. After
failures in Yugoslavia and Rwanda~ the willingness of the United Nations to intervene diminished
although there has been a revival in 1999, with Kos~>Vo, East. Timor and Sierra Leone as new
theatres of UN peace building activities. Before 1988 there were 13 UN peacekeeping operations;
since 1988 there have been 36. Counting the. UN mission in East Timor, there are now 17. In
10 of 12
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January 1988 there were about 11,000 peacekeepers deployed. During the early 1990s, deployment
peaked at almost 80,000, with expenditures of more than $ 3 billion. The UN ability to. intervene in
a timely fashion has remained problematic while its Early Warning capabilities are also
underdeveloped. Much more is expected of the United Nations today than simply providing a
buffer between former combatants. While disarmament, demobilization and monitoring of
cease-fires remain important components, operations now include promoting political
reconciliation, reconstruction and building civil society. Recent peacekeeping efforts such as those
in Kosovo and in Bosnia involve the provision of massive humanitarian assistence, monitoring
human rights, training police, establishing a· judicial system, regulating elections as well as
overseeing the repatriation ofrefugees. The new UN mission often includes the promotion of good
governance, civil society and the responsibilities of statehood. If in the future the role of the UN is
to be the one of a builder of new states and· repairer of failed ones, it must be given better tools for
the job. So far, bureaucratic shortcomings in the UN system and, above all, the lack of financial
commitments by member states and divisions in the Security Council have been serious obstacles.
At present, the UN is engaged in a process of serious soul-searching. In a recent assessment of it's
failure in Bosnia-Herzegovina, secretary-general Kofi Annan publicly admitted: 'Through error,
m!sjudgement and an inability to.recognize the scope of evil confronting us, we failed to do our
part to save the people of Srebrenica from the Serb campaign of mass murder.' Later this year an
evaluation of the UN involvement in Rwanda is expected. It is hoped that evaluations like these
bring some realism into what the United Nations can and cannot do in situations in which human
rights are violated on a massive scale.
·
·
Notes:
1. M. Robinson~ There must be accountability for East Timor's ordeal. Intern"ational Herald Tribune, September 9, 1999.
)
2. Report of the Secretary-General on the work of th'e Organization . GA, 54 th Session, Supplement No.1 (A/54/1)
3. C.
Lynch. UN chief sees new 'era of peacekeeping.
International Herald Tribune , September 21, 1999.
4. Myron Weiner has calculated that the number of refugees per conflict has roughly doubled since 1969, increasing from 287,000
per conflict to 459,000 per conflict in 1992. But the increase in internally displaced persons has shown an even more dramatic
increase, from 40,000 per conflict in 1969 to 857,000 per conflict in 1992. Quoted by M. Kaldor. New & Old Wars. Organized
·
Violence in a Global Era. Cambridge, Polity Press, 1999, p. 101.
5. Dobkowski and Walliman conclude that there is .every reason. to think that the 21 th century will feature even more
human-made deaths than the 2oth, due to overpopulation, poverty and environmental degradation. M.N. Dobkowski, I. Walliman ·
(Eds.) The coming age of scarcity. Preventing mass death and genocide in the 21st century. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University
Press, 1998, p.x.
6. In late October 1999, officials of the US State Department presented the idea of setting up an international system to prevent
genocide, mass killings, and other atrocities. At the meeting Holly Burkhalter (Physicians for Human Rights) said that the
problem is not lack of information but lack of will by governments to act. Officials seek ways to predict, prevent next killing field.
Associated Press, November 2, 1999. The meeting, held at .the Holocaust Museum in Washington, adopted a Statement of
Principles for International Cooperation to Prevent, Ameliorate, or Prosecute Perpetrators of Mass Atrocities Committed against
All Persons.
·
7. See discussion on missile defense and non-ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty by the US: E. Becker. US may
build shield and quit pact. International Herald Tribune, November 8, 1999. S. Mufson. Would world be safer with missile shield?
International Herald Tribune, September 7, 1999. J. Fitchett. Monitoring system rides on US testban vote. International Herald
·
Tribune, October 7, 1999.
8. R. Norton-Taylor. US refines 'non-lethal' weapons for use on civilians. The Guardian, November 5, 1999; J. Adams. The next
world war. Computers are the weapons & the frontline is everywhere. New York, Simon & Schuste~, 1998, 366p.
9. Over the past 15 months, efforts to prevent the spread of WMD's have suffered a series of deep set backs. According to Michael
Krepon of the H.L: Stimson Center 'All the trend lines are negative. All the usual suspects are moving in the wrong direction.' S.
Mufson. In the fight against weapons of inass destruction, all news is. bad. International Herald Tribune, July_ 20, 1999.
10. For a critical assessment of this threat, see the special issue on bioterrorism of the Journal of Emerging Infectuous Diseases,
July-August 1999.
11. Michael Cranna (Ed.). The True Cost of Conflict. London, Earthscan, 1994, p. xvii. M.E. Brown, R.N. Rosecrance (Eds.) The
..
.
Costs of Conflict. Prevention and Cure in the Global Arena. Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 1999.
12. H. Fein. Genocide and gender: the uses of women and group destiny. Journal of Genocide Research, 1(1), 1999, pp. 43-63.
13. Z. Brzezinski. Out of Control. Global Turmoil on the Eve of the 21st Century. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993, p'. 7.
14. R.L.
II of 12
Sivard..
World Military and Social Expenditures 1996 . Washington, D.C.,
World
Priorities,
p,
7.
511112000 II :34 AM
�Do~nwar~
http://www .fsw .leidenuniv .nllwww/w3 _liswo/N ewsletter91 I downward.htrn
Irend in Armed Conflicts Reversed .
15. E. Hobsbawn.
The Age of Extremes: The Short Twe11tieth Ce11tury, 1914-1991 . London, Michael Joseph, 1994.
16. R.J. Rummel. Death by Govemme11t. New Bruns~ick, Transaction, 1994, 496p. Rummel has developed a remarkabl~·website
(http://www2.hawaii.edu/-rummel) which includes all his publications and explanations of his estimation and research ~e~hods.
17. Stiftung Entwickling und Frieden: Globale Tre11ds 1998. Fakte11, A11alyse11, Prog11ose11. Frankfurt/M., Fischer, 1997, p.,344.
18. K.J. Gantzel, T. Schwinghammer. Die Kriege 11ach dem Zweite11 Weltkrieg 1945 his 1992. Date11 u11d Te11de11Ze11. Miinster, Lit
Verlag, 1995, p.149. The latest surveys can be found at AKUF's website: www.sozialwiss.uni.hamburg.de/lpw/Akuf/ home.html.
I
.
19. The data of the KOSIMO databank were published in: F.R. Pfetsch; P. Billing. Date11ha11dbuch 11atio11aler u11d i11tematiomiler
Ko11jlikte. Baden-Baden, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 1994, 318p ..
20. F.R. Pfetsch (Ed.) Globales Ko11jliktpa11orama 1990-1995. Miinster, Lit Verlag, 1996, 317p. The latest surveys can be consulted
on KOSIMO's website: http://home.t-online.de/ home/christoph.rohloff/97main.htm.
21. I.I.S.S. The Military Bala11ce 199912000. Oxford,Oxford University Press, 1999.
22 ..P. Wallensteen, M. Sollenberg. Armed Conflict, 1989-1998. Joumal of Peace Research , 36(5), 1999, pp. 593-606 ..
)3. National Intelligence Council. Global Huma11itaria11 Emerge11cies: Tre11ds a11d Projectio11s, 1999-2000. August 1999, 24p.
24. S1PRI Yearbook 1999. Armame11ts, Disarmame11t a11d 111tematio11al Security. Oxford: Oxford University Press,1999.
25. M. Renner. Small Arms Found in All Nations. In: L. Brown, M: Renner, B. Halweil. Vital Sig11s 1999-2000. London,
Earthscan, 1999, pp. 154-155.
·
26. C. Sommaruga. Time for humanitarians to get business involved. 111tematio11al Herald Tribu11e, November 16, 1999.
27. S. Neuman. UN: Sudanese caught in civil war. Associated Press, November 4, 1999.
28. I. Powell, C. Gordon, H. Barrell. Zambia balanced on knife-edge.
Daily Mail & Guardia11 , November 5, 1999.
29. C. Gall. Kosovo Albanians said to step up violence to drive.out minorities. l11tematio11al Herald Tribu11e, November 6, 1999.
30. M. Tadic. Paramilitaries from
31. . Chinese
influence on
the
K~sovo
rise
move into Montenegro. 1WPR's·Balkalls Crisis Report, # 93, November 17, 1999.
in
Pyongyang. Stratfor.
Global 111tellige11ce
Update ,
November 5,
1999.
32 .. N. Korea faces large grain shortfall. New York Times, November15, 1999.
33. A North
Korean
Intelligence estimate predicts little warning .. of invasion.
Sources
November 3, 1999.
34. NRC Ha11delsblad, November 6, 1999.
35. R. Halloran. Taipei wants Washington to take its side against Beijing. /11tematio11al Herald Tribu11e, November 16, 1999.
36. Defence minister on weapons tour. South Chi11a Momi11g Pos' November 15, 1999.
37. Anti-missile. system planned. AFP, November 17, 1999.
38. A. Schwarz. Give Indonesia's new government time to prevail. 111tematio11al Herald Tribu11e ,' November 15, 1999.
39. M. Richardson. Indonesians warn again~t Aceh referendum.
llltematio11al Herald Tribu11e , November 11, 1999.
40. B. James. US drug czar warns Europe about cocaine and ecstasy. llltematio11al Herald Tribu11e, October 29, 1999.
41. L. Hidalgo. Central Asia's battle with drugs. The Guardia11, November 11, 1999.
42. Drug gang said to kill 35 Iranian policemen. Age11ce Fra11ce Presse, November 5, 1999.
43. NRC Ha11delsblad, November 6, 1999.
44. T. Crampton. Burma's debt is pushing economy to the brink, the World Bank warns. 111tematio11al Herald Tribu11e, November
15, 1999.
45. W. Barnes. Drug lord spreads. trade 'with help .of generals'.
South Chi11a ·Momi11g Post, November 17, ·1999.
46. T. Johnson. Colombian· guerrilas amass air force; US assisting military.
47.
D.
Farah.
Colombian
drug
cartels
exploit
tech
advantange.
Miami Herald, November 17, 1999.
Washi11gto11
48. PIOOM's former Research Coordinator, Prof. Alex Schmid, was ,appointed
Prevention Branch in mid-Apri11999.
a~
Post ,
November
15,
f999.
Officer-in-Charge of the UN Terrorism
For questions regarding this web contact Berto Jongman. Last updated 16/03/2000.
12 of 12
5/1112000 11 :34 AM
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Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
. AND TYPE
00 I. statement
SUBJECTffiTLE
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National Security Affairs, at the Ceremony on the Conferment of
Honorary Degrees at Tel Aviv University (19 pages)
05/17/2000
RESTRICTION
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COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
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2008-0703-F
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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69510ac88259d1a5c106512ae4706684
PDF Text
Text
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----
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Case Number: 2008-0703-F
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Folder Title:
Nigeria
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Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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~
8
3
v
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
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�July 21, 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR SAMUEL R. BERGER
FROM:
BROOKE ANDERSON AND GAYLE SMITH
SUBJECT:
Ramp-up plan for the President's trip to Nigeria
We're hard at work on the ramp:up for the President's upcoming
trip to Nigeria. This memo outlines what we're doing.
The trip offers a tremendous opportunity to strengthen our
bilateral relationship, highlight our engagement with Nigeria
and support Obasanjo's leadership of the transition.
Our challenges in advance of the trip are to:
• Explain why Nigeria -- conveying the strategic, economic and
political importance of the U.S.-Nigeria relationship; and
• Underscore accomplishments in our Africa policy.
Proposed Themes for the trip plus background information to make
the case:
•
Nigeria is an important and~strategic partner of the United
States.
One in four sub-Saharan Africans is Nigerian. Nigeria
is a leader in Africa, laying down markers for democracy in
its actions at home and in its defense of elected governments
in other African nations (Sierra Leone, Cote d'Ivoire); in
supporting peacekeeping operations ($10 billion over the past
10 years); in its leadership role within the OAU and G77, and
in its leadership in combating transnational threats including
drug trafficking, international crime and HIV/AIDS. U.S.Nigerian cooperation has expanded to include regional conflict
resolution and peacekeeping, counter-narcotic and countercrime efforts and meeting the major challenges facing
developing countries. Economically, the United States and
Nigeria are important trade and investment partners.
•
This is a moment of opportunity in Nigeria.
After 15 years
of dictatorship, Nigeria's democratic transition represents a
bold effort by the government and people of Nigeria to
transform Nigeria's governance, economy and political system.
President Obasanjo and his government are taking the lead in
revitalizing the economy, reforming the military,
building
legal institutions, combating illegal drugs and fighting the
corruption that took root during military rule.
There are
�2
still many challenges ahead - decades of mis-rule has led to
economic disparities between regions and long-neglected
infrastructure must be repaired.
Potentially one of Africa's
wealthiest nations, Nigeria's social indicators rival those of
the continent's poorest countries. The country faces an
enormous debt burden and must revive the education, health and
agricultural sectors - all of which have been ignored for a
generation.
•
What the United States does matters.
Strained U.S. relations
with the Abacha regime were immediately improved when General
Abdusalami Abubakar announced a one-year transition to
elections.
The United States supported this transitional
effort and the elections process, and, upon the inauguration
of the elected Obasanjo government, launched an expanded
assistance program designed to help Nigeria rebuild and to
deepen U.S.-Nigerian bilateral cooperation.
U.S. support for
Nigeria's transition signals that Nigeria's status as an
international pariah has ended, and underscores the importance
to the American and Nigerian people of democracy in Africa's
most populous country.
The United States has taken a leading
role in welcoming the new Nigerian government's willingness to
fight the crime and drug-trafficking that has expanded across
Africa during the last decade and has initiated a joint
program to reform the institutions needed to ensure civilian
control of a professional military. Within the Paris Club,
the United States has taken the lead in pushing for the
.generous rescheduling of Nigeria's debt. A U.S.-Nigerian
Joint Economic Partnership Commission unites over 20 U.S. and
Nigerian government agencies to foster deeper economic
cooperation.
•
Working visit - The President's trip to Africa in 1998 laid
the foundation for comprehensive U.S. engagement with Africa
on issues ranging from economic growth to managing democratic
transitions, to building institutions, to fighting AIDS and
crime. This trip is a targeted working visit with the goal of
expanding ties between the United States and Nigeria - ties
based on shared security, political and economic interests.
Agree with themes
Potential Spokespeople
• Samuel R. Berger
• Secretary Albright
Agree with edits
�3
u
•
•
•
•
•
Tom Pickering
Gayle Smith
Susan Rice (State)
Rosa Whitaker (USTR)
The following cabinet secretaries have also traveled to Nigeria
recently and could also be engaged: Richardson, Slater, Summers,
Cohen, Glickman.
Influentials meetings
Goal:
To exchange ideas about focus and issues surrounding the
trip.
To get people engaged and active in supporting the trip.
We already had a meeting with C. Payne Lucas, Africare, Ernie
Wilson, Univ. of Maryland,
Ernie Green, African Development
·Foundation, and Leonard Robinson, National Summit on Africa.
We
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
plan further meetings with:
Andy Young, Ron Dellums, Jesse Jackson;
A roundtable with Africa Policy Community;
An interactive internet consultation with National Summit on
Africa;
Human rights organizations
.Representatives of the Nigerian community in the U.S.,
Members of Congress
Elected officials (including a meeting with Wellington
Webb/Conference of Mayors)
Former officials (Don McHenry/Princeton Lyman/Walt Carrington)
I
We've also been in touch with the formers group that attended
the accomplishments meeting on June 26.
Media
Goal:
Profiles on Nigeria and President Obasanjo to help
explain why Nigeria.
Explain why this is a moment of
opportunity - what is important about what is happening there why what the U.S. does matters.
Explain about overall U.S.
policy and accomplishments to build a foundation for the trip.
We're reaching out to:
• print reporters,
• editorial boards around the nation,
• African American publications (Gayle will do a roundtable) ;
• Nigerian and other African press,
• Columnists
�4
•
•
•
•
News magazines (Gayle will do a roundtable 2 weeks out)
Radio (American Urban News Network, NPR, talk shows) ;
Network reporters briefing - also pitching Nigeria specials to
Nightline and Newshour;
Internet -- All Africa.com
Nigeria expert to brief the WH press corps. We would like to
have a briefing for the WH.press corps with an outside Nigeria
expert/academic to provide context and background on Nigeria.
White House Press Briefing (Week of August 20)
We strongly recommend that you do the WH trip briefing to help
convey the seriousness of the trip and the importance of the
U.S.-Nigeria relationship.
I'll do it
Foreign Press Center
Susan Rice.
I'd rather have
do it.
Week of August 20 -- Gayle Smith and
Fact sheets. We're preparing fact sheets now to start using with
reporters and influentials on:
• U.S. - Nigeria Bilateral Relationship;
• Did You Know? - Facts about Nigeria;
• Nigeria at the start of the transition; and
• Commitments met -- follow up from the last trip.
Speech/op-ed
We think it would be helpful if you did either an op-ed or a
speech to help frame the trip (maybe CFR?). No need to make a
decision now. We'll get back to you with a proposal for your
consideration.
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n.d.
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Nigeria
2008-0703-F
·m623
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
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b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA[
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
· personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information J(a)(l) of the PRAJ
Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRAJ
Release would violate a Federal statute J(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information J(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy J(a)(6) of the PRAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
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�CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�LINTON LffiRARY PHOTOCOPY
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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Thomas Rosshirt
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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9c33a78948fdd2505cccdf916aa4cd76
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Case.Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
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Folder Title:
Obuchi [Japan]
Staff Office-Individual:
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Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
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Shelf:
Position:
48
6
8
3
Stack:
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. report
SUBJECTrriTLE
DATE
I 0/0111999
U.S. Government Report (3 pages)
RESTRICTION
Pllb(l)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Obuchi [Japan]
2008-0703-F
'ml84
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commerCial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI·
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2)of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release. would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release. would disclose information concern.ing the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
·
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
PI
P2
PJ
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�. Draft Presidential Statement on Death of Prime Minister Obuchi
Hillary and I are deeply saddened by the:~death of Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi,
and we extend our deepest condolences to his wife, Chizuko, his family, and the
Japanese people. Japan has lost a strong and forward-:looki~g leader; the
United States .has lost one of our closest .friends ,overseas.
I had the honor and pleasure to have met Keizo Obuchi several times since he
became Prime Minister in 1998. I visited him in Tokyo two years ago, and he
came to Washington last May. In all our meetings, I was impressed both by his
vision of ~trong bilateral relations based on our shared values, and his warmth
· and kindness. Indeed, the personal relationship we established enabled us to
deal with a variety of issues, from trade to regional security, in a spirit of shared
interests and mutual benefit.
'
.
•
p
From his first days in office, Prime Minister Obuchi took swift steps to meet the.
economic and security challenges facing Japan, committing substantial
resources to repair the banking system and pu~ing into motion new economic
stimulus measures.[tJnde• Mr. Oeuehi's leadership, JapaR provided mor:e
fiRancial s• rppart thaR arw ether courttF)' te repair East Asia's tinantial system in
the midst eferisis, as 'Nell as str:ongly ceAtfi~u~e to peasekeepin§ effoft~ freffl · --:- ·
East Tin 10F tG Kosowj And Mr. Obuchi's leadership ensured passage of key · ·
legislation strengthening our bilateral security alliance, the cornerstone of stability
in East Asia.
~LWeJ~~~
Prime Minister Obuchi believed tha_r..,~an s~n lilaa A
iAtt> a remarkable new
century ..- a ~entury of global cooperation for greater peace and freedom, gr,eater ·
democracy and prosperity, greater protection of our environment, greater '
scientific discovery and space exploration. He believed, as I do. tfle sentor
th&se effor:ts is the strong bond between the people of the United States and the ·
~ /"'people of Japa~'? Both our personal friendsh.ip and the bonds between our two .
U""' · l·
countries dem~>nstrate to Asia and to the world that very diffe.rent societies can
~ ~r;
work together 1n a harmony that benefits everyone. For leadrng the way forward,
~}'~
Keizo Obuchi will be remembered with honor and gratitude. I will miss him.
~~
.Jf,.,
·
.M
·fir.~
greatly.
�'f· ·.
Spring, 1998
Dear University Students of Japan:
It's an honor to have my introduction to Rachel Carson's Silent Spring translated into
your beautiful and ancient language, so that I can talk about the importance of the international
environmental movement with so many young, intelligent, idealistic University st~dents in
Japan.
As I write this, the warm spring air is slowly bringing to bloom the exquisite cherry
blossoms that dot the landscape of our nation's capital. They are a generous gift from your
nation to ours, and one that Washington's residents and springtime totirists will always treasure.
Today, we face a fight to preserve our natural treasures -- so that many, many· years from
now, our children and grandchildren may enjoy them as we have. But this is a fight no nation
can win on its own. We have entered a new era in world history, where our biggest challenges
are global challenges, where each nation d~pends on every other nation for its survival and
success. We witnessed this in December, 1997 when I joined the representatives of 160 nations
at the United Nations Conference on Climate Change in your ancient capital of Kyoto.
We delegates to the Kyoto Summit agreed that human activity is causing a rise in global
temperatures that threatens more floods and droughts, diseases and pests, crop failures and
famines, melting glaciers, stronger storms and rising seas. If the world's nations do not act
together, we may all perish together. In fact, you in Japan have a saying: "Too many captains,
and the ship goes to the top ofthe mountain." In the case of global warming, we can say: "Too
little cooperation, and the ocean goes to the top of the mountain:"
And yet, global warming is but one of the many envirm:un~ntal challenges we must face
as a family of nations. . There is the poisoning of too many places from industrial waste, the
deaths oftoo many children from contaminated water and polluted air, the dangerous.depletion
of ocean fisheries, and the rapid destruction of critical habitats -- rain forests, temperate forests,
wetlands, coral reefs, and other pr~cious wellsprings of genetic variety upon which the future of
the human family depends.
Rachel Carson was among the first to see these dangers. Her book Silent Spring launched
the environmental movement; it is our responsibility to continue it. And yet our fight today is
different from hers. When she published her book, large companies who were polluting our
environment painted her as an isolated, hysterical woman, spreading alarm and disruption.
Today, we know Rachel Carson was right. And while there still are companies who will
fight against us as we work to protect our environment, there are more and more companies who
will fight with us. · There is now a fast-expanding, world-wide market worth over 400 billion
dollars a year for technologies that help clean the environment.
�·.
Japan and the United States, (I.S world leaders, have. both an opportUnity and a
responsibility to put our legendary entrepreneurial spirit and technological genius to the task of
cleaning our environment. Ifwe can design and manufacture the technology;that can make our
water, air, and soil cleaner and more healthy, we will have helped clear the path to a clean, .
healthy and prosperous future for our nations, and for all nations.
People who make millions of dollars, or billions of yen~ but pollute the earth -- even if
they leave all their money to their children and grandchildren -- are still cheating their children
and grandchildren. You; in Japan, understand this especially well. The Japanese are known the
world over for the respect and veneration you pay your ancestors. Let us bear in mind the lives·
of those who may one day call us ancestors. Let us work to leave them a healthy, blossoming
world, so that when .our descendants pay respect to our memory, we will have earned their
respect-- as the people who brought all the world's nations together in a global effort to preserve
the beauty and stunning diversity of life here on earth.
·
Sincerely,
Al Gore
•
·\
I
�Vice President AI Gore
Toast for Prime Minister Obuchi of Japan
Monday, May 3, 1999
Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Obuchi, friends and supporters of the
U.S.-Japanese partnership: America's friendship with Japan is one of
the most creative accomplishments in the history of world diplomacy.
In the course of ~uman history, friendships among nations have often
arisen naturally from a common bond of culture, of language, of race, .
region or religion. But if those were the elements necessary for
friendship, the United States and Japan could never have become friends.
America lies in the Western Hemisphere, culturally and historically
linked to Europe. Japan lies in the Pacific Ocean, culturally and
·
historically a centerpiece of Asia. Our religious heritage is largely
Judeo-Christian; yours is predominantly Shinto and Buddhism. Our
language is English, and we write it with 26 letters. Your language is
Japanese, and you write it with thousands of characters. Our country
is still young; yours is ancient.
How is it then; with all our differences •. the United States has no more
important relationship in the world than our strategic partnership with ·
Japan? I understand the Japanese have a saying: "Crows are black
the world over" (Dokono karasu demo iro wa kuroi). Signifying that
· people -'" regardless of background -- all share the same principles and
all have the same basic needs.
As the far-sighted Japanese economist Ukichi Taguchi pointed out -writing more than 100 years ago: "We seek to establish constitutional
government in our country, not because it is a Western form of
government, but because it conforms to man's own nature ...... We study
physics ... economics, and the other sciences not because they are the
province of one nation or culture, btJt because. they are the universal
truth."
On the eve of the 21st century, the U.S.-Japanese partnership offers a
model of hope for the world -- as we work together across all our
differences to build world of widening freedom, democracy, prosperity
and peace. Together, we are working together to guarantee peace and
security in the Pacific region, to advance humanitarian causes in
Kosovo, to support stability in Russia, to address threats from North .
Korea, to sustain the pursuit of peace in the Middle East, to offer
disaster relief in Central 'America, and ultimately to work together as
the two largest economies in the world to fuel prosperity around the
a
�world.
In particular, we are plea~ed with the progress of our partnership
under the leadership of Prime Minister Obuchi. Mr. Prime Minister, as
a young man, and a serious student of the world-- you embarked on a
nine-month tour of 38 nations and -- I understand -.,. wrote letters home
every day to a young woman you were courting. Your letters must have
been persuasive since I am delighted to see she has accompanied you on
this trip. Shortly thereafter, you followed in the footsteps of your
father and were elected to arliament --becoming incidentally, the
gest member of parliament in Japan. You have provided Japan an the
world distinguished service as foreign minister, and have become famous
for your skill in conciliation and mediation, for your ability to act
like an orchestra conductor-- co-ordinating disparate ideas and
interests, and succeed in forging consensus.
Over the last year, Mr. Prime Minister, you have used those skills· to
help pass the largest fiscal stimulus package in Japan's history;
achieve the fastest budget approval in history; and pass important
legislation to shore up the banking system, 'ease the credit crunch and
reinvigorate the economy.
Today, I am delighted to note that you and President Clinton have
issued a joint report focusing on Japanese plans to pursue deregulation
in such key sectors as telecommunications, financial services, and
pharmaceuticals -- which we believe will add momentum to your economic
reform efforts ..
The· United States and Japan are the world's most powerful economic
partners, Mr. Prime Minister, and our alliance is at the heart of our
security interests, but our relationship is larger even than that. We
share -- in addition --what we call a Common Agenda --the forum for
U.S. Japanese cooperation on global issues that range from.eliminating
polio, to preserving coral reefs, to addressing climate change.
Without Japan's leadership, the world would never have made the
advances we have in the last two years in the area of clirt:~ate change.
In December of 1997, I was received with legendary Japanese hospitality
in your ancient capital of Kyoto, where I joined the representatives of
160 nations at the United Nations Conference on Climate Change .. We
delegates to the Kyoto Summit agreed that human activity is causing a
rise in global temperatures that threatens more floods and droughts,
crop failures and famines, melting glaciers and rising seas. If the
world?s nations do not act together, we may all perish together. In
�fact, you in Japan have a saying dating back to the Edo period: "Too
many captains, and the ship goes to the top of the mountain.? Sendou
Oukute Fune Varna ni Noboru In the case of global warming, we can say:
"Too little cooperation, and th~ ocean goes to the top of the mountain."
There is now a fast-expanding, world-wide market worth over 400 billion
dollars a year for tec~nologies that help clean the environment. Japan
and the United States, as world leaders, have both an opportunity and a
responsibility to put our legendary entrepreneurial spirit and
technological genius to the task of reversing climate change, cleaning
our environment, and building economic prosperity for all the world's
peoples -- and all the world's children.
Let the United States and Japan prove to the world that we can
transcend difference to work together toward universal values. The
. Japanese are known the world over for the respect and veneration you pay
your ancestors. Let us ~ear in mind the lives of those who may one day
call us ancestors .. Let us work to leave them a healthy, blossoming,
prosperous world -- so that when our descendants pay respect to our
memory, we will have earned their respect-- as the people who led all
the world's nations in a global effort to transcend difference, create
harmony, and enhance the value of life here on earth. Let me raise a
glass high to the high promise and broad hopes we have for the future of
Japanese-American friendship.
ith all these differences, it is not surprising that the first
Japanese diplomatic mission to the United States ? received by President
Buchanan in 1860 in the White House ? was not altogether smooth. ·
Escorted
on a U.S. ship with an American crew, the Japanese spoke Dutch, not
English, while few Americans spoke Dutch, and none spoke Japanese. The
Japanese_ disliked the American food; the Americans threw the Japanese
food
overboard. Now of course, it is hard to find a table in a Japanese
restaurant here in the U.S., and American steak is prized in Tokyo.
Future is greater than the past p 143
Shourai wa kako
�Vice Presidlent AI Gore
Toast for Prime Minister Obuchi of Japan.
Monday, May 3, 1999
Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Obuchi, honored guests: We gather here today in celebration of
one of the most creative accomplishments in the last half-century of world diplomacy: the
powerful bond of friendship between America and Japan.
America lies in the Western Hemisphere, culturally and historically linked to Europe.
Japan lies in the Pacific Ocean, culturally and historically a centerpiece of Asia. Our religious
heritage is largely Judeo-Christian; yours is predominantly Shinto and Buddhist. Our language
· is English, and we write it with 26 letters. Your language is Japanese, '!fld you write it with
thousands ofcharacters. Our country is young; yours is ancient.
Still- in the midst of our many differences, the United States has no more important
relationship in the world than our strategic partnership with Japan.
Around the world, we are working together to guarantee peace and security in the Pacific
region, to advance humanitarian causes in Kosovo, to support stability in Russia, to address
threats from North Korea, to sustain the pursuit of peace in the Middle East, and to offer disaster
relief in Central America.
We are working together diligently to address the issue of climate change. At the
historic United Nations Conference on Climate Change held in the ancient Japanese capital of
Kyoto, I was proud to join delegates of 160 nations in a common effort to fight rising global
temperatures, floods and droughts, crop failures and famines, melting glaciers and rising seas .
.Mr. Prime Minister, you in Japan have a saying: "Too many captains, and the ship goes to the top
of the mountain." [Sendou Oukute Fune Yama ni Noboru]. In the case of global warming, we ·
can say: "Too little c~operation, and the ocean goes to the top of the mountain."
Japan and the United States are also working together to promote economic recovery and
expand prosperity around the globe. Mr. Prime Minister, you are famous for imitating the art
and skill of an orchestra conductor iri finding harmony among people of different views.
Over the last year, you have used those skills to help pass the largest fiscal stimulus
package in Japan's history; achieve the fastest budget approval in history; and pass important
legislation to shore up the banking system. Today, I am delighted to note that you and President
Clinton have issued a joint report on Japanese plans -to pursue deregulation in key sectors of the
Japanese economy..We believe this approach will add momentum to your reform efforts, and
help speed the arrival of a vigorous economic resurgence in Japan and throughout Asia.
~
Mr. Prime Minister- in spite of our many enduring differences of culture, of language, of
e, region and religion, we are bound together by a common commitment to freedom and
mocracy. As the visionary Japanese economist Ukichi Taguchi wrote more than 100 years
ago: ·"We seek to establish constitutional government in our country, not because it is a Western
�form of government, but because it conforms to man's own natu~e." The right to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness is, indeed, a universal longing of human nature and beyond the
claim of any one culture.
Mr. Prime Minister, the Japanese are known the world over for the respect and devotion
you pay your ancestors. Let our work together be inspired by love and devotion for those who
may one day call us ancestors. Let us work together to leave them a world filled with the
universal values of freedom, democracy and prosperity: so that when our descendants pay
respect to our memory we will have earned their respect: as far-sighted citizens of the United
States and Japan who-- at a critical point in our history-- led all the world's nations'in a global
effort to transcend difference, promote harmony, and enhance the promise of life here on earth.
C.
In this way, we can make real for our children the age-old optimism of the Japanese
c.erb: "The future is greater than the past." [Shourai wa kako ni m,asaru]
�-~--~~~~~~~~~~~~~
04/04/00
-
TUE 10:58 FAX 202 456 9250
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Kenneth G. Lieberthal
Special Assista·nt·to_'the ·preside,nt and
Senib"r Dire·ctor for Asian Affairs
(202) 456-9251
"(202) 456-9250
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Draft P~:"esldential Statem·e·nt on ~eath of Prime Minis tar Obuchi
Hillary arid I are deeply sadder'led by the death of Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi.
and we extend our deepest condolences to hi,s wife, Chizuko. his family, and the
JapanE!se people. Japan h·as lost a strong and forward-looking leader: the
United States has lost o·ne of our closest friends over~~as.
·
to
I had the Konor a·t:'d ple·asu·re have met Keizo·obuchi several times since he
became Prime Minister in 1998. I visited him in Tokyo two years a·go, and he
came to Washington last May. In all Ql.lr meetings, I was impressed both by his
vision of strong bilateral relations based on ·our shared values. arid his warmth
and kindness. Indeed, the personal relationship we established enabled us to
deal with a variety of issues, from trade regional security. in spirit of shared
interests and rnutual benefit.
·
to
a
- From his first days in office. Prime Minister Obuchi took swift steps to meet the
economic and security challenges facing Japan, committing substantial
re·sources to repair the banking system and pul1ing into motion new economic
stimulus measures. Under Mr. Qbuchi's leadership, Japan provided more
financial supp~rt than any other country to repair East Asia's financial system in
the midst of crisis, as well as strongly conti"ibutl~ 'to peacekeeping efforts from
East Timor to Kosovo. Attd Mr. Obuchi's leadership ensured passage of key
legislation strengthening our bilateral security alliance. the cornerstone of siability
in East Asia.
·
Prime Minister Obuchi believed that Japan can lead Asia into a remarkable new
century-- a century of global cooperation for greater peace and freedom, greater
democracy and prosp'erity. greater proted.ion o·f our environment, greater .
s·d~ntific discovery and space exploration; He believed, as l·do, the center of
these efforts is the
strong bond between the people of the United States and the
people of Japan. Both our personal friendship and the bonds between our two
countries demonstrate to Asia and to the ·world that very different societies can
work together in a harmony that benefits everycme. For leading the way forward ..
Keizo Obuchi will be remembered with honor and gratitude. I will miss him
.
greatly .
.
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Draft Statement by Whit~ Aous·e Pre~s Spoke·smari on the Daath of
Prlm·e Minister Obuchi
Tne United States extends its heartfelt condolences on the death of Prime
Minister Keizo Obuc:hi. Prime Minister Obuchi was a strong supporter of the USJapan relationship. He prt)vided effective lead•!!rsh.ip to ren~?w Japan's economic
growth, strength·en re·gional secarity in Asia, and c~mtribute to peace and securi1y
around the v.ic.;rld·, frdhi Kos·ovo tb East Timor. 'We strongly support his ~is ion that.
the relationship between the United States and J~ip~n remains the cornerstone of
stability and prosperity in the Asia Pacific regio·n.
·
We watched with admiration as Prime Minister Obuchi. immedi:a.tely upon
assuming office in August 1998. took swift steps to meet the economic
challen·gss facln'Q Japan, committing substantial resources to repair the banking
system and putting into motion·new economic :~timulus measures. The Prime
Minlstt!r m'ade often painful decisions to set the Japanese ecenomy on a course
of growth and sustaina;bility. a·ut he believed that with the right choices, ~apan
will emerge stronger, more open, and better adapted to meet the 21st century.·
We share that belief.
·
The Prime Minls1er also reaffirmed our bilateral partnership for th2 new cerilury
by eloquently expressing a vision of shared values as a new framework for
working together. Mr. Obuchi wprked to strengthen our bilateral cooperation on·
behalf of human rights and democracy around the world. Through the framework
of the Common Agen'di3, he ensured Japan's stron'g support for joint action to
tackle the 'problems of disease, environmental dama9e. ove'rp'opulation. and
other scourges in les's developed cou·ntries. Through his leadership, Japan
.
made 'significant contributions to relief efforts far from Japan's shores, but central·
to global security. from Central America to the Middle East. from Kosovo to East
Timor.
Under Prime Minis~ar .Obuchi, Japan made important contributions to regional
financial stabilization -- efforts such as the Miyazawa Plan. and the Asia growth
and recovery initiative the Prime Minister annourieed at APEC. to help banks and
busine·sses in ha'rd hit countries emerge from debt. The Obuchi governmsnt
demonstrated, through Its strong· support for de!re·gulation and for foreign
investment, that economic. recovery requires structural reform.
Prime Minister Obuchi was a firm supporter of !the US-Japan relationship and the
bilateral security alliance. His leadership enabled passage of the Security
Guidelines legislation which substantially stren~~thened the alliance to deal with
the challenges of a new century~ The United Stat~s strongly supported Mr, .
... Obuchi's vision of improving Japan's relations with its neighbors, and we are
confident' tha.t work will continue as His legacy.
3
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Prime Minister Obuchi worked to lead not only ·•.lap'a·n, but also Asia into a new
millennium. of regional cooperation for greater prosperity, democracy, and
security. His personal commitment to Japan's close ties with tne United States
demonstrated to the· rest of Asia that different societies can work well together
when they share fundamental values. We mourn Prime Minister Obuchi's
. passing·and hon·or him for ne:lping lead the global community into·the 21 ::t
century.
,:,-!.\,
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Draft Statement by White House Press Spokesman on the Death of
·
Prime Minister Obuchi
The United States extends its heartfelt cqndolences on the death of Prime
Minister Keizo Obuchi. Prime Minister Obuchi was a strong SL:Jpporter of the USJapan relationship:JHe provided.Mfeetive ·leadersh!P to ren_yw Japan's economic
growth, strengthertttegional security in Asia, and contributEfto peace and security
around the world, trom Kosovo to East Timor.. ·we strongly support his vision that
the relationship between the United States and Japan remains the cornerstone of
. stability and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region.
'
'
We watched wi' admiraf n as Prime Minister Obuchi, immediately upon
assuming office 1 Aug t 1998, took swift steps to meet the economic . :
challenges facing ap , committing substantial resources to repair t.h.e banking
system and putting · o motion new economic stimulus measures. The Prime
. Minister made oft · ainful decisions to set the Japanese economy on a course
of growth and stain ility. But he believed that with the right choices, Japan
will emerge anger, m e op~n. and better adapted to meet the 2~ st c~ntury.
We share at belief.
·
. The Prime Minister also reaffirmed our bilateral 'partnership for the new century
by eloquently expressing a vision of shared values as a new framework for·
working together. Mr. Obuchi worked to strengthen our bilateral cooperation on
behalf of human rights and democracy around the world. Through the framework
of the Cor:nmon Ag·enda, he ensured Japan•s strong support for joint action to
tackle the problems of disease, ~nvironmental damage, overpopulation, and .
other scourges in less developed countries. Through his leadership; Japan ·.
made significant contributions 'to relief efforts far from Japan's shores, but central
to global security, from Ce'ritral America to the Middle East, from Ko~ovo to East .
Timor.
Under Prime Minister buchi, pan made importantcontributions to regional
financial stabilization-- effort such as the Miyazawa Plan, and the Asia growth
and recovery initiative t e Pr:· e Minister announced at APEC, to help banks and
businesses in hard hit c
ries emerge from debt. The Obuchi govern'T1ent
demonst'rated. through its trong support for deregulation and for foreign ·
inve~tment, that econom· r avery requires structural reform.
Prime Minister Obuchi was a firm supporter of the US-Japan relationship and the
bilateral security alliance. His leadership enabled passage of the Security
Guidelines legislation which· substantially strengthened the alliance to deal with
the challenges of a new centu_ry. The United States strongly supported Mr.
Obuchi's vision of improving Japan's relations with its neighbors, and we are
confident that work will continue as his legacy.
·
�I
I
~OiaLL~_,.,.tts personal commitment to Japan's close ties with the United States
demonstrated to the rest of Asia that different societies can work well together
when they share fundamental values. We mourn Prime Minister Obuchi's
passing and honor him for helping lead the global community into the 21st ,
century.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Tokyo, Japan)
November 19, 1998
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRIME MINISTER OBUCHI
IN EXCHANGE OF TOASTS
Akasaka Palace
Tokyo, Japan
I
7:50 P.M. EST
PRIME MINISTER OBUCHI: Mr. President, ladies and
gentlemen, it is my utmost pleasure to host this dinner ·for you
and your delegation.
I'd like to express my heartfelt welcome
to. you.
On behalf of the government of Japan and the people of
Japan, I'd like to offer my heartfelt welcome to the President.
As partners with shared values of freedom and democracy,
Japan and the U.S. are briskly marching towards the 21st
century, playing a central role in promoting peace, stability
and prosperity in the Asia Pacific region.
Today, Japan is in a period of great transition, which can
be described as the third opening of our country.· This
transition is a challenge which entails a major institutional
transformation which is comparable with Meiji restoration and
rebuilding of our nation after the second. world war. We are
resolved to face and overcome this challenge with daring.
Considering that the U.. S. always' played a major role in an
important juncture in our country's involvement with the
international community, I am hoping that the friendship and
trust of the United States, and cooperation, be a tailwind for·
our efforts this time, too.
�2
Mr. President, both you and I have been spending, indeed,
very busy days for the past several weeks.
I understand that
you have ~ackled literally day and night intessant critical
diplomatic issues, including Wye River agreement last month and
the recent Iraqi crisis. And you arrived in Tokyo this
CJ.fternoon.
I, too, visited Russia last week, attended the APEC
informal leaders ·meeting, .and returned home at 2:00a.m. this
morning.
Next week, President Jiang Zemin of China is visiting
Japan.
In short, in addition to attending a multilateral
meeting, I meet the leaders of U.S., China and Russia within a
short span of only two weeks.
Our excruciating diplomatic
schedule testifies to the responsibility o~ the two countries
for the peace and prosperity of the world.
At the same time, observing how you work so energetically,
Mr. President, I come to realize clearly th~t it is not only
lib~ralism and democracy that Japan and U.S. share; the fact
that the leader of a nation, working with very little sleep is
also common in Japan and the United States. ·This I say with a
great sense of honor, and I suppose it is the destiny of leaders
in democratic nations. So I must say that short sleeping hours
and hard schedule has become the solid bond tying you,
Mr. President, and me.
Mr. President, the U.S. has always been the source of
dreams and hopes for Japanese people. A few days ago, Sammy
Sosa of the Chicagq Cubs came to Japan on the occasion of JapanU.S. Professional Baseball game. Many people in Japan,
including myself, were thrilled to watch the spectacular home
run r~ce between Mr. McGwire and Mr. Sosa.
Another'source of dream was the Space Shuttle Discovery.
I
heard that you watched its launching.
Senator John Glenn and
Japanese female astronaut, Dr. Chiaki Mukai, were aboard this
Space Shuttle Discovery.
The seen~ of Japan-U.S. collaboration
performed in the theater of zero gravity has given many Japanese
dreams and hopes.
Mr. President, on the occasion of my summit meeting with
you in New York last September, I was so grateful for your
warmth in receiving me. Having wanted to reciprocate the
hospitality since then, I am most gratified to have this
opportunity so soon.
I understand that you will have another
busy day tomorrow, but I sincerely hope.that you will enjoy your
stay in Japan.
�3
,,
Now, Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, now placed in the
background of this banquet hafl -- I think it's going to be
placed -- is a bonsai of spruce which is 250 years old.
This
bonsai, with the branches growing so straight, comes from
Kunashiri Island, which .is a part of the Northern Territories of
Japan, the return of which is supported by your country.
I have
tended, nurtured, and cherished this bonsai myself, but I'd like
you to have it as a memory of your visit to Japan.
I hope this
spruce bonsai keeps its straight form in the United States and
loved by the people of the United,States for a long time.
This comes from a northernmost island, so it's faraway
island and still bonsai is on its way, and it hasn't been placed
yet in this banquet hall.,
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, now I'd like to
propose a toast for the health of President Clinton and the
members of the U.S. delegation for the further progress of the
people of the United States and for the further development of
the Japan-U.S. relations.
Please,join me.
(A toast is offered.)
THE PRESIDENT:
Prime Minister, Mrs. Obuchi, members of the
Japanese delegation and honored guests.
First let me say on
behalf of the American delegation, I thank you for your warm
hospitality.
It is a pleasure to look around this room tonight and see
so many friendly faces from my previous trips to Japan -~ your
qistinguished predecessors, your Ambassador and former
ambassadors, distinguished business leaders.
The relationship
between our two countries has always been important, but never
more important than now.
I, too, enjoyed our meeting in New York two months ago.
Tonight I am delighted to be back in the Akasaka Palace.
I also
-- Prime Minister, I feel terrible about the schedule which we
are on together, but since you mentioned {t, pe'rhaps we can make
sure that we both stay awake at the dinner tonight.
(Laughter.)
Let me say, in all seriousness, too, I was deeply honored
to be received by the Emperor and the Empress today, and very
much appreciated the visit that we had and the good wishes they
sent to my family.
;
�Since my last visit here in the spring of 1996, strong
winds have blown across the world, disrupting economies in every
region.
There have also been threat.s to peace and ~tability
from acts of t~rrori~m to weapons of mass destruction.
Yet, the
world has made progress in the .face of adversity.
It is more
peaceful today than it was two years ago when I was here.
Hope has come to Northern Ireland.
Peru and Ecuador have
resolved their longstanding dispute. Bosnia is building a
self-sustaining peace. A humanitarian disaster has been averted
in Kosovo, and the people there have now hope for regaining
their autonomy.
The Middle East is back on the long road to·
peace.
All of these areas of progress have one thing in common:
They represent the triumph of a wide circle of nations working
together, not only .the nations directly affected, but a
community of nations that brings adversaries to the table to
settle their differences.
Year in and year out, Japan's generous contributions to
peacekeeping effqrts and your eloquent defense of the idea of
global harmony have gone far to make this a safer world.
In
Central America you have provided disaster relief in the wake of
Hurricane Mitch.
I should say, Mr. Prime Minister, that I wish
my wife were with me tonight, ·but she is there, where they had
the worst hurricane disaster in 200 years. And I thank you for
helping people so far from your home.
In the Middle East you have contributed substantial funds
to aid the peace process.
In recent months you have further
advanced the cause of peace by taking your relations with Asian
neighbors to a new and significantly higher level of
cooperation. And despite economic difficulties at home, .you
have contributed to recovery efforts throughout Asia.
That is
true leadership.
Now, Mr. Prime Minister, you have made difficult decisions
to overcome your own economic challenges.
The path back to
growth and stability will require your continued leadership, but
we hope to work with you every step of the way.
In dealing with these difficulties, Japan can lead Asia
into a remarkable new century -- a century of global cooperatibn
for greater peace and freedom, greater democracy and prosperity,
greater protection of our environment, greater scientific
discovery and space exploration.
�'I
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.
5
At the center of all our efforts is the strong bond between
the people of the United States and;the people of Japan.
Our
security alliance is the cornerstone of Asia's stability.
Our
friendship demonstrates to Asia and to the world that very
different societies can work together in a harmony that benefits
everyone.
Two fine examples _of our recent cooperation are the new
Asia Growth and Recovery Initiative that you and I recently
announced, Prime Minister, and, as you mentioned, the Space
Shuttle Discovery, which included your remarkable astronaut
Chiaki Mukai.
I understand that when Dr. Mukai spoke with you
from space, Prime Minister, she offered the first three lines of
a five-line poem, a tanka poem, and she invited the people of
Japan to provide the final. two lines.
I want to try iny hand at
this.
As I understand it, her lines were: "Spinning somersaults I
Without gravity's limits I In space flight with Glenn."
I would
add:
"All is possible on Earth and in the heavens I When our
countries join hands."
(Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, I ask you to join me in a toast t?
the Prime Minister and Mrs. Ob~chi, and to the people of Japan.
(A toast was offered.)
END
(Applause.)
7:56P.M.
(L)
�d
L
1•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 3, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRIME MINISTER KEIZO OBUCHI OF JAPAN
AT ARRIVAL CEREMONY
The South Grounds
9:55A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Prime Minister Obuchi, Mrs. Obuchi, members
of the Japanese delegation, my fellow Americans. Mr. Prime
Minister, we welcome you to America and to the White House, and
to greet you in the spring when the cherry blossoms every year
remind us of the generosity and friendship of the Japanese
people.
The cherry bloss9ms -- or in Japanese, sakura -- have made
it through changing times, environmental challenge~, and even
most recently, the attention of our local population of beavers.
(Laughter.)
They have endured, as our friendship has endured,
and will continue to endure forever.
I
For a half-century, our friendship has been a bedrock of
security in Asia.
It remains So. But now it is proving itself
in the face of new challenges, as well -- from protecting the
envirqnment to fighting AIDS, to stopping the spread of deadly
weapons. We are, allies today because we share common values and
a common vision of the future, rooted in democracy, human rights
and political pluralism.
Mr. Prime Minister, you have been in office less than a
year, but already you have taken important. steps in meeting the
challenges that face you and reaching the goals that unite us ..
Our nations are proud to reaffirm our ~artnership for the new
century. we·value our security relationship, what it does to
build peace in northeast Asia, our common efforts in Indonesia,
and Japan's consistent contributions to relief efforts so far
�.,
.I
2
from your shores -- from Central America to the Middle East and,
now, to Kosovo.
The economic difficulties of recent years have been a
challenge· to many people in Japan and throughout Asia.
But ~ith
the right choices, Japan, and Asia, will emerge stronger, more
open, more democratic, better adapted.to meet the 21st century.
In just a few years, we will mark the 150th anniversary of
our relationship.
The Japanese and the American people have
come a great distance in that time together. We work together;
our children study together; our Armed Forces have served
together. 0e even share a national pastime.
In fact, just last
Saturday, at a time when American Major League baseball teams
all across the country are competing for Japanese pitching
talent, a new pitcher from across the Pacific threw out the
.first ball at Wrigley Field.
Mr. Prime Minister, you did a fine job.
(Laughter.)
Mr. Prime Minister, the Japanese-American friendship is
testament to the basic truth that with trust and understanding
and genuine partnership, we can meet the challenges of the new
century and give our children a more peaceful and prosperous
future.
Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Obuchi,. you honor us with our
visit and, again, we welcome' you to the United States.
(Applause.)
PRIME MINISTER OBUCHI: Mr. President, Mrs. Clinton, thank
you very much.
It is a great pleasure for my wife and me to
officially ·visit the United States on your kind invitation. At
this critical jurcture, immediately prior to the new millennium,
I am making the first official visit of a Japanese Prime
Minister to the United States in 12 years:
More significant than this, however, is.that the leaders of
allies across the P~cific are meeting in this great Capit~l
City, where the leaders of NATO, spanning across the Atlantic,
gathered last week.
Japan took the first step toward modernization, awakened by
the arrival of Commodore Perry's four black ships in 1853.
There have been many twists and turns for the past 146 years
since then.
Today, owing to the dedication of our predecessors,
Japan and the United States have built up an alliance that
�3
brings about great mutual benefit, and is invaluable for the
peoples of the two countries.
Both Japan and the United States respect the universal
values of freedom and democracy, and seek a policy objective of
maximizing individual happiness. At the core of our r~lations,
which share values and policy objectives,' is the security
alliance.
This alliance is also the foundation of peace and
stability in the Asia Pacific region.
Japan and the United States, as two nations with global
responsibilities, have been working together on regional and
global issues. Combining our strength and resources through
intensive policy coordination, our partnership has made
achievements in many fields around the world.
Such a
cooperative relationship, bound together by mutual trust and
resulting in such success, is rare in the history of the world.
Japan and the United States are the two largest econo~ies
of the world.
I am here to discuss with President Clinton the
way the cooperation between Japan and the United States should
be as we move toward the 21st century.
These days, Japan has been facing economic difficulties.
Since assuming the office of Prime Minister, I have boldly
implemented every kind of measure aimed at achieving Japan's
economic recovery.
Supported by the effect of these measures,
our economy is showing an emerging sign of change for the
better. At the same time, the nation's businesses and
industries, which until last year suffered from an overhanging
stagnant mood, have begun to .demonstrate a forward-looking and
positive outlook and attitude.
I am determined to ensure a
successful revitalization of the Japanese economy through
overcoming, with unwavering resolve, any obstacle we may
encount~r in the process.
I would like to promote Japan-U.S. cooperation even further
through my talk with President Clinton today, in order to
achieve a more peaceful and more prosperous 21st century.
Mr. President, Mrs. Clinton, thank you once again for your
hospitality.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
END
10:10 A.M. EDT
�(i:..
- .;)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 3, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRIME MINISTER ,OBUCHI OF JAPAN
IN EXCHANGE OF TOASTS
Pavilion
9:05 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Ladies and gentlemen, Prime Minister and
Mrs. Obuchi, members of the Japanese delegation, and all.our
distinguished guests.
It's a great ,pleasure for Hillary and for
me to return the hospitality that the Prime Minister extended to
me when I vis'i ted Japan last November.
In 1963, as a high school student, I first came to this
There I heard President Kennedy challenge a group of us\
to make the world.a better place. A year earli~r, a young
Japanese graduate student walked straight into the office of
Attorney G~neral Robert Kennedy and asked for a meeting.
H~
left a letter, saying he was deeply impress~d by a speech
Kennedy had given at Waseda University.
ho~se.
Keizo Obuchi apparently made his own impression, because a
week later he got his meeting with Robert Kennedy. He has .said
often since then that that meeting helped kindle within him a
desire 'for public service.
I understand, Mr .. Prime Minister,
that the Attorney General's graciousnes$ also impressed you. We
see it today reflected in your own decency and generosity.
I treasure the Bonsai tree you gave me last year, a tree
you tended yourself.
I was hbnored when you presented me. with
sake that came from His Majesty the Emperor. And you were kind
enough to write this warning:
Be careful, because overall, sake
will result in dancing and singing.
(Laughter.)
Well, many people were dancing and singing with or without
sake, when this year the young Japanese filmmaker, Keiko Ibi,
won and Academy Award for her film on the lives of elderly New
�2
York~rs.
Her acceptance speech pointed to the possibilities for
understanding and friendship between people of different
cultures.
That spirit is more important th~n ever today, as the world
community works to end the ethnic and religious cleansing in
Kosovo.
I am·· grateful to Japan for supporting NAT<?' s efforts,
and for its aid to refugees in frontline states -- part of'
·Japan's broader commitment. to relieve human suffering and
support peace and freedom around the world.
You have helped
survivors of Central America's hurricanes; supported the peace
process in the Middle East; promoted democracy in Indonesia and
stability on the Korean Peninsula; ratifying the Nuclear Test
Ban Treaty; fighting deadly disease in Africa; protectlng
endangered forests and oceans.
Japan truly is a world leader
for all that is best in humanity.
The whole world
Minister -- for that
you and working with
of Japan's citizens,
looks to Japan -- and to you, Mr. Prime
kind of leadership. And we are pulling for
you for economic policies to lift the lives
as well as the people in your region.
We share the same dreams for a better future.
We are
·united in an alliance of fundamental importance to peace and
freedom. As I said to· you in Tokyo, all is possible when our
I
countries join hands.
I ask all of you to join me in a· toast to the Prime
Minister, to Mrs. Obuchi, and to the people of Japan.
(A toast is offered.)
PRIME MINISTER OBUCHI:
distinguished guests, ladies
Japanese delegation, I would
gratitude to you for hosting
evening.
(Applause.)
Mr. President, .Mrs. Clinton,
and gentlemen, on behalf of the
like to express my he~rtfelt
such a wonderful dinner this
Before coming to this dinner, ~ went to Arlington National
Cemetery to pay 1my respect to the unknown soldiers.
I offered a
. most sincere and pious prayer to the souls of noble Americans
who made ultimate sacrifice for their country.
I also paid my
respect to the late President John F. Kennedy, bowing at his
grave site, and to late Attorney General Robert Kennedy,
presenting a wreath of flowers at ~is grave.
�~
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3
The late Robert Kennedy graciously granted me a brief
meeting, although I was a student then, when I visited the
United States in July 1963 -- an occasion which had major impact
on my launching a political career, myself. Mr. President, I
understand that your meeting with.President John F. Kennedy,
also when you were a student, determined the subsequent course
of your life and career .. I can only wonder at the inexplicable
manner in which the d~stiny plays out itself.
Our encounters
with the Kennedy brothers have drawn us together in our present
responsibilities .
. And I'm very happy to see Mrs. Robert Kennedy at my table,
and I'm just very glad to see her here tonight.
(App.lause.)
It is. significant that this official visit to the United
States, the first by a Japanese Prime Minister in 12 years,
comes as we approach the year 2000, marking the beginning of'a
major new era. W~ are deeply moved by the extremely warm
welcome we have received from President and Mrs. Clinton, and
from the government and people of the United States.
Before coming to Washington, D.C., we visited Los Angeles
and Chicago, and received a wonderful welcome from the people
there.
For this, I would like to once again express my deepest
gratitude.
My visit to the United States has been a tremendous
success.
The only and most serious concern of my delegation and
myself was whether my ceremonial first pitch at the Chicago.cubs
game 'would reach home plate.
(Laughter.)
My ball was nailed
into Sammy Sosa's mitt,.without hitting the ground.
(Laughter.)
It was a nice pitch that even a home run slugger cannot hit.
(Laughter and applause.)
Ladies and gentlem~n, this is i~ fact the second time I
have been invited to attend a dinner at the White House.
In May
1979, I was invited by President Carter as head· of Diet members
accompanying then-Prime Minister Ohira on his visit to the
United Statei:
That evening, sitting together with the actor
Peter Falk at one of the round tables on the second floor
balcony, I dreamed that one day I might be invited to a White
House dinner as the guest of honor.
Now I can only thank God for turning this dream into a
reality 2·0 years later, and of course, I sincerely appreciate
President Clinton's gracious invitation.
(Applause.)
�4
Tonight some of the members of the Japanese Diet who are
regularly competing in good rivalry with each other are also
kindly invited.
Some of them, I think,· should be expecting to
be invited to the White House as a guest of honor.
(Laughter
and applause.)
The first time I visited Washington 0as in July, 1963, some
36 years ago.
Since I was then a student with little money, I
stayed at the cheapest place in Washington, the YMCA -at $1.50 per night.
(Laughter.)
(laughter)
Well, this time, no chance.
(Laughter and applause.)
This time, however, I am staying at a place more luxurious than
any hotel in Washington-- the President's guest house, Blair
House, where you cannot actually invite yourself, even how much
money you p~y, ~ou have to actually be invited.
(Laughter) .
I
am very grateful to your heartfelt considerations, Mr.
President.
Mr. President, ever since the appearance of the four
Americ~n black ships off the coast of Uraga, Japan, in 1853,
Japan-U.S. relations have seen sunny, cloudy and some stormy
days.
Our predecessors have enhanced the friendship and
cooperation between our two countries for the last 140 years,
respecting differences iri otir history, culture and language.
I
can say with utmost confidence that, due to these great efforts,
our bilateral relationship is in the best shape ever.
It is, of course, important what Japan and the United
States expect from each other.
But I believe that there is now
a growing need for our two countries to jointly pursue what we
can achieve for the world by collaborating with each other as
close partne~s who share the same fundamental values of freedom,
democracy and respect for human rights.
During this visit, I have presented the President with a
work of art which depicts Mount Fuji.
It was painted by my old
friend, artist Horin Fukuoji.
The reason I selected Mount Fuji
is that the two Japanese kanji for Fuji convey the meaning
·economic wealth and ·spiritual morality.
In this. way, Mount Fuji
aptly represents my vision of Japan, which is a nation of wealth
and virtue.
Through this work of art, I wanted to convey to
President Clinton both my deep respect for the United States,
which leads the world both in wealth and morality, as well as my
firm determination to bring a Japan worthy of Mount Fuji.
�)
·~
5
Attending today's dinner is Dr. Chiaki Mukai, who flew on
the space shuttle Discovery with American astronauts last year
as part of Japan-U.S. cooperation in space exploration.
(Applause.)
In a competition to complete the second half of a
traditional Japanese poem, tanka, composed by Dr. Mukai, which
reads,. "turn space somersaults I as many as· you like I that is
weightlessness," an amazing response of over 140,000 entries
were received.
One of these, which was written by the President, reads,
"all is possible when our countrie~ j~in hands.'' This wonderful
stat·ement truly evokes the spirit of Japan-U.S. cooperation, and
my wife has made it into Japanese calligraphy, which was
presented earlier to the President.
Mr. President, I have attempted to follow your example by
composing my own ·line:
"let us work together toward an affluent
globe."
Mr. President, Mrs. Clinton, distinguished guests, ladies
and gentlemen, in closing, I would like to propose a toast to
the health of President and Mrs. Clinton, to the continued
.
.
I
prosperity of the United States, and to the further enhancement
of the Japan-U.S. partnership well into th~ 21st century.
Ka:inpai.
(A toast is offered.)
PRIME MINISTER OBUCHI:
Thank you very much.
END
9: 2 5 P.M. EDT
(Applause.)
�f•!
.4
. Prior.to my arrival here in Washington, I visited Los
Angeles and Chicago and met many American citizens .from all
walks of life who also extended me a very, very warm welcome.
I
was impressed through these meetings .by the great progress that
has been made in the exthanges between our two peoples, as well
as the solid mutual trust that so strongly binds our alliance
and partne~ship.
I
Earlier today, during the luncheon hosted by Vice President
Gore, we shared our views that will further expand our bilateral
relationship by encouraging the two peoples to join in through
such organizations as NGOs.
In my dis~ussions with President Clinton, we both confirmed
as·allies --we share the corrimon values of freedom, democracy
and respect for human rights -- that our two countries will
cooperate toward our common goal of building a peaceful and
prosperous world for the 21st century.
Regarding the problem in Kosovo, let me first join the
'American people in rejoicing for the release of three U.S.
servicemen.
I stressed that it is important for the
international community to act in concert, through diplomatic
efforts, to find a political solution.
I welcome the dialogue
between the U.S. and Russia which is going on today, and I pay
respect to the efforts made by President Clinton.
...,
From the viewpoint of supporting the U.S. effort, among
others, I decided before departing from Japan on an aid package
fbr refugees in the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of
Albania, as well as for other purposes, which brings the
Japanese pledged contribution to a total of $200 million.
Regarding the Japanese economy, I explained to the
President that Japan is swiftly and boldly taking every measure
in order to address the difficulties we are facing, and to
achieve Japan's economic recovery. Referring to specific
measures aimed at the revitalization of the Japanese economy and
structural reform, I also explained that we'll pave a solid path
for recovery within fiscal year 1999, and will continue our
effort with unwavering resolve to ensure positive growth.
Japan's economy and society are already experiencing broad-based
change, and by continuing to advance structural reform, I firmly
believe that Japan will soon regain its vitality.
•:;
We reaffirmed the importance of ensuring the effectiveness
of the guidelines for Japan-U .·s. defense cooperation.
To
�.5
resolve the issue~ involving Okinawa, we shared our views that ·
we would continuously strive to stead1ly implement the
recommendations in the final report of SACO -- Special Action
Committee on Okinawa -- while giving due consideration to the
situa~ion in Okinawa.
:I
We also discussed our cooperation to secure peace and
prosperity in Asia.
Regarding our policy toward North Korea,
Japan supports the comprehensive and integrated approach
currently being worked out by North Korea policy coordinator,
William Perry. We shared the view that, based upon close
coordination among Japan, the United States and the Republic of
Korea, we would continue our policy toward North Korea while
'
striking a balance between dialogue and deterrence.
'
Public opinion in Japan is very negative due to problems
r~l~ted to North Korea, such as the missile launch, suspicion of
abductions and spy ship activity. But Japan considers KEDO to
be important for its.national security because it provides the
most realistic and effective framework for preventing North
Korea from developing nuclear weapons.
With this in mind, the government of Japan has signed the
KEDO government of Japan loan agreement earlier today -- that
is, the 3rd of May. Moreover, we affirmed the importance of
further developing the bilateral cooperative relationships
between Japan, the United States and the Republic of China
respectively .. I emphasized the importance of China's early
accession to the WTO, and shared the view with President Cllnton
that our two countries will cooperate toward achieving Chipa's
accession within this year.
With regard to Indonesia, I told the President that Japan
is making its utmost effort to support reform .in Indonesi~,
including the holding of general elections in June.
In response
to the Asian economic crisis, .we shared the view that our two
countries will cboperate from the vantage point of helping otit
the socially vulnerable in Asian countries.
In addition, we affirmed that we will cooperate even more
closely toward the early realization of the United Nations
Security Council reform, and to improve the ability. ·of the
United Nations to cope with disputes.
On the economic front, we shared the opinion that both
Japan and' the .United States should play leading roles in
�6
strengthening the international financial system and in
initiating the next round of WTO negotiations.
Both· the President and I welcomed the following
achievements through the Japan-U.S. dialogue on deregulation and
investment; the efforts by the government of Japan and other
entities to promote investment; substantive meeting of minds on
agreement between Japan and the United States concerning
cooperation on anti-competitive activities; and significant
progress in Japan-U.S. Y2K cooperation.
Japan and the United States first met in the mid-19th
century.
Since then, the Japan-U.S. relations have seen sunny,
cloudy, and some stormy days:
Due to the untiring efforts of
our two peoples over the last half-century to advance mutual
underst~nding, we have succeeded building a solid .relationship
of trust.
Since I first traveled to the United States 36 years ago,
I've.visited the United States almost every year through a
congressional exchange program to promote friendly relations
between Japan and the U.S. As the world now stands ready to
embrace a new century, we shared the view that it is the mission
of Japan and the United States to take the initiative and put
our heads. together {n cooperation so that the peoples of more
countries can ~njoy increased security and prosperity.
Clarifying this shared vision, I believe, is the greatest
achievement to come out of this summit meeting.
Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT:
Helen.
Q
~r. President, all of the recent public statements
from the White House indicate that there's no room for
negotiations. Are you asking for total capitulation, total
victory, or is there any flexibility in negotiations, say, in
the makeup of the international peacekeeping force?
THE PRESIDENT:
Well, let me answer the question, but,
first of all, let me say, I don't think you can characterize it
a~ total victory.
That's not what I'm a~king for.
What I'm
asking for are the minimal ·conditions necessary for the Kosovars
to be able to go home and live in security with self-government.
That is, they won't go home unless the Serb security forces are
withdrawn, and they won't go home unless there is a credible
international sec~rity force, in which NATO plays a role.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. report
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
U.S. Government Report (3 pages)
I 0/01/1999
RESTRICTION
P 1/b(l)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
Obuchi [Japan]
2008-0703-F
'ml84
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information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA]
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purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAl
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA[
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAI' ·
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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�
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Obuchi [Japan]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 3
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-003-006-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/555299b5ad59dbbcd7bfa8b9f666ec2c.pdf
1696b1f65adb2afe798f8bd52a241620
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
.
.
· This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[POTUS] Troop Speech [1]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Jhomas
!.
Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
8
3·
v
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DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
U.S. Government Report: CIA Act (I page)
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RESTRICTION
P3/b(3)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[POTUS] Troop Speech [I]
2008-0703-F
'm185
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act- JS U.S.C. SS2(b)]
PI
P2
PJ
P4
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b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
a it agency J(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute J(b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information J(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy J(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes J(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions J(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells J(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information J(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRAJ
Release would violate a Federal statute J(a)(J) of the PRAJ
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information J(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ja)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�'
Below is a compilation of the many good things that the Marines et al do in
Okinawa. Dowsn't quite get the same press coverage, but people in the White
House might want to get a flavor of the rest of the story.
John
----------------------Forwarded by John Hiii/ISNpolicy on 07/12/2000 09:30AM
Deweese LtCol Jeffrey L <DeweeseJL@hqmc.usmc.mil> on 07/10/2000 05:44:43 PM
'
To: John Hiii/ISNpolicy@policy
cc:
Subject: FW: Okinawa Question
> -----Original Message----> From: Rann Col David P
>Sent: Friday, July 07, 2000 7:12PM
>To:
Deweese LtCol Jeffrey L
RE: Okinawa Question
> Subject:
>
> Glad you asked! April 1st we put together a document outlining all the
>off-base efforts for the preceeding 6 mos for LtGen Hailston ... its
> attached and its impressive! Just added an exciting new item: English
> Language Volunteer Program which we hope will, long term, change the way
> the US military is viewed on Okinawa. Hope this helps. vr, David
> «USMC GOOD NEIGHBOR EFFORTS ON OKINAWA.doc»
>
> -----Original Message----> From: Deweese LtCol Jeffrey L
> Sent: Saturday, July 08, 2000 5:28AM
> To:
Rann Col David P
> Subject:
FW: Okinawa Question
>
>Sir;
>
> Do you have anything on this subject in addition to the "Good Things
> List" that you sent to me before??
>
>VIR
>
>Jeff
>
> -----Original Message----> From: Andersen Maj David C
>Sent: Friday, July 07, 2000 3:43 PM
>To:
Owermohle LtCol Kurt S
Gibbons Maj PatrickG; Murray Col Sheryl E; Deweese LtCol Jeffrey L
> Cc:
> Subject:
Okinawa Question
�'
t
>
>Sir,
>
>Assistant Sec. Def. Bacon is looking for information concerning the
> historical "good programs" that have taken place on Oki since the 1995
>rape. Col Murray needs the info/confirmation on Monday. LtCol Deweese
> (PP&O Plans) is also writing Col Rann to see if there is anything else
> that he knows of. I have attached below what we have so far- I received
> this from PP&O - do you have anything to update the below doc or is this
> good-to-go.
>
>Thanks
>
> « File: Good things.doc »
>
> Major D. C. Andersen, U.S. Marine Corps
> Deputy Head, Media Operations Branch
> Division of Public Affairs, Headquarters Marine Corps
> The Pentagon
> DSN: 224-2019
> Comm: 703-614-2019
>
-USMC GOOD NEIGHBOR EFFORTS ON OKINAWA.doc
�------------.
GENERAL
---
----
ENG~JiL~!.JGUAGE VOLUNTEER PROGRAM. On 1 May 2000, the ~S military, in
cC50rdination with -me Okinawa PrefeCture -GovernmenTs-Education -D-epartment, began
the English Language Volunteer Program. This project is designed to introduce English
language instruction to Okinawan children during their elementary school years. The
US military and their family members are assigned to various Okinawan elementary
schools throughout the island in order to supplement their English language instruction.
Over 100 volunteers (approximately 70 USMC) are involved in the program. This is the
first year of the program and this project will be expanded next years as more schools
are added.
LIBERTY CAMPAIGN PLAN. A Marine Corps Bases, Japan/Ill MEF policy established
to place more preventive control measures into liberty policies, raise standards of
discipline, and to deal more aggressively with alcohol abuse problems.
REDUCTION IN CRIME. On June 28, 1999, Pacific Stars and Stripes ran an article that
said Okinawan Police officials said that the crime rate has been going down among
SOFA personnel, dropping some 77.8% in the past 10 years. Governor lnamine
thanked the U.S. Military for taking positive action and specifically cited the Marines'
Liberty Campaign Plan.
OKINAWA CITY (GATE 2 STREET) CURFEW LIFTED. At the behest of Okinawa City,
the Okinawa Area Coordinator (LtGen Hailston) lifted the curfew imposed on U.S.
military personnel outside of Kadena, Gate 2, to enhance economic opportunity and
relations with Okinawa City.
REVITALIZATION OF THE TLC. The Tripartite Liaison Committee (TLC) resumed
after a 4-year hiatus. This committee is designed to facilitate discussion between the
local prefecture government, local Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), Defense Facilities
Administration Bureau (DFAB), and U.S. Military leadership.
COOPERATION/COORDINATION. During the fall of 1999, in preparation forY2K,
detailed coordination was conducted between the Okinawa Government and U.S.
Military to ensure support facilities were able to support each other in case of system
failure during t~e-~ransition to ~h~ year 2000: In adCfiti?n-;:ol:JL~_~_va~sp~ta.l, fire ..
depart111ents,-env1ronmental diVISIOn, emer.ger:~cy ser-v1ces;, an_d other tecnmcal-mthtar:y-----.,
-:-organizations have formed partnerships with their respective -oRiriawa=co,unterparts.for..- _ .-J
L ;_information sharing,_impr6ved cooperation and-service.
. . .'
NHK'S FACES OF OUR NEIGHBORS. In an ongoing attempt to "demystify" the US
Military on Okinawa ... PAO, in cooperation with the local affiliate of NHK (Japan
National Broadcasting Corp.) has, for the past year and a half, aired a series of
- 1-
�'•
balanced and informational features of the various aspects of the US Military and its
mission on Okinawa. The series began weekly national broadcasting this month.
KIN-CHO CEREMONIAL ROCK AND TOMB. U.S. Marines and Navy supported a
request from the Mayor of Kin-cho to move a ceremonial rock and Okinawan Tomb from
Okinawa to Hawaii as a gift for the Hawaii United Okinawa Center. The rock, which
came from Camp Hansen, weighted 18 tons and the tomb weighted 4.8 tons. The
Navy-Marine Corps team was the only organization capable of the feat on Okinawa.
The rock was dedicated in Hawaii on Jan. 11, 2000.
HYDROSEEDING. The vegetation in the training ranges in the CTA has been worn
down from years of use. Red soil runoff is a big environmental issue here. When red
soil erodes and gets into the ocean, it kills coral. To prevent this, our Environmental
Division worked with local civilian contractors to create a way to re-seed the worn areas
and rapidly grow thick grass in the area. The first full-scale application of this was
October 22 and widely covered by the media. The local contractor paid for the test
runs, but the U.S Marine Corps paid for the full-scale applications.
ORGAN DONOR PROJECT. Under Japanese law, an American organ donor card will
n.otallow_Japanese-people-to-benefit -frem-organs donated _by)~.meriG_q_n_cltizens. The
luSNH, in conjunction with local authorities, developed a Japanese approvedcfonor carcf·-------c
L-for the us§..by_the.U.S.-Militar:y..to.makeJheir_orgaQs__E_vailable to Japanese=citizens~::_==-::.-.--_:;- ..i
~-
---------~-------------------------
----./
DISASTER/EMERGENCY RESPONSE PROCEDURES. The USNH Hospital and the
Local Healthcare Community have made major progress in the area of disaster
response. From the Naval Hospital, Chubu Hospital, JSDF, as well as Fire Department
and Ryukyu University officials and Emergency Medicine Technicians have met on a
monthly basis to discuss emergency response procedures. They have held five
different training exercises over the past year, including a joint disaster training exercise
on Torii Station. The local Healthcare community has adopted many of the techniques
in disaster/emergency response as a result of this joint training.
AMERICAN WOMEN'S WELFARE ASSOCIATION
1. American Women's Welfare Association (AWWA) is the umbrella organization
established in 1972 to coordinate charitable contributions by six military spouses'
groups to American and Japanese charities.
AWWA represents:
-Army Women's Group (AWG)
- Kadena Enlisted Spouses Club (KESC)
- Kadena Officers' Spouses Club (KOSC)
-Marine Enlisted Spouses Club ( MESC)
- Marine Officers' Spouses Club (MOSC)
Naval Officers' Spouses Club of Okinawa (NOSCO)
-2-
�'
. Since 1992 AWWA has coordinated following contributions ($US):
Year
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
To JaQanese
ReciQients
47,905.00
30,308.00
no data
91,791.55
81,055.95
107,622.32
90,018.99
165,023.00
US MILITARY DEPENDENT SCHOOLS' ACTIVITIES
DODDS PROGRAMS. Our Department of Defense Dependent Schools (DoDDS) has
partnered with 6 local Okinawan schools (sister schools) to enhance educational efforts
and cross-cultural events. This past year DoDDS hosted over 800 Japanese students,
230 educators, and 700 additional Japanese visitors as a part of the educational
exchange program.
General Activities include:
•
District Superintendent guest speaker for the Municipal Superintendents'
association.
•
School principal and District Communications Liaison provided training for local
businessmen and women in "Volunteerism".
•
Host Nation School exchanges and participation in craft, computer, holiday, field
days, language immersio~ and other grade level or classroom activities.
•
Home Stay Programs.
•
Participation in the Okinawa Power and Electric Company sponsored Science
exposition.
•
Hosting of Okinawa school system teacher visits sponsored by the US consulate
and the OPG Department of Education.
•
American and Okinawa students explore caves, clean beaches and interact in
numerous Science ocean units of study.
•
Children's Day Cultural Program exchanges.
- 3-
�•
Participation in local Okinawa island-wide and local festivals on and off base.
•
Artist-in-Residence such as -kite making, kimono wearing, tea ceremony, Shisa
dog making, Okinawa dance, Origami papermaking, Soroban (Abacus), Taiko
Drummers, dried or acrylic flowers, Bingata and wheel pottery.
•
Combined American and Okinawa student art exhibits.
•
Exchanges with Okinawa Boy & Girl Scouts and Parent Teacher Assoc.
Elementary School Activities
•
Participation in island-wide UN Conference sponsored by UNESCO.
•
Learning about Okinawa agriculture by Yomitan farmer teaching harvesting
techniques.
•
Attended 7, 5, 3 (years of life) Festival in Naha
•
Special Educators from University of Ryukyus observed and learned about
American Special Education Program.
•
5 days stay on Yoron Island experiencing Japanese way of life.
•
American Eisa Dancers and Taiko Drummers groups perform at festivals.
•
Exchange Asian/Pacific dinner hosted by elementary school.
•
Attendance of Okinawa theatre productions at the Ginowan Convention and
Okinawa Civic Centers.
•
Okinawa camera crew coverage on American parent involvement with school.
Secondary School Activities
•
Interview of American Host Nation classes by Okinawa high school students.
•
PresentAmerican dramatic readings to Okinawa middle school.
•
Student Council visits to the Green Home to provide traditional holiday meal and
entertainment.
•
Local Okinawa community invited to Booster Club Fashion Show.
•
Cross-cultural participation in Special Olympics.
-4-
�- - - - - - - - - - - ------------------,
•
~'{i~t9_!!on~JQ_Qlsin~W£_Q[Rhan9g~_s_and-elderly honfus.
•
American high school bands and choirs perform at various Okinawa functions,
such as, opening of new mall, festivals, and celebrations.
•
Host Nation exchanges with classrooms and language clubs.
•
Competition with Okinawa sports teams in volleyball, football and soccer.
•
American cheerleaders perform for Okinawa community.
•
JROTC volunteerism in Okinawa community.
•
Student exchanges with Okinawa middle and high schools.
- 5-
�MARINE CORPS COMMUNITY SUPPORT ACTIVITIES
ARTILLERY RELOCATION COMMUNITY RELATIONS EFFORTS. Although these
events occur off-island, they represent local Marines efforts. For example, there are 4
to 8 community relations projects per shoot. They traditionally support local children
and adults at the surrounding orphanages, schools, and nursing Homes
THE Ill MEF BAND participated in over 16 civilian events on Okinawa or mainland·
Japan during 1999. Some of their performances include:
•
MEF Band participated in the annual island-wide Jr. Chamber of Commerce
Meeting, which was held in Gushikawa City.
•
MEF Band participated in Nago City Cherry Blossom Festival.
•
MEF Band performed in Kin Town Festival in Aug. 1999.
•
MEF Band performed in Hikariga-Oka Nursing Home Festival in 11 Sep, 1999.
•
MEF Band was invited to Shinaino-Oka Nursing Home Festival in 18 Sep. 1999.
•
MEF Band held a Summer Concert at Okinawa Convention Center in June
1999
•
MEF Band held joint concert with JSGSDF at Ginowan Civic Hall in Oct. 1999.
This fall, the Band is planning Concerts and musical interaction with the surrounding
Okinawa School Districts.
- 6-
�CONTINUING VOLUNTEER PROGRAMS. Commanders are authorized to release
their Marines and Sailors for up to 4 hours per month DURING working hours to
participate in community relations projects. Marines and Sailors also spend weekends
and after-working hou·rs to support various volunteer programs in Okinawa. The
following is a partial listing of our various camps/facilities on-going volunteer programs:
Children's Christmas Day Activities.
•
Though our camps do many community relations projects throughout the
year, the Camp Schwab Children's Christmas Day got a lot of media
attention last year. It was one month after the announcement of the Camp
Schwab area as the intended Futenma relocation site. The Annual Christmas
Children's Day (11 Dec. 1999) -130 children from Henoko were. invited to
take part in the event. 60 Marines and Sailors participated in and celebrated
Christmas with the children
•
19 Dec 1999- Christmas Party for the students of Awase School for the
Physically Challenged. Volunteers from the US Naval Hospital donated
soft drinks, served holiday meals, presented gifts and provided
entertainment to over 300 students, parents and teachers.
•
18 Dec 1999- Christmas Party for the students of Haebaru School for
the Blind. Volunteers from the US Naval Hospital donated and served
snacks and soft drinks, presented gifts, and provided entertainment to
over 50 students of the school.
•
15 Dec 1999- Christmas Party for the students of Urasoe School for the
Physically Handicapped. Volunteers from the US Naval Hospital
donated soft drinks, presented gifts and provided entertainment to 35
students of the school.
•
11 pee 1999- Christmas party for the students of Kagamigaoka
Physically Challenged School. Volunteers from the US Naval Hospital
donated soft drinks, served holiday meal, presented gifts, and provided
entertainment to over 300 students, parents and teachers.
•
Camp Foster's H&S Bn (Col. Favors, members of his Battlion, and
members of the Foster's Protestant Chapel congregation) hosted a group
ofabout 50 Amer-Asian children for a Christmas party.
•
3D FSSG 91h Engineer Battalion visited to share the Christmas spirit with
the Amer-Asian School children.
•
100 Marines and Sailors from MACG-18 hosted a Christmas Party at
Shimazo-no-Oka orphanage.
- 7-
�Donation Projects
•
American Women's Welfare Association (AWWA). The Marine gift
Shop, sponsored by the Marine Officers Spouses' Club donated over
$180,000 to the A\NVVA to distribute to local Okinawa charities.
•
Toys-for-Tots. Various units on the island collected over 2000 toys during
· our Christmas holiday which were then distributed to over 900 deserving
Okinawa children.
•
Clothes Donation. Misato Jido-En; Akebono workshop; Tamaki Hospital;
Rakujuen Senior Citizen's Home; Okinawa Single Parents Association;
Tanpopo work shop; JUSCO Chatan for their charity bazaar; etc.
•
Book donation project. ltoman City Library
•
The Hansen Protestant Service will present $800.00 to the Kin Town
Single Mothers Association this year.
•
3D FSSG Headquarters and Service Battalion donated school materials to
Amer-Asian School.
•
Dec1999, volunteers from MACG-18 escorted Key Volunteers to
Shimazoe Chidren's Home to deliver 60 Hygiene gift bags.
•
Dec 14, 1999, 3RD MED BN sent Christmas Presents to Misato
Orphanage.
•
Courtney Chapel made donation to a local facility for handicapped
persons.
•
yth COMM Bn presented Christmas cake to Hikari-ga-Oka Nursing Home
in 21 Dec 1999.
•
Navy Federal Credit Union group present a lawn mower to Hikari-ga-Oka
Nursing Home in 21 Dec 1999.
•
3RD MED BN presents a Christmas cake to Shinaino-Oka Nursing Home.
Community Events
•
Special Olympics, Marathons and Dragon Boat Races. Each year
Marines assist the Air Force with the Okinawan Special Olympics; two
Marathons (Okinawa Marathon and the Naha Marathon), and
assist/participate in the Okinawan Dragon Boat Races.
- 8-
�•
Boy Scouts (Japanese & American scouts)- Joint camping project on
Camp Kinser.
•
Ginowan Hagoromo Festival- Marines from MCAS Futenma participated
in Aug 15,1999.
·
•
Marines from Camp Foster participated in the parade of Okinawa
International Carnival in 31 Oct 1999.
•
Marines from Camp Foster supported the Eisa Festival in Okinawa City in
Aug.1999.
·
•
Marines from Camp Courtney supported the Okinawa Marathon with traffic
control at Camp McTureous in Feb 2000.
•
Marines from Camp Hansen participated in the Kin-Cho Dragon Boat
Race Festival at Kin Blue Beach.
•
25 Marines from 2/3 participated in Kin-cho Chamber of Commerce Sports
day in 4 July 1999.
•
Annual Henoko Sports Day- Approx. 300 Marines, Sailors and their
families took part in several events at the Henoko athletic field.
•
Camp Hansen Marines supported the Kin-Town Festival in 28-29 Aug.
1999.
•
20 Marines and Sailors from H&S Bn and
Oka Nursing Home festival.
•
23 Oct 1999, Annual Sun Rise Kushi Cup Tug-0-War Tournament.
13 teams representing Camp Schwab participated in the tournament. 4th
Marines placed the second
•
Intercultural Exchange Program. Camp HQ personnel and CbmRel Spec
volunteered to teach English to the local tour guides at the Hokubu Bus
Company.
•
Annual Student Exchange Program. 28 children from Hokkaido's
Takigawa City and their counterparts from Nago visited Camp Schwab,
and were given an observation tour. Nago Junior Chamber sponsored the
event in cooperation with Camp HQ.
•
Annual Big Brother's (Sister's) Day. 90 children, their chaperons and the
members of Nago City Single, or Solo Parent's Association were invited to
ih COMM
supported Hikariga
- 9-
�interact with their one-day Marine and Sailor brothers and sisters at Oura
Wan Beach.
•
Annual Base Open House - every base in Okinawa open its base to local
nationals for food, fun, and fellowship.
Clean-up projects
Bea_c_h_C.Iean_upS During International Beach Cle_an-:IJp_day (Sept)~
\IJ.~g_unit~partigl?~!? in a!Jl~Jan_9_::-~id~peachclean up on-Okinaw~-=::.::.:· ~j
•
l--=-~
-----v
•
Annual International Coastal Cleanup Day (Sept. 1999). Approx 60
Marines and Sailors participated in cleanup work at Matsuda-hama Beach,
which borders of Henoko and Schwab.
•
Volunteers from MCB, G-6 participated in Seawall shore and Underwater
clean up.
•
31st MEU, helped clean-up Ishikawa's beaches.
•
MAG-36 participated in Tamari Wart Cemetery Clean-up.
•
40 Volunteers from MCAS Futenma participated in 1999 International
Beach Clean-up Day. They cleaned Seawalls along the Okinawa
Convention Center area - 19 Sep 1999
•
Marines from Camp Courtney participated in the annual Tengan River
Clean up -Aug 1999
•
Marines from Camp Courtney participated in International Clean Beach
Day - Sep 1999
•
Volunteers from 3/12 cleaned Kin-Cho Memorial Stone Area in Feb 1999.
•
3rd MED BN repaired the sandbox in good condition at Kin Ward
Children's Park.
•
3/12 and Reimei-no-Sato joint Ishikawa "Beach Cleaning and Lunch in
March 1999.
•
24 Sep. 1999, 17 Marines from 1st Bn, 2nd Marines conducted a clean-up
around the Henoko Children's park
.•
•
2Bn, 4th Marines participated in the Kin Port Clean up in April 1999.
Marines participated in the Holland Park clean-up in July 1999.
- 10-
�•
3RD MED BN and Kin Cho Mayor's Staff cut grass along Hwy 104 on 29
April1999.
•
5 June 1999, 10 Marines and Sailors from 2nd BN, ih Marines gathered
with the Henoko Dragon Boat Race Executive Committee to conduct
beach cleanup at Matsudahama Beach.
•
60 Marines from 2nd Battalion, 3rd Marines constructed a mountain path to
lgei district.
•
H & S BN and Kin-Cho staff conducted Hamada park cleaning on 4 June
1999.
•
31 MEU and Ishikawa Reimei-no-Sato (Sheltered Workshop) Ishikawa,
cleaned the beach and participated in a picnic.
•
3RD MED BN and Kin- Cho Chamber of Commerce joint cleanings KinCho bar area ditch in 10 June 1999.
•
3rd Battalion, 1ih Marines Cleaned Kin Town Memorial Tower in 7 Dec
1999.
School Programs
Volunteer English Language Program. A TLC initiative that will place military
service members from each camp into local Okinawa schools throughout the
island to help teach conversational English to elementary age school children.
Other programs (ongoing):
•
English Teaching and Assistant Program with Sakata Elementary School.
•
Oct 1999, Ill MEF Headquarters Group supported the family day at
Suginoko School.
•
Ms. Brown from G- 6 administers English Tests to 300 Okinawan Students
(Ages 4-18) and Provides English Classes to Okinawan Teachers.
•
Volunteers from 30 FSSG Headquarter and Service Battalion taught
English at Amer-Asian School.
•
Volunteers from 3D FSSG 3D Medical Battalian taught English at Kin
Preschool.
- 11 -
�•
Volunteers from 3D FSSG gth Engineer Battalion support the Amer-Asian
School children in Oyama, Ginowan City.
•
Marines from MWHS-1 conduct periodic visits to the. Okinawa Children's
Development Center to interface/work with the children.
•
Marines from Camp Hansen provided English Conversation Class at KinCho Suginoko Kindergarten and Nursery School.
•
Children's Day Celebration.- The Marines and Sailors from Camp
Hansen and schwab were invited to interact with 55 children of the Kanna
Nursery School by observing Japanese Children's Day
Kakazu Junior High School Band (Ginowan City) practices and performs
on Camp Kinser.
October 1999 - Biannual Sports Fest for the students of Awase School for
the Physically Challenged. Volunteers from the Naval Hospital (Ancillary
Services) collectively spent over 1000 hours of personal time; assisted in the
events and donated soft drinks and served lunch to over 300 participants and
spectators.
August 1999 - Grounds upkeep at Awase School for the physically
challenged. Volunteers from the US Naval Hospital collectively spent over 60
hours of personal time in beautifying the facility's compound.
I
July 1999- Summer fest at Awase School for the physically challenged.
Volunteers from the US Naval Hospital collectively spent over 50 hours of
personal time; provided entertainment and refreshment to approximately 200
students, family members and friends.
The First Class Petty Officers Association adopted the local Amer-Asian
School. Their efforts included:
• Hosting a book drive to help support Amerasian Schools need for
textbooks.
• Raised/donated $1000.00 worth of goods and money including (TV,
VCR, and TV stand). ($600.00 cash) to be given.
• Provided support for the schools Halloween party by providing food
•
and cooking.
Donated ham and turkey dinner .
Marines from MWSG-17 supported Okinawa Christian School International in
May and July of 1999, to paint 11 rooms and to tile 3 rooms. Total of 107
volunteers and 900 man-hours are invested in this project.
- 12-
�Dec 1999, MAG-:36 collected 37 gifts and 16 Marine visited Amer-Asian
School to distribute gifts.
Suginoko Nursery School Sports Day Support- Camp Hansen Marines
played games with the nursery school children at the Kin-Cho Gym.
Sports Day Participation- with Minatogawa Jr. High School.
Children from Courtney Child Development Center visited local kindergarten
for cultural exchange.
Provided a Santa to an Ishikawa preschool.
Universities
•
Friendship party held at Bay View Club with Mayo University students and
members of G-8 Summit Citizen's Council.
•
Schwab Marines help Meio University Students to improve their English
speaking skills.
•
English conversational class between students of Okinawa University and
Americans on Camp Foster- 18 Dec 1999.
•
Intercultural Exchange Program -Marines and Sailors from Camp Schwab
and Courtney interacted with local students at Meio University.
Orphanages
•
Several Members of the USNH Staff spent a weekend pai.nting the Misato
En Orphanage.
•
Painting project at the Misato Orphans Home. A group of Navy, AF, and
USMC service members spent 2 days painting the outside of all (5)
buildings, and portions of the interior. The story was covered in the local
press.
•
Volunteers from 3D FSSG, 3D Materiel Readiness Battalion supported
The Tai Chu En Orphanage in Naha for Christmas Party and ground
maintenance.
•
3D FSSG 3D Medical Battalion supported the Misato Orphanagevisitation and grounds repair.
- 13-
�•
17 Marines and Sailors from MACG-18 visited Shimazo-no-Oka
Orphanage to interface with children in April 1999.
•
26 Marines_and Sailors visited Shimazo-no-Oka Orphanage to interface
with children in August 28 1999.
•
13 Marines visited Shimazo-no-Oka Orphanage to interface with children
in October 16 1999.
•
16 Oct 99, children from Misato Children's Home were invited to attend
Futenma Flight line Fair 99.
•
Volunteers from Camp Foster conducted a volunteer painting project at
Misato children's home in Okinawa City in 19-20 Nov. 1999.
Hospitals
•
Senior Citizens Hospital - monthly visitation to interface with patients.
Institutions/Sanitariums
•
Airakuen leper Colony- Marines and Sailors from Camp Kinser had a
Christmas Party for the residents.
•
Monsanto (Elderly Workshop for the challenged)- Marines from G-6 on
Camp Foster built playground
•
3D FSSG 30 Materiel Readiness Battalion supported the Tedako Home
for mentally handicapped- Christmas Party and grounds maintenance.
•
Volunteers from 30 FSSG 30 Medial Battalion visited Raemai-no-sato
home for mentally challenged adults.
•
3D FSSG 3D MRB constructed 150ft. of gravel road at Tedako Home for
the mentally challenged.
Nursing Homes
•
Ariake no Sato (Nursing Home) monthly cleaning volunteer service with
G3 troops
•
The 7th Communication Battalion has been supporting the HikarigaOka Nursing Home for five years. The Battalion has sent 20-40 Marines
to conduct yard maintenance and beautification monthly. The Battalion
- 14-
�i
also attends their annual Christmas Party. This past year we had over
30+ Marines sing Christmas Carols and enjoy a joint luncheon together.
•
30 FSSG 3D Medical Battalion Supported the Shin Ai-no Oka
(Retirement Home in Ishikawa)- visitation and grounds repair.
•
18 Mar 2000, Volunteers from 3D FSSG H & S Battalion visited Ariakeno-Sato Nursing Home for Ground clean up.
•
Aino Mura Retirement Home: Dec. 1999, 25 Marines from MAG-36
distributed cookies, sang Christmas carols and visited the residents.
•
Marines and Sailors from Camp Foster visited Shinsei-En in Nakagasuku
Village and conducted a volunteer clean up in 21 June 1999.
• ih Comm Bn conduct monthly window washing at Hikc'lri-ga-Oka Nursing
Home.
•
17 Mar 1999, 3RD MED BN, garden weeding and clean-up at Shinai-noOka Nursing Home.
•
3D MED BN, Shinai-no-Oka cleaning and ground golf v;ith the Senior
Citizens in Home.
•
3RD MED BN supported the Shinaino -Oka Nursing Horne Festival.
•
20 Marines and Sailors of 3d Bn, ih Marines conducted general cleanup
work at the Deigo-en retirement Home in Ginoza Village.
·
MISCELLANEOUS
•
Volunteers from 3D FSSG 3D Medical Battalion cut Sugar Cane for, local
farmers in Kin Town.
•
Volunteers from 3D FSSG 91h Engineer Battalion harvested sugar cane
with local farmers of lgei District in Kin.
•
On 24 Mar 2000, volunteers from 3D FSSG 9 h ESB assisted Kin Mayor's
office in trimming cherry trees and bushes in Yaka Disctrict.
•
Camp Courtney opened its gate for locals on Halloween night. Children
from Izumi Single Mother's Shelter in Okinawa City and students from
Nago City were invited to the Camp.
1
- 15 -
�•
Weekly English classes for the Nago Women's Association began in Oct
1999.
•
Invited local church to Courtney Chapel for a friendship service and
dinner.
•
3RD MED BN, invited 45 Kin-cho single mothers and children to Camp
Hansen to have softball game arid Bar-B-Q.
•
Cultural Exchange- Navy Federal Credit Union Group at Camp Hansen
brought holiday decoration to the Kin-Town Women's Society.
•
Thanksgiving Dinner- Camp HQ hosted a Thanksgiving lunch for the KinCho single mothers and children at Mountain View Club.
-------- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - •"\:_liMC
· _;,~·'
aff m~mber of USNH-Okinawa, receiveC:rrggg NiP,.pon
~ enkokmilc. Japan Association of Good Deeds Cor:n01endation !wvard;\Nhic~.
{wa~ fouoded-iR-1:95:1,-,and is presented to individualswnos·e-g,;;:~orbenevolent
act~bly_l)_e_neJiciaUoJheir_oeigbQQrS or general-pL~Jiicj".
L...----------------- ··-·
~-------
•
Volunteers from USNH Okinawa received certificates of Appreciationfrom school
principal and PTA president of Awase School for the physically challenged.
•
Awase School for the physically challenged presented the Commanding Officer,
U.S. Naval Hospital with a framed certificate of appreciation from the school
principal and the PTA president.
r-
•
2 Battalion, 3rd Marines received a letter of appreciating from lgei District Chief.
•
~Y-OLY~~~~dla presented a letter of appreciation_to-3-Battaliorl,T2+~1 -I'V'H:irine9
•
A Letter of Appreciation was presented to
Ginoza.
i
11
COMM BN from the Director of
.
r - -.... --·---..
Superintendent,_Hayashi from Shinaino-Oka Nursing Home presented a Letter of
~:~ia3o~ 3R 0_~D-~N on rs-sep.l-9.§9.
.
•
•
Col Rushworth and Maj Bohman were presented with certificaies of appreciation
from the Nago City Junior Chamber.
•
ComRel specialist from Camp Hansen was awarded with a certificate of
appreciation from Nago Police Chief in 26 Feb 1999.
- 16-
~
J
�ARMY COMMUNITY SUPPORT ACTIVITIES
•
More-thari-150 volunteers from U.S. Army -on-OI<inawajoined!J'eople in ;Yom~--7
[village_ adj~?enft_Q-Torii-Station--irn:rco-mTnonity-cleanup-effort-s1 n 29 Fe5ruary00-.-·
Th-e-day was des1gnated as "Make a Difference Day' by Commander, 101h Area
Support Group, ar~~tJl:l~_v_olunt~-&rs assisted people in Yomitan Village as they
prepare for tneSu-mmit 2000 in July. The mayor of Yomitan Village would like
our volunte~rstojoinhiSpeople-irl one more cleanup prior to the summit.
• U.S. Army on Okinawa will send volunteers to Furugen Elementary School in
Yomitan Village to help the students with their English every other Thursday
starting on 11 May 00. this is a part of the four-service Volunteer English
Teaching Assistants Program, which was proposed at a Tripartite Liaison
Committee Meeting.
•
U_.S. ~rmy_oo_Qkin_(!wa_s_end-volupteers to a senior citizens horne in Yomi_tan
for a cleanup quarterly. "JShe last cleanup was held dmlflg the Chnstmas
Holiday"Seaso-1\ana-UTI:~ volunfeers-donated_donuts and Christmas cards to the
senior citizens and s~g -Christmas carols to th~~7
V1llag~
l--~ - - - - -
-------____;'"
• U.S. Army on Okinawa holds a joint concert with Japanese Gwund Se!f Defense
Force (JGSDF) once a year and invite people from Yomitan Village including a
handicapped children's school.
• · U.S. Army on Okinawa provided parking space at Naha Military Port for local
community events.
•
Every April, U.S. Army on Okinawa holds Friendship Festival on Torii Station,
and it is a three-day open-post event.
- 17-
�•
Every May, members of U.S. Army on Okinawa participate in Naha Dragon Boat
Race.
•
In December 1999, U.S. Army on Okinawa hosted a picnic for tacit farmers on
Torii Station. Approximately 58% of Torii Station is cultivated by tacit farmers,
and there are 965 plots being utilized to benefit the local community.
•
In June 1999, members of U.S. Army on Okinawa joined members of Yomitan
Chamber of Commerce in a cleanup of a highway outside of the n1<:1in gate of
Torii Station.
•
U.S. Army on Okinawa provides a command brief and a tour to various JGSDF
members and supporters from Mainland Japan.
•
U.S. Army on Okinawa invites local officials to various functions such c.1s N~VL-~-~-
Year's Social, Army Ball and~AI'fTlyNavy Football Game on Okinawa every year._.- .. ;
L------------·...--·-.- --··-·····- ···---~---- .. ---·
•
Members of U.S. Army on Okinawa attend and participate in various local
functions and festivals hosted by Okinawa Prefectural Government, 01\inawa
Office of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Naha Defense Facilities /-\dministration
Bureau, Yomitan Village, Yomitan Chamber of Commerce, Okinawa City, Naha.
- 18-
�Page 1 of4
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Seoul, Republic of Korea)
I
Fo'r Irrunediate Release
November 22, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO BASE PERSONNEL AND THEIR FAMILIES
Osan Air Force Base
Republic of Korea
3:46P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
I think the Sergeant did a fine job under unusual
circumstances.
Let's give him another hand here.
(Applause.)
He did
tell Congressman Abercrombie not to make his introduction too short, but
I think he was a little bit embarrassed by having the truth told.
Sergeant, we thank you for your heroism and your service. We thank two
of your fellow airmen who helped you in that rescue mission, Staff
Sergeant Thomas Metheny and Brian Stump.
(Applause.)
And we thank all
of you for your service. And we thank all of you for your service.
(Applause.)
I want to thank Congressman Abercrombie for his fine remarks.
He's
here with a delegation that includes Senator Max Baucus of Montana,
Congresswoman Patsy Mink of Hawaii, Congressman Earl Pomeroy of North
Dakota. Anybody here from North Dakota? There is one man up there with
his hand up. Another one.
The reason I introduce them is it's very
warm here, for them, compared to North Dakota.
(Laughter.)
And
Delegate Robert Underwood from Guam.
(Applause.)
General Tilelli, General Hurd, General Dordal, General Dierker; members
of the Republic of Korea Armed Forces; Ambassador and Mrs. Bosworth; our
Secretary of Corrunerce Bill Daley and the National Security Advisor Sandy
Berger, and all the other members of our administration who are here;
the family members and the men and women of the United States Armed
Forces, I am honored to be here with you,
I'm glad to see you out here
in good spirits.
I'm sorry you've had to wait a while in the cold wind,
and I'm glad we're starting early.
(Applause.)
Let me say that I know that supply is an area of great expertise and
importance -- (applause) -- but just looking around the crowd today, it
seems to me that the parkas are a little unevenly distributed.
~
(Laughter.)
So I' 11 try to give a fa~~--~~ef ~-~~~~h~------ __ --···
D~~··____ l{llha_LLhave-t=o-say-to-you-i-s·simp±e.
\
I am very proud of the work you
do -- U.S. Forces Korea, the 7th Air Force, the 51st Fighter wing, all-~
~--,the 607th. Group, th.e 63lst Air Mobility Support. Squadron, the soldier.s ' 1
~d_air.!!!_e£l.!.._~~e _s~~l()rs, and Marines, the Kore_sm m~litary personnel~\A!:hO ·
are here -- all of you.
And I came, more than anythin~ else, to S?Y on
behalf of all the American people, we thank you for your service to the
United States.
(Applause.)
~ {
As I also look at this vast sea of highly representative and diverse
faces, I am reminded that it was 50 years ago this year, in 1948, when
President Harry. Truman courageously ordered the ii}_teg-r:a·ti-on-of~-Amer-ica !.s.
Armed Forces.
Now our Armed Forces are a model ~~-~nity and diversity
(
/
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~--~-------';
'
f~r the entlre world --;people of dlfferent
working_~ogethe_:r:-, , f~r, the common good.
origins corning together,
I am proud of that, and so should you be, because though Harry Truman
made the decision 50 years ago, it is you 50 years later who have
fulfilled his vision and made it work.
Osan Air Base is a community
with stores and restaurants, homes, and classrooms.· In fact, back at
the White House, we looked on the Internet and found the page of the
Osan American High-Sehoo±-.--:Gi-.st:en to-Thi-s.
This is what the students
modestly descril:5ed their website as.
1'he_.y said it is, "the most
masterfully desi1
gned--high--scficio:Cwebsi te of them all."
(Applause.)
I
want to commend the designer for his or her extraordinary confidence.
(Laughter.)
I'd also like to commend the Department of Defense school system, one
of the unsung heroes of our military service.
I thank the teachers and
the administrators here and throughout the world for your commitment to
our children's future.
Osan Air Base is an important symbol of our commitment to liberty.
It was just a few miles from here that United States soldiers first
engaged enemy forces in the ground combat of the summer of 1950. And
Americans gave their lives in the Korean War on the very grounds of this
base.
And Osan Air Base is a vital post in our ongoing determined
effort to protect that liberty, shoulder to shoulder with our strong
Korean allies.
No one should do6bt today our joint commitment to freedom.
It is
stronger than ever.
And Korea under the leadership of President Kim
Dae-Jung, embodies that, for•he as well as any person alive knows that
the struggle for freedom requires strength, courage, and a lifetime of
dedication.
President Kim fac~d prison and persecution, death threats and death
sentences, because he stood up for his belief in democracy and because
he would not give up his hope that true democracy could flourish here in
Korea.
Now our countries_liQSl<_together_rnore_cl.osel.y- than_ey~;r:_before
___ .
(or pea-ce--a:n·d-nurnan rights around the world. And none of that could
h'appen without you, the American and Korean rnili tary forces.
r--(App:lause-;) - - - - -- ---- -- - - -- - - - ------- ------. ·
J
You have maintained the peace for 45 years.
And let me say, again
not so much to you because you know it, but through you and the media
here to all of the American people back horne-- sometimes it's easy to
forget that even in peacetime~ military work is difficult and dangerous.
Tensions have gone up and down on this peninsula over the years, but
always there are risks.
I talked about just a moment ago the distinguished gentleman who
introduced me and his fellow airmen who risked their lives to aid
others.
Just a few weeks ago, 50 miles from here, four Americans and
one Korean soldier lost their lives returning from important training
missions.
Let me say their names:
Private Joseph Biondo, Private First
Class Joey Brantley, Specialist James Buis, Sergeant Brian Walshxx,
Corporal Kim Yong Ku.
We honor their service.
We mourn their loss in the cause of peace
and security.
May the American people never forget this work is
difficult and dangerous, and we owe you a lot for doing it.
America strongly supports President Kim's strategy of engagement with
North Korea.
In the five years since I last met with our troops along
the DMZ, we have seen some hopeful signs.
There have been peace talks,
and over the summer, for the very first time, United States Command and
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the North Korean military began General Officer talks aimed at
preventing problems along the DMZ.
But, unfortunately, not all has gone well.
Lately, signs of danger
have intensified, with incursions from the North, provocative 1m-i.ssile-------.,
~sts, an~ th~- <:Iuest-ion~ o£--a-su~rpec_t·-und. ergroun£j~stallation .l So we
J
\must rema1n v1g1lant. And t_h§_nks __tg___you, we are.
}
L..___ _______ _
'-------------· -----------· ---------.-..
'
One of the greatest threats the world now faces is weapons of mass
destruction.
And though our attention lately has been focused on Iraq's
efforts in that area, North Korea is also a major concern.
Here at
Osan, you are critical to this most dangerous battleground, deterring
and, if necessary, defending against chemical and biological attacks.
I
Let me reaffirm the view of the United States:
North Korea must
maintain its freeze on and move ahead to dismantle its nuclear weapons
program, as it has agreed to do.
It must comply with its obligations
under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
It must halt its efforts to
develop and proliferate chemical and biological weapons and ballistic
missiles.
We will continue to press North Korea to take these steps for peace
and security.
But until it fully commits itself to a constructive role
on this peninsula, we must remain ready. And thanks to you, we will.
America will continue to do what it takes to promote the security of our
citizens and our friends and allies, to be a force for peace as we have
been in Haiti, in Northern Ireland, in Bosnia, in Kosovo in the Middle
East.
Our ability to succeed in promoting peace is uniquely due to the fact
that we can back up our diplomatic efforts when·necess~ry with military
strength. And that depends on you, the finest Armed Forces in the
world.
~-~-~~~-;-~;~~:~--~o tr:~el £:~-;rom home,-~~~-l~h0Urs-;----.
to risk your lives. We ask so much of you families -- lengthy
_ J
career and- s·chool ·transitions :---"-We- owe an awfu-l--l-ot-i-n __
~return -- at least th_e_ t~~~ning an<;l_ ?URROJ;t _yo_l,! ne~g, _the tools to do :__yg_ur-.-j ob~--from-high-tech equipment to the most basic sp-c1re- part·s·~- and '
the quality of life you deserve.
1
<:-se~at-±ons,
I spend a lot of time addressing these issues with Secretary of
Defense Cohen, with General Shelton of the Joint Chiefs, with other
leaders of our military. While our current state of readiness is sound,
we have to ensure we're prepared for the future. To move us in the right
direction I asked the Congress to approve $1.1 billion in additional
funds for readiness and recruitment in this year's budget. And I'm
happy to say the Congress came through.' (Applause.)
We obtained almost $2 billion in emergency funds to cover
unanticipated operations in Bosnia. We shifted another $1 billion in
existing defense funds to readiness needs.
I've asked Secretary Cohen
to prepare budget and policy proposals aimed at addressing these needs
for the long-term, and I've approved pay raises that will significantly
reduce the gap between military and civilian pay.
(Applause.)
I ought
to quit while I'm ahead.
(Laughter.)
I want you to know that, working with Congress and the Joint Chiefs,
we will continue to make our top priority your readiness -- readiness
for our first-to-fight forces like the soldiers I met earlier today from
the Second Infantry Division -- (applause) -- readiness for our sailors
in ships at sea so vital to our efforts, particularly now, to cont~in
the weapons of mass destruction threat of Saddam Hussein; readiness for
our strategic and tactical air forces, crucial in meeting our security
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•
challenges in the Gulf, in Bosnia, here in Korea, indeed all around the
world.
Thursday is Thanksgiving.
(Applause.)
I know that your loved ones
back home are thinking about you here -- proud of your accomplishments,
your service, your kindness, and your strength.
I'm happy today to be
bringing to you some prepaid phone cards generously provided by AT&T -(applause) -- so you can call your families and friends across the ocean
for free.
(Applause.)
I hope that all Americans -- all Americans, not just those who
receive a call on Thanksgiving Day -- as they sit down to their turkey
and give thanks for all our blessings, will consider the debt of
gratitude we all owe to our men and women in uniform.
You have made the
world a better place and you will continue to do so.
You have made us
very proud and we will continue to be very proud.
I thank you.
(Applause. )
END
I wish you well.
God bless you and God bless America.
3:58 P.M.
(L)
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FRI 21:46 FAX 34502
.··'l
OKINAWA STAFF ADV
SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTUS
.· .. ;
............ Sched & Adv
~NTRODUCTION
y
NAME: Staff Sergeant Shane Wehunt, USAF
UN~T:
15~
Special Operations Squadron
HOMETOWN:
SIGNIFICANT ACCOMPLISHMENT:. Developed load_plans~and_then
assisted _3-the-deli-ve~ of more .than 2<l,ooo l~s_._of __:;:_e):._!.~f
·.Lsupi)J:ieS -~or __ ~~e- ~-~y_,__Republic of Viet
Workec;l with
mo:re-than 50 Red C:roaa · and Red Cresc_en_t volunte~rs in the
distribution of this supplies.
Nam.
OTHER IMPORTANT FACT(S): While in Viet Nam, ~et with
Pete Williams and his wife.
Ambassador
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-+-+-+
Sched·& Adv
SERV:!CEMEMBER.DATA FOR :POTUS,INTRODUCT:!ON
NAME:
GySgt. Michael C. Davis, USMC
UNITT:
:r:r:r
.
HOMETOWN:
MEF. G-3, Current Operations Center
Yosenlite. California .
SIGNIF:!CANT ACCOMPLI.SliMENT: Served as @ie,fa.~tior.l~.; Chief~
United States Forces, International Forces Ea:st ,Timor from
.
!
.. .
I
. (24 September to 18 Dece.Itlber 1999.
His embarKaf::i:on-a:n-d--~~
computer expertise ensured the commander had access to
vital infor.mation and secure communications in the
confusing ·f.irst days in Darwin.
,~_ER_~IM¥_0:RTANT_~~~'l'_(_~) _:_fGysgt.
Davis-de~loyecit~~t
Timor: only three days after hi~~if~_gEI-ve ~irth. /-H:ts·
~person~i-a.wards--fiiC:lude--the -Bronze star~-; /colilbat v DeviceHe is a for.mer drill instructor.
.
'1
141003
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~~~
Sched & Adv
·,
.·SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTUS INTRODUCTION
NAME:
Serge~t
Sancha D. Sudbrock, USMC
UNIT: III MEF
HOMETOWN: Fall River, Massachusetts (SFent her for.mative
years i~ Caracas, Ve~ezuela1 with her family)
SIGNIFICANT ACCOMPLISHMENT:. Sergeant Sudbrock was the only
female Marine deployed a.s part of U.S.-Forces,
International Force East Timor. While she deployed as an
administrative clerk, and played an_important role in this
function~ ahe.proV'ed invaluable for her written and verbal
Portuguese language skills.
OTHER IMPORTANT FACT(S): Sgt .. Sudbrock is married to a
. Mar.ine who is also stationed in Okinawa~- Her Fr.evious tour
of duty was here in Okinawa, serving with MCAS Futenma.
14J004
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-+-+-+
Sched & Adv
SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTUS INTRODUCTION
NAME: Petty Officer First Class Maximo M. Chi.eo, USN.
UNIT: COMFLEACTS, Okinawa
HOMETOWN: Manila, Republic of the.Philippines
SIGNIFICANT ACCOMPL:tSHMENT; Petty Officer Chico served as
the Command Career Counselor for the uss Belleau wood in
Sasebo, Japan. During his tenure with the Belleau ~cod, he
participated in operations and exercises in the Persian
Gulf, East Timor, and Russia. Because of Petty Officer
Chico' s efforts, the ·. USS BeJ..leau wood received the
CICPACFL'l' Retention.Excellence a."Ward for ~999.
OTHER IMPORTANT FACT(S}: Petty Officer Chico is very active
in .the local co:mmuni.ty. He is a volunteer English teacher
at a locat=---elementa:ry__s_chp_q_l._He~~tl~_~art:icipated
·with the H .• S. Navy's Dragon boat :race team ~ere i.n Okinawa. ·
- - - - - , - · · · - - - - - · - - - - - · - - - · - - - - - · - _/
0
14Joos
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-+~-+
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'·
..
~··
SER~CEMEMBER
DATA FOR POTUS
INTRODUCT~ON.
NAME: M;aster Sergeant Kenneth Yeung, USA
UNXT: l/l Special Forces Group
HOMETOWN:
'SIGNIFICANT ACCOMP~ISHMEN'l': Master Sergeant Young and hi.s
wife, Sergeant Y~ung, deployed to the Philippines during
EXERCIS~_BAL:CKATAN~~4 s'llb~equ.ently both p:rr_t._ig_ipj~.j:._e!i_i.n~--~-,
~humani tar.ian -assi.stance--ef'forts following the eruption
a /
~~~~-C?~ fhe island
of
OTHER IMPORTANT FACT(S}:
...... :
/
. .:
(.)
L~-~~~y;:\. · ·
of
~------------- ---
141 006
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FRI 21:47 FAX 34502
~-..-.
Sched & Adv
·,
.,..:
.
SEB.VIC3MEMBER DATA FOR POTUS INTRQDUCTl:ON'
NAME: Sergeant Lynne Younq, USA
UNIT: HHC ~0~ ASG
HO:ME'l'OWN:
.
.
· S'IGNIF:Ic::.ANT. ACCOMPLIS~: Se:qeant Young and. her husband,
Master Se:qeant·Young, deployed to ~e Ph~~~pp1nes during
EXERCISE. BALI::KA'T~ and. --- ' . .
su.b~~eqli~ni:,~y bo:t;h .:P-a;rj:j.ci.pated-i.n--.
--.------·---· ------·-.
... .
.
.
humani_tar.ian as~.istanc:e e£fo:ts f?~~~w~~g-~_,the· erupt±on-o£ a
?oTcano- on 'the is~and of Luzon. .j
_--,-
)
c___ _ _ _ ---~-.-------------
O~BER
~ORTANT
FAC~(S):
,·"'.,.
··.: ...'
0
.j
. 141 007
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FRI 21:47 FAA. 34502
·
~~~
Sched & Adv
.··
SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR
NAME: Capt. Gregory
D~
~OTUS
INT~ODOCTION
Thomas, USAF
UNIT: 44~H Fighter Squardron
HOMETOWN: Columbus, Ohio
-----:---,
SIGN:t-FI:~ ACCOMPLISHMENT_0eo:ed_in_.__Op_er.ati_O_r:J.I SQ~~~~
~!!-were he planned and '·flew_,miss_i_!!!_~~ _il!_vol~ing .::_triltesl
on Iraqi targets.
·
.
.--- -- .!
OTHER IMPORTANT FACT(S): Graduate of Wright State
University, Payton, Ohio. Capt Thomas and his wife·Michell
have three small children: Emily(6), Jennifer(4), and
Ryan(2).
.
(j
'-'
141008
�07114/00
t'Kl
:n: 47
OKl.NAWA :STA.l''l'' .1\JJV
t'JU. a4:lU2
SE~VIC~ER
DATA FOR POTUS
~NTRODUCTrON
NAME: Ms. Safiyyah Ballard, daughter of GySgt.
Syvestor Ballard, USMC.
UNIT:
......... scned & Adv
&:
Mrs.
USMC Youth of the Year
HOMETOWN:
SIGNIFICANT ACCOMPLISHMENT:
Boys &: Girls ClUb ·of Ameri.ca,
Asian Region Youth o£ the Year; Finalist Boys & Girls Club
of America, Pacific Region Youth of the Year. Rising
senior at Kubasaki High Sahool with a 3.32 GPA, and she was
recently ele~ted President of the student council.
IMPORTANT F~CT(S}: Ms. Ballard enj~ys writing poetry and
. short stories. She has won several poetry and creative
performance competitions, and she has been published in
several magazines. Volunteer for Special Olympics.
0
l4J 009
�Ul\.ll'li\I'Yi\ ::H'At''t'' AJJV
-+-+-+ .:scnea & A<lv
SERYICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTUS .INTRODUCTION
NAME: HI!!· Kimberly Desiderio
UN:r'l':
USMC Key Volunteer, MSSG-31
HOMETOWN: Born in Arkans.as,
(raised in Texas)
SIGNIFl:CAN'I' ACCOMPLISHMENT: Active with Xey Volunteers,
USMC supported volunteer assist group; 'Volunteers with
L •. I.N.K.S., organization providing assistance and
information to fandlies and· spouses newly arriYing to the
command or military. Also active in local church and the
A=erican Red Cross.
IMPORTANT FACT(S): Texas A~ graduate, currently serves in
the Marine Corps 'reserve. Two brothers also in the Marine
Corps. Fo:cne:rly wo:r:ked for Senator Ph.i.l G:rant, Texas, and
'interned in Washington in Political Campaign Management.
Marr:i.ed to Warrant 6fficer Thomas Desiderio, MSSG-31.
14] 010
�..,...,...,. :scnea & Aav
.
.;
SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTUS INTRODUCTION
NAME: Ms. Jonette Ayubi
UNIT;
Ci'AO Ombudsman, USN
HOMETOWN:
SIG~FICANT ACCOMPLISHMENT: Re~established Fleet
Activities, Okinawa Ombudsman program and has assisted in
several quality of life initiatives in Okinawa.
Additionally, Mrs. Ayubi taught E~glish as a Japanese High
School and· elementary school~
IMPORTANT FACT(S): Graduate, University of Missouri School
of Journalism. Mrs. Ayubi,. her husband,. Navy Lt. John-Paul
Ayubi, . and. son, Connor_, will be. rotating back to t:he states
later this year.
·,;
lg]Oll
�U11 .141 UU
l''J:(J.
;i:.l; 40
l'.I\A
.J4i>U.i::
UAJ.J.'IA!li\
;:H.tt.l'r
.IUJY
-+-+-+ :;cnea & Aav
SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTOS INT~ODUCTIQN
NAME; Mr. Christopher Ames
UNIT:
Comma.nder, Fleet Activities Okina-wa, Public Affairs
Officer, 'OSN
HOMETOWN: Oil City, PA
·
SIGNIFICANT ACCOMPLISHMENT: Presently serves as the CFAO
PUblic Affairs Officer, :Mr. Ames has made numerous
contributions to improved relations· between the 0'. S. ·
·
mi~ita~ and_ t:q_~g~~nawan __pe~ple .• ___\An e;p~~;-. ~- J~~~~ese~
~~·age an~-~P_':c:i._~~~-~~~~__E~:!:l:l~w~. ~~:1:_~~=-~~~ M:·· Amesr skJ.ll
and knowledge liave been ~valuable du.r1ng
crisis communication skills are needed.
per~ods
when
IMPORTANT FACT (S): Mr • .Ames will soon be leaving Okinawa to
attend the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor's ~h.D.
program in cu~.tural anthropology. His ·research will.. focus
on tourism and ethnic identity .in Okinawa.
.
~.
~- H
.
fW~.~~?
··. {v.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. report
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
U.S. Government Report: CIA Act (I page)
07/14/00
RESTRICTION
P3/b(3)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[POTUS] Troop Speech [I]
2008-0703-F
·ml85
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
PI
P2
PJ
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�~~~
o:~cnea
.. & aav
.··:· ···:
I
l._] •.
SERVICEMEMBER DATA FOR POTUS INTRODUCTION
NAME: Mrs. Marsha Harvell
UNIT: President, Protestant Women of the Chapel, USAF
HOMETOWN:
SIGNIF~CANT
ACCOMPLISHMENT: Served as President of the
largest Protestant Women of the Chapel Program in the--Air- ...
Porce .• _~lso, she teacheJii-Bi:blestudl..es ana.-·m.iii-i.dte:rs to a/·
~locC.:l nu_~sing h~me ~~~'?.;'__ p_a~~:g._t;_IL._~:g~:!:._!~~~ _~9~P_-~1;:C11J.~_e_.fd
. 1 at Les~~~~Hospital. ·
,
·
. _
\-----
_
_______...;
--
OTHER IMPORTANT FACT(S): ·
Chaplain Ron Harvell ~ith
addition to her work with
the Okinawa Dolphins Swim
Spring Break Retreats.
Mrs. ·Harvell is married to: . .
the 18th Wing here in.Okina,.,:a. In
the _chur~h, she ~olunteers with
Team and assists with Youth
lfUU14
-
�Page 1 of6
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Norfolk, Virginia)
For Immediate Release
April 1, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO HAMPTON ROADS MILITARY COMMUNITY
Norfolk Naval Station
Norfolk, Virginia
1:17 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
hear me out there?
AUDIENCE:
r
I'm just curious, can you all
No.
THE PRESIDENT:
The echo is pretty bad, isn't it. Well, if I speak
louder, is it better or worse? No difference.
I'll do the best I can.
First, I'd like to thank Secretary Cohen and General Shelton for their
truly outstanding service in our administr~tion at a difficult time.
I'd like to thank Admiral Gehman, Admiral Reason, General Pace, General
Keck, and the other leaders of all the forces represented here.
I thank Secretary Danzig, National Security Advisor Berger, and others
who came with me from the White House.
Mayor Oberndorf, thank you for
welcoming me to Virginia Beach.
I'd like to say a special word of appreciation to the members of
Congress who are here -- your representatives, Congressman Scott and
Sisisky; Senator Levin, our ranking member of the Armed Services
Committee; and a special thanks to my longtime friend, Senator Chuck
Robb, who is one of the most courageous members of the United States
Congress and Virginia is very fortunate to be represented by him.
Let me say to all of you,_I_c_ame_h_e_r_e_t_o_day_primarily_to-than-k-t-wo----.._
groups of people -\ our men and women in uniform-] and \their families, /
for the service and--sacrifice -that-ma-kes-Americd strong-:------ -- ·I just met a few moments ago with several members of families -spouses and children of members of four different services who are
deployed away from here now.
They're all over here to my right.
And
whatever it is you would like to say to me today, I think there's a very
good chance they said it.
They did a very good job for you, and I'm
very proud of them.
(Applause.)
I heard about the financial sacrifices and I heard about human
sacrifices.
I don't think that anyone could say it better than this
lady over here with this beautiful baby in the red hat, with the "I
miss you, Daddy" sign.
I thank you.
And this sign, "I love my TR
sailor, support our troops."
I wanted to come here today because I want America to know that the
sacrifices made by our men and women in uniform are fully mirrored by
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their families back home, by the opportunities that are missed to be
with wives and husbands and children on birthdays and holidays, and just
being there for the kids when they're needed at night and in the morning
as they go off to school.
They are fully felt in terms of the financial
sacrifices of the family members left at home to pay the bills and see
to the health care and other needs of the children.
And America should know that and should be very, very grateful to all
of you.
We are grateful and we think all Americans will be grateful as
they know what you do.
Let me also say I had a chance to speak just before I came out here
with the SlOth Fighter Squadron at Aviano Air Base in Italy, part of our
Operation Allied Force in Kosovo, to thank them and to hear of their
immense pride and determination in their mission.
I know that many, many people here have friends or family members who
are working hard in our mission in Kosovo.
I know this port is home to
100 ships, not only the powerful battle groups now at sea led by the
Enterprise and the Theodore Roosevelt, but also ships in the Adriatic -guided missile destroyers like the Gonzalez; fast-attack submarines like
the Norfolk.
(Applause.)
Yes, you can clap for your ships, that's
okay.
(Applause.)
I can't name every ship or every unit, but I know that all of you are
proud of all of them. Again, let me say, too, a special word of thanks
to the family members of those who are deployed in the Kosovo operation
now.
And let me say to all of you, we spend a lot of time -- perhaps more
time than you would think -- in the White House, and at the Pentagon,
talking about our obligations to the families of our service members.
We know that we are asking more and more of you as we have downsized the
military, and diversified and increased the number of our operations
around the world.
We know that the more we ask of you, the greater our
responsibilities to you.
\We know that we owe you the support, the training, the eqUlpmer;t you
need-_ to get the job done. We know >ve owe you fair-pay_,-.:::_de~ent _housing,
and--other support.
Our new defense budget contains not onl~
substantig_l __ pay. raise, but increased funding to keep our readin'ess
·i-a·ror'""sha.rp.
It ~i-s· our -soJ:emn-:-=-obli_g_ation--to-+hose -oL.you __ who accept the
~
.
dangers and hardshlps of our common securlEy~---~
~------------ --- --- ·- -----· ---------f
Since the Cold War ended, we have ask~drn~rid more from our Armed
Forces -- from the Persian Gulf to Korea, to Central America to Africa
-- today to stand with our allies in NATO against the unspeakable
brutality in Kosovo.
--·-
Now, this is not an easy challenge with a simple answer.
If it were,
it would have been resolved a long time ago.
The mission I have asked
our Armed Forces to carry out with our NATO allies is a dangerous one,
as I have repeatedly said.
Danger is something the brave men and women
of our country's Armed Forces understand because you live with it every
day, even in routine training exercises.
Now, we all know that yesterday three Army infantrymen were seized as
they were carrying out a peaceful mission in Macedonia -- protecting
that country from the violence in neighboring Kosovo.
There was
absolutely no basis for them to be taken.
There is no basis for them to
be held.
There is certainly no basis for them to be tried. All
Americans are concerned about their welfare.
President Milosevic should make no mistake:
The United States takes
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care of its own.
(Applause.)
And President Milosevic should make no
mistake: We will hold him and his government responsible for their
safety and for their well-being.
But I ask you also to resolve that we will continue to carry out our
mission with determination and resolve.
Over the past few weeks I have been talking with the American people
about why we're involved with our NATO allies in Kosovo, and the risks
of our mission and why they're justified.
It's especially important
that I speak to you and, through you, to all men and women in uniform
about these matters.
The roots of this_conflict lie in the policies of Mr. Milosevic, the
dictator of Serbia.
For more than 10 years now, he has been using
ethnic and religious hatred as a path to personal power and a
justification for the ethnic cleansing and murder of innocent civilians.
That is what he did first in Bosnia and Croatia, where the United States
with our allies did so much to end the war. And that is what he is
doing in Kosovo today.
That is what he will continue to do to his own
people and his neighbors unless we and our allies stand in the way.
For months, we tried and tried and tried every conceivable peaceful
alternative. We did everything we could through diplomacy to solve this
problem. With diplomacy backed by the threat of NATO force, we forged a
cease-fire last October that rescued from cold and hunger hundreds of
thousands of people in Kosovo whom he had driven from their homes.
In February, with our allies and with Russia, we proposed a peace
agreement that would have given the people of Kosovo the autonomy they
were guaranteed under their constitution before Mr. Milosevic came to
power, and ended the fighting for good.
Now, the Kosovar leaders, they signed that agreement -- even though it
didn't give them the independence they said they wanted, and that they
had been fighting for.
But Mr. Milosevic refused.
In fact, while
pretending to negotiate for peace, he massed 40,000 troops and hundreds
of tanks in and around Kosovo, planning a new campaign of destruction
and defiance.
He started carrying out that campaign the moment the
peace talks ended.
Now the troops and police of the Serbian dictator are rampaging through
tiny Kosovo -- separating men from their families, executing many of
them in cold blood; burning homes -- sometimes, we now hear, with people
inside; forcing survivors to leave everything behind, confiscating their
identity papers, destroying their records so their history and their
property is erased forever.
Yesterday, Mr. Milosevic actually said, this problem can only be solved
by negotiations.
But yesterday, as he said that, his forces continued
to hunt down the very Kosovar leaders with whom he was supposed to be
negotiating.
Altogether now, more than half a million Kosovars have been pushed from
their homes since the conflict began.
They are arriving at the borders
of the country, shaken by what they have seen and been through.
But
they also say -- as a delegation of Albanian Americans, many of whom
have relatives in Kosovo, told me personally in the White House
yesterday -- that NATO's military action has at least given them srime
hope that they have not been 6ompletely abandoned in their suffering.
Had we not acted, the Serbian offensive would have been ~arried out
with impunity. We are determined that it will carry a very high price,
indeed.
We also act to prevent a wider war.
If you saw my address to
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the country the other night and the maps that I showed, you know that
Kosovo is a very small place.
But it sits right at the dividing line of
Europe, Asia and the Middle East; the dividing line between Islam and
Christianity; close to our Turkish and Greek allies to the south, our
new allies, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic to the north;
surrounded by small and struggling democracies that easily could be
overwhelmed by the flood of refugees Mr. Milosevic is creating.
Already, Macedonia is so threatened. Already, Serbian forces have made
forays into Albania, which borders Kosovo.
If we were to do nothing,
eventually our allies and then the United States would be drawri into a
larger conflict at far greater risks to our people and far greater
costs.
Now, we can't respond to every tragedy in every corner of the world.
But just because we can't do everything for everyone doesn't mean that
for the sake of consistency we should do nothing for no one.
Remember now, these atrocities are happening at the door step of· NATO,
which has preserved the security of Europe for 50 years because of the
alliance between the United States and our allies.
They are happening
in violation of specific commitments Mr. Milosevic gave to us, to our
NATO allies, to other European countries and to Russia.
They are
happening to people who embrace peace and promise to lay down their own
arms.
They put their trust in us, and we can't let them down.
Our objective is to restore the Kosovars to their homes with security
and self-government. Our bombing campaign is designed to exact an
unacceptably high price for Mr. Milosevic's present policy of repression
and ethnic cleansing, and to seriously diminish his military capacity to
maintain that policy.
We've been doing this for seven days now -- just seven days.
Our
pilots have performed bravely and well, in the face of dangerous
conditions and often abysmal weather.
But we must be determined and
patient.
Remember, the Serbs had 40,000 troops in and around Kosovo,
and nearly 300 tanks, when they began this, before the first NATO plane
got in the air.
They had a sophisticated air-defense system.
They also
have a problem which has been festering for a decade, thanks to the
efforts of Mr. Milosevic to make people hate each other in the former
Yugoslavia because they are Muslims instead of Orthodox Christians or
Catholics; because they're Albanians instead of Serbians or Croatians,
or Bosnian Muslims, or Macedonians, or you have -~ whatever.
It is
appalling.
For decades, those people lived in peace with one another.
For ten
years and more, now, a dictator has sought to make himself powerful by
convincing the largest group, the Serbs, that the only w·ay they can
amount to anything is to uproot, disrupt,' destroy and kill other people
who don't have the same means of destruction -- no matter what the
consequences are to everybody around them; no matter how many innocent
children and their parents die; no matter how much it disrupts other
countries.
Why? Because they want power, and they want to base it on the kind of
ethnic and religious hatred that is bedeviling the whole world today.
You can see it in the Middle East, in Northern Ireland.
You can see it
in the tribal wars in Africa.
You can see that it is one of the
dominant problems the whole world faces.
And this is right in the
underbelly of Europe.
We have to decide whether we are going to take a stand with our NATO
allies, and whether we are prepared to pay the price of time to make him
pay the price of aggression and murder. Are we, in the last year of the
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20th century, going to look the other way as entire peoples in Europe
are forced to abandon their homelands or die? Are we going to impose a
price on that kind of conduct and seek to end it?
Mr. Milosevic often justifies his behavior by talking about the history
of the Serbs going back to the 14th century. Well, I value the history
of this country, and I value what happened here in the 18th century.
But I don't want to take America back to the 18th century. And he acts
like he wants to take Serbia back to the 14th century -- to 14th century
values, 14th century ways of looking at .other human beings.
We are on the edge of a new century and a new millennium, where the
people in poor countries all over the world, because of technology and
the Internet and the spreading of information will have unprecedented
opportunities to share prosperity, and to give their kids an education,
an~ have a decent future, if only they will live in peace with the basic
human regard for other people -- that is absolutely anethetical to
everything that Mr. Milosevic has done.
anethetic
So I ask you -- you say, what has this got to do with America?
Remember, we fought two world wars in Europe.
Remember that the unity,
the freedom, the prosperity, the peace of Europe is important to the
future of the children in this room today.
That is, in the end, what
this is about.
We're not doing this on our own.
We could not have undertaken it on
our own.
This is something we're doing with our NATO allies.
They're
up there in the air, too.,_ If there's a peace agreement, they've agreed
to provide 85 percent of the troops on the ground to help to monitor the
peace agreement and protect all the ethnic groups, including the Serbs.
This is something we are doing to try to avoid in the 21st century the
kind of widespread war, ·large American casualties and heartbreak that we
saw too much of in the century we are about to leave.
So this is not just about a small peace of the Balkans.
But let me ask
you something.. When we are moved by the plight of three servicemen,
when we stay up half the night hoping that our rescue teams find that
fine pilot who went down when his plane was hit, when we see a sign that
says, "I love my TR sailor" or "I miss my Daddy," we remember that all
political and military decisions ultimately have a human component that
is highly individualized.
Think how you would feel if you were part of the half million people
who lived peaceably in a place, just wanted to be let alone to practice
your religion and educate your children and do your work -- if people
came to your house and your village and said, pack up your belongings
and go; we're going to burn your property records, we're going to burn
your identity records. And if your husband or your son is of military
service age, we might take them out behind the barn and shoot them dead
-- just because you have a different religion, just because you have a
different ethnic background.
Is that really what we want the 21st
century to be about for our children?
Now, that is what is at stake here. We cannot do everything in the
world, but we must do what we can.
We can never forget the Holocaust,
the genocide, the carnage of the 20th century. We don't want the new
century to bring us the same nightmares in a different guise.
We also want to say again how proud the United States is that each of
NATO's 19 members is supporting the mission in Kosovo in some way-France and Germany, Turkey and Greece, Poland and Hungary, the Czech
Republic, Britain, Canada -- all the others. And this is also
important.
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Let me finally say-- I'd like to read you something.
Near the end of
the second world war, President Roosevelt prepared a speech to give at a
holiday honoring Virginia's famous son, Thomas Jefferson.
He never got
to give the speech.
But it still speaks to us, his last words. And to
those of you who wear the uniform of our nation and to those of you who
are part of the families of our uniformed service members, I ask you to
heed these words.
After the long war was almost drawing to a close, these were Franklin
Roosevelt's last words that he never got to deliver:
"We as Americans
do not choose to deny our responsibilities.
Nor do we intend to abandon
our determination that within the lives of our children and our
children's children, there will not be a third world war.
We seek
peace, enduring peace.
More than an end to war, we want an end to the
beginnings of all wars."
That is what we are trying to achieve in Kosovo.
That is what many of
you in this room, perhaps, and your colleagues, did achieve in Bosnia.
We want to end a war that has begun in Europe, and prevent a larger war.
And we want to alleviate the burdens and the killing of defenseless
people.
Let us heed President Roosevelt's last words.
Let me say again, for those of you who serve and for those of you who
serve as family members, and who sacrifice as wives and husbands and
children:
I thank you for your service and your sacrifice, and America
thanks you.
God bless you.
(Applause. )
END
1:42 P.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Bossier City, Louisiana)
For Immediate Release
April 12, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE PERSONNEL AT BARKSDALE AIR FORCE BASE
Barksdale Air Force Base
Bossier City, Louisiana
9:55A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
Let me begin by thanking
Secretary Cohen and General Shelton for their truly outstandingleadership on behalf of our nation's military.
They are eloquent and
profound representatives of what is best about this country, and I thank
them.
I want to thank Senator Breaux, Senator Landrieu, Representative
McCrery for their support for you and for our country.
I would like to
acknowledge in the audience today or here with us are other members of
Congress -- Congressman Bill Jefferson and Chris John from Louisiana;
and Congressman Thornberry and Congressman Sandlin who come from the
neighboring state of Texas to be with us.
So I thank all of them for
their support.
I would like to thank the Air Force Chief of Staff, General Mike Ryan,
for coming down here with me; the Acting Secretary of the Air Force
Whitt Peters; my National Security Advisor Sandy Berger.
We also have
the FEMA Director here, James Lee Witt, because, you know, you've had
some pretty tough natural disasters here recently, and we're here doing
double duty.
And General Marcotte and General Smoak, thank you for welcoming me here
and for giving me the chance to meet with some of the fine people with
whom you work who have also been involved in our work over Kosovo.
I this the Adjacent General Bennett Landreneau, who is representing
Governor Foster; Treasurer Ken Duncan; and the Mayor of Bossier City,
George Dement, and the Mayor of Shreveport, Keith Hightower, for coming
to meet me as well.
Now, the nice thing about speaking last is that everything that needs
to be said has been said, but not everyone has said i-t .. __ (.Laughter_.J __
\What_I_would-1-i-ke-~o-do-i-s-to-be-j-us-t-serious for a ~~ment and first
---;___
~th~nk. all the preVlous speakeq for ~h~! __::~-e~- ~av~~ald, and try to put
-------;
\
~--~n __9pme __ lar.ger_context,___ _ -~ __
------ __________ _
The conflict in Kosovo in which we are involved is really about two
things:
first, what you know and see every night -- all those hundreds
and thousands of innocent people uprooted, many of them killed, some of
them dying from disease in refugee camps, some families divided forever
-- not because of anything they did, but because they happen to be
Albanian instead of Serbian;· Muslim instead of Orthodox Christian.
It
is a human tragedy that touches everyone.
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But there is a second issue here as well. And that is whether we and
our allies in Europe are going to allow that kind of problem -- hatred
based on race or ethnicity or religion -- to be the defining force of
the next 20 or 30 years.
In other words, whether we're going to go into
the 21st century, this great modern time, where all our kids can do
amazing things on the Internet, where all of our planes can do amazing
things with high technology, and have all of the tools of the modern
world put at the service of the most primitive hatreds known to man.
Or
whether our European allies -- 18 other countries in NATO, and their
friends and sympathizers across Europe -- will stay united with us, and
with our neighbors to the north in Canada, and say, we would like the
21st century to be different for our children; we would like to nip this
conflict in the bud before it destabilizes all of Europe; we would like
to see us make a statement that we don't want the 21st century to be
defined, and we don't want American soldiers, sailors, airmen, and
marines, to die on distant battlefields in large numbers because we
walked away from these ethnic, religious and racial atrocities. And
that's what's going on.
Now, I wanted to come here to Barksdale today for two reasons.
One is,
you're involved -- with the B-52s and what we're trying to achieve
there.
The other is, Barksdale has a rich heritage of being part of an
allied effort, where Amer.ica does not act alone, but with others who
love freedom and are prepared to defend it.
This base was named for Lt. Eugene Barksdale of the U.S. Army Air
Corps, who flew combat missions alongside British pilots in World War I
with enormous skill and bravery.
This base was where Jimmy Doolittle's
famed bomber unit and so many others, including French pilots, trained
to fight for freedom in World War II.
It was from this base during the
very large coalition effort in the Gulf War that crews launched the
longest strike mission in the history of aerial combat, 35 nonstop hours
in the air, ~hen B-52s left Barksdale to strike at Saddam Hussein's war
machine and returned safely here.
Now, you have this new mission -- one that echoes the allied
achievements of the past and embodies our determination to create a
better future.
As I said, I met earlier with air crews who have
returned from Kosovo, where, with the aircraft from other NATO
countries, they struck at the Serbian forces who have so brutally
attacked the civilian population of Kosovo.
The forces are working to save innocent lives, to protect the peace and
freedom and stability of Europe, to stand against the notion that it's
okay to uproot, destroy and murder people because of their race, ethnic
background or religion.
I am grateful for your service and grateful for the sacrifice of your
families.
We are all -- those of us in positions of responsibility -committed to support you.
I listened very, very carefully today when
the crew members talked to me about the challenges of maintaining a
long-term career in the military today; about the challenges they face,
the challenges their families face; the challenges that relate to
income, the challenges that relate to health care, the challenges that
relate to housing, the challenges that relate to operations tempo.
We are working on that. We know that, now that we have downsized the
military, and the economy in the civilian sector has picked up, we're
going to have to work harder to get and keep good people.
Our new
budget provides for an increase in pay and more money for housing and
other quality-of-life supports, for more support for training and
equipment.
It is the first sustained increase in overall defense
spending since 1985.
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There's something else that, since it is now April the 12th, I think I
ought to do.
Our tax laws give the President the authority to issue an
executive order granting tax benefits to Americans serving in a combat
zone or supporting combat efforts.
I want you to know that I will issue
that executive order for our forces who are working to save Kosovo.
(Applause. )
This will mean that for military personnel serving in the combat zone,
most or all pay for each month served will be tax-free, not withheld
from paychecks, not subject to IRS claims later.
They will also be
eligible for some additional pay for service.
There's another advantage to the executive order that will apply not
only to personnel in the combat zone and others deployed overseas, but
also for some civilian personnel as well, including accredited
journalists and relief workers.
It will suspend the time for filing tax
returns and related obligations to the IRS. With our citizens working
so hard to protect the people of Kosovo, they shouldn't have to worry
about their taxes.
Now, Secretary Cohen will work out all the details with the Treasury
Department as soon as possible -- (laughter) -- he's got 72 hours.
(Laughter.)
You all have to have quicker turnaround than that.
So he's
going to fight with the tax person for you.
Let me say again, I know I speak for all of the members of Congr~ss
here in saying they support this.
We have had remarkable bipartisan
support from the leadership in Congress for this -- Congressman Archer
and Rangel, Senators Roth and Moynihan who have made it quite clear that
they support what we are doing.
Let me just say one other word or two about this mission, because more
of you will be going in the days ahead.
Hundreds of thousands of these
Kosovars are now refugees.
There have b~en thousarids of innocent
victims.
Many are just dying because they're stuck in these refugee
camps and can't get adequate health care or support, some of them from
severe dehydration.
There is also the possibility that Albania,
Macedonia and other countries around there receiving these refugees will
be destabilized because they have ethnic problems of their own.
There
are also countries, believe it or not, in the Balkans that have worked
hard to resolve their ethnic differences and they have things going
pretty well.
Pretty soon, their malcontents may wonder whether they
could have gotten a better deal by behaving in a more constructive way.
We've learned the hard way through two world wars and through what we
saw in Bosnia that with these kinds of conflicts, if you don't halt
them, they spread, to be stopped later at greater cost and greater risk.
I have worked hard for the last six years to build in the aftermath of
the Cold War a Europe that is united, democratic and at peace for the
first time in history.
The two great world wars of the 20th century
started in Europe .. We have learned that so much of our liberty, our
safety, our prosperity depends upon an alliance with a democratic
Europe.
That's what NATO has been all about.
We know in the years ahead when we're going to have to fight terrorism,
wheri we're going to have to fight organized crime and drug trafficking,
when we're going to have to fight the spread of weapons of mass
destruction, when we're going to have to join together with countries to
fight the spread of disease and environmental problems across national
boundaries that we will have to work with Europe.
That is why we have taken new members into NATO.
That is why we've
established new partnerships with many other countries across the whole
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expanse of Europe.
That's why we are adopting new missions, to be ready
when somewhere, someone again challenges the peace and stability of
Europe.
That is what Mr. Milosevic has done.
Keep in mind, before Kosovo, he started wars of ethnic hatred in
Croatia and in Bosnia, with a quarter of a million killed and more than
2 miilion refugees. And the fighting there did not end until we and our
allies acted.
Now, we did everything we could possibly do to avoid the conflict which
is now occurring. We worked and worked and worked for a peaceful
solution.
Last year, we stopped the threatened assault in October. We
had a peace agreement.
The Kosovar Albanians agreed to sign it, even
though it didn't give them everything they wanted.
Mr. Milosevic
rejected it because he had 40,000 troops and nearly 300 tanks on the
border and already in Kosovo, and he knew that he could move his troops
and his tanks at will, and do to the Kosovars what he had supported
being done to the other ethnic minorities in the former Yugoslavia.
The stories we are hearing now are truly chilling:
Serb security
forces herding Albanian villagers together, gunning them down with
automatic weapons and setting them on fire.
Telling villagers, leave or
we will kill you.
Separating family members.
Loading up buses and
trains, carrying some to the borders and some to be slaughtered.
Confiscating identity papers and property records, seeking, literally,
to erase the presence of these people in their own land forever.
We must not let that happen. We must stand against that. As I speak,
Secretary Albright and the other NATO foreign ministers are in Brussels,
reaffirming our common commitment to do what is necessary to prevail.
There are a lot of people who didn't think that an alliance of 19
countries could do what we have done and could stay together as we have
stayed together, would have the patience to endure the inevitable
progress that the tanks and the prepositioned troops would make, and the
patience to deal with the bad weather and the patience to deal with all
the questions to stay the course.
But when American B-52s like the ones
here at Barksdale take to the skies, they're joined by British Harrier
jets, German and Italian Tornadoes, French Mirages, Canadian and Spanish
F-18s, Dutch, Danish, Belgian, Norwegian, Portuguese and Turkish F-16s.
We are united in this effort.
And we are united in our humanitarian effort. And I say to all of you:
I am very proud of you.
I hope you ~re proud of your mission.
This is
America at its best.
We seek no territorial gain; we seek no political
advantage. We have promised, if we are a part of a multinational force
in Kosovo, we will protect the Serb minority with exactly the same
vigilance as we stand up for the Kosovar Albanian majority.
This is
America trying to get the world to live on human terms, so we can have
peace and freedom in Europe, and our people will not be called to fight
a wider war for someone else's madness.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
(Applause.)
I also want to thank the American people for their work in the
humanitarian relief effort, and I thank our forces for their support.
Thousands and thousands of Americans have called the number I announced
a week ago, the 1-800-USAID-RELIEF.
It's hard to believe, it's an
11-digit 1-800 number, but it works.
A pastor friend of mine called me the other day to say, just
spontaneously, his church had taken up a donation for the relief in
Kosovo and had collected $15,000 last Sunday.
This kind of thing is
happening all over America, and I am very grateful for that.
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As I said, our government is doing its part there, and when I
introduced Mr. Witt I said that we are trying to do our part in helping
Louisiana deal with its disaster, as well -- expanding aid and
individual assistance for families in affected parishes.
It's ironic,
but I think it's appropriate that under the leadership of Mr. Witt, our
Federal Emergency Management Agency is playing a vital role in both the
Kosovo relief efforts and the work here in Louisiana today.
Let me say one final word. Mr. Milosevic can end this tragedy
tomorrow.
What has to be done is clear: Withdraw the forces, as he,
himself, promised to do last October; have the refugees come home freely
and in security; establish an international force to protect all the
people of Kosovo, of whatever ethnic or religious group; and let the
people begin to work toward the self-government that they were promised
and then robbed of years ago.
This is not complicated.
The United States seeks no territorial
advantage.
I will say again:
Europe seeks only stability, security,
freedom and democracy for those people.
He can end it tomorrow.
But
until he does, he should be under no illusions that we will end it from
weariness. We are determined to continue on this mission. And we will
prevail-- because of you and people like you.
(Applause.)
The last thing I want to say is something you know very well here at
Barksdale.
You are the proud heirs of a great tradition -- a tradition
of serving the United States, and a tradition, as I said at the
beginning of my remarks, of doing it in cooperation with freedom-loving
allies from other nations.
You are doing it again.
Make no mistake
about it:
You are doing two things.
You are trying to save the lives
of innocent people, and you are trying to do it in a way that creates a
21st century world that you can be proud to have your children live in.
Thank you, and God bless America.
END
(Applause.)
10:13 A.M. COT
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Rarnstein Air Base, Germany)
For Immediate Release
May 5, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AFTER DINNER WITH TROOPS
Rarnstein Air Base, Germany
8:10 P.M.
(L)
·THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
General Jumper, General Wooley,
ladies and gentlemen, let me, first of all, say that I know I speak for
all the people in our group -- the Secretary of Defense, Secretary of
State, General Shelton and others -- in saying that we are delighted to
be here and very proud of you.
I have been to Rarnstein at least three times since I've been
President . . I was trying to think, it may be four.
But I feel a
special affinity for this base.
I flew from here into Bosnia in 1995,
when the people who were stationed here then did so much to restore
freedom and peace to the people there.
There are a lot of things I'd like to say, as briefly as I can.
First
of all, I'd like to tell you I had a real good time tonight taking all
the pictures and
(laughter.)
I like having the opportunity to look
our men and women in uniform in the eye and see where you're from and
hear a little about your views.
I thank especially the people who had
dinner with me at the table over there tonight.
I got questions about
the Middle East peace process and the Situation in Iraq and the
long-term prospects in Kosovo and -- Q Pay raises.
THE PRESIDENT:
and pay raises, that's right.
(Laughter.)
And
they did a very good job.
I want you to know, the guys at the table
they did a good job, because we talked a lot about how the Air Force
and the Navy and this year probably the Army will be down on their
recruitment goals, and the reenlistment problems, and how we face the
converging pressures of a very, very strong economy in the private
sector -- the strongest it has been maybe ever -- certainly in a
generation, and a very much increased operations tempo for people in
the military, taking people away from their families more frequently
and often for extended periods of time. And if that results in -those two things result in our not meeting our enlistment or
reenlistment quotas, obviously, that only aggravates the op tempo
problem further.
I think there is strong, overwhelming bipartisan support in the
Congress this year to make some ~hanges in pay, in retirement, in
enlistment and reenlistment bonuses. And those three things plus some
other things we're going to do, I hope will help to keep more of you
in the service, and I hope will help to get more young people corning
in.
The job market is very, .very strong out there, as all of you know.
And particularly after you've been in the service for a while and
you've gotten the invaluable training that you get, I understand the
temptations and the lures of taking those offers which wouldn't
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require you to be away from home so much and so far.
But I can tell you this:
The· United States military, because of
people like you, can do things for a troubled world that no one else
can do.
And I am profoundly grateful.
(Applause.)
You're taking
those supplies into the refugees in Macedonia and Albania -- you must
have talked to some of them, you must know what they have been through.
And if you were involved in the operation in Bosnia, or you talked to
anybody else who was, you must know what they were put through and what
it is that NATO is trying to stop in the heart of Europe.
At the end of the Cold War, the question was, do we need a NATO. And
the 19 allies decided that, yes, we did; that if we wanted Europe to be
free and united and at peace, we needed NATO and that would be our
mission. And I wish there had been nothing for us to do -- nothing for
you to do.
I wish none of you reservists or Guard people had to be
called up or had to volunteer.
But it happened.
And it is truly
ironic that after all the wars i~ the 20th century, that here in Europe
we would still be fighting over religious and ethnic bigotry, being
used to dehumanize people to the point of justifying killing them,
burning them, looting their homes, running them out, burning their
villages, eradicating every last vestige of historical, cultural
records, burning their houses of worship.
And that's not the world I
want your children to live in.
And if your children are wearing this uniform of our Armed Services, I
don't want them to have to fight a war because we didn't nip in the bud
a cancer that can never sweep across Europe again.
So this is profoundly important. And the humanitarian aid you're
taking to those desperate people is profoundly important.
They are
good people.
They have their dignity.
You are enabling them to keep
what they can when most of them are running out of their country with
nothing but the clothes on their back.
I just want you to know that back home people do know what you're
going through, they do know what a sacrifice it is.
We will do
everything we can to make it better.
In the Congress this year, I do
believe there was overwhelming bipartisan support to respond to the
problems you face and the challenges you face ~nd the private market
you face.
But nothing can ever compensate or take the placelof the profound
sense of satisfaction you must get when you go to bed at night knowing
that you did something that was good and decent, not because your
country wanted to dominate another people or control land, but because
we want our children and their children to live in a decent world.
Thank you and God bless you.
END
(Applause.)
8:20 P.M.
(L)
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Spangdahlem, Germany)
For Immediate Release
May 5, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO AIR BASE PERSONNEL
Spangdahlem Air Base
Spangdahlem, Germany
1:36 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
Secretary Cohen, thank you for
your remarks and your remarkable leadership. We're glad that you and
Janet are here with us today, and there for the men and women of
America's military services every day.
Secretary Albright, thank you for being able to redeem the lessons of
your life story by standing up for the freedom of the people in the
Balkans.
To the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Hugh Shelton -- I was
looking at General Shelton standing up here -- you know, he's about a
head taller than I am. And I thought to myself, he not only is good, he
looks good.
He looks like the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
(Applause.)
But what I want you to know is, however good he looks, he's
better than that in the job that he does.
I thank General Clark for his leadership. Ambassador Kornblum,
National Security Advisor Sandy Berger. Our USAID Director Brian Atwood
is doing so much for the humanitarian relief.
Brigadier Scott Van
Cleaf, thank you.
Chief Master Sergeant Daniel Keene, thank you for
making all of us feel so welcome here today.
I'd like to
citizens who
Band and the
and women of
delighted to
this will be
thank the distinguished German public officials and
are here. And I'd like to thank the Spangdahlem Oom-pah
Gospel Choir.
(Applause.)
Thank you.
I thank all the men
Team Eifel and all your family members who are here.
I am
see so many children here today.
(Applause.)
And I hope
a day they will long remember.
The 52nd Air Expedition Wing is crucial to our mission in Europe.
There are so many to thank -- the Stingers and Hawks, the Panthers -(applause) -- your guests here, the crews of the Flying Knights.
(Applause.)
All the hundreds of base operations and support personnel
here, working day after day and now night after night.
We ask so much
of you and you never let us down .
.Ever since the end of the Cold War, this base has been busy with the
challenges of a new era, training new allies, planning new missions,
helping people in need like the earthquake victims in Turkey whom the
52nd Civil Engineer Squadron assisted last summer. A few years ago, you
helped to end the cruel war in Bosnia. And I'm sorry you have to do it
all over again, but I'm proud of the job you're doing today in Kosovo.
Earlier this year, some of you in the 22nd Fighter Squadron flew
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•
support for Operation Northern Watch.
Since this conflict in Kosovo
began, we have been depending on you more than ever.
It's meant more
hardship and more hard work for you. Many of your loved ones are right
now flying out of Italy and, of course, these F-117 Stealth fighters and
their crew are here from Holliman Air Force Base in New Mexico. And
they're a long way from their families.
Night after night -- to Serbia, punching through enemy defenses,
putting ordinance on target, returning home to debrief, rest, and then
do it all over again.
That takes courage and skill, and a lot of
support that we must never take for granted -- refueling in midair,
evading antiaircraft fire, pinpointing targets, seeking, often at great
personal risk, to avoid civilian casualties, coordinating with crews
from other nations, rescuing a downed pilot as one of your squadrons did
just a few days ago. And for the base personnel and the loved ones,
always the anxious waiting for the aircraft to return.
One thing I have tried to make sure the American people understand in
the years that I have been President is that your jobs have inherent
dangers, even when not directly engaged in conflict. As many of you now
know, just yesterday we lost two brave Americans in a helicopter
training accident in Albania. And today we grieve with their families
and pray for them.
I came here more than anything else to say on behalf of your fellow
Americans, we thank you for your service and your sacrifice.
Though
you're far from our shores, you are close to our hearts every day.
I also would,like to thank the people of Germany, who are our allies
in this cause and who do so very much to make all of you feel at home
here in this wonderful country.
I just came from an operations briefing and a tour of the aircraft
you fly from this base.
I want to talk just a little bit about why
you're flying.
And I want all of you, particularly who have children
here, who think about the world they will live in in the 21st century,
to think about why you're flying.
Our mission in Kosovo has nothing to do with trying to acquire
territory or dominate others.
It is about something far more important
-- creating the kind of world where an innocent people are not singled
out for repression, for expulsion, for destruction just because of their
religious and ethnic heritage.
You look around today at the people we have in uniform here. We have
people from all different racial and ethnic backgrounds.
We have people
from all different religious heritages. And I think America's military
is stronger because we try to get everybody's talents and put
everybody's talents to the best possible use -- not weaker. And I can
tell you for sure that our country is stronger when we reach across all
the lines that divide us and celebrate our differences, but say that
what unites us is more important.
All the differences that exist among people in the world, especially
differences of religion, make life more interesting and more
enlightening when they are limited by an understanding of our common
humanity.
But when people throw away that understanding of our common
humanity and make differences the only thing that matter, and make them
so important they justify literally dehumanizing other people so that
their lives, their children, their property, their history, their
culture, even their faith in God do not matter -- that makes life
unbearable and it makes civilization impossible.
And that is what we are fighting against in Kosovo, the same thing we
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..
'
fought to stop in Bosnia. And if we want Europe to be undivided and
democratic and at peace for the first time in history, and if we don't.
want your successors to have to come to this continent and fight another
bitter war, then we must stand in Kosovo for the elemental principle of
the common humanity of every breathing, living person in this continent.
(Applause. )
The Alliance in which we are privileged to serve, NATO, is comprised
of 19 democracies with 780 million people, tied together by a respect
for human rights and the richness of all people; tied together in a
conviction that we will build a Europe that is for the first time in
history undivided, peaceful and free.
Kosovo is an affront to
everything we stand for.
Two months ago there were 1.8 million ethnic Albanians living there
now nearly 1.5 million have been forced from their homes, their
villages burned, their men often separated from their families and
killed, some of them bundled and set on fire, the records of their
family history and property destroyed.
The number of people dislodged there in two months is equivalent to
the entire population of the state of Nebraska -- kicked out of house
and home without warning, at gunpoint.
It is -- and those of you who
were involved in Bosnia will remember this very well -- it is the
culmination of a deliberate, calculated, 10-year campaign by Mr.
Milosevic to exploit the religious and ethnic differences in the former
Yugoslavia, to preserve and enhance his dictatorial power.
His so-called ethnic cleansing has included concentration camps;
murder; rape; the destruction of priceless religious, cultural and
historical sites, books and records.
This is wrong. It is evil.
NATO,
after the Cold War, said that we would stand for the freedom and unity
of Europe.
This is occurring in the heart of Europe on NATO's doorstep.
We must repudiate it; We must reverse it. And we intend to do that.
(Applause. )
'
Now, when Mr. Milosevic started this campaign against unarmed people
in Kosovo, with 40,000 troops and nearly 300 tanksy he may have thought
our Alliance was too divided, our people too impatient, our democracies
too weak to stand against single-minded despotism.
Every day, you prove
him wrong.
NATO is now more united.
Our objectives are clear and firm.
Secretary Cohen said them; I want to say them one more time.
This is
not complicated.
The Kosovars must be able to go home, safe, and with
self-government.
The Serbian troops must be withdrawn, and instead
there must be an international force with NATO at its core, but,
hopefully, with many other nations participating to keep the peace and
protect all the people of Kosovo, Albanians and Serbs alike.
We have no quarrel with the Serb people.
I say that again: We do
not want to be guilty of the sin we are standing and speaking against.
We have no quarrel with the Serb people. America has many great Serbian
Americans.
They were our allies in war.
Our quarrel is with ethnic
cleansing and systematic killing and uprooting, and the bigotry and
death brought on by religious hatred.
That is what we stand against and
what we seek to reverse.
But for that to happen and for those people to go home and have
self-government, there has to be an international security force with
NATO at its core that will protect everybody there. We will continue to
pursue this campaign in which we are now engaged.
We will intensify it
in an unrelenting way until these objectives are met.
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....
You know, the gentle hills of this region, the Eifel region and the
Mosel Valley, are peaceful today, thanks in no small measure to 50 years
of Alliance and commitment, of which you are the most recent
manifestation.
But we mustn't forget that here, where we now are, there
was a landscape of violence for thousands of years, from the time Trier
served as a Roman capital just south of here.
For two millennia,
Europeans fought each other in the contested terrain around this base.
Two millennia.
Now, when you drive across these beautiful hills and you see these
beautiful hills and you see these beautiful fields, war is unthinkable
here and in most of Europe, because of what your forebears did. And you
can now look forward to a day not long from now when, in the Balkans and
throughout Southeastern Europe, human rights are respected and the men
and women of Spang are honored for doing your part to turn the dream of
peace and human rights into an everyday reality.
This base was built in the aftermath of the second world war at the
dawn of the Cold war.
Because of allied vigilance, the war we then
feared would occur never happened.
Now, planes are actually flying into
combat from this base for the very first time -- to protect the future
your forebears worked so hard to build.
I know this is hard.
I know too many of these pilots are flying long
hours with too little rest.
I know the stress and anxiety must be
unbearable.
But when you wonder what it is like, next time you're in a
meeting of American service personnel, look around at your differences,
at your racial differences, the differences of background, the men and
women together, the differences of religious faith -- and thank God you
live in a society that honors that, because we are united by things that
are more important. And look at these little children here and think
how terrible it would be for them to live in a world where a person
could gain, increase and keep political power by teaching young people
like them to kill other young people because of their religious faith or
their ethnic background.
That has no place in Europe or any other civilized society. And you
have a chance to prove the dreams of the people that fought World War I I
and that held together during the long Cold War to prove those dreams
can be realized in Europe in your lifetime. And if you do, the people
who wear the uniform of the United States military, 10 or 20 or 30 years
from now will not be called upon to spill their blood in another war
because of some dictator's mad schemes to dehumanize a whole people.
That is what you're fighting for and that is what you will be grateful
that you did for your children and the children of this continent.
Thank you so much, and God bless you.
END
(Applause. )
1:53 P.M.
(L)
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
Knob Noster, Missouri
For Immediate Release
June 11, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO WHITEMAN AIR FORCE BASE PERSONNEL
Whiteman Air Force Base
Knob Noster, Missouri
11:50 A.M. COT
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very, very much.
General Lyles, thank
you for your introduction and your service.
I'd like to thank General
Barnidge for making me feel right at horne.
You can tell he's pretty
proud of you -- and he makes a good speech, doesn't he? I didn't know
whether he was a politician or a General the first time I met him.
(Laughter.)
I've got the coin, General.
(Laughter.)
I think I know
the rules.
You got yours?
(Laughter and applause.)
Actually, ladies and gentlemen, when I discovered these coins I
decided one way I could always remember the men and women of our
military is to keep every coin I receive visible. And for as long as I
have been President, I have done that. And if you saw the speech I gave
last night on Kosovo, when the camera zooms in I have three racks of
these coins behind me.
I now have nearly 300 of these, from every unit,
every enlisteq_per.~on,_e_v_e_ry offi~er, every commander that has <?iven me
one of these, '1-~s_tlll have the colns. And every one wno-cornes_lnto the
<;>val-Offi·ceseesthern all -- to remember you and what you do for---our~
cpuntry. ~nd this will be on that desk· tonight._~:~hen I get hc5ine;;-and-_,I
than~u- for it very much.
(Applause. )
--- ~--------;--- , .··
\
-~-------~-----~--------=
--..
i
--I want to thank my good friend, Congressman ~ke Skelton, for
representing you so well and representing all of America 's military
families and military interests so well.
I'd like to thank my National
Security Advisor, Sandy Berger, who did a lot of work in planning and
executing our efforts in Kosovo and others who have come here with me
today.
There are a large number of congressmen here, and I want to
acknowledge all of them, because I think it's important that you know
you have broad support. We have four members from Missouri here -- in
addition to Congressman Skelton, Congresswoman Pat Danner, Congresswoman
Karen McCarthy and Congressman Kenny Hulshof from Missouri.
They are
all here.
I'd like to ask them to stand and be recognized.
(Applause.)
We have Congressman Norm Dicks from Washington and Congressman
Steny Hoyer from Maryland, as you heard, two big supporters of the B-2
program.
We have Congressman Leonard Boswell from Iowa and Congressman
Dennis Moore from Kansas, two of your neighbors here. And we have two
congressmen who carne all the way from New York State -- Congressman
Eliot Engel and Congressman Peter King.
I'd like to as the rest of the
members of the national delegation to stand, I thank them for being
here.
(Applause.)
We all carne down from Washington today on behalf of your fellow
Americans to salute the men and women of Whiteman Air Force Base, to
thank you for a job well done, to honor you for the way you honor
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America.
Over the past few mo~ths, our nation has faced an extraordinary
challenge -- a decade of brutal policies in the former Yugoslavia -and, in particular, in Kosovo -- exploded into a humanitarian
catastrophe when Serbian troops evicted over 1 million people from homes
they had lived in with their families for generations.
It was the
culmination of a long campaign by the Serbian President, Mr. Milosevic,
to exploit ethnic and religious differences to strengthen his power over
the people of the former Yugoslavia.
Now, in nearly every country, at some point or another there are
demagogues who have tried to exploit people's ethnic, racial and
religious differences.
The difference here is that he wasn't just
calling people names.
This exploitation involved mass murder, mass
rape, mass burning, mass destruction of religious and cultural
institutions, and personal property records -- an attempt to erase the
very presence of a people from their land, and to get rid of them dead
or alive. We have come to call it ethnic cleansing.
The International
War Crimes Tribunal prosecutor indicted Mr. Milosevic and the leaders
who worked with him for war.crimes and crimes against humanity.
It is
that which the B-2s from Whiteman flew to reverse.
I asked you, our Armed Forces, and our NATO allies, to act when all
of our diplomatic efforts failed -- after Mr. Milosevic had already put
40,000 troops and 300 tanks in and around Kosovo.
I asked you to act
early because the world community took four long years to mobilize
itself to stop the aggression in Bosnia, and by the time it happened,
there were a quarter of a million people dead, and 2.5 million refugees.
And the great dream that we all had, after World War II and after
the Cold War, that finally Europe would be free and undivided and at
peace, and Americans would never have to go there in large numbers to
fight and die again, was threatened by the oldest demon of human society
-- our fear and hatred of people who are different from us.
That is
what he exploited, in a systematic way, to threaten the future -stability and peace of Europe and the security of the United States, and
to do unspeakable humanitarian horrors to innocent civilians.
So when diplomacy failed, we and our NATO allies acted. We
attacked the Serb forces with air power for 79 days with three goals:
first, to return the refugees with security and self-government; second,
to get the Serb forces out of Kosovo; and, finally, to have an
international security force, with NATO at its core, to deploy to
protect all the people of that troubled land -- the ethnic Albanians and
the ethnic Serbs
Today, the three objectives have been achieved.
The Serbian forces
are withdrawing, an international force with NATO at its core is
preparing to enter, and very soon the refugees will go home. Mr.
Milosevic accepted these conditions for one ·reason -- you made him do
it.
(Applause.)
Thanks to you and the others who flew and supported
our air mission and those of our NATO allies, he ran out of room and he
ran out of time. And thanks to you, the century is ending -- not with
helpless indignation over such unspeakable cruelty, but with its
opposite -- a ringing affirmation by a free people of human dignity.
It was not an easy campaign.
Kosovo is a long way from Whiteman
even in a B-2. We had to coordinate all the details with 18 NATO
allies.
The Serbs had sophisticated air defenses.
They placed innocent
civilians around military targets.
The weather was often downright
atrocious, especially when we began the operation.
Yet, day after day, with remarkable precision, our forces pounded
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every element of Mr. Milosevic's military machine-- from tanks to fuel
supply, to anti -aircraft weapons, to the military and pol-itical support.
Most Americans will never know how hard this was or how hard our forces
worked T::-the-pi-lots-,-t-he-e:r:ews, __the_p_eop_le _}'V_llQ _lJ!a_~~_! t happen on the
ground.
But--I-want--you~ ~:'? ~n_<?~~CI_t~~- ~r_e '!_e~Y_ proud--:o·f-you -~
\
I'd like to single out ;-£~~-gro-ups-for--special th_a[l_k:s today--pilots ,_the __crews' --the __w_eap_Olle~rs I the maintenance per sonne~-WhO -are---part of the B-2 team stationed here--a:t-Whiteman--shoulQ___l::ake special
~
pride in proving what a truly remarkable aircraft can do :---Fryi-ng-..- ----- -.J
30-hour sorties, dropping ordnance, returning to base, night after night
-- and, as our Commander said, as far as we know, they still don't know
you were there.
Listen to this:
the B-2s from Whiteman flew less than
one percent of the total missions, but dropped 11 percent of the bombs.
(Applause. )
-lhe
We honor the pilots and. the crews, but we should never forget that
for every two-man mission, about 60 people from the mission planning
cell work two or three days to make sure nothing went-wr·ong~--That' s - ]
what I call teamwork.
You put real meaning into tH~ 509th's ~Qt~Q,__ _
Follow Us.
A lot of good people are about to follow you back home to
Kosovo, and I thank you for it.
(Applause.)
I would also like to thank the Reservists of the 442nd for all you
do.
I know how badly some of you wanted to take your Warthogs over to
Serbia.
I assure you, you're doing a fine job protecting us, just by
being ready to drop everything at a moment's notice.
And I want to
thank the people who make Whiteman such a fine place to live and work,
including the Missouri National Guard.
And, lastly, I want to pay special tribute to the families who give
strength and support to our airmen and women who do such a difficult
job.
(Applause.)
The wives, the husbands, the children of our military
personnel are a part of our military team, and they serve our country in
a very special way.
The statistics of Operation Allied Force tell the story better than
I can.
There were 30,000 sorties.
Two planes were lost, but every
single crew member returned safely -- an extraordinary testament to your
courage and skill. Of course, we cannot forget the two Army airmen we
lost while training in Albania, and I hope you will remember them and
their families in your prayers -- Chief Warrant Officer David Gibbs and
Chief Warrant bfficer Kevin Reichert.
Let me say one other thing that I hope will try to illustrate what
this is really about.
I'm proud to be in Whiteman today for many
reasons.
For over half a century, the brave airmen of this base have
been crucial to our efforts to build peace and support freedom.
We may
be far from Europe here in the heartland, and I suppose it's unlikely
that Knob Noster will ever be invaded by a foreign power.
(Laughter.)
But you have always been close to the front lines, and the people
in that small community have supported you in being close to the front
lines.
The 442nd Fighter Wing supported the 0-Day landings 55 years ago
last Sunday.
The 509th Bomber Wing distinguished itself in the Pacific
theater.
Whiteman was a bastion of strength throughout the Cold War.
Ten years ago, for example, who would have thought that a former leader
of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, would come here to have you sing
"Happy Birthday" to him?
(Laughter.)
Or that he would have the gall to
accuse General Barnidge of singing off-key.
(Laughter.)
In this decade, in the wake of the Cold War, our men and women and
uniform have played a crucial role, and so have you.
And with the B-2,
you have been even closer to the front lines.
From Iraq to Haiti to
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Bosnia to Kosovo, our men and women in uniform have shown dictators they
can't shatter their people and threaten their neighbors with impunity.
But this is the point I want you to think about.
You helped to put the lie to Mr. Milosevic's campaign of ethnic
cleansing and killing in two ways, not one.
First, and most obviously,
you did it with the power of the bombing campaign.
But, second, you did
it with the power of your example. What do I mean by that? His whole
justification for power has been to tell the Serbian people that they
cannot and should not have to live with the Bosnian Muslims, with the
Kosovar Albanian Muslims, with the Croatian Catholics; that the only
pure and great people, worthy to be part of Greater Serbia, are those
who share their ethnic background and their faith; that their country
can only be great when everybody's just like everybody else.
Well, look around here.
You put the lie to that by the power of
your example. And make no mistake about it, it is even more powerful
than the power of our bombs.
(Applause.)
I invite the people of this world today who say that people cannot
get along across racial and ethnic and religious lines to have a good
look at the United States military -- to have a good look at the members
of the United States Air Force in this hangar today. We have proved
that when people are bound together by shared values, their differences
make them stronger, and make our community stronger; that everyone has a
contribution to make, and everyone is a child of God, worthy to be
developed to the fullest of his or her own capacity; and that our
differences make our lives more interesting, even more fun, as long as
we recognize that fundamental+y, what is most important is our common
humanity.
Make no mistake about it:
every day you get up and go to work,
every day you work through a difference you're having with somebody who
comes from a different part of the country or a different background
than you do, every day you learn to live by performing your mission
better, working together you put the lie to the idea that has driven Mr.
Milosevic's power, and that of every other dictator in this century who
tried to get people to hate others because they had a different color
skin, because they had a different ethnic background, because they
worshiped God in a different way.
And make no mistake about it
in a world that is smaller and
smaller and smaller, where we are growing closer through the Internet,
through links of trade, through shared culture, where people will become
more vulnerable to orie another through open borders, it is a very
important thing for the safety and security of the United States for us
to be able to hold up for the whole world the example of our men and
women in uniform and say:
this is the future we should all seek in the
21st Century.
(Applause.)
Yes, I am very proud of the B-2s~
I am proud of the cooperation
across the services.
I know the Air Force is grateful for the radar
jamming provided by Navy and Marine aircraft -- the Navy TLAMS fired
from ships in the Mediterranean that made the flights safer.
The Army
and Marine units taking care of the refugees.
I'm grateful for all of
that cooperation; but, fundamentally, I am most grateful for the power
of your example.
In our military, we have Asian Americans, African Americans, Latino
Americans, European Americans of every stripe, including Albanian
Americans and Serbian Americans.
I don't want anybody to get the idea
that we have a grudge or bad feelings about the people of Serbia, they
were our allies in World War II.
They fill many neighborhoods in some
of our largest cities. We cheer for them .on professional sports teams.
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Many of us know them as our friends.
This is not about a people, this
is about a rotten idea that needs to be wiped from the pages of history
that you have helped to do.
And I say to you, we have to keep· working on it.
If we want to be
a force for good around the world, we've got to keep working to be good
at horne. We've got to keep working to live up to the ideas of our
forinders, that we are all created equal, that we have a constant
obligation throughout our lives to broaden the circle of opportunity and
deepen the meaning of freedom and draw closer together as a national
community.
These past months were a defining moment for the forces of freedom
in our Alliance.
This was the longest and most difficult military
campaign NATO ever engaged in, in its entire 50 years,
Mr. Milosevic,
who believed that strength comes from everything being the same, thought
that his campaign for a greater Serbia would break the unity of the
incredible diversity of the NATO Alliance.
He thought open societies
with free dissent -- where, as you know, everybody in America was free
to tell me I was wrong about this from the get-go -- he thought that
made us weak.
But he turned out to be wrong.
He turned out to be wrong, yes,
because the B-2 is a great aircraft, and the people flying the fighters
out of Germany and Italy did a brilliant job. And the ships firing the
TLAMS were great. And because the leaders were strong and tough and
they hung together, that's fine, and that had a lot to do with it.
But what made all that possible? How did we get to that moment in
the first place? Because we had made a decision as a free people to
respect the inherent dignity of every person, to give everybody a
chance, to learn from people who are different, to be on the same team.
Let me tell you, that is something money can't buy and propaganda can't
erase, and it is an example that I hope the world will see all the more
clearly in the aftermath of your success in Kosovo.
Think what would have happened if we hadn't done this. Mr.
Milosevic's victory would have been a license for despots around the
world to deal with ethnic minority simply by murdering or expelling them
from their land. Whenever people had trouble with people who were
different, they said, well, just get rid of them.
Kill as many as you
want -- nobody will do anything; and if you run them out of your
country, the rich countries will take care of them, anyway; just
ethnically cleanse everyplace so you will never have to think about or
look at or consider the interest of anybody that's the slightest bit
different from you.
But, instead, we end the 20th century and begin a new one with a
respect for human rights and human dignity and international law.
This
is not America's first victory over tyranny and, unfortunately, it
probably will not be our last.
But it is a moment for all of you to
thank God for the opportunity we have had to live in our country and
serve our country at this moment in history, to reap the benefits of its
opportunities and to have a chance to move it a little closer to its
ideals.
As we celebrate the victory, I also ask you to remember this:
there are challenges ahead. We still have to win the peace.
Those
folks have to go horne, and they've got to have a roof over their head
before it gets too cold to be outside. We've got land mines to take up,
and businesses to rebuild, and a future to make .
. That work, too, can be dangerous for those who follow in your
footsteps in the peacekeeping missions.
But it is very much in our
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interest to help them rebuild, and to draw together -- to teach them
what we already know -- that if they have something to look forward to,
and something to work for, and something to get up in the morning and
smile about, it's a lot easier for people with superficial differences
to find common interests. And so we have to be a part of that, as well.
Whenever I come to Missouri -- a state I've always loved, since I
grew up to the south, in Arkansas -- I think of President Truman, who
was the President when I was born, and whom my family idolized.
Congressman Skelton knew Harry Truman, and I think that we would all
admit that Harry Truman knew something about standing up for what he
believed in.
President Truman would be very, very proud of the Whiteman
family today.
(Applause.)
·
In the final days of World War II, Harry Truman said, "It is easier
to remove tyrants and destroy concentration camps than it is to kill the
ideas which gave them birth and strength.
Victory on the battlefield
was essential, but it was not enough.
For a good peace, a lasting
peace, decent people of the earth must remain determined to strike down
the evil spirit which has hung over the world for the last decade."
Well, the decent people of the world are determined to rebuild
Kosovo and the Balkans.
Think about the spirit.
If you don't remember anything else I said today, remember this:
your victory was achieved for two reasons.
One, the power and skill and
courage of our pilots and our crews, and the awesome capacity of our
planes and our bombs.
But, two, the power of the example that you set
in our military -- a stern rebuke, on a daily basis, to ethnic
cleansing, and a reaffirmation of the moral worth, and the sheer joy, of
working together as equal human beings for a good cause.
Thank you, and God bless you.
END
(Applause. )
12:16 P.M. COT
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Aviano, Italy)
For Immediate Release
June 22, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO OPERATION ALLIED FORCE TROOPS
Aviano Air Base, Italy
9:26 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much. Well, Captain Davis, you are
a pretty tough act to follow -- (laughter) -- and not short of
self-confidence, either. That's good.
(Laughter and applause.)
I'd
like to begin by saying that Hillary and I are delighted to be back in
Aviano. We have been here several times to thank ,you, but never on an
occasion more important than this.
I thank the Italian Minister of Defense, Mr. Scognamiglio, and his
government and his Prime Minister, for their leadership, their strength,
and their support for NATO during this operation.
They have been
terrific, and I thank them.
(Applause.)
I would like to also say a special word of appreciation to our NATO
Commander, our SACEUR, General Wes Clark, who led this conflict to a
successful conclusion.
Thank you, General Clark.
(Applause.)
I want to thank Colonel Durigon, the Italian Base Commander;
Ambassador Tom Foglietta, Ambassador to Italy; Ambassador Lindy Boggs,
our Ambassador to the Holy See. And, General Leaf, I want to thank you
for your leadership and your remarkable statement here today.
(Applause. )
We have been on a long trip to Europe.
I have been, at various
times, with not only Hillary and Chelsea, but with Secretary of State
Albright and National Security Advisor Berger, a large number of other
people, on a long, long week very important to America.
But I did not
want to leave without having the chance to thank those of you who
protect our freedom every single day, who fought for human dignity and
won its cause in Kosovo.
Thank you, thank you, thank you.
(Applause.)
Since the beginning of Operation Allied Force, I have actually
to six other bases involved in this effort in the United States
-- Norfolk, Barksdale, and Whiteman, in America; Spangdahlem, Ramstein,
Ingleheim in Germany.
But I wanted to come here to say a special word
of thanks to the 16th Air Force, the 31st Air Expeditionary Wing,
because of what you have done in Kosovo, because of the role this base
played in Bosnia.
You have repeatedly put your lives on the line to
save the lives of innocent civilians and turn back the tide of ethnic
cleansing.
Thank you again for this noble endeavor.
(Applause.)
trav~led
In 79 days you did prove that a sustained air campaign under the
right conditions can stop an army on the ground.
The Serb forces have
withdrawn from Kosovo; 20,000 allied KFOR troops are already in.
You
also stopped a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing and made it possible
for us to reverse it.
Protected by a peacekeeping force that includes
NATO, Russia and many other nations, the refugees are going back home.
They have given new meaning, and you have given new meaning, to the
motto of the 31st Fighter Wing.
Thanks to you, they "return with
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honor."
(Applause. )
Now that the conflict has been won, it.is imperative that we and our
NATO allies and the others working with us win the peace. No one thinks
it will take hold without difficulty. As more and more light is shed on
those burned villages and even more mass graves than we dared to
imagine, we become more and more appalled by the dark vision of Mr.
Milosevic, and more and more certain we were right to stop it.
We have to win the peace with the same qualities with which you won
the conflict -- with determination and patience, with discipline and
precision. We learned yesterday again that this, too, is a dangerous
mission as we mourn the loss of two British soldiers who gave their
lives trying to clear mines out of a house where they were placed solely
to kill the returning refugees.
But thanks to you, the worst is already over in Kosovo. And
tomorrow's dictators in other places will have to now take a harder look
before they try to destroy or expel an entire people simply because of
their race or religion.
General Leaf called you a championship team -- those are words well
chosen. As he said, over 30,000 sorties flown, about 9,000 from here at
Aviano, with zero combat fatalities; two planes down, both from here.
In each case, the pilot recovered, first in six hours, the second in an
hour and a half.
That is a truly astonishing record.
(Applause.)
And, of course, we remember our two Army airmen who died in a
training exercise in Albania.
But I know, and I want the American
people to know, that we could have had many more los~es but for your
skill and courage.
Because I kn6w that there were many occasions when
our pilots avoided firing back at those who were firing on them because
they were firing from heavily populated civilian areas. And I am
grateful for that, as well.
So many of you deserve acknowledgement.
I wish I could name you all.
I probably will miss someone, but I'm going to do this anyway, because I
love to hear you cheer when your names are called.
(Laughter.)
It does
me a lot of good -- you know, we've been up for a week and we're a
little tired and you get my adrenaline flowing.
So thank you to the Buzzards of the SlOth Fighter Squadron.
(Applause.)
The Bushmasters of the 78th.
(Applause.)
The Black
Panthers of the 4 94th.
(Applause.)
The Triple Nickle.
(Applause.)
The Star Warriors and Patriots and Yellowjackets from the Navy.
(Applause.)
Playboys and Seahawks from the Marines.
(Applause.)
The
men and women deployed to Aviano from about 90 bases around America and
Europe.
(Applause.)
And the crews here from Spain, Canada, Portugal
and the United Kingdom.
(Applause.)
You have to teach them to scream
with the same fervor with which you scream.
(Laughter.)
I want to thank the people on the ground, the maintenance personnel,
the weaponeers, the·air traffic controllers and the Italian citizens who
work on this base and make its success possible.
(Applause.)
I do want the American press to note that some of you have
demonstrated abilities that will serve you well when you return to
civilian life.
The 31st Civil Engineers -- (applause) -- built a tent
city here in just four days. And it is the envy of all the urban
planners back horne in America.
There's no crime.
(Laughter.)
Decent
sanitation and extremely low unemployment -- congratulations.
(Laughter
and applause. )
I want to again, in front of all of you, express my profound
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gratitude for our remarkable NATO Alliance of 19 nations.
This was a
difficult, difficult struggle for many of our countries.
It is a
tribute to their people and to their leaders. When I visited
Spangdahlem in Germany in May, I spoke with pilots who told me how good
it felt to look out of their cockpits and see aircraft from the other
NATO nations lying beside them.
Now, under the leadership of General Jackson, with all 19 NATO
nations working, with the Russians and with many other countries, we are
there in Kosovo to guarantee security, self- government and a chance for
all the people to rebuild.
Again, I want to say I am particularly grateful to Prime Minister
D'Alema and the Italian people for giving us the chance to call Aviano
home, and for their solidarity throughout this operation. All of you
now that Kosovo was not a distant crisis for the people of Italy, it was
an immediate threat and a difficult one, indeed.
The threat is now
receding before a new vision of Southeastern Europe, one in which the
pull of our common humanity and the promise of shared prosperity are
more powerful than the old forces of hatred and division.
I want to say a special word of appreciation to all of you in our
Armed Forces for just being here.
If you think about -- I want you to
really think about it -- you think about what Kosovo is all about.
People were taught to hate people who were from a d~fferent ethnic group
than they were, who worshiped God in a different way.
They started out
by being afraid of them and misunderstanding them.
Then, they came to
hate them. And then after hating'them for a good while, they came to
dehumanize them. And once you decide that someone you're looking at is
no longer a human being, it's not so hard to justify killing them, or
burning them out of house and home, or torturing their children, or
doing all the other things you have heard.
It all starts -- it all
starts with the inability to recognize the inherent dignity and equality
of someone who is different from ourselves.
The composition of our Armed Forces, with people from every race,
every ethnic group, every religious persuasion, from all walks of life,
that make up American society -- the fact that our military has all of
you in it is the most stunning rebuke to the claims of ethnic cleansing.
(Applause. )
Now, we're going home.
(Applause.)
I hope it's ·home you're cheering
for and not the fact that I'm about to quit speaking.
(Laughter.)
But
I just want to say to you, you make possible, by defending our interests
and advancing them, the work of the United States at the end of the Cold
War, at the dawn of a new century and a new millennium, that is
profoundly important.
Just think of what your country has been doing in the week.
I went
to Coiogne, Germany, to meet with the other large industrial powers of
the world to plan for the new century, to change the financial rules so
that we don't have other financial crises like the one we've had in Asia
which causes big problems back in America, as well as for the people who
are caught up in it; to provide dramatic increases in debt relief to the
poorest countries of the world, to lift the burden of debt off their
backs they can't pay anyway, as long as they'll put the savings into
keeping their children alive and educating them and giving them good
health care and ending the scourge of poverty in their country; to
planning for the future of Kosovo and all of Southeastern Europe.
Yesterday, I went to Slovenia, where I saw what we can build here
a thriving nation which embraces democracy, rejects bigotry and looks
toward the future together.
That's what we can do for all the Balkans,
for all of Southeastern Europe.
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And I have just come from Macedonia, from the refugee camps,·· from the
children singing and chanting "USA, USA, USA, USA," knowing they are
going to go home, knowing they don't have to go to bed at night afraid,
knowing you have given them a chance to reclaim their lives in their
native lands.
And I met with our KFOR forces from the United States and Spain and
France and Great Britain and Portugal. And they are very proud to be
succeeding you to make sure that this mission is finally won.
(Applause. )
Now, I know this has been difficult for many of you.
To sleep 10 to
a tent, work 12-hour shifts, six days a week.
Hard for a young pilot to
leave a wife and two young children, going off into uncertain skies.
Hard for some of you to spend last Father's Day alone, waiting to hear
your child's small voice a long way away on a telephone.
I want you to know that I am absolutely certain that you are building
a better world for your children and that they will come to know that -if not now, then someday -- they will understand what their fathers and
their mothers who wore our uniform have done in the last year of the
20th century to save the people of Kosovo, to defeat ethnic cleansing,
to start the new millennium in the right way -- as a time of human
rights and human dignity, and allied confidence that together we can
build a future worthy of our dreams for our children.
You have done that.
I want you to know that your children will know
it. And I, personally, am profoundly grateful.
Thank you, God bless
you and God bless America.
END
9:44 P.M.
(L)
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Aviano, Italy)
For Immediate Release
November 23, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE U.S. TROOPS
FOLLOWING THE THANKSGIVING WEEK MEAL
Camp Bondsteel, Kosovo
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you. Well, the people at my table said that
the speech I gave to the other troops was piped in here, which means it
either was or it wasn't, and if it was, you heard it, and if it wasn't,
you get relieved of hearing it.
(Laughter.)
Let me say to all of you
how very grateful I am for your service here and for the power of your
example here. As I said to the other troops, NATO won the military
victory, but now the people of Kosovo have to win the peace, and you
have to help them win it -- not only by doing your jobs, but by setting
a good example.
This was a war caused by·a man's determination_ to drive a whole
people out of a country because of their ethnic and religious
background.
It's the opposite of everything we believe in, everything
we live by, and everything the United States military stands for.
And you just look around this room today. We just celebrated
Thanksgiving, with, I bet you, conservatively, 25 different ethnic
groups represented among the American military forces here in this room
maybe 50, maybe it's more.
We are interested and proud in and proud of our background, and. we
should be, but we know that our common humanity and our shared values
are more important.
That's the message that the children need to get
here in Kosovo.
And the more you work with people and the more you let
children see you working together, having a good time, being proud of
what you're doing, doing your job, living the American creed, you will
also be fulfilling your mission by doing that.
Kids are not brought up hating each other because they're
different, they have to be taught to do that.
They've taught
generations of people on this land, good people in both communities to
do that, and now they've got to stop and you've got to help them. And I
can't think of a better Thanksgiv\ng present that you could give to
them.
Let me also say that I was very honored-- I've got four members of
the Congress here who voted for this, but I was. very honored to sign the
legislation which raised the pay and improved the retirement of members
of the military.
(Applause. )
\
But let me also say that we are well aware that in this good
economy, with the training you've gotten in the military, that you're
not serving for the money, but we think you ought to be properly
compensated and have a good retirement, and it ought to be an incen~~v.e ____~
f_or-you-t·o-st-~y if you're so inclined.
But we honor your service> we
,__,
\need you,_and on Thanksgi vi rig, those of us who came here will be h~~
\-~nd-~ou will be a long way from home.
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But you will be in our hearts, and I hope you know that what you're
doing is a great, great gift to your country.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
END
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i
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Aviano, Italy)
For Immediate Release
November 23, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE TROOPS AND OFFICERS OF
U.S. TASK FORCE FALCON,
INCLUDING TROOPS OF THE 1ST INFANTRY,
"THE BIG RED ONE,"
Base Theatre/Fest Tent
Camp Bondsteel, Kosovo
1:13 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
AUDIENCE:
Thank you.
Hello.
Hello!
THE PRESIDENT:
From the reception you gave my daughter, I thought
he was going to say I was Chelsea's father, too.
(Laughter.)
Thank
you.
I want to thank all of you for making us feel so welcome.
I want
to introduce the people who came with me: our Secretary of State,
Madeleine Albright.
(Applause.)
Our NATO Commander, General Wes Clark.
(Applause.)
My Chief of Staff, John Podesta.
(Applause.)
National
Security Advisor Sandy Berger.
(Applause.) And four members of the
United States Congress: Representative Jack Kingston from Georgia.
(Applause.)
Representative Peter Deutsch from Florida.
(Applause.)
Representative Carolyn Maloney from New York City.
(Applause.)
And
Representative Eliot Engel from New York City.
(Applause.) And
Chelsea.
(Applause.)
Let me say that we are honored to be with you.
We thank you for
your service. We're looking forward to eating a big, early Thanksgiving
dinner with the men and women of Task Force Falcon.
(Applause.)
I want to salute some of the troops for what they have done at Camp
Bondsteel and Camp Monteith. And also I want to thank those from other
nations in our multinational Brigade.East.
I want to visit you now, at
this season of Thanksgiving, not only because you're doing a hard job, a
long way from hom.e -- but because here we've got a lot to be thankful
for.
Thanks to you we have reversed ethnic cleansing. We have a
successful military mission which was brilliantly executed, with no
combat casualties. And now, we have a chance -- not a guarantee, but a
chance -- to work with these folks to build a lasting peace in the
Balkans.
Now that Operation Allied Force .is over, there is a new struggle
underway, and Camp Bondsteel is on the front lines. Operation Joint
Guardian will protect and deepen the peace we are working so hard to
make permanent.
You certainly haven't wasted any time.
The story of Bondsteel
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reads like something out of the settling of the Old West.
Not long ago,
this was a hay field.
Soon after NATO came into Kosovo, it became a
beehive of activity.
Between the Army engineers and the Navy Seabees -(laughter and applause) -AUDIENCE:
(Cheer.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, anyway, somewhere -- (laughter) -- somewhere
between the Army Engineers and the Navy Seabees, you move over a half a
million cubic yards of Earth.
You brought enough gravel to lay a
two-lane road all across the state of Missouri. (Applause.)
In less
than five months, you built 160 sea huts, a chapel, a gym, a hospital,
mess halls, a PX, a barber shop and an aviation area.
(Applause.)
I want to salute a few of the responsible units.
Don't be shy.
The Headhunters of the Engineer Brigade First Infantry Division.
(Applause.)
The Blue Devils of the 3504 Parachute-- (applause) - - I
just want to note for the press that the Blue Devils of the 3504
Parachute Infantry Regiment are also known as ''devils in baggy pants."
(Applause.)
The Steel Tigers of the 177 Armor Battalion.
The Bone
Crushers of the 2nd Platoon Bravo Company.
The Blue Spaders of the 126
Infantry Regiment.
The Hellcats of the 299th Forward Support Battalion.
(Applause.)
The Eagles of Task Force 21 Aviation Regiment.
(Applause.)
The Spartans of the 793rd Military Police Battalion. (Applause.)
The
Dagger Brigade of the 1st Infantry Division. (Applause.)
The Navy
Seabees of Battalion 3.
(Applause.)
You did pretty well.
(Applause.)
Let me say to all of you, I know that a lot of your assignments are
still dangerous.
I appreciate the hard work you have done to protect
all the people of Kosovo, including the Serbs.
I appreciate your ,
pursuit of local thugs, like the mad mortar-man.
I appreciate your
constant mediation between people who have a long way to go toward
reconciliation.
I'm told that children routinely say, "We
Well, they love the United States because they
them their freedom back, we gave them a chance
the children a chance to have a different life
lived.
love you, United States."
love you, because we gave
to go home.
We're giving
than their parents have
But let me just say this -- I say this every time I speak to a
group of American servicemen and women overseas -- the biggest problem
in the world today, with all the modern technology, all your_fanq,r___ __
comp uters,_eyerybody_getting_on-the-Interne.t--=-=--(.laughter-)J·-- all the
----.,_/,
1
new discoveries in science, the biggest problem in the world today is-----.
the 2_ldest problem of human_ ~<2._ciety:
pe_9p:).~i;:_e_QS1__
to be afraid of people
f-wno don't look like them, -:-~and-don't- worship God the-way--they do, -and /
,' come from a different place.
---...
("
•••
"<
'
- - .
•
••
- "Anci when you're afraid of somebody,
it's just a short step to
disliking them.
If you dislike them, it's a short step to hating them.
If you hate them, it's a short step to dehumanizing them.
And once you
do that, you don't feel bad about killing them.
Now that's what this
whole deal is about.
1 - - - --
And you see this problem in our inability to solve the peace in the
Middle East, although we're getting there.
But it's been a long time
coming. We may be about to have a final breakthrough in the Irish civil
war-- been 30 years coming. Almost 800,000 people were killed in a
hundred days in Rwanda by people of two different tribes, one hacking
the other to death with machetes -- they hardly had any guns at all.
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�Page 3 of4
And if you strip it all away, the number one problem in this_whole
worl~o_day_is __the_.problem-of- Bosnia,___the_proql_em_of_~p_s_o_v_p_,j It's
~~~-~-~f_l~~an~_::_e~~~~~\1~--~atr_:~-~~_:I_~eh':_~_:~~-~~~~-o~~----J---
j
All you've got to do is look around the room today, and you see
that our military is a stunning rebuke to that.
This is the American
idea in flesh and blood, all of you.
You come from all different
backgrounds, all different races, all different religious faiths, all
different walks of life. And you're here working together as a team.
You can appreciate your differences.
Y.ou~can-even-make_fun __o_f__them. _ _ _
You can ey_en_make-:j.okes-aoout -them--Cbecause you know that your commo_n ___---;
chumanity and your shared values are even more __ important than you
/
cdif_ferences. _ (A_p£1~u_se_.) _ .
.
- - --~Now, the most important thing you can do, besides keeping these
people alive and having security, is to teach that to the children and
to their parents by the power of your example and your own testimony.
Because I am telling you, what they're going through here today is an
example, but by no means the only example, of the worst problem the
world faces on the eve of a new millennium. And it violates everything
we in America stand for.
And the_power_o_f __our_ weapons_ .could_win __the_mili_tary_b_a_:t_tle_ ,in
1
Kosovo. \B_lJt the peace can only be won by the human heart.
And ·'every
day they see-you---~-every-day -these "litt·l·e-·old -kids··see ·you-·working
together -- even if they don't speak our language, even if they never
met any African-Americans or Hispanics before, even if they don't know
any Asians before-- they can see.
They have eyes.
They'll get it.
You just show up and you be yourself and you do what you're supposed to
do and you treat them right, the power of your example will show them
that they do not have to be trapped in the pattern which led to the
slaughter of a quarter of a million people in Bosnia, 2.5 million
refugees there, almost 1 million refugees here, though we acted quicker,
and because we acted quicker, they all came home.
But now that they came home, they've got to learn how to win the
peace. And I say that to the other nations who are here represented.
I
want people to see Americans working with you.
I want these children to
know that the world is a better place when people are proud of their own
race and ethnicity and religion, but respectful of others; when they are
secure enough in who they are that they don't have to put anybody else
down, hurt anybody else, torch anybody else's church or mosque just to
feel that they matter.
This is the most important issue in the whole
world today.
And just by getting up every day, going to work,' keeping the kind
of morale that you manifested today with your cheers and your pride, you
are a rebuke to the biggest problem in the world, and the power of your
example can do more than anything else to help us to win the peace.
Thank you, God bless you, and Happy Thanksgiving.
(Applause. )
(A gift is presented to the President.)
THE PRESIDENT:
You all know I have an important job, because I'm
your Commander-In-Chief, right?
(Applause.)
Wel1, tomorrow, because
I'm also the President and I have broad executive authority, I get home
at 10:00 p.m. tonight, we're all dog-tired,_ but I've got to get up and
go to work tomorrow because I have to do something that every president
has been doing since the 1920s.
I have to pardon the Thanksgiving
turkey.
(Laughter.)
And they bring me a big turkey and we let one go
so we can eat all the others.
(Laughter.)
And they put this turkey in
a petting zoo for children to see in the Washington area.
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�...
Page 4 of4
Anyway, it's always a great deal.
I just say, when I go into the
office tomorrow to pardon the turkey, I'm going to take the falcon and
put it on my desk so all of America can see when my desk is on
television what you're doing.
Thank you.
(Applause.)
END
12:25 P.M.
(L)
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�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Thomas Rosshirt
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/35d439f1fd07ec9ca66a688b1445e15d.pdf
23139ff366dc6681dfbf2478b0b95d55
PDF Text
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'
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�Page 1 of6
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
December 22, 1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND THE FIRST LADY
TO THE TROOPS
\
Club 21
Tuzla, Bosnia-Herzegovina
5:30 P.M.
(L)
MRS. CLINTON:
Thank you, General.
I'm just glad to be
back.
I was here with Chelsea in March of '96.
And as we've been
meeting some of you around the camp, I've encountered a few people
who were there when I was here before. And I'm glad to see all of
you.
I understand they closed Camp Alisha.
I went out there, but I
also went to Camp Bedrock, which I'd heard mentioned just a few
minutes ago by the General. And I'm so proud to be back here again
with our daughter, Chelsea, and with my husband and with the entire
delegation that has accompanied the President.
I know how tough it must be for all of you to be away
from your families at any time, but especially this time of year.
And we've been trying to think of a way to help you stay in touch
with them. And so we've been talking to some people, and they asked
me to make the following announcement:
that AT&T, working with. the
Department of Defense, has donated $1 million so that each and every
one of you stationed in Bosnia, Croatia and Hungary will have an
hour's worth of free phone time to share with your families.
(Cheers) .
And I know that during this holiday when my family is
together, one of the things we will be grateful for is the service of
each and every one of you. When I returned from Bosnia the last
time, I spent many, many hours telling Americans what I had seen and
learned; what I had heard from people just like you about what you
were doing here, what your mission was, what the General aptly called
you as peacemakers men.
And I remember telling a lot of Americans what it felt
like for me as an American when I got off the helicopters at Camp
Bedrock and Camp Alisha, and I walked out to greet our troops, and I
saw men and women from every part of America.
I saw white faces and
black faces and brown faces.
I heard accents from every region.
I
met young men and women who had come from every different kind of
background you can imagine. And I've never been prouder to be an
American. And I felt that if there were one message we could give
the people of Bosnia and indeed the entire world, it would be look at
America; look at the American military; see what we do together; how
we overcome our differences to be a team on behalf of peace.
And I want to thank all of you for making that come true
every single day.
I am so grateful to you, everyone who is here.
And I think so many Americans who are at home are going to be saying
a special prayer for each of you and for your families, who are also
making sacrifice for you to serve.
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�Page2 of6
Thank you, and God bless all of you.
and Happy New Year.
(Applause.)
* *
-~-
Merry Christmas
* *
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you for your laid-back welcome.
(Laughter.)
Thank you, General Ellis.
Ladies and gentlemen, I have
come here with a great delegation of Americans, including the
Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Army, the Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Supreme Allied Commander in E'urope; many
other distinguished military officials and officials from the White
House; and a truly astonishing delegation from Congress, of both
Democrats and Republicans together.
We have Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska; Senator Joe Biden
of Delaware; Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut; Senator Dan Coats
of Indiana; Representative John Kasich of Ohio-- (cheers);
Representative Jack Murtha of Pennsylvania --(cheers); Representative
Ike Skelton of Missouri-- (cheers); Representative Elijah Cummings
of Maryland-- (cheers); Representative Matt Collins of Georgia,
anybody here from Georgia?
(Cheers.)
Representative John Boehner of
Ohio and Representative Steve Buyer of Indiana
anybody here from
Indiana?
(Cheers.)
I'm proud of all of them.
-7
And let me say, we came here for two reasons today. We
came here, first of all, to say thank you to all of you.
To say what
you are doing for your country is a good and noble thing.
You are
doing it well and we are grateful. We know it's tough to be away
from home at Christmas time. We know it's hard to be away from your
families.
But you are doing something profoundly important.
The second reason we came here was so that we could go
to Sarajevo and see the leaders of the Muslims, the Croatians and the
Serbs, and tell them that they made an agreement at Dayton that we
are doing our dead-level best to help them enforce. And they
promised that they would live and work together and build one country
without ethnic prejudice or unfairness to any group; that we would
not only end a war, that they would build a peace together. And that
we in the United States were determined not only to do our part, but
we expected them to do theirs. And these good people in Bosnia,
these little children, who have suffered so much, they deserve
leaders who honor the commitments they made at Dayton and build a
better, brighter future.
And we wanted to do that with one voice, without regard
to party.
So I want to say a special word of thanks to Senator Bob
Dole and Mrs. Elizabeth Dole for coming.
(Applause). And I would
like to give-- senators talk like this all the time; I don't quite.
know how to do it, but I think this is called yielding a portion of
my time.
I'd like for Bob Dole to come up here and say a few words.
(Applause) .
SENATOR DOLE:· This is a pretty good speech, maybe I'll
just go ahead and give it.
(Laughter).
Well, this is one place I
don't need an I.D. -- (laughter) -- and I'm very honored to be here.
I haven't seen this many people since the election, so I want to
thank you all for getting together.
(Cheers.)
But let me undercseore_what_the_Eirs.t_Lady-a-nd-t-hePresident_have-sa-id-.-.-\we' re here for a couple of reasons.
One is t~
~ay hello to you on behalf of all 1-\rnericans~--'-a-l-l·_:g:ratefui:.::.&ne~j-~ri:s,- --·
on behalf of our delegation; another is to our concern about your
w~-lY-6el'ng and concern about the future- of -Bosni~,- concern 'B.oout our
role in the world as the preeminent leader.
So we want to wish you
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�Page 3 of6
all the best.
I'm also here to support the President in this effort.
I believe it is worthwhile. And I hope you believe the effort in
Bosnia is worthwhile.
(Cheers.)
And the President in no uncertain
terms, he's just stated, told the three leaders today that they need
to move a little faster -- I can't quote the exact words, but that
was sort of what it sounded like to me.
(Laughter.)
And he was correct. We don't like to keep anybody away
from their families.
You don't like to be away from your families.
And hopefully one of these days very soon, there will be a successful
conclusion, and these three countries can govern themselves and you
can go home, and we'll be very grateful for the service you've
rendered to'the United States of America and to the people in
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
So I want to say, just as somebody who's out of work
you've got all those phone calls, if you need a lawyer, give me a
ring.
(Laughter).
If you can't find me, just call the Red Cross.
(Applause) .
you.
Thank you all very much, and God bless America.
(Applause.)
Thank
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you, Senator Dole.
Thank you for
not reading my speech.
(Laughter.)
I like the one you gave.
Let me first of all say that I'm delighted to be here
with the Iron Soldiers of the First Armored Division-- (cheers);
with the Second Armored Calvary and all of the other -- (cheers) -all of the other units of Task Force Eagle.
But I also want the
people back home to know, through our friends in the press who are
here, that there are a lot of National Guardsmen and Reservists here.
(Cheers.)
And I thank all of you.
Hillary and I, along with the phone time that you all
get-- I hope you enjoy that hour on the telephone.
(Cheers.)
I
know you're all sitting there thinking, am I going to use it all at
one time or am I going to divide it up? Am I going to call four
people or just one? Decisions, decisions.
We were able to bring some school supplies over here
with us, some toys as well. And I know you're going·to be able to
distribute those to children here who are needy and deserving.
I
want to thank especially Lieutenant Colonel Mark Little, who started
the program -- (cheers) -- to take care of these children who have
been so hurt in this war and who have given thousands of Americans
the chance to serve through it.
A few moments ago we gave some of those presents to some
Bosnian children, and I wish all of you could have been there with
me.
I wish all of you could have been with Hillary and Chelsea and
me earlier today when we sat around a table in a coffee shop in
Sarajevo and talked to a dozen young people -- Muslims, Serbs, Croats
--all from Bosnia. And I said, you know, I'm going to see our
soldiers today, and if we could do one more thing for your country,
what would you like us to do? And every one of them, it was like a
chorus, they said, stay; stay just a'little longer; we can't
-- we're not ready yet.
But the young people want peace. We don't
understand why we're supposed to hate each other.
We don't want that
kind of future.
Please stay.
And then we walked outside this coffee shop in Sarajevo
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�Page 4 of6
and there were three American soldiers who happened to be from
Virginia -- (cheers) -- across the street, standing in front of a
church. And Hillary and Chelsea went over there, and I got out, and
I went over and shook hands with them. And they said, we are really
proud to be here because we are doing a good thing.
You are doing a
good thing, and I hope you are proud to be here.
America is proud of
you.
(Cheers and applause).
I also want to tell you that I have enjoyed sort of
sampling your life -- walking in the mud -- (laughter) -- imagining
what it would be like to spend six months in those beautiful tents.
(iaughter.)
I like those Kevlar seats in the Humvee.
(Laughter.) I
have heard all about the wonderful cuisine. We're going to have
dinner, and who knows, maybe I'll even get near-beer and vegetable
lasagna.
(Laughter and applause.)
We're having a good time, and we're all cheering.
But I
want you to be serious with me just for a minute. And when you go to
bed tonight, and you wonder what you're doing here, I want you to
think about this.
These people for nearly four years in this country
fought the bloodiest war in Europe since the end of World War II.
Massive numbers of people displaced from their homes; huge number of
children made orphans; lots of young people walking around without
limbs; horrible things happened to people.
And because of what you and our other allies did -- our
NATO allies and our allies from Russia, from Poland and other
non-NATO countries, you know that the country has stayed on the path
of peace instead of going back into bloodshed. Without you, that
would not have happened. Without you, the warring parties never
would have disengaged, and more than -- listen to this -- more than
370,000 of them were combatant troops.
They've gone back to civilian
life now.
Without you there would still be mortars and cannons
firing.
Now, more than 6,500 heavy weapons have been destroyed and
the rest put under international supervision.
Because of you, free
and fair elections have been held.
There is freedom of movement;
police reform has begun. A lot of the airwaves now are filled with
information instead of vicious, partisan hatred.
Bosnia is no longer the powder keg at the heart of
Europe because of you. And I cannot thank you enough.
Your children
and your grandchildren will look back on this moment and know that
you have done something not only of surpassing importance, but
something that is profoundly good.
We gave you a mission and you delivered.
So when you go
to bed tonight, thank God that you were given a chance to do
something like this. A lot of people live their whole lives and
never ever, ever are able to give something so profoundly important
to.others as the gift you have given to the children of Bosnia.
Thank you, and God bless you for it.
(Cheers and applause.)
Let me also say that even though this has been a
remarkably nonviolent mission, it has not been free of risks.
I was
thinking today coming here to Tuzla that in August a couple of years
ago~ when we were working on the peace process, we lost three
remarkable people -- Bob Frasure, Joe Kruzel and Nelson Drew, who
were part of- our team trying to make a peace agreement. And their
vehicle crumbled on a weak road, and they were killed in a horrible
accident.
We had a couple of other accidents on the road.
We lost
one soldier who was killed when he walked over to a mine and just
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;
kneeled down and started dealing with it.
But the most important thing I was thinking about today,
from a purely personal point of view, is that it wasn't so very long
ago that my good friend, the Secretary of Commerce, Ron Brown, was
here in Tuzla.
He spent the last day of his life here before his
plane crashed. And I want to tell you, I've seen the pictures.
He
had a very happy last day because he was here with the men and women
of the United States Armed Forces, glorying in and participating in
this mission.
I also want to say to you that in spite of all you have
done, I think it is imperative that we not stop until the peace here
has a life of its own, until it can endure without us. We have
worked too hard to let this go.
I thank the members of Congress from both parties who
have come here out of concern for you and your work.
I want to say a
special word of thanks again to Senator Dole.
He said something to
me on the phone the other day -- he says so many things that are
funny and pithy that if I start stealing his lines without
attribution I'll get in trouble.
So I want to tell you -- he said
this to me. We were talking about Bosnia, and he said, look, it's
worked.
He said, I didn't necessarily agree with everything you did,
but on the whole this thing has worked. And this is like being in a
football game, and we're ahead, it's the fourth quarter.
Who wants
to walk off the field ~-forfeit _the_game.?-We--ought-t-o-st:a-y-here~
finish the game and ta~e home the win for the world and for freedom . .)
And that's exactly what ~fhfend to do-;--thanl<s-t·o-wnatyou-have- ----.1
proven that America can stand for and that we can accomplish. And
again I say, thank you very, very mu~h.
(Cheers and applause.)
One other thing, just for my information.
How many of
you here are on your second tour here?
(Cheers.)
I met a young man
today, I said, how long have you been in the Army? He ~aid, I've
been in the Army five years. And he said, the last time I saw you, I
was in Haiti.
He said in five years he's done two tours in Haiti and
one tour in Bosnia.
Just sort of laying around, you know.
(Laughter.)
I don't think many Americans understand exactly how deep
the burdens are on our men and women in uniform today.
Because we
have downsized the military in the aftermath of the Cold War, when we
taken on these responsibilities, it is very hard for a lot of people.
We rotate these missions a little more rapidly than we would like to.
We draw out Reservists and Guardsmen more often than we would like
to.
But you have always done what you were asked to do. And you
have always delivered for America.
So on this Christmas season I ask the American people,
who will see this on television tonight or tomorrow, to remember what
we owe to the Soldiers, the Sailors, the Airmen, the Marines of the
Armed Forces at home and around the world -- in the Persian Gulf, on
the DMZ in Korea, here in Bosnia -- our nation is at peace and our
people are secure because of you.
Our country can grow stronger and
more prosperous, our people can live out their dreams, our children
can sleep well because of you.
Your sacrifice makes this possible.
I think that one of the things that you may'wonder is
whether people back home know you're here and appreciate what you're
doing .. Since you've done it so well, there aren't any visible
problems, and you make it look easy.
I got a fascinating letter the other day from the mother
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�Page 6 of6
of a soldier stationed in Camp Eagle -- Specialist Christina
Campbell. And the mother said, so as you get busy spreading holiday
cheer, don't forget the peacekeepers and those they hold dear. And
Specialist Campbell actually wrote a poem.
So I want to tell you, I
took just a little bit out of it; because I want you to know that at
this Christmas you are in the hearts of the American people. And her
words are your words.
Listen to these, she says, "No, this is not
our soil and it's not our own fight.
But if you've seen what I have,
then you know that it's right."
God bless you all.
applause.)
END
And God bless funerica.
(Cheers and
5:55 P.M.
(L)
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.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 2, 1999
RADIO ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATION
THE PRESIDENT:
Good morning.
As we celebrate this last
New Year of the 20th century, I want to speak to you about the debt
we owe to those who make every season a season of peace for America
-- the men and women of our Armed Forces.
\__________cAl-most 1. 4 mil~ion AmericC!nS- a.Le_ ~~-~<J___our country on
)
\_ active dut_y_ t_~c:!.9Y. _-·Nearly a quarter million or--them·-·are-overseas,- - - ·
·--doi-ng-wnat needs to be done as no one else can,
whether that means
thwarting Iraq's ambition to threaten its neighbors or the world with
weapons of mass destruction; or standing watch in Korea on the last
fortified frontier of the Cold War; or safeguarding the peace in
Bosnia; or helping our neighbors in Central America or the Caribbean
dig out from natural disasters; or simply giving us the confidence
that America will be forever strong, safe and secure.
We rely on our Armed Forces because this is still a
dangerous world.
We're proud of them because they are the best in
the world.
And we remember today what makes them the best -- not
just the quality of our weapons, but the quality of our people in
uniform.
Their skill, dedication and professionalism are unstinting,
unquestioned, and unmatched.
When we give our servicemen and women a mission, there
is a principle we must keep in mind.
We should never ask them to do
what they are not equipped to do, and we should always equip them to
do what we ask.
The more we ask, the greater our responsibility to
give our troops the support and training and equipment they need.
As
Commander in Chief, I have no higher duty than this -- to give our
troops the tools to take on new missions, while maintaining their
readiness to defend our country and defeat any adversary; to make
sure they can deploy away from home, knowing their families have the
quality of life they deserve; and to make certain their service is
not only rewarding, but well-rewarded, from recruitment to
retirement.
I'm confident our military is ready to fulfill this
mission today.
Our troops continue to execute complex and dangerous
missions far from home with flawless precision, as we've just seen in
the Persian Gulf. Our challenge is to retain the ability to do this
as we carry out our entire defense strategy.
For this reason, we asked Congress to add $1.1 billion
to this year's budget to keep our readiness razor-sharp and to
improve recruitment. And Congress did.
I've also worked with our
military leaders to ensure their highest readiness priorities are
reflected in our budget request for the year 2000.
The budget I will submit to Congress for next year will
provide an increase of over $12 billion for defense readiness and
modernization_through_a_combination_of-new-speB0i-n.g-a-n.d--l:m0ge-t-a-r-y-------~-
savings .\_.____
This is the start of a six-year effort that will represent
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07/17/2000
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•
We want our Armed Forces to remain ready to deploy
rapidly in any crisis, and that is what this effort will assure, by
funding joint exercises, flight training, badly needed spare parts,
and recruiting for critical positions. We want our forces to remain
the best equipped in the world into the next century, and that is
what this effort will assure, by paying for the next generation of
ships, planes, and weapons systems.
It will also enable our military
to play its part in meeting emerging threats to our security such as
terrorism and proliferation.
It will help us to do right by our troops by upgrading
and replacing aging equipment, barracks, and family housing.
It will
include a military pay raise of 4.4 percent, the largest since 1982;
a restructuring of paid reward performance, ~nd the reinstatement of
military retirement benefits that were taken away over a decade ago.
We must undertake this effort today so that our nation
will remain strong and secure tomorrow. We must do it as well
because we have the most sacred obligation to those who accept
dangers and hardships on our behalf.
They are our sons and daughters, husbands and wives,
friends and neighbors, from cities and towns all over America.
We
must give them the support they need to keep doing their jobs well
and to keep coming home to America, safe and sound.
Thanks for listening, and happy New Year.
END
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�,,
COMMAND FLEET ACTIVITIES OKINAWA (CFAO) COMMUNITY
SUPPORT ACTIVITIES
•
U.S. Navy active_d uty_and_related personnel have 1 b~~~r;i te"aching.
[Co~yersati?nal ~-~-§·I ish to ~~anese Maritime SelfDefense Force personnel at
Whlte-Beacn tw1ce a month s1nce 1997
•
U.S Navy Okinawa conducts cleanups at various lo~a!Ioos_inJ<atsuren Town,
Ka ~-~-':!-~_IQY~rLand_Q~inawa City throughout the yea~ Earth day & Green day
__
~~epres§_~_!}heir major cleanup projects during the year.
----- · · ·
7
•
U.S Navy Okinawa participates in major local events: Naha and !<adena
Dragon Boat Race and Okinawa City International Carnival.
•
CFAO First Class Petty Officer's Asso.ciation-celebrates-a-n-t"mbeF-Q,f
·
American cultural days with J,school for handicapped.cbildre~.:J-in.Ox-'lnawa
City; Easter egg Hunts, Halloween and Thanksgiving.
•
CFAO has presented cakes taL retirem~n~?__l!les ~nKadena~~~~tsuren
Town for Respect for the Aged Day cele6ratlons-slnce--1'994.
•
CFAO presents-Cbristm~~ gift§JQ__!Q..G_CII orp_h_an~g~s and har.::Jic~
children.
-- ·· - -- ---------/
•
All island Chief Petty Officer's Association sponsors annual Ground Golf
Tournament for handicapped people from Katsuren Town at \Nhitc E>ach.
•
Drug Education for Youth (DEFY) Civic Action Project. DEFY children and
the staffs conduct cleanups at local orphanages and interact with children from
these facilities.
- 19-
�•
CFAO hosts five luncheons and two open houses annually inviting local
leaders, members of Japanese Self Defense Force and business people to
enhance understanding and friendship between the U.S. Navy in Okinawa and
the local national community.
•
CFAO hosts the White Beach Festival once a year. We open the facility to
local nationals to express our appreciation for their support anci to promote
their understanding of the U.S. Navy and friendship.
•
CFAO invites local nationals to tour ships to promote understanding of
the U.S. Navy and friendship.
-20-
�USAF COMMUNITY SUPPORT ACTIVITIES
Media Events/Outreach Programs
•
•
•
•
•
12th FS inactivation ceremony--media visit/positive coverage of
--Media tour for Ryukyu Shimpo, Mokuyokai
--Mainland Media Day
--Tomonokai luncheon; news releases for and positive coverJge of
--Media invite to cover return of humanitarian assistanc~ (C-·130s)aircraft from·
Vietnam
• --News release regarding Kadena's volunteers in Yuai Sports Competition-positive coverage in local Okinawan media
• --NHK visits--favorable coverage of Kadena's Christmas decorations and Y2 K
rollover
• --Okinawa and English positive news coverage of 353 Christmas Eve rescue
• --Aero club news releases, media visits following Cessna incident
• --Okinawa Times visit, positive coverage of Kadena Language School program
• --Stars and Stripes positive media stories on new dorms, rec~~clin~j program
• Fukuoka Media visit--tours and briefings for (15 journalists frc m mainland)
• --Oil spill release/negative- neutral coverage of (All media)
• --NHK positive special on Security Forces
• --30 Media att~l5.adena~s-Oper.ationai-Media-Qay---~a ~ov_~~~-g~ of _QkJ!1C!W.9JY1£lrathon, route_d_tbr_o_l)gh___l5__cldt2_1·la
•----=Media-Interest 1n Kadena's support of G-8
• --US News and World Report (magazine) visit OTHER
• --E-6 sent to cover the Singapore Air Show for PACOM
• --E-6 sent to support Keen Edge
• --30-40 Media covered 18th Wing AEF 5 deployment
• Air Force times visit to Kadena (15-18 Mar)
• --10-15 Media covered the Secretary of Defense's visit to KN3
• --20-25 Media attended Kadena's Environmental Media Day
• --Gate 2 Redevelopment Press conference
J
Community Outreach:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Kunsan Civic Leader visit
Tomonokai luncheon
National Corporation Association Youth Division Okinawa Co:-lf (tour/brief)
8th Yuai Sports Day (OPG's special Olympics; more than 10(1 base participants)
Visit with Mayor Miyagi, SPTG/CC
Canadian ambassador visit
Naha AB 27th Anniversary (commanders, PA participated)
Oki Chamber mtg (PA, civic leaders) discussed Friendship Council activities for
the year 2000
- 21 -
�•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Tomonokai Holiday Season evening base tour
Facilitated donations to childrens' home from base units
Wing leaders briefed community leaders' following Cessna incident
Lt Gen Oda (JASDF) visit with Wing leadership
Meeting with Mayor Miyagi
Japanese Diet members visit, PA, wing leaders provide briefi:1gs, tours
Mayor's lunch with wing leaders, PA
Mtg, with comrel, Oki City Friendship Council
Okazaki Institute Visit: a think-tank group
Eielson Civic Leader Tour visit
Maritime & Joint Staff College (lunch, briefing and tour)
Kadena Town Language Institute On the Job Training program
Gate 2 Development meeting with Okinawa city officials, DF/\8
Kadena Town Base Without Fences Community Tour
Mayor's Aero club briefing
International Lock-in
PACAF Band Concert at Ryoikuen in Nago City
PACAF Band Concert at Nago City Cherry Blossom Festival
Nakannojo tour
JASDF Air Traffic Controllers tour and visit and other JASDF tours
Okinawa Marathon (routed through Kadena)
JAAGA civic leader tour at Kadena
Various DFAB, Mayor visits
-22-
�BOY SCOUTS OF AMERICA
GREAT OKINAWA DISTRICT -OKINAWA PREFECTURAL COUr~CIL
Greater Okinawa Scouting Committee (GOSC). Greater Okinaw<J Scouting
Committee was formed in Nov to foster good will and cooperation betw:een the Great
Okinawa District, Boy Scouts of America and the Okinawa Prefecture Council, Boy
Scouts of Nippon. The Committee is made up of six Amerians and six Okinawans
representing specific programs in scouting (i.e. Tigers, Cub Scouts, Boy Scouts, etc.).
The Committee will be responsible for planning and carrying througl1 joint activities.
District and Council Joint (American and Japanese) Activities
14th BSA- BSN Friendship Jamborette
• Held at Kinser Elementary School on Camp Kinser in April, 1999
• Hosted by the Great Okinawa District
• Attended by over 1500 American and Japanese Scou!s, Ventures,
Leaders and Parents
• Beginning in 2001 this will be an annual event
Kids Fun Day
• Held at the Naha Jusco in September 1999
• Hosted by the National Council, Boy Scouts of N!ppon
• Attended by over 300 Scouts and Leaders including 2 BSA Packs and a
Troop
Klondike Derby
• Held in Naha, 12 February 2000
• Hosted by the Okinawa Prefecture Council
• Attended by over 1200 Cub Scout, Boy Scouts,
• This event is held in even years
Scout Fest
•
•
•
•
Ventu~es,
and Leaders
Held at MCAS Futenma, 24-26 March 2000
Hosted by the Great Okinawa District
Attended by over 300 Cub Scouts, Boy Scouts, Leade1·s, and Parents
including 3BSN Packs and 2BSN Troops
This was an interim activity to allow us to run Jamborelte annually.
Unit Level
Unit level joint activities have included:
• A camping trip to lheya Island
• Roadside litter clean-up
• Christmas Party
• Mochitsuki
-23-
�..------------------------------
•
---------------------
Picnic
Future Events
Jamborette- Tobe held annually beginning in 2001 during March or April
Nippon Venture- A BSN National Jamboree style activity for older youth. BSA has
Been asked to host 40 Ventures on four days in July for this
Activity.
Critter Day- To be held in September for First-Third grade members
-24-
�EAST--WEST CENTER
THE U.S.-JAPAN-OKINAWA RELATIONSHIP
Challenges for President Clinton
in Okinawa
by
Charles E. Morrison
and
Butch V. Dela Cruz
July 2000
EAST-WEST CENTER
Building an Asia Pacific Community
~,th A
~--
.A
n n i ve r s a r
y
1960-2000
1
)
�THE TRIP'S DIPLOMATIC SIGNIFICANCE
This year's Group of Eight (G-8) summit meeting in Okinawa presents
U.S. President Bill Clinton with a particularly sensitive political and diplomatic
challenge. To a great extent and certainly more than in any previous G-8
meeting, the success of the summit for Americans will probably be judged more
by the tone of the President's reception in the hosting location than by the
substantive outcome of the meetings themselves.
;
The scene of military and civilian carnage in World War II, Okinawa today
is still noted for its large U.S. military bases and overwhelmingly pacifist civilian i'
population. It is the poorest and one of the most crowded Japanese prefectures.
Throughout the post-World War II period, Okinawans have both resented and
economically benefited from the American presence. Periodic tensions, the most
serious recent ones in 1995 after the rape of a 12 year-old girl by three U.S.
servicemen, have punctuated the uneasy relations between the foreign forces
and the local population. Within three weeks of the summit, new incidents
involving American military personnel increased anxieties in Washington about
possible anti-American demonstrations and resulted in stricter curfews for U.S.
forces.
Over time, the U.S. military has gradually reduced the number and size of
its facilities and curtailed operations that inconvenienced the local population, but
these changes have not been fast enough or sufficiently far-reaching to satisfy
most Okinawans. Although Washington and Tokyo have been working closely
on base relocations and other issues to make the base presence more
acceptable to the Okinawan population, the Okinawan government remains
committed to setting a deadline for the removal of the bases.
President Clinton is making the first visit by an American president to
civilian areas of Okinawa. In addition to the summit itself, to be held at the newly
constructed Busena Resort on a small, remote peninsula in central Okinawa, he
will be visiting a U.S. military base. As a goodwill gesture to the people of
Okinawa, he will also stop at the Cornerstone of Peace, a memorial built to honor
all who died in the Battle of Okinawa. It is believed that the President will deliver
a speech covering the contemporary and future significance of the bases and
suggesting new emphases in U.S. approaches to Okinawa.
Okinawa has a tremendous stake in the overall success of the summit.
For more than a year, the Japanese,and Okinawan prefectural governments
2
�have been busily preparing for it. For months, Okinawa has been flooded with
welcome posters and cheap souvenirs displaying the eight summit flags. Other
items are not so inexpensive. For example, the local rice wine called awamori is
available in a souvenir bottle for about $150. Even the business cards of
prefectural officials are garbed with summit colors and symbols.
Thus local expectations of the summit, and particularly President Clinton's
visit, have been running very high. These expectations do provide a basis for a
very positive Presidential visit. On the other hand, should the visit need to be
cancelled at the last moment for any reason, the unmet expectations would
result in dismay and anger in Okinawa as well as in Tokyo.
HISTORY
The Okinawan sense of identity has been shaped throughout history by
heavy influence from the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Southeast Asia, southern
Japan, and even the Korean peninsula, all lying within close proximity to the
Ryukyu Islands that form today's Okinawa prefecture. Okinawa stands out from
the rest of Japan's prefectures for its strong sense of a separate identity,.shaped
by a history as an independent kingdom with its own language, customs, and
external relations. This feeling has been nurtured and preserved by a
widespread_b_elietamong_Qk_iDC!_~_§lns that their interests are often ignored in
TokY-o._Ttfe overwhelming concen-trafion-6fthe tJ.s.- military presence in-- - __
Wkinawa is frequently interpreted as one of many instances of dif_ferentiaLand __
L!.mfair treatment. Okinawans also point out that communities near u-.&)ases in
~/mainland Jap_;;lr:l-=generally receive-higher-levels-otJapan~.§.~ government --;
J
subsidies than the Okinawanco-mrrft.:inities. Yerth·ere-is-ncs- independence~--'
movemenfand the-f972returh-of0kinawa·to-Japanese-administration was
overwhelmingly welcomed by' the local population.
J
Okinawa has been "Japanese" for almost four centuries. The historical Ryukyu
kingdom reached its height after it was politically unified in 1429 under the rule of Sho
Hashi, with the kingdom's center in Naha. The Kingdom of the Ryukyus established a
lucrative tributary relationship with China and enjoyed a thriving maritime trade as far
south as Thailand. But de facto independence came to an abrupt end in 1609, when the
basically unarmed island chain was easily conquered by the powerful Satsuma chin from
southern Japan. Satsuma had commercial reasons to keep Okinawa under the nominal
control of its own king, but in reality Okinawa had become a part of Japan. Following
the Meiji Restoration and the abolition of the feudal clans, the Tokyo government
formally annexed Okinawa in 1872 and made it a prefecture in 1879. Although
sometimes regarded in retrospect as the first step toward Japan's later imperial expansion,
there was no international protest at the time by China or any other country as Okinawa
was already widely accepted as Japanese.
3
�Okinawa's frontier or gateway location at Japan's southwestern corner has been a
commercial and cultural asset, but it has also been a source of trouble. While often
forgotten on the main islands of Japan, in 1853 U.S. Admiral Matthew Perry first landed
in Okinawa and virtually occupied it for several weeks before his "black ships" appeared
in Tokyo Bay. Much more traumatically, Okinawa was the only part of Japan to
experience invasion during World War II. The 82-day Battle of Okinawa was the
bloodiest militarx gr_o_und battle_oftheJ~acific-War ,-ki lling-l.LO,OOO_lapanese_troops:and
1
12,000 American~~ Also dead were more than 100,000 Okinawa civilians, a third ofthu
[POpulation.
=--;)
The wartime experience strengthened deep pacifist roots within Okinawan
society. For Okinawans, they and the soldiers had been the victims of a quarrel over
which they had no control. Accordingly, Okinawa's peace memorial, the Cornerstone of
Peace, honors all who died in the Battle of Okinawa. A small museum also contains
civilian artifacts such as diaries and everyday possessions that chronicle the trauma,
helplessness and victimization of Okinawans caught by war. Nearby is the cliff where
dozens ofteenage Okinawa girls jumped to their deaths, victims ofwartime propaganda
portraying U.S. soldiers as brutalrapists.
U.S. MILITARY BASES
Ironically, geography and the Cold War made Japan's most pacifist
prefecture the linchpin of the U.S. forward military presence in Asia. The
American military occupation after the war was originally intended to get
Okinawa back on its feet as soon as possible, but the island's strategic value as
a staging base grew following the outbreak of the Korean War. So the military
presence increased despite Okinawa opposition. Although the 1972 reversion
agreement was welcomed by most Okinawans, it also guaranteed the
continuation of a large U.S. military presence. Anti-base groups regarded the
acceptance of the bases as part of reversion to be yet another betrayal of
Okinawa by the Tokyo government.
The Washington aod_Tokyo-gover:nments-botb_regar:dJbe_militar:y_facilities~
in Okinaw~u:ts indis~~Ql~Jp_U..S.Jor:war_dJp_r~ and thus regional pe?E~ a!l~L ____ _/
~- This-oroader regional perspective, however, is not widely appreciated
l---~pted in Okinawa, where discussion of bases has always been dominated
by local issues such as property rights and land use, proposed relocations,
aircraft noise, the danger of ammunition storage and live-fire exercises, alleged
environmental problems, and crimes or high-handedness associated with the
military. Many of these, of course, are issues in any community hosting large
military facilities, especially foreign ones. They are all the more acute in
Okinawa because many of the facilities are located in the densely populated
south-central area of the main island, and because the prefecture has a history
of pacifist, anti-military sentiments. Those feelings are echoed by many of its
4
�leading politicians as well as local media and intellectuals.
The result is a complex Washington-Tokyo-Naha dialogue in which the_parties
frequently appear talking past each other because they have different goals in mind.
Washington and Tokyo generally want to protect the existence and functioning of the
facilities. Over the years, Washington has reluctantly curtailed military activities that it
preferred to continue in hopes of accommodating anti-base sentiment. But this sentiment
seems never-ending. Tokyo is typically in the middle, siding with Washington on
strategic issues, but working to overcome base hostilities through compensation. Money,
mostly from Tokyo in the forms of huge infrastructure projects, subsidies, and land-rent
payments, have frequently been needed to reward cooperative local politicians and
interests. Recent examples include an expensive plan to relocate Futenma f>.ir_SJation to
Nago, as well as the decision to site the G-8 summit meeting in Okinawa. lfhe O~a
side is also frustrated-5y wliafitsees as a continuing unfairl5rrrden-ofhosting~t
6-nhe foreign~troops in Japan with no end in sight-:-:-::---------------/
(
----'"J
L----- all parties there are powerful forces that protect the basic status
---·
In fact, among
quo. These forces include the U.S. defense establislu11ent, the Okinawan landlords who
derive valuable Japanese government payments for use of their lands, and the Tokyo
political and foreign policy establishments that strongly favor continuation of the U.S.
military presence in Asia. While all these parties support adjustments, none of them are
interested in the termination of the base arrangements.
NEGOTIATIONS IN THE 1990'S
Not surprisingly, base tensions began to grow again in the post-Cold War
era when Okinawans might have been expecting a "peace dividend." This
coincided with the 1990 election of Masahide Ota as the prefecture's governor.
An outspoken, staunch base opponent, Ota demanded removal of the bases as
well as increased compensation in the meantime. While his relations with Tokyo
became increasingly strained, he also traveled to Washington to appeal for
reductions of the military presence.
Tensions peaked after the Sept. 4, 1995, rape of a 12-year-old Okinawan
girl by two U.S. Marines and a sailor. The incident spurred the largest protests in
the prefecture's history, with 85,000 demonstrators demanding that the U.S. and
Japanese governments address their grievances. Riding a wave of anti-base
momentum, Ota then challenged Japan's central government by refusing to sign
lease agreements for land used by the U.S. military after some private landlords
said they no longer wanted to continue the leases. That eventually led to
passage of a law that gave the national government the authority to bypass the
governor's signature.
The incident and its aftermath did cause the U.S. and Japanese
5
�governments to make a new and more determined effort to address local base
issues. A month after the rape, a special committee convened to consider
reduction and realignment of the bases. The issues taken up by the committee
were punctuated by a November 1996 referendum in which 89 percent of the
voters said they supported those moves as well as a revision of the Status of
Forces Agreement between the United States and Japan. Shortly after the vote,
a plan was approved to return 10 U.S. military facilities, foremost the Marines'
Futenma Air Station located next to a residential area. Seven of those moves,
however, were conditional upon finding a new location for the facilities. When all
10 are completed, 5,075 hectares of land will have been returned, or about 21
percent of the total area used by the U.S. military on Okinawa. But Okinawans
point out that the moves don't necessarily mean a reduction in force numbers Japanese outside Okinawa are not keen to accept new foreign bases, and the
relocations will likely be within the prefecture albeit to less congested areas.
Me~il~.~nship
between Ota and Tok)'O became_increa~ingly
strained, aD_d the central government cut subsidies to the prefecture. OtCl__t.lad
overplayed ·his hand-and wassubs·e-queritlydefeafed in 19-98-bybusmessman
Keiichi lnamine. The new governor brought a significant change in the tone, if
not the basic thrust and substance of base issues. lnamine has_a-more-positive_
1
relationship "'dth ~~Jsyo,_aod_bas_~ought to cool base tension£ ,9-!ldJurnJo_iss.u~
~n::5kin~w~~ ~~9n_c:>~ futu~~-1~ late prime minister Keizo\obuchi's choice of
ORinawa for the G-8 summit was intended to show central government support
for lnamine. The governor, with growing political confidence, has also
. encouraged dialogues between local mayors and nearby base commanders. His
wife has even been teaching calligraphy on base.
The base issue continues to dominate and frequently distort Okinawan politics.
The older base opponents tended to be traditional pacifists and some aggrieved landlords
whose lands had been originally used without compensation. The rape incident helped
catalyze a new group of base opponents, including women's groups and
environmentalists. This was demonstrated in June when Okinawans elected their first
woman to the Diet, Mitsuko Tomon. Tomon, a member of the Social Democratic Party,
served as a deputy governor under Ota, and was a key leader of the women's protest
movement following the 1995 rape incident. She was elected from the Nago area, where
the establishment of a new base for the first time in many years, even though a substitute
for Futenma, remains highly controversial.
THE OKINAWAN ECONOMY
Americans sometimes assume that the bases are a huge boost to the
Okinawan economy. The bases were central to Okinawa's economic recovery
during the years of U.S. administration. Today, including Japanese base-related
payments, they are estimated to account for only about 5 percent of Okinawa's
6
�gross prefectural product, much of that going directly to landlords. This
compares to the third of GPP accounted for by central government subsidies and
infrastructural projects, while tourism is also a much-larger economicstimul~
~bases-. okl~awans commonlyargue-that-the-military-use-ot-a-fifth -of--~-J'
the land-area ontn~main island for only a twentieth of the island's economic
product has actually hindered their prefecture's development.
Like many small-island economies, Okinawa has been grappling with the
question of how to develop a healthy, diversified economic base in an age of
globalization. The post-wa~_lOQ1tsJrLalb_o_omJbatbco_ugbtp_msp_erity_toJhe-restof
Japan passed over Okinawa;--and the_1.3 million residents earn the lowest P-er)
~itaincome in the country- ar-ou-nd$23,000. At the sarrletfille, ttle-unemploymerifrateis arouna-s-percent compared-to 4.5 percent nationwide, and
the promise of creating new jobs helped elect lnamine.
Okinawa has hoped that the summit would be a stimulus to the economy.
It has, in fact, caused a boom of construction and beautification efforts. Okinawa
wants to market itself as a "crossroads" for Asia-Pacific educational and research
exchanges. Growing tourism offers the most opportunities, with more than 4
million visitors a year, more than 95 percent mainland Japanese. Okinawa also
looks to information technology as another area in which it hopes to excel. And.it
hopes to capitalize on its "healthy islands image" due to the high life expectancy
and marketing of local health foods. But economists and policy makers have long
pointed to the lack of entrepreneurship and the need to develop a highly flexible,
skilled labor force.
THE CHALLENGES FOR THE PRESIDENT'S VISIT
Prior to the decision to hold the summit in Okinawa, conventional wisdom
in Tokyo said the United States would frown on such a move. In fact,
Washington leaned over backward to say that it had no intention of trying to
influence Tokyo, and that it would accept whatever decision was reached.
Some in the U.S. government were concerned about the possibility of antiAmerican demonstrations in Okinawa and increased tensions simply because
President Clinton would visit. The predominant feeling, however, was that the
G-8 summit in Okinawa presented an opportunity for the United States to
demonstrate high-level attention and gratitude to Okinawa and to strengthen the
_U.S.-Okinawa relationship. This optimistic view was in part rooted in the political
and rheto.rical skill that Clinton has demonstrated in other difficult overseas trips.
In order to achieve the desired result, the Presidential visit is designed to
meet emotional and political needs within Okinawa, avoid serious
demonstrations, and build toward a stronger, more balanced U.S.-Okinawa
relationship in the future. The White House had hoped that many of the issues
7
�relating to the base relocations could be moved off the agenda prior to the trip.
But despite the general agreement on the relocation of Futenma, many loose
ends have not been tied up.
Very recent incidents involving the fondling of a 14-year-old girl by a drunken
Marine and a hit-and-run accident just. prior to the summit illustrate the risks of the
Presidential visit becoming completely overshadowed by an unforeseen event. These
incidents have led local women and labor groups to plan demonstrations. The
Presidential trip schedule, a tight U.S. curfew before and during the summit, and a strong
Japanese police presence are intended to reduce the risks of new incidents or disruptive
demonstrations as much as possible.
The visit to the peace memorial promises to be the highlight of the President's visit
to Okinawa. The site has deep meaning for Okinawans. It is a fitting place for Clinton
to refer to the Battle of Okinawa as a great civilian and military tragedy and to link to
Okinawan aspirations for the future.
No matter how successful the visit, the tensions over the bases are long-term.
There is no easy bridge between the U.S. and Japanese national security interests and the
more local issues of concern in Okinawa.
U.S. Military in Okinawa and Japan
Number of U.S. Military
Bases
38
94
Total Land Area of U.S.
Military Facilities
58,708 acres
(75%)
78,276
acres
(100%)
Number of U.S. Military
Personnel and Civilians
(including dependents)
50,336
(74%)
68,000
(1 00%)
ENGLISH-SPEAKING CONTACTS IN OKINAWA
Nariyuki Agarire
President, Meio University
Tel:
0980-51-1100
Fax:
0980-52-4640
MikioHiga
President, Busena Resort Corporation
President, Okinawa Garioa/Fulbright Alumni Association
Tel:
098-864-5793
Fax:
098-864-5796
Hiroshi Kakazu
Deputy Governor, Okinawa Development Finance Corporation
Tel:
098-941-1725
Fax: 098-941-1945
8
�Masahide Ota
Former Governor of Okinawa
Ota Peace Research Institute
Tel:
098-833-9700
Fax:
098-833-970 I
Hiroko Sho, Former Vice Governor under Masahide Ota
Tel:
098-895-5952
Fax:
098-895-5953
Satoshi Sho
Secretary to Okinawa Governor Keiichi Inamine
Tel:
098-866-2000
Fax:
098-860-1453
Choko Takayama
Deputy Mayor ofNaha City
Tel:
098-867-0202
Fax:
098-869-8191
Mitsuko Tomon
Newly Elected First Female Diet Member from Okinawa
Tel:
098-933-8809
Fax: 098-933-8809
U.S. Specialist on Okinawa
Sheila Smith
Assistant Professor, Department oflntemational Relations, Boston University
Tel:
617-353-9348
Fax: 617-353-5350
I
The East~West Center
The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and
research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen
understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the
Asia-Pacific region. The Center helps promote the establishment of a stable,
peaceful and prosperous Asia-Pacific community in which the United States is a
natural, valued and leading partner.
As mandated by Congress, the Center in Honolulu carries out its mission
through programs of cooperative study, training and research. Professionals and
students from the United States, Asia and the Pacific study and work together at
the East-West Center to better understand issues of common and critical
concern and explore mutually beneficial ways of addressing them.
About the Authors
Charles E. Morrison is the East-West Center president. He most recently
headed the APEC Study Center and was chair of the U.S. National Consortium
of APEC Study Centers, consisting of 20 institutions around the country. He has
had extensive involvement in the conceptualization, organization and funding of
9
�policy-oriented educational research and dialogue projects in both Japan and the
United States, and has long been involved in promoting the concept of an AsiaPacific community. He is a founding member of the U.S. National Committee for
Pacific Economic Cooperation and member of the U.S. Committee for Security
Cooperation in Asia Pacific.
Dr. Morrison is a former director of the Center's Program on International
Economics and Politics, and a former U.S. Senate aide. He was research
adviser to two binational Japan U.S. Commissions. He received his PhD from
The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) specializing
in Asian international relations. Current projects include APEC trade and
development cooperation, the New Generation Seminar (exchange program for
young leaders), the Congressional Study Group on Japan, and Domestic
Adjustments to Globalization. Recent publications include Community Building
with Pacific Asia (report to the Trilateral Commission, 1997); ASEAN: Forum, Caucus
& Community (1997); Asia-Pacific Security Outlook (1999); Asia-Pacific Crossroads:
Regime Creation and the Future ofAPEC (1998); and The Asian Financial Crisis:
Putting the Region- and the US. - to the Test (1998).
Butch V. DelaCruz is a project assistant for the East-West Center's Seminars
program and Okinawa Special Projects. He received his BA in political science and MA
in urban and regional planning from the University of Hawaii at Manoa. He was an
assistant language teacher for the Okinawa Prefectural Board of Education under the
Japan Exchange Teaching program from 1993 to 1996. He was also a visiting research
associate on land use issues for the Institute on Church and Social Issues at the Ateneo de
Manila University, where he published Towards a National Land Use Plan (1998). He is
a consultant for Honolulu-based plmming firms specializing in social-impact assessment
on various community development projects.
10
�Deweese LtCol Jeffrey L <DeweeseJL@hqmc.usmc.mil> on 07/11/2000 07:56:4·1 AM
To: John Hiii/ISNpolicy@policy
cc:
Subject: bridge.doc
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS
Consolidated Public
From: Sgt. Pauline Franklin
Affairs Office
Distribution Chief
Okinawa, Japan
USMC,
MCB CAMPS.
Call: 645-9337 (DSN)
Questions:
D. BUTLER
UNIT 35001
FPOAP
Fax: 645-3803 (DSN)
Comm: 011-816-11-745-7423
96373-5001
E-Mail: franklinpl@mcbbutler.usmc.mil
Event Date: 7 July 2000
Slug: BRIDGE
Art: Digital
By: Staff Sgt. Jason M. Webb
\
General Day Bridge to
f
receivefacelift~
-----
L
7
YAGIJIISLAND Marines from 9th Engineer Support Battalion will have the
\..... opportunitytOimprove their engineering skills during a three-week bridge
>'
~replacement-proje-ctiiYan island village in Northwest Okinawa.
~~
~~~At·a·ceremony Junef26; lo·c·ai·Yagiji·officials·and-civilian·s··gathered·to·give----'
thanks and prayers for the safety of the Marines who will work on the
bridge.
The Gen. James L. Day Bridge, a 30-f!JOt-high steel foot path bridge
connecting two garden hills, will be replaced with a newer and safer bridge.
The first bridge, constructed in 1986, made a lasting impression on the
people of Yagiji Island and helped foster a lasting friendship with the
Marine Corps, as indicated on a plaque at the base of the bridge.
One local official during a speech said the bridge represents a bridge
between Okinawans and Americans for a better understanding of each other.
The new bridge, which will be funded by Ill Marine Expeditionary Force as a
troop training exercise, is needed because of weather erosion on the walking
deck panels, according to 2nd Lt. Jeremy Savage, platoon commander, Alpha
Company, 9th ESB, 3rd Force Service Support Group.
-MOREBRIDGE
2-2-2
�;
The Marines will have to disassemble the old bridge with welding tools and
take the old scrap parts to the Defense Reutilization and Marketing Office.
With all the old steel removed, they can then start piecing the bridge back
together with the more weather resistant galvanized steel.
"The Marines Corps appreciates the warm hospitality of the Okinawan people
and desires to strengthen the friendship with the Yagiji community," said
Brig. Gen. Frances Wilson, commanding general, 3rd FSSG, during her speech
near the base of the bridge. "With the continued cooperation with the
Yagiji community and the Marine Corps, we should have this bridge completed
by mid-July."
When the construction is complete, the Marines from 9th ESB hope to
rededicate the new bridge with a ceremony in July.
-30-
- att1.htm
�;They all have issues
Page 1 of2
;.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEAS'1L
UNITED STATES MARINE C(JRPS
From: Sgt. Pauline Franklin
Distribution Chief
Questions:
Consolidated Public Affairs O!.iice
USMC, Oldnawa, Japan
Call: 645-9337 (DSN)
MCB CAMPS. D. BLJT'I~ER
Fax: 645-3803 (DSN)
UNIT 35001
Comm: 011-816-11-745-7423
FPO AP 96373-500 I
E-Mail: franklinpl@mcbbutler.usmc.mil
Event Date: 7 July 2000
Slug: BRIDGE
Art: Digital
By: Staff Sgt. Jason M. Webb
<o:p>
General Day Bridge to receive facelift
<![if !supportEmptyPara s]> <![endif]>
YAGIJI ISLAND_ Marines from 9th Engineer Support Battalion wi II have the opportunity to
improve their engineering skills during a three-week bridge replacement project in an island village
in Northwest Okinawa.
At a ceremony June 26, local Yagiji officials and civilians gathered to give th<mks and prayers
for the safety of the Marines who will work on the bridge.
The Gen. James L. Day Bridge, a 30-foot-high steel foot path bridge connecting two garden
hills, will be replaced with a newer and safer bridge.
The first bridge, constructed in 1986, made a lasting impression on rhe people ofYagiji Island
and helped foster a lasting friendship with the Marine Corps, as indicated 011 a plaque at the base of
the bridge.
One local official during a speech said the bridge represents a bridgL~ between Okinawans and
Americans for a better understanding of each other.
The new bridge, which will be funded by HI Marine Expeditionary r·orce as a troop training
exercise, is needed because of weather erosion on the walking deck panels, ~~~..:corcling to 2nd Lt.
Jeremy Savage, platoon commander, Alpha Company, 9th ESB, 3rd Force SG1·vice Support Group.
-MORE-
BRIDGE
2-2-2
The Marines will have to disassemble the old bridge with welding tools and t<1ke the old scrap
parts to the Defense Reutilization and Marketing Office. With all the old SkGI ,·emovec!, they can
then start piecing the bridge back together with the more weather resistant g:llvanizecl steel.
"The Marines Corps appreciates the warm hospitality of the Okinaw:~n pe.oplc :-mel desires to
strengthen the friendship with the Yagiji co111111unity," said Brig. Gen. Francl·s Wilson, commanding
general, 3rd FSSG, during her speech near the base of the bridge. "With till' co:1tinuecl cooperation
with the Yagiji community and the Marine Corps, we should have this bridg,_; completed by midJuly."
When the construction is complete, the Marines from 9th ESB hope to redcdiutle the new bridge with
file://C:\ WINDOWS\TEMP\attl.htm
07/17/2000
�They all have issues
.
Page 2 of2
...
I
a ceremony in July.
-30-
file://C:\WINDOWS\TEMP\attl.htm
07117/2000
�/""
1 questions for Japan:
Is there a web site for this base?
What would make people cheer or laugh?
What are the elements of common experience for the military
families?
What are the most unifying events or memories for the community?
specific comments
;~~~
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U.S. TROOP EVENT
-- I want to take this opportunity to recognize the vital
work you do' to defend freedom in this region and to thank
you on behalf of the American people.
I want you to know
that your country appreciates the enormous sacrifices you
make in order to preserve peace and stability.
-- The end of the Cold War does not mean that security
takes care of itself. On the coptrary, it demonstrates
that credible deterrence is the best way to ensure that
armed conflicts do not arise.
The American forces forwarddeployed here in Okinawa have a unique and indispensable
role to play in the defense of our allies and the
maintenance of a peaceful, stable security environment
throughout this region.
-- We can never know precisely how many lives have been
spared over the years because conflicts that would have
erupted did not because America -- that means you -together with its allies was prepared to respond
decisively.
But you can take deep satisfaction from the
contribution you are making to millions of people
throughout this region who enjoy the benefits of peace, who
go about their daily lives with little reason to be
concerned about armed aggression.
They may not even know
it, but they can live in peace because the Marines' Third
MEF is here, because the Air Force is here, because the
Navy 7th Fleet is here, because the Army is here.
-- What you do matters. U.S. Forces have made a difference
in people's lives. Not only do you defend but you benefit
people in ways that make a difference in the quality of
their lives.
--Recent activities in East Timor demonstrate this. Army,
Air Force, Navy and Marines have all done their part in
East Timor. U.S. Force~ participated in Operation
Stabilize promoting calm and airlifting humanitarian aid.
Just'last month, sailors from the 7th fleet restored
schools and taught classes on preventative medicine.
The
311th Human Systems Wing from Kadena helped ensure drinking
water quality.
�-- And this is just one example. U.S. military forces have
helped with humanitarian missions in such places as
Cambodia and the Golan Heights as well.
-- You, the service men and women who sign up for these
missions, who train hard for these missions, who carry out
these missions, do so for all of us.
You dedicate your
lives to the cause of peace, and we can never thank you
enough.
-- Your successes come at a price.
You are far from home,
from friends and family.
You embark on rigorous, realistic
training missions.
You face the dangers inherent in
military operations. Whatever your job is, you go out every
day and get it done. America is proud of you.
-- We are proud, too, of the great efforts you make to be
good neighbors to our hosts here in Okinawa.
Through good
discipline and good works you display the best qualities of
the American people.
It is crucial that we maintain the
good will and understanding of the Japanese people, and
particularly the residents of Okinawa, for our alliance to
flourish.
Your volunteer activities in schools and
hospitals show the best that America has to offer: the
conviction that individuals can do something to make a
difference, to help someone, to improve this world we
share.
-- Thank you for your service and professionalism, thank
you for your courage and dedication, thank you for your
love of country and love of peace.
These qualities -- your
qualities -- are what make America great.
�;:
Drafted: EAP/J: TLTaylor, (x7-4428)
7/5/00
EAP/P/J/Summits/Okinawa G-8/Prez Remarks Troop Event
Clearances:
EAP,Acting:RWhite(ok)
EAP/J:FSaeed(ok)
EAP/P:DLargent(ok)
PA/PRS:AEreli(ok)
R:BCarlson(ok)
S/P:MPalmer(ok)
D:TCynkin(ok)
P:DShields(ok)
OSD/ISA:JHill(ok)
E:WMcGlynn(subs)
�Friday 9 am
Rosshirt
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
RADIO MESSAGE TO THE U.S. ARMED FORCES
JULY 4, 2000
On the Fourth of July in 1776, many of the greatest heroes of our early history risked their lives
to put their names at the bottom ofDeclaration of Independence. And yet, George
Washington's name is not among them. He was not in Philadelphia. He was in New York, with
the Continental Army, preparing his troops to defend the new nation against the largest
expeditionary force ever launched by the British Empire.
General Washington knew the survival of our country depended on our ability to defend it.
More than two centuries later, America continues to rely upon the bravery of the men and
women of the United States Armed Forces. This Fourth of July, our men and women in uniform
stand guard on the frontiers of freedom -- ready to mobilize in a minute to defend the interests
and ideals of America.
Today, as we commemorate the start of the world's most successful experiment in selfgovernment, we must recognize our success is inseparable from the bravery of those in uniform.
As Commander-in-Chief, I honor your courage, service, and sacrifice, and I thank you for
safeguarding what we celebrate this Fourth of July. May God bless America, and may God bless
the men and women who defend her freedom.
�.,
To the men and women of the United States Armed Forces:
In Philadelphia, ori the Fourth of July in 1776, many ~fthe greatest heroes of our early history
risked their lives to put their names at the bottom of Declaration oflndependence .. And yet,
George Washington's name is not among them. He was not in Philadelphia on the Fourth. He
was in New York, with the Continental Army, preparing his troops to defend the new nation
against the largest expeditionary force ever launched by the British Empire.
Those military heroes of our early days made Arrierica the land of the free by proving i.t was also
the home of the brave. They showed us that freedom and democracy do not come easily or
automatically, but must be guarded and defended, if necessary, by force of arms.
In that respect, little has changed in 224 years. For the survival and success of liberty, America
continues to rely upon the bravery of the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.
This Fourth of July, our men and women in uniform stand guard around the world to deter
aggression, encourage stability, protect our allies, and safeguard our freedom. More than
100,000 troops stand guard in Europe; nearly 40,000 each in Korea and Japan, almost 30,000 on
land and on ship in the Middle East, and more than a million here in the United States, ready to
mobilize in a minute to defend the interests and ideals of America.
Today, as we commemorate the start of the world's most successful experiment in selfgovernment, we must recognize we owe a large part of that success to the bravery of those in
uniform. As Commander-in-Chief, and also as just one American among millions, I honor your
courage, service, and sacrifice, and I thank you for safeguarding what we celebrate this Fourth of
July. May God bless America, and may God bless the men and women who defend our freedom.
�.'
. '·.·,
Travel Information
.~.:?-~".~:..l.;.
'l}~~~.
Page 1 of 4
Travel Information
llv.w.uLa-mou
Okinawa, the southernmost prefecture of Japan, consists of 57 islands which include the Miyako and
Yaeyama groups, with the main island of Okinawa-as·the·nucleus:-T'he only-prefecture in.Japan_th'!Jjs
truly subtropi9al, Okinawa is a southern paradis~_ wh~.r_e colorful flowers of the subtropics bloom the
;:ear:-round. The sea that surroun'9_these islands has an emerald-green sheen, an'd.theresplendent coral 1
--reefs artc:tl!loffgtheworld's finest___T_l}ese natural(attractions liave-given ·rise-to..Jworld-clas~ b~-J
"~~at.dtter tc>sun:=loving vacationers.
L_
J
f
Okinawa was once a kingdom· of its own called the "Ryukyu" regime. During this regal period, the
island thrived as a grate trading center through active interrelations with neighbor nations. Okinawa is
now a focus of attention with the restored of Shurijyo Castle reviving the glorious history of the
Ryukyu Kingdom.(Scheduled flight service is available between Naha and Tokyo [in 2 hrs. 30 min],
Nagoya, Osaka, Fukuoka and other major Japanese cities. Ferry service is also available.)
INDEX
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Shurijo Castle(Naha City)
Studio Park "Ryukyu-no-Kaze" (Yomitan Villa~
Okinawa Commemorative National Government Park (Motobu Town)
Beach Resmis on the West Coast (Okinawa Island)
Gyokusendo bunka-mura (Tamagusuku Village)
Taketomi Island (Taketomi Town)
Iriomote Island (Taketomi Town)
Traditional Arts and Crafts
Your Japanese explanation is here.
Shurijo Castle(Naha City):
This was the residence of the Ryukyu royal family for about 450 years, since the early 15th
http://www. pre f. okinawa.jp/kanko .html
07/18/2000
�'
•, '
•
Travel Information
Page 2 of4
century, and shone out as a focus for a brilliant dynastic culture. The Seiden, above all, is its
most important structure, as the site where politics and ceremonies were enacted with the King
in attendance. Completely restored in November W92, the Seiden stands imposingly on a hill
that commands a panoramic view ofNaha City arl.~f:~J[_Chma:Sea~
Studio Park "Ryukyu-no-Kaze" (Yomitan Village):
This.theme park served as the main stage for a highly popular historical drama televised in
1993 as a series. The 4.7hectare site has reproduced the 17th-century splendor ofthe Ryukyu
Kingdom. Visitor can enjoy the culture, taste treats and pleasures of golden-age Ryukyu.
(Approx. 1 hr 20 min. by bus from downtown Naha, or approx. 50 min. by car from Naha
Airport.)
Okinawa Commemorative N
Government Park (Motobu Town):
This is Japan's largest national subtropical park, created on the site of the 1975 Okinawa
International Ocean Exposition. The site is dotted with various facilities such as the Aquarium,
Tropical Dream Center, Okinawa Museum and amusement park, along with tropical plants and
the emerald-green sea. ( 2 hrs. 30 min. by bus from downtown Naha.)
Beach Resorts on the West Coast (Okinawa Island):
~---·· -- - - - ·-------·.
.
'White sand beaches rim the islands of Okinawa and their distinctive coral reefs. The west coast
!of-the-main-island;-in-particular;lias-anu~ber of world-class beach resorts. Marine sports, golf
and fishing are some of the options that let you enjoy a tropical holiday. ( 1 hr. to 1 hr. 30min.
by car from downtown Naha.)
Gyokusendo bunka-mura (Tamagusuku Village):
The Gyokusendo-stalactite cave, the largest of its kind in the Orient, was discovered in 1967.
More than 900,0QO_stalactites,-stalagmites and pillars from the magical architecture of this
mysterious subterranean world. (50 min. by bus from downtown Naha.)
http://www. pref.okinawa.jp/kanko.html
07/18/2000
�Travel Information
Page 3 of4
'
Taketomi Island (Taketomi Town):
This small Taketomi Island of 6.3km2 , encircled by an atqll, is ac_ces§ible b)' 10 mil}-~!~~Jerry ,
ride from I_~ig~~i. ~o_!t_:_T_h~ Pl!ths on tl1_~_.LsJgp-d are cover~d(_~ith white sand and. lined with
[J~~aceful ro'ws ?Hiouses ac?entuat.ed-with~~~--~ll!?~_n-1!_0~ ~~t~e~O!!__Ot:_~~~ .hl~rpo,fs.an~-the______j
'ralls of C()I_'!!_!Imeston_e_twm~Q__~Itli suotropical flowers. Scenery of whole Island IS JUSt hke a
Hugegarden. The scenes of Okinawa from the good, old days are still alive here.
L
Iriomote Island (Taketomi Town):
Iriomote Island of approximately 130Km in permeter, located in the west of Ishigaki Island, is
the-secondJargest-islandin_fuis prefecture after Okinawa Main Island. The, most part.ofthe-~
\islan_c!_i~ ~o~taino~~ ar~a, oV,er 2-Q%.of-which .is covered~wi~h tropical ~c;l s~.tropical virgin ]
forest. Most oftlien are-literally tpe untouched-:Jungle.Th~ chmate ofinomote Is-miicliClosef-to tropical than subtropical. Overwnel:m:ing rainfall creates tropical rainJm·esLclimate hereAt ___ _
\ha~·been-tong·saidtocb~oLhe la.st land of mystery in Japan, where wqiid.:Clas~r'!!'~~Racie~of_ __ j
\__Numals.and.plants such"as "Inomote lynx", "Serpent eagles", and "Semaruhakogame(turtle)"
live even today. Just like the land, the sea around Iriomote Island has the underwater jungle of
coral reefs, offering numberless diving spots a bit different from others.
Traditional Arts and Crafts:
Okinawa's balmy climate and unique histor)'-gave-iise-to-traditional-arts and.gafts of superb
quality-in-~'!_rj9u_§ parts of the prefecturl- These-include-pottery, dy_ed t~xtil§J!,_ ill~querware_anQ___~-
gl~~\yare. Shoppers can also stop at workershops to watch craftwork or to enjoy hands-on
expenences.
---.J
http://www.pref.okinawa.jp/kanko.html
07/18/2000
�.,
Travel Information
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Back toHollie-Page oCOkinawa
mail to okinawa@prefokinawa.jp
http://www. pref.okinawa.j p/kanko.html
07/18/2000
�.,..
.,
okinawa troops speech notes
jack pritchard
General Hailson Camp Foster
Steve Lamb - 456-7184
POTUs arrives goes into a gtent with 25 militayr personnel. they
give their bios.
I hlped in east timor. go across the street
to huge filed.
president will put a unit citaiton award on
marine flag. enlisted person from air force will make remarks
and itrouduce~
2:40 arrive camp foster
2:50 - 3:10
talk to troops look at weapons display
3:15 remarks to American community and troops
General Hailston remarks
POTUS puts unit citat~on on marine corps flag
Enlisted man remarks introduces POTUS
POTUS remarks
rope line
Big baseball field
10,000 people
Marine Corps base - all services
I
~nvited
with families
suggestion in Japanese press that President would admonish
troops.
look through 20-page report on what they do with the community.
"You're doing a lot of work to be the kind of neighbors America
wants you to be."
�-
'
2
(from sept 95 - Oct 99 they were under a midnight curfew, it was
lifted because of economic pressure by local businesses.
General Hailston
U.S. Forces Japan Marine Commander
Okinawan area commander
Only 3-star in the area.
Camp Foster - 3-MEF
Marine Expeditionary Force.
BUILDING BLOCKS
U.S. TROOP EVENT
-- I want to take this opportunity to recognize the vital work
you do to defend freedom in this region and to thank you on
behalf of the American people.
I want you to know that your
country appreciates the enormous sacrifices you make in order to
preserve peace and stability.
-- The end of the Cold War does not mean that security takes
care of itself. On the contrary, it demonstrates that credible
deterrence is the best way to ensure that armed conflicts do not
arise.
The American forces forward-deployed here in Okinawa
have a unique and indispensable role to play in the defense of
our allies and the maintenance of a peaceful, stable security
environment throughout this region.
-- We can never know pre~isely how many lives have been spared
over the years because conflicts that would have erupted did not
because America -- that means you -- together with its allies
was prepared to respond decisively.
But you can take deep
satisfaction from the contribution you are making to millions of
people throughout this region who enjoy the benefits of peace,.
who go about their daily lives with little reason to be
concerned about armed aggression.
They may not even know it,
but they can live in peace because the Marines' Third MEF is
here, because the Air Force is here, because the Navy 7th Fleet
is here, because the Army is here.
What you do matters. U.S. Forces have made a difference in
people's lives. Not only do you defend but you benefit people
in ways that make a difference in the q~ality of their lives.
�3
--Recent activities in East Timor demonstrate this. Army, Air
Force, Navy and Marines have all done their part in East Timor.
U.S. Forces participated in Operation Stabilize promoting calm
and airlifting humanitarian aid.
Just last month, sailors from
the 7th fleet restored schools and taught classes on
preventative medicine.
The 311th Human Systems Wing from Kadena
helped ensure drinking water quality.
-- And this is just one example. U.S. military forces have
helped with humanitarian missions in such places as Cambodia and
the Golan Heights as well.
-- You, the service
missions, who train
missions, do so for
cause of peace, and
men and women who sign up for these
hard for these missions, who carry out these
all of us. You dedicate your lives to the
we can never thank you enough.
-- Your successes come at a price.
You are far from home, from
friends and family.
You embark on rigorous, realistic training
missions.
You face the dangers inherent in military operations.
Whatever your job is, you go out every day and get it done.
America is proud of you.
-- We are proud, too, of the great efforts you make to be good
neighbors to our hosts here in Okinawa.
Through good discipline
and good works you display the best qualities of the American
people.
It is crucial that we maintain the good will and
understanding of the Japanese people, and particularly the
residents of Okinawa, for our alliance to flourish.
Your
volunteer activities in schools and hospitals show the best that
America has to offer: the conviction that individuals can do
something to make a difference, to help someone, to improve this
world we share.
-- Thank you for your service and professionalism, thank you for
your courage and dedication, thank you for your love of country
and love of peace. These qualities -- your qualities
are
what make America great.
�4
Drafted: EAP/J:
TLTaylor, (x7-4428)
7/5/00
EAP/P/J/Summits/Okinawa G-8/Prez Remarks Troop Event
Clearances:
EAP,Acting:RWhite(ok)
EAP/J:FSaeed(ok)
EAP/P:DLargent(ok)
PA/PRS:AEreli(ok)
R:BCarlson(ok)
S/P:MPalmer(ok)
D:TCynkin(ok)
P:DShields(ok)
OSD/ISA:JHill(ok)
E :WMcGlynn (subs)
OKINAWA SCENESETTER
UNCLASSIFIED
U.S. Military Event
Upon arrival at MCB Camp Foster, you will be guided to a
location to meet selected troops who have been deployed from
Okinawa to assist in regional contingencies, including
. peacekeeping operations in East Timor and disaster relief in
Bangladesh and Vietnam.
Following your conversations with these
service personnel, you will move to a nearby location to address
approximately 6,000 troops who will be participating in a
Community Day barbecue. Your remarks will commend the service
personnel on their skill and dedication in accomplishing the
important tasks being done by U.S\. forces stationed here.
Following your remarks, you will interact with the service
personnel along a rope line.
Background
This event will be held at Camp Foster, one of the key logistics
and transport centers for the USMC on Okinawa.
It is located in
the central part of the island, about 3 miles from Kadena Air
�5
Base.
In addition to providing an opportunity for you to meet
U.S. service personnel and their families, this event will
showcase the important work the U.S. forces here do in.defending
Japan and maintaining regional stability.
UNCLASSIFIED
7/5/00
Drafted: EAP/J:LCharbonnet, 7-3154
P/J/Summits/Okinawa G-8/ prez scenesetter - Military Event.doc
Cleared:
TR
EAP:RWhite, acting
EAP/P:DLargent
PA/PRS:AEreli
R:BCarlson
speech ideas:
There will never be peace without justice, nor should there be.
SRB
.One truth is this:
Commitment to a just peace means we may
sometimes be forced to fight - for when good and evil collide,
peace and justice often cannot prevail together.
*
our job is to make it unlikely that any hostile power can
achieve its aims by hostile actions.
diplomacy nobody who
�6
makes calculation knows they have to contend with you.
You
will never know how many wars you have deterred, how many deaths
you've prevented, but you do know one thing: you know the
number of wars that have been fought in these waters in the last
half century, and that number is zero.
children lucky enough to grow up with food and shelter and
health care and good schools, they don't know how it got there.
But as they grow they realize, someone took responsibility to
see that I get these things, it could be a family member, a
mother, a father, responsive community.
they don't come by
magic.
Well, in America we are enjoying an extraordinary period
of peace and prosperity.
But it didn't automatically get .there.
Someone took responsibility to see it's there.
That is you.
We're proud of you and we owe you and we thank you.
recurrent themes in troops speeches
*
proud of your work - thank you on behalf of all Americans
We need you; your country and your worlJ need you here.
* anything might have brought to the region as "gifts."
* single out individual groups - their divisions and nicknames;
their mottos.
* name the ships
* theme of diversity and unity
* a reference to the history of the place - peace park speech.
* praise of hosts and host leaders.
* reference to the ongoing risks - recent casualties
* mission of US military in the world.
* your sacrifices and your families; we ask, therefore we owe
* biggest problem is oldest problem - people who look different
* quality of the weapons, quality of those who operate them
* How did camp foster get named?
* strongest military because of, not inspite of, and a stronger
society.
* Is there some coin or memento he can put on his desk?
* America has never sought territory or empire, but to live in
peace, defend freedom, encourage democracy, and spread liberty.
Because democracy is not just the best, but most peaceful.
Never has the world's more powerful force, been such a force for
freedom.
When has the most powerful country in the world,
assisted self-government, encouraged national efforts of people
to choose their own destinies, to throw off oppression.
* A wise man said just last week - America is a country where
you can fight for justice and get cheers for it.
*
�7
*
You can tell a natibn by its heroes, and our heioes are
liberators. George Washington, Eisenhower.
* Fourth of July - Washington his troops were ready. - the
success of our nation depends on the success of our military.
That was in his general orders.
* Because of you, the USA can do things for a troubled world
that no one else can do.
* when you boil it down - some try to expand it for themselves
and deny it to others; some try to enjoy it themselves and are
indifferent to others, some use their own freedom to defend
freedom for others.
Those are the kind of people you can build
a proud country around. No one doesn't want to be free.
some
seek it for themselves and others, some seek it for themselves
'and deny it to others.
President Roosevelt died during the battle of Okinawa.
held memorial services on the island.
They
Last century we fought three wars in Asia.
questions for Japan:
how can I reach general and camp foster?
Is there a web site for this base?
What would make people cheer or laugh?
What are the elements of common experience for the military
families?
What are the most unifying events or memories for the community?
specific comments
·reaffirm our commitment.
to peoepl of oki
Gov remarks will express the hope of Oki's for reduction and
consolidation.
�8
I hear the wishes of the Okinawan people, that's why I institued
the SACO process, will satisfy the gov and the majority of
citizens.
acknowledge that the bases - we will continue to work to reduce
the footprint of the pbases on the ppulation
as we seek to create regional peace,
seek cooperation in
maintencen of our presence.
Okinawa - something like a hub of Asia - closer to Shanghai than
to Osaka.
parts of okinawa more to the south than aprt of
taiwan.
link to Asia. gateway to Asia.
a critical hub.
internet centerpoint.
beautiful natural scenuery and coral - we might cooperate on
promoting eco-tourism.
send okis' to US to see how·we do it in
the states,
some of the land we give back is pristine forest area, we can
teach them how to manage it.
for eco-tourism etc.
people
should come .here and be inspired.
tourism is the top industry.
acknowledge okinawans hope for a peaceful future.
troop speech
one thing military always uses "The Rock"
marines talk about their duty on "the rock".
"Here on the Rock."
acknowledge the phrase.
General Hailston Lt. Col. Jay Farmer- this is being set up as a joint services
event.
23 different service personnel greeting the president.
special message:
unique aspect of Okinawa, presence of the four services and the
inter-service cooperation major factor in making things work.
�9
talking about the good things troops do with community.
comments will get [icked up by locals.
His
150 local volunteers ou tteaching english, beach clean ups.
talk about good - obviously prepared for war fighting mission
humanitarian aspects.
role of the families how strong in this forward delployed env.
half of main air force fighter squadron. of the F-15 sqaudrong
has been deployed to northern watch. Northern Iraq.
they
routinely go to northern andn southern iraq. the air force is
depllyed all over the world.
it's a little bit senstiive.
security treaty with Japan talks about defense of the region and
securiyt of Japan. Japas isn't wild hearing that we're
deploying to Iraq from here.
families here are carrying on.
8,000 families whose mena nd
women are in Turkey right now.
Marine corp~ six month
rotations come without famliiesl, air forces comes with.
Marines come unaccompanied. with exception of officers who come
often with family.
battalions come out on six month are
unaacompanied marines.
25,000 - in Okinawa- additional 25,000 family
marines
air force
about 17,000
about 8,000
army navy smaller under 1,000 each.
web site - www.18sbc.com
something like that.
My good friend Prime Minister Obuchi loved Okinawa, he came here
often, he wanted to host the G-8 summit here and I can see why.
this crossroads of Asia - "for Asia Pacific ~ducational and
research exchanges.
looking to info tech jobs, health isalnds
image high life expectancy and marketing of local health foods.
I understand people here live a long time. No wonder.
If you
lived here, you would want to live a long time.
It's beautiful.
I think more people oug~t to come here; I'm glad I have.
�10
unifying experience - one thing people like about okinawa, is
the ocean and (caves) the beaches and diving and fishing.
the general impression across the board are wonderful to our
people on a personal basis.
the troops loves the okinawans and
are happy.
that matches okinawans self-image.
the world ought to come here.
Just as our national security interests have to be matched with
your family and personal needs.
So the strategic value of our
bases must take into account the needs of Okinawans. We must
always do our utmost to be the best possible neighbors, and I am
proud of so much of what you do
Ichari ba cho day.
themselsve as more
once met a friend for life.
They see
' more understanding of diverse cultures.
I went to a change of command ceremony. took a jaapnese
elmployees, new commander of figher squeanddroon.
first things
we did was play the japanese national anthem.
the people - this
security treaty really matters.
they're out here doing
something good for both countries.
make a point - you're here.
bases are here to preserve the peace is a hard sell to
okinawasn, they feel the bases may make them a target.
These
bases are more a threat than a benefit to okinawans.
message:
important role for troops is more important to the troop event.
011 090 221 0 8570 -
go through Okinawa signal.
consul general - and his right hand man.
Rob Luke
The people of Okinawa know the wounds and horrors of war - they
lost a third of the civilian popluiation in the 82-day battle of
Okinawa.
Now they share with you, the burdens of keeping the
peace. They shoulder a heavier burden of keeping the peace than
any other host in the world. A higher concentration of US
troops here than any palce in the world.
�11
this base - indispensable to US forward forcs and thus regional
peace and security.
Okinawa hosts 75% of the foreign troops in Japan with no end in
sight.
community outreach of US forces Okinawa:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
volunteers working with local English teachers to help with
instruction in elementary schools
clean-ups on earth day and green day - clean ups of beaches,
seawalls, parks, and cemeteries.
joining the mayor's staff to cut grass along Hwy 104
outreach to school for handicapped children, retirenment homes
local orphanages.
Joint activities between Boy scouts of
American and boy scouts of Japan.
coordination of base hospitals, firefighting, and emergency
services - info sharing, improved cooperation and service.
DoD schools partnering with Okinawan schools.
US Naval Hospital outreach to schools that serve the blind and
physically handicapped.
putting on the special olympics.
3rd Medical battalion supporting the Misato Orphanage with
regular visits, and grounds repair.
7th communication battalion supporting the Hikariga-Oka nursing
home for five years - sending 20-40 marines "send in the
marines" - to conduct yard maintenance and beautification
monthly - also attends christmas party.
"gives a whole new meaning to sending in the marines - bring
high energy, enthusiasm and a spirit of neighborliness to the
community - visiting, repairing clearning the grounds of
orphanages and retirement homes.
visiting on respect for the
Aged Day.
I think respect for the elderly is an excellent
virtue.
In fact, I'm beginning to think so more and more.
recite the letters of appreciation - I add my appreciation to
theirs.
HMCS - Rodillan.
do to get it.
Gen. Huey's office:
staff ,member of USNH
Okinawa.
what did he
�.....
{
12
camp butler:
great to be here on the rock, visiting
some things to reference.
a lot of people will be riding down
from campgs in the north on our buses, troops refer to buses, as
the loser cruiser. know a lot of you had to ride down on the
loser cruiser. know how diffciult driving can be here in Oki wore out a set of windshield wipers.
driving on the left side
of the street,
worried about how you'll find your car in the parking lot.
I"ve
never seen so many white toyotas in one place. all will be in
battle dress uniform.
even the family members look alike - you
all buy our clothes in the same place?
(yes, PX).
final:
as part of this event, hainv a free picnic BBQ chicken.
might say something like:
looks like haivng a great picnic. too
bad you have to invite the POTUS before you can get the MCCS to
give you anything for free.
(non approroipiate fund activity.
they run our clubs our package stores. they generate profits
they return to us in gyms and basketballs.
Marine Corps Community Services.
MCCS will be the one you'll
want to speak to. or MCCS or MWR.
to give you something for
free.
-- army and navy are smallest coritingetns they play it up big,
four services they all do things each. would recognize
individually. only thing spouses do universally is shop.
lot of
comments - make some joke about - understand you're all going to
go home with a big bankroll - all the great bargains you get
shopping. spouses are always.
look how much I've savedyou.
would have cost. 8 times as much at home. make us broke
shopping.
beaches and diving - scuba diving snorkeling kayaking, coral.
island,
a lot take advantage of the ocean. gorgeous island.
recreational area up north called Okuma, they camp and do water
. sports have cottages, joint services they all use it.
0-KOO-mah- always packed in the summertime.
if it's hazy. I
see you're all here because it's not nice enough to be at
OKOOmah. bet you wish you were up at OKOOmah. OKUMA.
�13
I've been coming here since 1972. most hospitable peoepl in the
world.
also okinawans by and large are certaliny no~ anit
ameircan. most are not even anti-base.
there is an aversion to
anything militayr.
they are very peace loving.
they don't
they're not any fonder of the Japanese military. we share this
island with the japanese military.
as far as okinawans, one on
one, most of us have in on eform or another oondierful friedns
out in town.
eveyy one.
very vibrant. Okinawans live a long
time.
average expectancy- 85 90. a lot of hundred year old.
anyone living here would want to live long.
Naha marathon - we don't overwhelm it.
Okinawa Dragon boat races - we have marine corps teams.
and there are
more than one race. almost any community that lives on the ocean
has a dragon boat race.
they invite military ocmpetitors. we
don't own them.
they give us coaching, they get us started.
they give us a boat.
another unique thing: the tug of war.
rope is three feet in
diamemter. they build that rope on our fort in Naha. it's just
almost a free for all. you don't really have two teams you have
two directions. where you happen to be. any body that's down
there joins in, they readily share this with us.
annual festival, we north and south. the mayor of naha and mayor
from nothern side start to pull.
they have smaller ropes that
run off of it.
straw woven. they have much smaller strands
three inches in diameter.
15 to 30 minutes.
trying to pull
the rope hundred feet.
Tug of War festival - The big rope pull aversion to use of word war.
down in Naha.
Main marathon is Naha -people's marathon.
internaitonal runners.
marine corps
Naha - they invite
�..
.
14
Three marine expeditionary force:
3r marine division
1st marine aircraft wing
3rd force service support group
Marine Corps Base Camp Butler
The Air Force's 18th wing
The Army's lOth Area Support Group
The Navy's Task Force 76 and Fleet Activities Okinawa
(And your families)
the families. most importantly the fmaily members,. who make the
same sacrifices and get very little of the credit.
he
udnersands their sacrifice and tha thtey get very little credit.
commercial fax number gen. huey email - Hugheygh@mcbbutler.usmc.mil
0 11 8 1 611 7 4 5 3 7 6 2 ( fax)
phone
7274-7
community service
two things that come readily to mind - money we contribution to
chairities that come from the wives gift shop organization.
There is an American women's organziation.
they sit down and
decide what charities it will go to.
Okinawan chairities apply
for it.
English teaching on
beautiful island.
know you're helping to keep it clean.
gives a whole new meaning to sending in the marines.
�.----------------
•
15
donating money to local charities.
engineer support battalion will replace a bridge in an island
village in Northwest Okinawa.
- a 30-foot high stell foot path
bridge connecting two garden hills, will be replaced with a new
and safer bridge.
gth
Third Force Service Support Group 3rd Medical Battalion supported
the Misato Orphanage visiting the children, repairing the
grounds.
The 7th Communication Battalion has been supporting
the Hikariga-Oka nursing home for five years.
The battalion has
sent 20-40 Marines to conduct yard maintenance and
beautification monthly.
They battalion also attends the annual
christmas party - this year we had more than 30 + marines sing
christmas carols and enjoy a joint luncheon together.
You know - that gives a whole new meaning to sending in the
Marines.
we have a leprosy colony.
for them.
all services.
we just finsihed building a bridge
no idea army,
activities of those he met on arrival at Camp Foster:
GySgt. Michael C. Davis
USMC
vital communications role in East Timor - deployed only three
days after his wife gave birth.
Husband and wife team
master Sergeant Kenneth Young, USA
Sergeant Lynne Young, USA
deployed to the philippines during Exercise Balikatan and
subsequently both participated in humanitarian assistance
efforts following the eruption of a volcano on the island of
Luzon.
Capt.
Gregory D. thomas, USAF
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
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SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
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n.d.
RESTRICTION
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[POTUS] Troop Speech [2]
2008-0703-F
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�----------
::·
16
ServesJ. in Operation Southern Watch where he plannec and flew
mission involving strikes on Iraqi targets.
capt. Thomas and his wife michell have three small children,
emily, jennifer and ryan.
Mrs. Marsha Harvell
~resident
Protestant women onf the chapel, USAF
teached bible studies and ministers to a local nursing hom and
for parent of children hospitalized at lester hospital - married
to chaplain Ron Harvell with the 18th wing here in Okinawa.
Petty Officer Frist Class Maximo M. Chico, USN
from Manila
served as the Command Career Counselor for the USS Belleau wood
in Sasebo Japan. During his ehture , he paricipated in
operations and exericses in the persian gulf, east timor and
russia - because of his efforts, the USS Belleau wood recei~ed
the CICPACFLT retention excellence award for 1999.
volunteer English teacher at a local elementary school.
':'
�'
.;!I
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
Remarks to Troops and Families
· Camp Foster,.Okinawa
July 23, 2000
_ _ USAF guy. General Hailston, acknowledgments
Hello U.S. Forces Okinawa and families: I want to thank you all so much for coming here today.
I was afraid you might all go to Okuma .. [..oll KOO malt popular beach resutt tbt iiitlitmy
familiest But you came here instead, a lot of you riding on what some call "the loser cruiser."
[the buses). I think you may have the last laugh, though. The ones who drove are going to have
a tough time finding their cars in the parking lot; I've never seen so many white Toyotas in my
life.
y~ve
food~ere.
It looks like
had a lot of good
Too bad you have to invite the President of the
United States be~e you can get the MCCS o feed you for free.
~
~. t
@}··
q
01M
Isn't Okinawa beautiful?! OkiHa::Vd'has been a spectacular~ for tkf's ~summit. I
understand people here on the "healthy islands" live long lives, even by Japanese standards.
That makes sense. Anyone lucky enough to live here would want to live as long as possible. The
whole world should have a chance to come to Okinawa and see the sYb 1rapjcal f8lia8e the caves
and the coral and the white-sand beaches. fo ~M.:..rr
-I~AAA
4A.oi,,,_,-.
o~" t;t:j ~dl ?f'''-V"~
.
Of course, here on the Rock, beautiful as it is, you're still far from hom~- ahvay
t aHel '
-~
ou gnaffi., defending the freedoms the rest of us enjoy. 'Ihat has alwa~'s beeu tlle llen~is ml~ gf
?'·~
(\.. onr military: And·it i5 alsci:ttro Fsle efettF Htilitai] fanr#ies, WHQ eeS:f the same btueleas B:fiG gst
¥~ \ IJ.9Ue eftfie thaflks.. Our · · r families live their lives in the service of our c?m;~r)/;as mu,cys
/', /
·\
any man or woman in uniform.
s take a moment to thank our fam11es
J..41 ~
~L~
r
tl
¥Gu h"'!Ill ag wella:s-a:ayeae, Hmt the
s~~~fl\ii&aht1S%4i\ijj;:MiM:rrp;ufi?nBili~
~
Earlier this month, on my last 4 of July as President, I was honored to spend the
day in NewYork Harbor, in the shadow ofthe Statue ofLiberty.~on the flight deck ofUSS John
F. Kennedy. It was a fitting place- right there in those waters-- to honor the birth of our
nation, because on the day our nation was born, George Washington was there on Manhattan
Island with his troops watching the British ships land a few miles away on Staten Island.
,
(J
c:tcM'-1-
~
tvtLI.-i ,
When the Declaration oflndependence arrived from Philadelphia, Gen. Washington had it read
understan
at the
aloud outside to his troops, with the British ships in full view, so they w
s~al of our ~country depended on the success of our military.
hat is still true._to·
·,'
oday, we live in peace- our ally Japan enjoys peace- in part because your courage and your
strength makes peace a wiser choice than war for any potential adversary. There is peace here
because the 3 MEF is here, with the 3rd marine division, the 1st marine aircraft wing, the 3rd force
service suprort group, and marine corps base camp butler. There is peace because the Air
Force's 18t Wing is here. The Army's lOth Area support group is here. The Navy's Task Force
'}t.uu~
.
�, zc'
,. '
2
76 and Fleet Activities Okinawa are here. You are here to preserve freedom, prevent war, and
ensure history never repeats itself on these beautiful islands.
You know the bitter history of the battle of Okinawa -- the last of WW 2 -where Okinawans lost
a third of the civilian population. On Thursday, I visited the Cornerstone ofPeace. T-fl:e nttmBs
of~ho died i1a:that eattle ar@ stehe€1 ferever iB sti~Be. The peace-loving people of Okinawa
made no distinction among the many deaths. All who died are included on that wall.....--.e~~m:::IL~ 4&:#1~:~any h~ss imJl:Oftf:l+J:t tflm• a11y e$b.eE&: It is a stirring statement of our common humanity. It
~~ f ~
enkindles a deep commitment that such a horror must never happen again.
Sfti~
{,(,~
That is why you are here. You will never know how many wars you have deterred, how many
deaths you have prevented, but you do know one thing: you know the number of wars that have
been fought in these waters since U.S. forces have been here. And that number is zero.
l~cibsTo t~d~~serving
Today, your nation
you
peace in this region. And we must
remember that our hosts in Okinawa share that burden. With one percent of the land, Okinawa
contributes% of all the acreage, and hosts% of all the U.S. military personnel in Japan.
And so we must do everything we can to maintain the good will of the people of Japan and the
people of Okinawa so that our friendship can flourish. We will continue to work to reduce the
impact of our presence .on our Okinawan friends. And I know you will continue the many
examples of neighborliness that promote good will and good relations.
Like the volunteers who supplement English language instruction to elementary school children
here in Okinawa.
Like the 9th engineer support battalion ~ho just replaced a 30-foot high steel foot path bridge in
an island village in Northwest Okinawa.
Like the volHBteeFS frem the 1oth Area Support Group who joined the people in y omitan Village
for a clean up effort before the G-8 summit.
wk
j
Like our Naval hospital and our fire departments• &fitlrts to form partnerships with their
counterparts in Okinawa to improve emergency services for all.
farmers~Kin
~
Like volunteers from the 3"' Medical Battalioifutting Sugar Cane for local
Town, or the ih Communication Battalion's r~ efforts to do ~maintenance, pay visits, 0r
e.!lig.;LChtistrnas .. ith residents of the Hikariga-Oka nursing home. Your community outreach
efforts at schools, and orphanages, at hospitals and retirement homes gives a whole new meaning
·
to the words "sending in the Marines." ~
I thank you for showing our Okinawan hosts the kind of partners and neighbors Americans can
be.
I •.<eatrP-Eo ~ell )f@Y as I see you here soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines in full battle
dress - thousands of miles from American shores -- how proud I am of what you do and what
la::dttri1%
h,~J.ok/1~
�.'
3
you represent. When America was born 224 years ago, its ill-equipped, outnumbered Army
defended the world's only democracy. Today, you defend the expanding frontiers of freedom.
As your Commander-in-Chief, I salute you. As your fellow citizen, I thank you. ·May God
bless America. May God bless the men and women who defend her freedom.
******************************************************************************
*****************************************************************************
No relationship is more important to us than our friendship with Japan. And it is a unique
friendship. It is not based on shared history, language, customs, region or religion. It is based on
shared values - a common commitment to freedom, democracy, and human dignity.
*
Final riff and joke
activities of those he met on arrival at Camp Foster:
GySgt. Michael C. Davis USMC
vital communications role in East Timor- deployed only three days after his wife gave birth.
Husband and wife team
master Sergeant Kenneth Young, USA
Sergeant Lynne Young, USA
deployed to the philippines during Exercise Balikatan and subsequently both participated in
humanitarian assistance efforts following the eruption of a volcano on the island of Luzon.
Capt. Gregory D. thomas, USAF
Served in Operation Southern Watch where he plannec and flew mission involving strikes on
Iraqi targets.
capt. Thomas and his wife michell have three small children, emily, jennifer and ryan.
Mrs. Marsha Harvell
President Protestant women onf the chapel, USAF
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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Personal (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
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P3/b(3)
..
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[POTUS] Troop Speech [2]
2008-0703-F
'm186
RESTRICTION CODES
. Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(I) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)J
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions )(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA[
�,,
.4
':.,.
teached bible studies and ministers to a local nursing hom and for parent of.children hospitalized
at lester hospital - married to chaplain Ron Harvell with the 18 1h wing here in Okinawa.
Petty Officer Frist Class Maximo M. Chico, USN
from Manila
served as the Command Career Counselor for the USS Belleau wood in Sasebo Japan. During
his enture , he paricipated in operations and exericses in the persian gulf, east timor and russiabecause ofhis etTorts, the USS Belleau wood received the CICPACFLT retention excellence
award for 1999.
volunteer English teacher at a local elementary school.
* military role- never conquer preserve freedom and stability, humanitarian mission of people
(recite accomplishments of those guys). from here we have deployed to peaekpeeing operations
in E. Timor and distaster relief in
the family members who make the.same sacrifices and get very little credit.
Because of our strength, because of you- the US can do things for a troubled world no one else
can do. (cite humanitarian examples- keep peace.) war and adventurism, we stand ih the way.
We won't permit it.
everyone wants freedom. some seek it for themselves and deny it to others. You use their
freedom to preserve and expand it for others.
Link to Asia, gateway to Asia, closer to Shanghai than to Osaka. paits.to the south of Taiwan.
�No relationship is more important to us than our friendship with Japan. And it is a unique
friendship. It is not based on shared history, language, customs, region or religion. It is based on
shared values- a common commitment to freedom, democracy, and human dignity.
*
Final riff and joke
activities of those he met on arrival at Camp Foster:
GySgt. Michael C. Davis USMC
vital communications role in East Timor- deployed only three days after his wife gave birth.
Husband and wife team
master Sergeant Kenneth Young, USA
Sergeant Lynne Young, USA
deployed to the philippines during Exercise Balikatan and subsequently both participated in
humanitarian assistance efforts following the eruption of a volcano on the island of Luzon.
Capt. Gregory D. thomas, USAF
Served in Operation Southern Watch where he plannec and flew mission involving strikes on
Iraqi targets.
capt. Thomas and his wife michell have three small children, emily, jennifer and ryan.
Mrs. Marsha Harvell
President Protestant women onf the chapel, USAF
teached bible studies and ministers to a local nursing hom and for parent of children hospitalized
at lester hospital -married to chaplain Ron Harvell with the 181h wing here in Okinawa.
Petty Officer Frist Class Maximo M. Chico, USN
from Manila
served as the Command Career Counselor for the USS Belleau wood in Sasebo Japan. During
· his enture , he paricipated in operations and exericses in the persian gulf, east timor and russiabecause ofhis efforts, the USS Belleau wood received the CICPACFLT retention excellence
award for 1999.
�.------- . . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - c - - - -
·.
--------------~
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Personal (Partial) (1 page)
n.d.
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P3/b(3)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
[POTUS] Troop Speech [2]
2008-0703-F
'm186
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
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b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
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b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells j(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the P!l;\1
·
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.-------c.c::-;'?,
.
----------~---·---~-~----------------:-----~c--------------,.---.
;
·.'
2
volunteer English teacher at a local elementary school.
[oo~
* military role- never conquer preserve freedom and stability, humanitarian mission of people
(recite accomplishments of those guys). from here we have deployed to peaekpeeing operations
in E. Timor and distaster relief in
·
the family members who make .the same sacrifices and get very little credit.
'
Because of our strength, because of you..,.. the US can do things for a troubled world no one else
can do. (cite humanitarian examples- keep peace.) war and adventurism, we stand in the way.
We won't pem1it it,
'
.
everyone wants freedom. some seek it for themselves and deny ittoothers. You use their
freedom to preserve and expand it for others.
Link to Asia, gateway to Asia, Closer to s·hanghai than to Osaka. parts to the south of Taiwan.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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[POTUS] Troop Speech [2]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 3
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-003-008-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7c87a8d55222ed0b339cc733d4c580c0.pdf
c938be6e19384cee32be93598a26b7a2
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
9
1
v
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
2008-0703-F
'ml88
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Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
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b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�J ]
�.----------------------------------
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Clinton Presidential Records
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
2008-0703-F
'ml88
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
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b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ](b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ](b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ](b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ](b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ](b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information ](a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ](a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute ](a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ](a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ]a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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�T F. X A S A & :-vi
UN IV ERS ! T Y
COLLECE OF LIBERAl. AllTS
Department of History
7 July 1999
Dr. Graham Cosmas
U.S. Army Center of Military History
103 Third Avenue
Fort Lesley J. McNair, D.C. 20319-5058
Dear Graham:
Enclosed is my report for the Theodore Roosevelt Medal of Honor Panel.
As you can see, I have tried to keep within the directions provided by Brig. Gen.
Brown and also explore some of the larger issues.
I am sending this report in somewhat early as I will be leaving to take up my
new duties in a few days. My address will be:
Dr. Brian M. Linn
Harold K. Johnson Professor
U.S. Army Military History Institute
22 Ashburn Drive
U.S. Army War College
Carlisle, PA 17013-5008. •
Office Phone: 717-245-3451
Home Phone: =~~~
Email: linnb@awc.
I am also enclosing the. receipts .for my travel and hotel expenses.
I have enjoyed working on this project and hope to serve on another CMH
panel in the future. Thank you for inviting me to serve on this panel.
Best ~hes,
~-·
..--
//.
-
,:::;;::z~-<~ 4: Z4~~~-7~
.
.__.......Brian M. Linn
Professor of History
101 History Building
College Station, Texas 77843-4236
1409) 845-7151 Fox (409) 862-4314
�. 1
..
. I
.
.
.
.
.
.
Under direction of Brigadier General JohnS. Brown, 'chief of Milita-ry· History,
I.
the panel's purpose was
.
no~
to judge whether Theodqre Roosevelt deserved .a
.
.
.
.
Medal of Honor, but to determine what happenedin the, engagements afKettle
Hill and San Juan Heights, Cuba, on 1 July 1898. The following is a brief
.
summary of the events and Roosevelt's rol~.
'
,·\
The Battle of San Juan Heights
The basic outlines of the ~attle are relatively clear and have been
covered in detail.1 On 1 July, Brig. Gen. Jacob F. Kent's 1st Infantry Division
and Maj. Geri. Joseph Wheeler's Cavalry Division (temporarily commanded by.
Brig. Gen. Samuel S. Sumner), both elements of Maj. Gen. William Shafter's v
Corps, attacked some 500 Spanish troops holdi~g_ a weak forward defense
position on San Juan Heights. ·The battle was a hastilY, planned engagement.
wl:lich neither commander expected. Ill and unfamiliar with the terrain, Shafter
had only'the vaguest idea of what the V Corps faced. He planned to take the
' Heights· before laUnching an attack on the main Spanish lines at Santiago. The
Spanish commander had reinforced the Heights in. an effort to slow the V Corps
.
,•
'\
advance but did not ,.wish to fight more th:an a holding action,2
.
,.
'
'
Shafter intended the divisions ofKent and Wheeler were t6 advance on
the heights at ttie same time Maj. Gen. Henry W. ·Lawton's 2nd Infantry Division
launch-ed a flanking attack on the Heights from the north (the Spanish left and·
the American right flank). But.Lawton, misunderstanding Shafter's intent,
committed his divisi.on in a muddled attack on the Spanish outpost at El Caney
',
'
and took no part in the battle for the Heights.·
. The one-and-a-half mile advance of Wheeler's and Kent's divisions from
e
their assembly point at El Pozb to the foot of San Juan Heights began at dawn~ . ·
The 8,000 men of the two divisions struggled along
anarrow ·road in a long
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column, the Cavalry Division ·in the lead, greatly hampered by jungle, ·cro~ded
roads, and increasing eneiny fire.
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commanders made no .attempt to establish..reserves or draw . up .a
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cohere~t
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tactical plan.
The battt_e began· at approximately 0800 when an American artillery
battery open~d fire on the Spahish'blockhOL!Se on San Juan Hill. This drew··a
heavy counter batterY fire. fr6m the Spanish artillery,
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ca~sing sev~ral casualties
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among the Cavalry Division in the rear.· Despite this,:the Cavalry Division
continued its .march in column dowri a narrow ,.·
road (or trail), its 1$t Brigade (3rd,
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6th, and 9th Cavalryregimerits) fording theLas<;3uanias'stream3 and·pushing
into the high grass and brush at the foot of Kettle 8ill where they deployed.
The 2nd Brigade (1st and 10th Cavalry and '1st
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U.S.~Volunteer Cavalry),
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the command of Col.· Leonard Wood, filed past them to the right and also .··
deployed. Roosevelt's Rough Riders were in a sunken lane with a wire fence;
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others took shelter !n· the jungle andgrass. There_,.is sonie_question about the
exact dispositions of these· regiments, but it appears that the tst and 1Oth.
Cavalry were to the rear of the 1st Brigade and the 1st U.S. Volunteers on the
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extreme right. Throughout the march. to the base of the hills arid after they
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deployed in .line, the tr9opers received.heavy fire from Spanish defenders on
San Juan and Kettle Hills and from· snipers tii?den in the trees~ ·.Unable to see'.
th'eir attackers--who were using. smokeless powder--they also s'uffered from '
. intense heat and lack of water. They continued 'tq exch~nge and to receive/fire
. as they crouched in the sunken lane while they waited 'for further orders.
. Coming up behind the CavalrY Division, Kent's Infantry Division
deployed to the left of the cavalry. Brigadier General Hamilton
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Hawkins
moved his 1st Brigade (6th and 16th Infantry) .forWard to link up with the left flank
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of the Cavalry Brigade. Believing that they had outflanked San ~uan .Hill--in
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w~re facing
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reality they
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infan~ry began a.firefight with the defend~rs
it--the
shortly after noon ..In ten minutesofskirmishing, the comrr1ander of.the 6th:
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lnf~ntry. Col. Harry G l;gbert, was kilied .and .roughly 25. percent of its officers... · ', ·
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24th Infantry) under Col. Charles A Wikqff ~o launch a flanking attack from ttie· ·
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left. Indicative both of the heaviness of the.Sp~nish fiie and. the courage: of th~ .. · ·
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.. American. officers .is the.fact that withih a short time. Wikoff was killed, his ....
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. immediate replacement, Lt.· Col.· Worth was .wounded; and his replacement Lt
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Coi.,Emerson Liscu.m, was also wounded. According to one eye· witness, the ·
next ranking officer "did_ not know he was in· command of the. brfgade until the ·
hostile position ..had been. carried"--a highly revealing comment' on the .inability
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of officers. to exert:control beyond a very narrow range.4 ..
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B~ this time units were $Om.ewhat mix~d up and there. was a great deal of .· · .
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uncertainty• about. the
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t~rrain
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and the strength .of the Spi:mish .po$itions .. More~ver,
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rio. one ·appears to have had·a clear idea of what'Shafter's ·.intentions were.· In
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: marcti to the,right and connect with Lawton ... ·. "5 .The battle for San Juan .
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Heights would thus: be . a batUe. in· which the leadership. of regimental and .
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. ··company officers would be of vital"importance. ··.If they failed to calm thei~ troops
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and push them foiward,' there was no one behind
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them to take over: ·As a result,
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they exposed themselves to fire constantly, . walking up and. down the .1'ines to · ·
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steady the soldiers .. ·This active leadership: entailed· considerable
ris.ks-~according
to Roosevelt, half the. 1Oth Cavalry's officers became casualties during th·e battle. · .·
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· · R6osevelthims~lf received a minor wound;onthe hand', from· a shelL .was scraped
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.on the elbow, and had his glasses shot off . hisface .. There.appearsto be no
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dispute that:even by the standards of officer conduct·; ..' San Juan Heights,
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. Roosevelt was conspicuous in his bravery a,nd willingness to tak~ risks--riding his
horse part of the way up the hill in an effort. to direct his men.
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The source materials do not allow a clear .reconstruction of the charge
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nor do they alloW clear answers to such questions as who ordered it, when it
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· occurred, who was .first to attack, who was iri command, and so on. Sometime
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after 1306, both divisions began
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a simultaneous assault on the Spanish
positions. The Infantry Division· moved on ablockhouse or fort on San Juan Hill
and the cavalry-on Kettle Hill. _In an open-order skirmish line, the Cavalry
s~ddle
Division began to_ work its way up Kettle Hill and the
between Kettle and. · .·
San Juan Hill. As the hill narrowed, cohesion virtually disintegrated and units .
intermingled with each other. The Rough Riders, on the right of the American
line, assaul_ted a ·trench line and blockhouse. After taking these objective~. they
found themselves· exposed to heavy rifle and artillery fire from the main Spanish·
· position in front of sa·ntiago and also the defenders on San Juan Hill.
. Apparently at .Roosevelt's initiative·, combined elements'of the_ division then
attacked the dght side of San Juan Hill, supporting a si_multaneous attack byUie
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inf.antry.
The assault was over by 1430, but the defenders continued to ·receive
he~vy
fire and occasional sorties from the rriain Spanish defenses at Santiago.
Roosevelt's Part in the Battle
Unfortunately, the main source for Roosevelt's heroism is Roosevelt
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hims,!lf. · ~ven more frustrating, Roosevelt's accougt of the b_attle.) tnd~~t
considerabiSl [t;;}li§iQJJ... Indeed, as jour~alist Peter Finley Dunne noted, by the
time he wrote: The Rough Riders. Roosevelt had convinced himself that he was
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alone in Cuba. · Moreover, some o.f the particulars of his account--such as the
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presence of Spanish trenches-_-are contradicted by other eye witnesses. e
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Despite both the obvious bias and the inconsistencies, those who support ·
awarding .Roosevelt a Medal of ·Hon~r ·h~ve relied. almost entirely on Roosevelt.··
For that reason, it is worth com meriting on some aspects of . .
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· Roosevelt's account
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in his last major revision,
Th~ Rdugh Riders.
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According to Roosevelt, the charge was ordered by Sumner. Crouched
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· in the sunken lane at the foot of Kettle Hill, .the Rough Riders (and the rest of the
cavalry) were suff~ring more casualties then they would if they attacked:
Roosevelt thus sent messengers to Sumner·and Wood requesting permission to ·
charge. ·At an unspecified time, he_received orders from Lt. CoL Jo~ep~ Dorst, a :
staff officer who was relaying orders from ?umner to "move forward and support
the regui?J.rS on the.hills in front:' 7 As he advanced through the ·9th Ceiyalry, he
tried to communicate the orders to charge to the commander of the regiment in
front of him, the 9th Cavalry. According to Roosevelt,, this Qfficer could not be
found, and he had an exchange with one of the 9th's officers who hesitated to
take orders from Roosevelt. As the Rough Riders moved through the 9th, the
Regular$ joined them, .so th~t it can be said that Roosevelt led (if not
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commanded) two regiments during .the battle. By this time the other cavalry
regiments had also gone on the attack, with the result that the Rough. Riders'
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adv~nce,became ageneral charge up Kettle·~~iill.
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Abot:Jt half way.up 'the hill, Roosevelt di$mounted from his horse a·nd
continued up on foot The troopers swept over the hill--the defenders· having.
fled early--:and immediately received heavy fire from th.e next line of defense.
According to Roosevelt,. he organized the troops and directed fire both against \
the Santiago defenders and to assist Hawkins' attack on San Juan Hill. He
then led a charge on the next.line of defense.· The first attempt did not'go well,.
as only five men followed him .. He·then returned to the lines and cajoled (or
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taunted) the troopers to attack. This attack was successful as well, and it is here
th~t Roosevelt shot a Spaniard with a revolver taken from the; Maine.
Roosevelt then received orders from Capt Robert L. Howze, Sumner's
, aide, to .hold the hill at all costs .. With the help of
ot~er
officers, he organized a
defense under heavy fire. It is during this time tha:t he claimed that som~· .
"colored" infantry began to drift to th'e rear and he had to. threate·n them with his ·
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revolver to make them stay. a
In his early letters,· Rooseve.lt made a strong claim that he was the first on .
the hill, but by the time he wrote the Rough Riders he was content to share that .
honor with five other officers. However, he was far more insistent that he
initiated both charges and that he was in control of the early defense of Kettle
Hill.
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Roosevelt and the Medal
The War Department correspondence on the events of San Juan Heigllts ·
does not make a strong case for awarding the Meqal of. Honor to Roosevelt.
Wood's initial recommendation of 6 July is very vague, noting only
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"conspicuous gallantry in leading a charge on one of the hills. "9 Wooq's
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uncertainty as to what hill was attacked or what .Roosevelt's r~le was during the
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battle is not surprising, since Wood did not witness the event and had to rely on
other sources-.-most notably his close friend Roosevelt. The support tendered
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by Wheeler. and Shafter on 9 July is equally vague. It is significant that
Wheeler's after action·report--wdtten on the very day that Roosevelt ~laimed·
Wheeler told him he intended to recommend Roosevelt for the Medal ( 7 july
1898)--does not ~emtion Ro'oseveltat all.1~ Wood's later letter of 30 December- ...
-written in support· of Roosevelt's Medal of Honor quest--also appears entirely
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based on Roosevelt's testimony. Thus none of the three senior officers who
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recommended Roosevelt for the Medal had first-hand knowledge that he
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deserved it. It is thus understandable, if somewhat improper, that Adjutant
General .Henry C. Corbin wrote to Roosevelt requesting-more evidence of
Roosevelt's qualifications for the Medal of- Honor.
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In an effort to bolster his. candidacy, Roosevelt solicited testimonials from·
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a number of participants. .This letters-of support, included in .the Theodore
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great bravery on 1 July 1898 and that he played a significant role in the 'success
of the attack. However, it must be treated with some caution, for there is more
than a little evidence that Roosevelt was not above suggesting he would use his
influenceJ2 reward those who wrote testimonials in hisll.e.bglf.11 The testimony
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commander.· The testimony of some Regular officers is.conspicuous by its lack
of specifics. Thus Captain C. J, Stevens.9f the 2nd Cavalry; testified only that
Roosevelt's "gallantry and strong personality contributed most materially to the
. success of the charge of the Cavalry Division at San Juan Hil1."12 Another
witness, Captain A. L. Mills, Roosevelt's aide, was both a close friend of
Roo·sevelt (who later secured Mills a Medal of .Honor) and- .had been blinded by
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a severe wound.
Objections can also be raised to the testimony of Brig. Gen. Samuel S.
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Sumner, whose 30 December 1898 letter urges that Rbosev_elt be awarded the ·
Medalon the grounds that "by-his example and fearlessn_ess" Roosevelt-had
"inspired his men and both at Kettle Hill and the ridge known as SanJuan, he
led his command in person."13 :sumner's account of Roosevelt's actions does
not constitute grounds for aw?rding a Medal of Ho.nor under General Orders 42 ..
(1897), which specifies that the action must involve jeopardy of life and
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distinguis~ed above all others. Moreover, there is the curious fact
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that Sumner makes no mention of Roosevelt at all in his 6 JuiY'189S report of
the battle.14. This is a very strange omission and must call into question ··
Sumner's later favorable testimony about Ro~sevelt's role. Finally, Sumner's
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.comment that the M~dal was an appropriate award since Roosevelt had left the
army and thus had no use for a b~evet commission is
signific~nt
~easons.
for two
First, it indica:tes ·sumner's awareness of ·:
Roosevelt's peacetime status . as a
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powerful political figure. Secondly, it demonstrates Sumner's belief. that the
c~mmi~sion.
Medal of Honor was the rough equivalent·to a brevet
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More credence may be given to the testimony. of Sumner's aide, .Capt.
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Robert L. Howze~ Howze,
a Medal. of Honor winner (and probably deserving of
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• a second. Medal for his conduct in the. Philippines), was one of the truly:
·exceptional combat officers'in the U.S. Army. Widely recognized as-an
outstanding officer, Howze had little personal or professional reason to support
. Roosevelt'~ quest for the Medal of Honor. In
December 1898; Howze
asolicited testimonial of 17
wrpte that Roosevelt's "conquct was·most conspicuous
ahd clearly distinguished above_
~ther men:". ·He also provided two examples of
Roosevelt's heroism. At the base of Kettle Hill, Roosevelt rallied his men, who.
· · had hesitated under heavy fire and a barbed wire.fence, and led them in a
charge at."extreme jeopardy" to his life. Later, he organized the defense of the
·hill and "displayed the greatest bravery and
place~
his life in unavoidable
exposure to severe fire while adjusting and strengthening the line ... ·."15.
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However, since Howze was Sumner's aide and (according to Roosevelt) did not.
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appear on Kettle Hill until. it' had been secured; some objections may possibly
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. be raised to his testimony about. Roosevelt's role during'the charge.16
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The Roosevelt Panel also considered two eyewitness accounts of the
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battle and Roosevelt's conduct which .had been previously overlqoked and
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were not part of the Roosevelt Medal of Honor file.·
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The testimony of Lt. Col. Arthur Wager, an officer whos·e intelligence and .
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integrity were above reproach, is very useful. Wagner-interviewed several
officers who participated in the battle. His report was completed in January 1899.
(though. not p~blished until 1908), and thus Wagne·r could not have be.en
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influenced either by Roosevelt's ·later success or by the debate over the Medal of
Honor. According to Wagner; "in the assaults on Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill,
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th~ courage and
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energy of Colonel Roosevelt, Qf the Rough Riders, were so
conspicuous as to command general attention. There is no doubt that to the
~nfluenc~ of h'is personal qualities the successful issue of the attack was .largely
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·~in ally, there is the testimony. of Capt. Matthew F. Steele, who was a
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Regular, a Southern~r. and aDemocrat, and therefore had no personal reason·
. to curry favor with Roosevelt. In a letter to his wife dated 10 July 1898, Steele
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And Roosevelt, tho' he has no training as a soldier-[is] a great man,
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and as brave as men are made, and so honest, and earnest, and · .
· intense. I see a good deal of him, and I could not keep [from]
admiring him if I should try. The other day, the 1st [of July]; after ~e
. ·got to the top of the first hill--yonder [?] 500 y·ards in front of me.;-he
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stood ~P in fronJ of his line, bullets flying like hail, and clenching his
fists and gritting his teeth tilllcould hear them; I was 30 feet from
him, he shouted "Now By God ,men! come on! Let's charge 'em
God damn em!" And he was an inspiration. Men were bound to
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Wagner and Steele wrote unsolicited testimonials which were n.ot
intended to serve in Roosevelt's quest for a Medal of Honor. Both officers
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singled out Roosevelt as crucial to the success of the assault, and Steele credits
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him with leading. the second 'charge ·on San Juan Hill.
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Finally, both of.ficers
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were thorough profes~io.nals with a deep and abiding. .commitment to the U.S.
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Army. Their testimony is the most impressive and weighty in favor of Roosevelt.
Conclusion on Roosevelt's actions
On 1 July, TheodoreHoosevelt conducted hims~lf with exe.mplar)i
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bravery, initiative, and gallantry. Although under· heavy fire, he remained. on
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horseback, first organizing and encouraging his troops, then leading the Rough
· Riders and scattered members of other units, particularly the 9th Cavalry, up
Kettle Hill. DismoUnting at a barbed wire barricade: he then co~tinued to lead
the attack and was one of the first ·people to reach the summit .of Kettle Hill.
. Against heavy fire, he then assembled a composite force and led it iri . a
supporting attack on Sari Juan Hill. He then helped organize the defense of the
capture position and held them under heavy fire. Throughout the battle, . he was
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an inspirational. figure and, .although slightly wounded, he continued to exercise
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· command in a
manne~
that can only elicit admiration.
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of ·1 July 1898 and Roosevelt's. role is complete. However, I believe I would b~
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broader historical questions raised by this controversy.
· Was Roosevelt's conduct such as to single him out from all other officers?
In making their case for the award, the supporters of Theodore
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Roosevelt's primary claim is that the Brevet Board was biased against
deal with this requires answering two related questions: .
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�.1) Was there bi~s in the process against Roosevelt?
2) Were Roosevelt's actions so extraordinary as to single him out above
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.all other officers for the Medal of Honor?
The Evidence•
The current advocates of granting the Medal of Honor to Roosevelt have
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·done very little to advance their case. Rather than following the directive to
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provide new eyewitness accounts of Roosevelt's actions, they have merely . ·
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revived the charge of bias and repeated it ad nauseam. Had they devoted even
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a fraction of the time to resea~ch as they h~ve done to exerting .pressure oh the
Army and Co~gress, they might well have presented a far more convincing
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case. Given his (and others) failure to produce new evidence, the attack by the
. d-irector of the Theodore Roosevelt
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Associati~n
ori recent scholarship is'
especially unprofessional-and gratuitous.19 Indeed, had it not been for panel
rrie.mbers Drs. Graham cA. Cosmas and EdWard M. Co'ffman; the panel would not
have two crucial pieces of new.evidence-~the Matthew F. Steele letter _and lhe
Arthur Wagner account.
However, even when the Wagner and Steele
accounts (as well as other testimonies) are carefully considered, it must be
·concluded that the new evidence i$ in the ·nature of corroboration. ·In_ part due to ·
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the reluctance of Roosevelt's supporters to engage in primary research. in the ·
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archfves, nothing has been ~nearthed which significantly alters the historical
record of Roosevelt's actions. The current board .must-base its decision on
essentially the same information as the 1898-99. Brevet Board did.
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The Bias Issue
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Owing to the failure of his supporters to produce new material, the s~le
justification for reopening Roosevelt's Medal
ot' Honor is that he was a victim of
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bias. This is a dangerous strategy, for if there is any evidence atall that
Roosevelt's case was .not exceptional, or that there may have been ..equal bias
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in favor of Roosevelt, then, short of reconstituting the 1898-99 Brevet Board,
ther~ can ·- be no justification for singling ~ut Roosevelt for special treatment.
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The Argument.
Roosevelt, and his partisans, claim he was denied the M5!dal due to the
machinations.of the Regular Army, the
War'Depart~ent,
and particularly of·
Secretary of War Russell Alger. This bias was allegedly due to Roosevelt's
open (and insubordinate) criticism of the War Department and of the senior
. leadership of the V Corps. Moreover, the Regular Army was prejudiced against ·
Roosevelt because of the. publicity given· to Rooseve~t and the Rough Riders,
because Roosevelt was a-politician, because he criticized some officers and
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units, and because the performance of citiZef!-SOidiers at San Juan Heights
challenged Regular Army pride.
There is no doubt that Roosevelt was critical of both the War
Department and many of his commanders. He censured the leadership
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Shafter and Wheeler, both to correspondents suqh as Richard ·Harding qavis
and to influential friends such. as Senator Henry Cabot Lodge. He was also the ·
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prime suspect in the leaking of the "Round Robin" letter, which embarrassed the.
McKinley Administration at a crucial time i~ the negotiations with Spain.
Although the general tone of The Rough ·Riders is favorable to the Regular
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Army, he contin.ueid his criticism of Shafter and the War Depa.rtment. More
offensive to curr~nt sensibilities, he impugned the performance of African. American troops and maintained that the 9t~ Cavalry would not have charged
had he not led the Rough ~·iders through them and shamed an officer into
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·following his lead. Finally, there is the blatant pressure e?<erted by Roosevelt
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.and his allies on both the War Department .and the· 1898-99 Brevet Board to
secure a Medal of Honor. ·.
All of the above 'might have created a strong animosity against R<?osevelt
and prevented a fair assessment of his credentials. ·
Evidence of War Department Bias
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. The charge that Secretary of War Alger was instrumental in d.epriving
Med~l
Roosevelt of a
of Honor appeared both in Roosevelt's correspondence
and the press. A circumstantial case can be made for this .. Roosevelt was
widely (and probably correctly) suspected of releasing the "Round Robin" which
embarrassed the McKinley Administration.· Alger and Roosevelt carried on an
exchange in the press which reflected poorly on both of them.· Roosevelt .
. demanded that the Rough Riders be sent to Puerto Rico and boasted that they
were three times be~ter than any other Volunteer unit. Alger criticized Roosevelt
· for makin'g "invidious comparisons"--probably a reference to the disgraced 71 st
New York--and late,r
released·Roosevelt~s
letter to the press. This may have
hurt Roosevelt's candidacy for governor of New York and Alger later
apologized.2o
There is no .doubt that Roosevelt wa~ convinced that Alger was
conspiring to keep him from being awarded the Medal and had influenced the
Board. He repeated this accusation in severallett~rs, inciL:Jding one·to. Adjutant
. General Henry C. Corbin.2 1 The charge also appears in a New York Times
story of 7 January 1899.22
· . Despite evidence that Alger disliked Roosevelt, there ·is no concrete
evidence, or any evidence at all, that he influenced the decision of the Brevet
Boa.rd. Corbin denied that Alger had openly declared his intention of thwarting
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Roosevelt's quest for
. .
th~ Medal.
There is no record of correspondence
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·betWeen Alger and. the Brevet Board on Roosevelt's Medal. The Ne.w York ·
Times allegations must also be taken with some suspicion, since it is clear that
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the source for the story w·as either Roosevelt or one of his supporters.··
In summation, proving Alger disliked Roosevelt does not prove Alger
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wanted to deny Rooseveit a Medal..· Nor.would proving Alger ·wanted to deny
Roosevelt a Medal prove .he actively. sought-to do so. Even proving Alger
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actively sought to deny Roosevelt a Medal would hot prove he succeeded. ·The
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case as it stands now is circumstantial, and a pretty weak one at that.
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Regular Army BlasA'gainst Roosevelt the Citizen-Soldier
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· Roosevelt had a mixed reputation among Regular Army offic~rs.
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Major
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General Eli Helmick recalled that among the infantry officers: Roosevelt was
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perhaps the most disliked officer in the V Corps.23 BUt, as Helmick makes clear,
thisanimosity was due less to Roosewelt's' actions in Cuba than to his actions
after he became president. Roosevelt's overt interference in the promotion
process to secur~ the seleCtion of favorites such as his old Rough Rider ·
commander, Leonard Wood, led to the perception that, in the words of James
~arker, "an officer who had .known Roosevelt in Cuba was pretty sure of
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advancement. "24 ·
A related issue is whet~er the testimo~y of .contem1porary Regular Army
officer~ who supported Roosevelt has greater legitimacy than those w.ho
allegedly conspired against him. The argument that, as Medal of Honor
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winners, his. superior officers, Wood and Shafter, had some particular insight
into Roosevelt's qualifications will not stand up. It is likely that Wood's: own
Medal of Honor (awarded in 1898 for actions iri 18.86) owed much to his
position as President William McKinley's physician .. Moreover, it was award~d
· for actions which, -in all probablility,· neither the 1898-99 Brevet Board nor a
(.
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. 15
: present day board wouid qualify as meriting t~e Medal of 'Honor. Shafter,
according to
Roo~evelt,
was criminally incompetent, and it is thus surprising to
find that Roosevelt's supporters avow such faith in Shafter's ability to judge their.
hero's conduct.25 .
. The conclusion is that most of the Regular Army's hosti.lity to Roosevelt
·stems not from his days as a citizen solider, but from his presidencY: Regular
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Army bias cannot be considered a significant influence on the 1898:-99 Brevet
Board. Moreover, Roosevelt'.s quest for the· Medal may have benefited from the
support of influential Regular officers such a~ Wood, Sumner, and Shafter. ·
Bias and the 1898-99 Brevet Board
More germane than Regular Army.bias may be the issue of antiRoosevelt prejudice by the 1898-99 Brevet Board. However, it is significant that
Roosevelt's partisans have not attacked the findings of the Brevet Board itself,
only its decision on Roosevelt, Had they_ expanded th~ir scope to call into
question the criteria used by the Brevet Board, they would have been on far
stronger ground.
The Brevet Board of 1898-99 ·followed the instructions for awarding. the
Medal of Honor ·set out in War Department General· Orders No. 42 (1897) which
declared th~t the Medal could only be bestowed for servi~e in action "of such
'
conspicuous character as to clearly distinguish the man for gallantry and .
intrepidity above· his comrades--service that ·involved extreme jeopardy of life in ·
the performance of extraordinarily hazardous duty.", The Board adopted an
extremely limited and strict construction of what this meant--the rescue of a ·
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fellow soldier under fire. This was, interestingly-enough, the same action which
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had led to Board members Theodore Schwan and Wiiliar:n H. Carter receiving
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the Medal of Hondr.26 But while one cao take issue the Board's interpretation,
�16
the Board's fairness is without question. All of the Medals of Honor. it awarded
were to men who rescued soldiers under fire.
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Beyond Roosevelt's. own charges, there is no evidence that Secretary of
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War Alger attempted to prejudice the Board against Roosevelt. After Alger left
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the. War Department, there was no.shiff in the Brevet Board's policies, nor any
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effort.to.revive Roosevelt's request. This suggests th~t the Board believed" it had
acted correctly.
Nor can it be proved that the Brevet Board was prejudiced against
citizen-soldiers. It dispensed brevet rank rewards to both Regular and
Volunteer offic'ers--including Roosevelt--with a relatively free hand. The charge
·that the Brevet .Board discriminated against citizen-soldiers appears unfounded.
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The Rough Riders were well represented in the award of brevets, . but the bulk
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of the fighting was done by the Regula.rs. Reflecting this emphasis on combat,
the Brevet Board which awarded Medals of Honor for heroism in the Philippine
. War gave a disproportionate number to volu_nteer citizen soldiers.26
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The Board recommended Roosevelt for p·romotion to brigadier. general in
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the Volunteers. Roosevelt's decision to leave the army made this award
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meaningless--but the .fact remains ,that Roosevelt received the award (reward).
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that contemporary officers viewed ·as suitable for his conduct. Even more
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; •
a.. , ,''" -.....
,-~~
.. , .. , ,,...,.. -~
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significantly, th_e Brevet Board recommended Roosevelt's promotion to Brevet
Brigadier General on 4 January 1899, before it made any other
recommendation. Since this decision was made after Roosevelt had left the
army and been elected governor of New York, it had no discernible effect on
J
Roosevelt's military or political career. The fact that Roosevelt's award was the
firs~
to be ann()unce.d would appea~. to co~nter any claim that Roosevelt ·was
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being discriminated against .and led credence to the argument that Roosevelt
received the recognition his peers felt he deserved.
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Bias in favor of Roosevelt
. The superficiality of .Wood's original 6 July recommen.dation indicates
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that· he did not conduct a thorough investigation of Roosevelfs actions before
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recommending him. Nor was any investigation done by Wheeler and Shafter,
the two senior officers who ~ndorsed Wood's letter. Wood's second . more
expansive letter of 30 December 1898 ·closely corresponds to Roosevelt's own
accoun·t and describes an incident that Wood could not have possibly seen.· .It is .
diffi~ult not to conclude that the. major ifnot the· sole source of Wo.od's
· information was his close friend Roosevelt. Although the supporting evidence is
insu.fficient, it mustbe concluded that Roosevelt was accorded preferential .
treatment in being nominated for the Medal in the first place. Certainly it is
'
difficult to imagine that any. other officer would tiave been recommended for
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M~dal
a
of Honor on such superficial evidence.
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The supporting ·correspondence also suggests a strong bias in
Roosevelt's favor. Roosevelt ~nlisted the support of his powerful friend Senat_or ·
Henry Cabot Lodge, who in turn sought to influence President McKinley and the
War D~partment. An unsigned memo from the Executive Mansion of 24
October 1898 demonstrates that there was an attemptto have Roosevelt
awarded the Medal of Honor even before the Brevet :Board met, in order
tb
assist his campaign. for governor of New York. Moreover, as noted above, the·
correspondence indicates that Roosevelt used his position to solicit
·. testimonials. It is naive to believe that most (if not all) of the officers who wrote
supporting testimonials were unaware that Roosevelt was
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apowerful and
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.influential person.· . A fair conclusion would be t~at Roosevelt was the
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beneficiary of a considerable amount of military and political support which
. should have been more than sufficient to counteract any Regular Army or War
Department prejudice against him.
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Conclusion
Whatever prejudice existed either in the War Department or the Regular
Army against .Roosevelt was insufficient to deny him the Medal of Honc:>r had the .
r---
·srevet Board felt he deserved it. Moreover, there was equal, if not greater, bias ·
. in Roosevelt's favor.
Were Roosevelt's actions so· extraordinary as to single. him out above all other
officers for the Medal of Honor?
lt.is clear that exemplary courage was displayed by many officersat San
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Juan Heights, Roosevelt among them. To provide a thorough comparison is
beyond the scope of this report. How~ver, should the decision be made to.
award Roosevelt the Medal of Honor, it would be a great injustic·e·to not
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re~xamine the performance of other .soldiers who displayed courage above and
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beyond the call of duty--many of whose exploits are to be found in Roosevelt's.
own account.
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NOTES
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11n addition to the War Department reports and.other materiai in the Theodore Roosevelt Medal of ·
Honor packet, I have relied on Graham Cosmas, "San Juan and El Caney, 1-2 July.~ 898," in
Charles E. Heller and William A. Stofft, eds.; America's First Battles, 1776-1965 (Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 1986):109-48; David Trask, The War. with Spain in 1898(New York:
Macmillan, 1981 ), 225-56; Theodore Roosevelt, The Rough Riders (1899, reprint, New York:
Signet, 1961 ). Unless oth~rwise cited, all material is from the Roosevelt packet.
2M any of the -participants' accounts· are confused over the locations. For the purposes of this
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report, San Juan Heights will mean both Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill.
3Qften identified as the San Juan River ..
4Arthur L Wagner, Report of the Santiago Campaign, 1898 (Kansas City: Frarklin Hudson Pub., ·
1908), 84.
••
5Roosevelt, The Rough Riders•. 80 .
· 6Trask, War with Spain,
243.
?Roosevelt, Rough Riders, 84.
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.8Jbid.' 95. '
9Leonard Wood to AG, U.S. Army, 6 July 1898, with
William R. ·Shafter, in Roosevelt Packet. Wood's
~ndorsements by Joseph Wheeler and
repo~ of the engagement is in Leona~d Wood to
AG, Cavalry Division, 6 July 1898, Annual Report of the War Department, 1898, pp. 342-43.
10Joseph Wheeler to Adjutant General, Fifth Army Corps; 7 July 1898, in Annua/Report of the
WarDepartment, 1898, pp. 172-74.
11Theodore Roosevelt to Maxwell Keyes, 4 January 1899, Ltr #1101.• 2:9oo; Theodore
'.Roosevelt to William Llewellyn, 9 January H399, Ltr #1104, 2:902-3, Elting E Morrison, Letters of
Theodore f1oosevelt.(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951 ).
· 12C. J. Stevens to AG, 4 January 1899, Roosevelt file. .
13Samuel S. Sumner to AG, 30 December 1898.
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14Samuel S. ·Sumner to AG, 6 July 1898, in Af!nual Repo'rts of the War Depart"!_ent, 1898,·. 37071.
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15Robert L. Howze to AG, 17 December 1898, Roosevelt file. ·
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16Roosevelt, Rough Riders, 93. ·
17Wagner, Report of the Santiago Campaign,· 86.
18Matthew F. Steele to My beloved, 10 July 1898, Matthew F. Steele Papers, Military History
l
-Institute, Carlisle, Pa.
19john A. Gable td Roosevelt Medal of Honor Panel, 1" May 1999, Roosevelt File.
20David L. Jones, "Teddy Roosevelt's Elusive Medal of Honor," Army(May,1981):62; Jeff Heatley
to Roosevelt Medal of Honor Panel, 28 May ,1999.
21Roosevelt to Henry C. Corbin, 7 December 1898, Roosevelt Packet. On Rooseyeit's
conviction that Alger was influencing the Brevet Board, see Theodore Roosevelt to ~rancis
•
Vinton Greene, 11 January 1899, qr #11 07, 2:906-7; Theodore Roosevelt to Leonard Wood, 11
January 1899, Ltr H11 08, 2:907; Theodore Roosevelt to Henry Cabot lodge, .19 January 1899, .
Ltr #1125,. 2:919, all in Morrison, et al, Letters of Theodore Roosevelt.
22fvew York Times (1 Jariu.ary 1899).
23Eii A. Helmick, From
Reveill~ to Retreat:
An Autobiography(n.p. 1935). Copy in. Eli and·· .
-Charles Helmick Papers, Military History Institute, 81;
24James Parker, The OldArmy: Memories, 1872-1918 (Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1929), 386-87.
George W. Mciver, "My Memoirs,'; Microfilm M-1674, Southern Historical Collection, University of
North Carolina, Chapel Hill; "Promotions in the Army," Outlook 74 (1 Ayg: 1903):782-84; ''The ·
President's Warning," Army and NavyJoumal42_(7115105).
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25Theodore Roosevelt to Henry Cabot Lodge, 7 July 1898," letter 1_037, 2:850; Morrison, et al,
Letters of. Theodore Roosevelt.
26 The next Brevet Board, which dealt with the Philippine War and Boxer Rebellion, adopted a far ·
different standard for the award. _Chaired by Arthur MacArthur, who had received the Meda! of
�~--~-----------------------;---~----:---~---:----c~-------~--,---------,
21
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Honor for leading a charQe in the Civii War, it appears to h·ave given the most weight to soldiers .
who led attacks on .enemy positions.
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THEODORE ROOSEVELT, THE MEDAL OF HONOR.
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.AND
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THE BATTLE FOR SAN JUAN HEIGHTS
"·
Allan R. Millett
'Maj. Gen. Raymond E. Mason, Jr. Professor ofMilitary History
The Ohio State University
and
Colonel,U. S. Marine Corps Reserve (Ret.)
"It is astonishing what a lirni~ed area
· of vision .and experience one has in
the hurly:-burly of a battle."
Th~odore Roosevelt, The .Rough
Riders (1899)
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. Theodore Roosevelt and the Assault· on San Juan Heights,
. including San Juan Hill and Kettle Hill, on 1 July 1898
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·Serving in the rank oflieutenant colonel, U.S. Volunteers, and acting commander of the
1st Cavalry Regiment, U.S. Volunteers, Theodore Roosevelt displayed unusuat.qualities of
phy~ical courage, coolnes~ unde~ fire, inspired t~ctical judgment, and personal, ·inspirational .·
leadership of his own regiment and elements ofthe.lst and lOth Cavalry, U.S. Army. These three ·
regiments constituted the 2d Brigade (Samuel B. M. Young with Leonard Wood, acting) of the ·
Cavalry Division (Joseph Wheeler with SamuelS. Sumner, acting) ofthe U.S: V Corps (William
· R. Shafter) during the action known variously as the assaul! on San Ju~n Hill or San Juan Heights.
The other major command that participated in the assault ~:m San Jmin Heights was the First
•
·Division (Jacob F. Kent) .. The action-- paired with the attack of Shafter's Second Division
(Henry W. 'Lawton) on the Spanish position at El Caney -- took place on 1 July 1898 near the city
of S~ntiago. de Cuba; Oriente Provin~e, in the Spanish colonial possession in the Caribbean soo~
known as the l,tepu~lic of Cuba. 1 ·
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Roos~velt's performance is remarkable because he h·ad virtually no military training
·(despite being carried as a New Y qrk militia officer for four years) before joining the Rough
Riders in April; 1898. His .only ex~erience in combat had come only a week before in a confused
j\Jngle skifl!llsh at Las Guasimas,
Iri that. engagement TR had functioned as a battalion
· commander under the direction of the regimental commander, Colonel· Leonard Wood, USV.
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�The testimony.ofdirect witnesses of Colonel Roosevelt's performance ofdutyis
unanimous in giving him credit for mo.ving his regiment int'o the forefront of the capture ofKettle
Hill.: He and his men later joined the· general assaul~ on s'an Juan Heights at a ~ime when the .
additional reinforcing attack contributed significantly (ifnot decisively) to the speedy capture o((
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the entire ridge, which was the outpost linefor the main Spanish position in front of the city of
Santiago de C~ba. Before the
two assaults, a fragment of some sort bruised TR' s right hand.. ·
Colonel Roosevelt's performance received favorable attention in: the American press and from his
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superiors, who relied ori the officers and men in the 2d Cavalry Brigade for evidence. Brigadier
General Wood and General ·.Wheeler recommended TR for a Medal ofHonor on 6 and 9 July
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1898.2
••
The War Departm·ent System for Recognizing
Distinguished Service in the Warwith Spain
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In accord~mc~ with instructions issued by Secretary of War Russell A. Alger, Adjutant
General Henry-C. Corbin, USA established a three-member Board for the Purpose of Making
Recoiiliilendations for Brevet Promotions, the Award of the Medal of Honor, and Certificates-of
Merif(hereafter referred to as the B~evet Board) to collect nominations, review case~, ~nd make
reCOJn?lendations for awards to the Secretary ofWar. Corbin's appointing order is Special Order
255 of28 October 1898. The Brevet Board was to process recommendations for the Medal of
Honor, which required the approval of Congress to be awarded, in accordance with Wa;
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· Department GO 42 (30 June 1897) and GO 135 (3 September 1898). These regulations reflected
War Depart~ent concern over Congressio!J,allargesse in making retroactive awards of the Medal
2
�to Civil "yYar veterans and the similar exercise of Congressional patronage in influencing the
awarding of Medals to participants in the Indian pacification campaigns, which officially became a
. "war" in 1891 for award purposes. For the first time since its rebirth in the Civil War, the Medal
of Honor became 'an award that could ·not be mac;ie ~thout. some .sort of collective professi~nal
'.
military review Within the War Department. The review process. would be made on Army.,.wide
criteria. This reform probably .seemed like '!unjust discrimination" to any officer who anticipated
awards under the old patr~nage influence system ..
The ·language of General Order 42 ( 18 97) attempted to differentiate heroism that deserved
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special recognition from .the courage reasonably expected of officers and men in the performance
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of their duties in combat.. In Paragraph One of the order, the Adjutant General cautioned the
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Army.that the Medal ofHonor should go only. to someone whose conduct d~monst~ated
•
"gallantry and intrepidity above his comrades -- service that involved extreme jeopardy oflife or
the performance of extraordinarily hazardous duty." Paragraph Two then asserted that American
.soldiers had established a heritage of valor in battle, so the awarding of a Medal ofH~nor should
not be exp:ected as the reward· of conduct that does not dearly d.istinguish the sold.ier above other
men, "whose bqwery and gallantry have been proved in battle." .It would be up to· a soldier's
.
peers
an~i superiors
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to judge whether the courageous behavior truly exceeded the norms in a
particular battle, a proc~ss that would start with the submission of eyewitness tes#mony about the
act of"distinguished service performed.'' Much the same language appeared in General Order
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135 (1-9891:. "Medals of Honor will not be awarded to officers or enlisted men except for
distingUished bravery or co'nspicuous gallantry, yvhich .shall be manifested in action by conduct .
that distinguishes a soldier above his comrades, and that involves risk oflife, or the performance
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�or: more than ordinarily· hazardous duty. '' 3 . ·
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·At the time of the War. with Spain the· War Department had limited ways in which it could
.. award exceptional perfo~ance of duty,' especially in co~bat. F o~ officers· it could award the'
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Medal ofHonor and/or it could award a brev~t rank within the Volunteer Army.or U.S. Army.
In>some circumsta~ces brev~~ rank brought de factq promotion, but the value ofbrevets came in
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·consideration for.integration irito the regular·Army at the war's end or transfer from one part of
the Army (usually the combararms or ''line") to another (usually a staff department). Such an
intra.:Armytransfer normally brought. ari actual permanent promotion, increased-pay and
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allowances, less physically demanding assignments, and an improved family life at larger and more
conlfort~ble
posts. Two such beneficiaries were Dr. Leonard _Wood, who earned his permanent
appointment as Captain and Assistant Surgeon, Medical Corps, U.S. Army in 18.91 and the Medal .
ofHonorin 1898 for his role in the pursuit ofGerbnimo's·Apache band in 1886. Major General
·H;eriry w.· Lawton, USV, who already had a Medal from. the ·civil War, received an
app~intment
to Major ari.d Inspector General in 1888 for tlie same e~pedition.
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.The appointing authorities and the inembersofthe Brevet Board are worth some
·:\ .
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. descrlption. Secretary Alger received two bre~ets to general
offic~r ofV()lunteers forse~ce in· .
three Michigan cavalry regiments, 1861-1865, including command of the 5th Michigan Cavalry at
the
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battle~
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of Gettysburg and Yell()w Tavern. Heruy C: Corbin rntered the Union ar:my as a
second lieutenant of Volunteers (79th Ohio Vol~riteer Infantry) and rose .to the rank of colonel
and regiment3.1 commander in the U.S. Colored Troops. He received tWo brevets as a Volunteer·.
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officer, finishing the war as a brevet brigadi~rgeneral of Volunteers. ·His wartime reco'rd allowed·
him to be,come a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army in 1866. Another reorganization (and
4
�·another postwar brevet) allowed him to join the 24th Infantry (a black regiment) as a captain in·
1869. Eleven years late.r he became a major upon his transfer to the Adjutant General's
Department.
· AllofCorbin's choices forthe Brevet Board. held the Medal ·ofHonor. Brigadier General
Theodore Schwa:njoined the army in.1857 as a private, fresh off the boat from Germany..
Commissioned a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army in 1863, he chose to stay with his regular
·regiment, .the U.S. 10th Infantry, which meant he was. promoted only to first lieutenant by war's
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·end. He won the Medal ofHonorfor saying a wounded officer ofhisregiment during the Battle
of Pebbles Farm, Virginia, in O~tober, 1864, and he received a postwar brevet to major in 1867
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when serving in the rank of captain in the 1Oth Infa~tcy. He became Major and Assista~t Adjutant'.
General in 1886. Also a member ofthe Adjutant General's Department in 1898,'Lieutenant.
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Colonel William Harding Carter, USA, graduated from West Point in 1873 and joined the ~.LS.
6th Cavalry the following year as a troop officer after service in the U.S. 8th Infantry.* At the
time the 6th Cavalry was heavily engaged in the Southwest in the conquest of Apacheria. At the
Battle ofCibicu Creek (August, 1881), Carter, then a first lieutenant, rescued two troopers from
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sure death at the harids of the Apaches in a very nasty' nightti~e attack that involved the ~utiny of
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an Apache scout detachment against two troops.ofthe.6th Cavalry. Colonel EugeneA,. Carr, the
regimeq.tal commander and a frontier legend, commanded the whole. expedition. After twenty:three years of frontier service in the 6th Cavalry, Carter, already a noted expert on horsemanship .
He had begun his military career during the Civil War as a twelve-year old mounted messenger .
(paid) for the Union Army Quartermaster Department. A Virginian, Carter belonged to a · ·
Unionist family.
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�and histology, transferred to the Adjutant General's Depm;tment in 1897 at the rimk of major
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~either Schwan nor Carter could be called 9areer star( officers with !muted field experiencei
The third member of the Board was Brig. Gen. Henry Van Ness Boynton, age sixty-three, .
USV, who had served as major,. lieutenant col~nel, Jind colonel of the. 35th Ohio Volunteer
. Infa~try, 1861-1?65,' and receiveda,Iate Medal ofHorior (1893) for gallantry for leading his
regiment in the·storming of Missionary Ridge; Tennessee, on 25 Novemb~r 1863 after being:
"severely wou~ded" by the iritense enerriy fir~.· As.an Ohio friend of President William McKinley,.
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he received an appointment as an active duty brigadier general of Volunteers in iune. 1898, a rarik
i
he already held by brevet for his Civil War service. He served ill th~ War Department in
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administrative posts until his discharge in April; 1899.
. Boynton spent most of the postwar period in Washington. as the correspondent for the
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·Cincinnati Gazeite and the Commercial Tribune. His real interest was civic and veterans affairs.
He became chairman of the Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park Commission,
and he wrote three books on' the Tennessee-Georgia campaign of 1864. He was part of the .
citizens committee that established Rock Creek Park, ·and he ser-Ved on the board ofeducation of
the District of Columbia. ·His greatest achievement was writing a guide to the battlefield of
Chickamauga. 4
·,
The Work of the Brevet n·oai'd ·
Its work slowed by General Bo}rnton's periodic illness, the Board met for the first time on
9 November 1898 and attempted to meet daily thereafter. Its firsttask was to collect letters of
· · recommendation and evidence for awards alreaciy submitted to the War Department by field
6
�commanders and to_ solicit additional nominatiorys and letfers of endorsement and testimony. The
latter process ' was complicated by the discharge and transfer. of. witnesses from the Cuban
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expedition, the transfer of officers and soldiers to the Philippines, and the d~ath ofwit~esses: most
often from diseases contracted in the Caribbean. The Board gave p~efereh~e in collecting
nominations from the Cuban expedition before considering nominations-from the Puerto Rican .
and Philippines expeditie,ns.
Nominations for qrevets and the Medal of Honor arrived to the Board by the hundreds, so
the Board b~gan to narrow the criteria-for awards of any kind. It focused primai:ily upon the
question of brevet rank. It decided by 9 November not to award brevets to officers who hadreceived
apromotion to general officer, U.S. Volunteers for service during the Santiago
campaign,
a decision that applied to Leonard Wood and others.
It then decided on 15 December
to award. brevets to officers Serving in the Y.olunteer army with brevets in the Volunteer atmy one.rank above the highest
Volurite~r
rank held; officers_ serving in their regular. Army rank would
., receive brevet rank in the U.S. Army at. one n1nk above their regular rank. The Board decided notto award multiple brevets for the Santiago c;ampaign since the campaign involved only eighteen
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days of contact with the enemy, 24.June and 1-17 July 1898, when the Spanish garrison at
Santiago capitulated.' The Board held to its poiicythat awards should go to officers whose
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conduct exceeded the expectations inherent in th~ir rank and billet assigrirrient. ·
After its meeting of4January 1899, the Board ~ent forward its first reco~endation to
Secretary Alger and hence to President William McKinley: a b~evet promotion to the rank of ·
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brigadier general, U.S: Volunteers, to Governor Theodore RooseveltofNewYork, former
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colonel, U.S. Volunteers, for conspicuous gallantry in action against the Spanish .on 'l July ,1898.
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�On ?January 1899 the Board announced that although it would· shortly publish its.
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recoinmendations for awards, .it d~d not regard its work as finished since it sought additional
nominations· and letters of support ,for awards. It. did not want to dose the door on nomination~,
but it insisted that awards for combat service meet ~he existing War Department guidance.·
On 14 January th'e Board made its first set of recommendations for awards for the Cuban
expedition, which were nominations of Volunteer and U.S. Army officers for brevet rank· and
recommendations of erilisted men for the Medal of Honor. A total of 504 names were sent
forward for ~n award, only fifty-three of whom were. enlisted men. The .2d Brigade, Cavalry·
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. Division (yl ood) provided the majoritY of e~isted recommendations, nineteen from the 1Oth. ·
Cavalry and ~enty-eight from the 1st Volunteer Cavalry. About half of the latter nominat~ons
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came from Theodore Roosevelt.
Although it s~nt forward all the names of officers' and enlisted men recommended for other
awards, the Brevet Board endorsed only four officers arid seventeen enlisted men for the· Medal of
Honor. In doing so it revealed its definition of conduct in battle that justified an award for
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hero.ism beyond the reasonable expectations of,duty: the risk of life to rescue a wounded
comrade who lay exposed to enemy fire. The only exception was Capt. John W. Heard, 3rd
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. Cav~lry, who had actuaily been nominated by the Navy Department for gallant conduct·on
temporary duty aboard a Navy gunboat attacked during riverine operations
in Cuba,.23 Jurie
1898. A further report of2 June 1899 nominated four more enlisted men for the Medal, all for:
rescuing wounded soldiers,
. Sometime later in 1899 the Board considered a second criteria for the Medal: ·continued
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heroic performance of duty under fire ·aiter being wou~ded in action. It appears that Brig. Gen.
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�Leonard Wood, USV took the initiative in forcing this consideration by recommending twentyeight Rough Riders. for awards under this proposed new standard. (y/ood's list included some.
me·n already nominated for saving sounded c~mrades.} ·
· In the ~eantinie the Board; clearly indicated that. it regarded the award of a brevet to an ·
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officer as the proper way of recognizing superior performance of duty in combat. Jn fact, its list
prepared by 11 February 1899 occasioned comment for its g~nerosity; ofthe 869 officers present
for duty in the V Corps on 1 July 1898, 570 officers had b_een reco_mme~ded for brevets by the
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regimental, brigade, and division commanders. The list of brevet awardees climbed to 625 for the
entire War with Spain by 18 March 1899.
On 22 April1899 the War Department anriounced the award of the Medal ofHonor to the
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officers and men nominated by the· Bpard ·on 14 J amiary ·18 99: four officers and eleven enlisted
men who had all ~escued wounded comrades under fire ~ith the exceRtion of Captain Heard.
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General Schwan and Colonel Carter refused to rl1ake. any public statement defending their
recommendations; but they did admit that they had recognized only one form of heroism under
fire, but that' they believed that the existing regtilations governing the award of the Medal limited
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them to their definition, the same one, of course,· for which they had both received their own
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~artier medals. No member of this group included soldiers of the 1st Volunteer Cavalry.· Carter
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ad~tted that simply participating in the charge of 1 July did not justify recognition and. that the
awards we~e for "services .outside th~ regular line of duty." The vast majority of enlisted men ·
which. for sei-ving soldiers added $2 ' a
nominated for recognition received Certificates of Merit, .
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month to a _soldier's pay~ a significant increase in those days. One .hundred seventy soldiers
received Certificates; eighteen of them were Rough Riqers:. the· second largest regimental
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�grouping, falling below only the 13th Infantry with thirty~nine Certificates.
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·The Brevet Board dissolved after making its final recommendations in June, 1899. It had
recommended four officers and t~enty-one enlisted men for the MedalofHonor, and all of the.·.
nominees eventually, received .the Medal. as recommended. With the exception of Captain Heard,
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all the recipients recei~ed their awardsf9r rescuing wounded soldiers on ·I July 1898 at great risk .
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posthumously. s .
Awards After the Brevet Board
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Still bedeviled by applications for Medals of Honor that dated to acts performed during
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the Civif War -- and Congress found it difficult to resist supporting such applications from
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prominent and aging constituents -- Secretary of War Elihu Root returned to the matter of awards
in .1900-1901 after. replacing.Secretary Alger in late 1899. A prominent corporation lawyer an~
constitutional reformer from New York, Root.had no military experience. ·He was n?t personally '•
or .politically Close to Governor TheodoreRoosevelt,_whose c.andidate for .the post had been
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Francis Vinton Gre.ene, a former Adjutant General. ofNew York and wartime Volunteer general
as well as a former regular officer and West P~int graduate.
Upon the advice of Brig. Gen. Fred C. Ainsworth, Chief of the Bureau of Pension and .
Records, Root established another awards board on 2 I' September 1901 to. review the pending
applications 'for awards and' to develop criteria for Army awards and ~wards procedures, including
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the Medal ofHonor. The chai~ of the new b_oard was Maj. Qen. Arthur MacArthur, USA,
another Civil War Medal of Honor winner. The MacArthur Board received its mandate a week
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�afte.r'Vice President Theodore Roosevelt became President of the United St~tes upon the
assassination ofWilli~m McKintey (14 September 1901). There is no evidence that Roosevelt did'
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any more than approve a plan already set in place an.d approved by McKinley and Root, but the
subsequent activities of the MacArthur Board and its s~ccessors sugg~sts considerable
Presidential interest.
The MacArthur Board reviewed the awards and awards procedures of the Brevet Board
and tnade two more awards of the Medal ofHonor for heroism in Cuba. One Medal went to Sgt.
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Maj. Edward L. Baker, lOth Cavalry, . for casualty rescues conducted under fire.· The second
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· awardee, nominated and supported by Roosevelt himself, was Colonel Albert L. Mills, who. had .
beenappointed superintendent of the U.S. Military Academy in 1898 and promoted to the rank
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colonel from the rank of captain, U.S. 1st G_avalry since the. superintendent's position c·arried the
temporary rank of colonel for the incumbent. Like the President, Mills came from New York City.
(actually Brooklyn). Hegniduated froni We~t Point in 1879 and serv~d in the 1st Cavalry until
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his promotion to captain, U.S. Volunteers,
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and assistant adjutant general.
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On 1 July 1898 Mills
was· serving as the adjutant of the 2d Brigade, Cavalry Division. During the assault on. San Juan
Heights, Mills was shot through the head and lost the sight ofboth eyes, one permanently.
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Nevertheless, he continued t.o participate in the assault, encouraging and leading the troopers
within his influence.. He also beca.me an early advocate of the Medal for Roosevelt, whose own
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admiration for Mills probably influenced the award of the Medal in 1902. He most certainly
nominated Mills for a dramatic promotion to brigadier general,. U.S. Army in 1904 while still
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serving as the Military Academy superintendent·. ·Mills left this assignment in ·1906 and retUrned ·
-to the lineofthe Army where he served until his death. in 1916.
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.The· last Medal of Honor
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award~d for the Cuban campaign finaJly went to a Rough Rider,
Assistant Surgeon James Robb Church, who received the Medal in .1906 .for heroism under fire at
Las Guasimas for treating· ani:! rescuing wounded troopers while under Spanish fire. 6
The Bias Factor .
Theodore Roosevelt believed to hi~ death that he was denied the Medal of Honor because .
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some·--coalition of detractors. within the . War . Depaltro¢nt and the..t:egulw Aimy decided that . he
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. could not be awarded a decoration because he =wa~ a mere Volunteer and a politician to boot. TR
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believed that the central .figure aligned against him was. Secretaryo"fWar Russell A. Alger, who
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refused: to act upon the ringing endorsements. that flooded the Secretary's officer after the Battle
of San Juan Heights. As was his wont, Roosevelt revealed some obsession with his "special"
rights ·for glory, arising from what he honestly believed ~as his exceptional performance of duty
as a regimental commander on l.July 1898. The bias factor, however, worked both way, often to
Roosevelt's advantage:
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as close to a media-celebrity as any politician ofhis era, Roosevel~ campaigned in
Cuba surrounded by able and widely-read ·correspondents, who flooded their newspapers with ·
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stories of his. gallantry in action: The Rough Riders. as a whole might have been called "The
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YellowP.iess's Own." Besides his personal publicity, TR encouraged press .coverage because he
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knew the regiment would perform up to its public image :.._ and it did.
b.
Roosevelt's celebrity probably ihfluenced Generals Wood, Wh~eler, and Shafter to
recommend him for a Medal and endorse the recommendation in a rush after the b~ttle, 6-10 July
1898. Once Wood nominated TR, how could Wheeler and 'Shafter not endorse the no~nation in
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�the face of potential press criticism, which had already started to mount over their conduct of the
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battle? If celebrating. the Rough Riders at:ld their comm~nder distracted the press frqm American
casualties, lack of'_supporting arms, logistic~l mismanagement, and uncertain leadership, why not
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put the spotlight on. TR? The indecent ru~h to claim a ~edal was, n~ doubt, linked to TR' s
political ambition and his desire to leave the serVice as q1,1ickly as possible now that he had .
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abook to write, and TR's superiors .could hardly.
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experienced his "crowded hour." He also had
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relish the prospect of his criticism of their coriun~nd, which he had already begun during the siege
of Santiago and escalated with the famous "round robin" letter, demanding that the V Corps be
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withdrawn from Cuba as quickly as possib-le to avoid epidemic disease.
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Generals Wood, Wheeler,· and Shafter had nothing to lose since they 'probably
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.. expected the Secretary ofWar to establish an awards board, which would pass the onus upon
Alger, Corbin, and the Board ifRciosevelt did not get a Medal. By the _time the Board made ~ts ·
recommendations, Roosevelt would be out of .the Army; an event devotedly to be hoped. Once
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out of the Army TR might be less critical~~ as,, in fact, he was when he testified before the Dodge '
Commission in 1899.
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the War Department announced that Roosevelt would receive a brevet long before
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(four m~nths) the Brevet Board su_bmitted its' final report. Roosevelt ·had already been elected
governor ofNew York, so the "delay'' did hi.m no political damage or political advantage.
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TR learned that ~he "Wood Factor'' could work for and against him. A personal
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·favorite ofPresident McKinley and Commanding General Nelson A. Miles, Wood
dre~
·resentment like a lightening rod, and TR might have been fried in-his shadow. Wood's
performance on 1 July as a brigade commander had its moments,. not all of them wise, but TR did
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�not go as ~ar as he might have in claiming.tolead not only his own regiment, b~t parts of the 1~t
and ioth Cavalry Regiments. The real rese~tment toward·Wood mounted with his promotion by
President McKinley tothe r~nk ofbrigadier general in.the line of the U.S. Army in 1901 when liis
permanent rank was captain and assistant surgeon in the Medical Department. Being Wood's
. protege did.TR no good, but th~
iss~e did not. npen until TR was Vice President and safe. from .
retribution.
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Secretary Alger may not have been a TR fan, but there isno proofthat he
intervened to influence the Brevet Board, ~nd. in any ev~nt; Elihu Root held th~ office for a year
and a half before Roosevelt became President and relented in his campaign to be awarded the
Medal. Nothing prevented Root from appointing another awards board in 1899 just as he did in
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1901, but Generals Corbin and Schwan and Colonel Carter would not have been thrilled by such
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special treatment and could have arranged for. Root to suddenly run into trouble with Congress
and the press. Later Corbin, Carter, and wo·od joined forces with TR and Root to reform the
War Department, but this alliance did riot compronuse. 'tp.e .original judgment of the Brevet Board· .
that TR did not qualify for the Medal.
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Roos·evelt used his own political influence, e.g. his friendship with Henry Cabot
Lodge, to win the Medal,. to no avail. He continued to blame personal pr~judice a.nd the War· .
Department's bureaucnitic sloth for his frustrations, but the processes used by the Brevet Board
.seem well-considered and professional. It was not swayed by Roosevelt's sturm und drang about
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the Medai and held its position that inspired leadership could be expected as no~al from an Army ·
regimental commander in battle. Brevets were the appropriate reward for exemplary officer
performance, not the Medal.
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· Isolating the Irrelevanci~s in the Roo~evelt Case .
. The case for awarding President Roosevelt the Medal ofHonor as developed in 18981906 and .in the 1990s is complicated - by·several .irrelt~vancies that need to be identified and
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discounted as german.e to the fssue at hand, i.e. did th~ War Department discriminate against TR
in its handling .of his. award recommendations?
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· There is no question about Roosevelt's courage and skill in the command ofhis
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regiment. The eye-witness accounts are convincing that. TR lead the Rough Riders in two
advances under heavy fire and that he· lead literally from the 'front at great personal risk .. The
detail~ of his performance may be at issue and subjec;t to individual judgment, but there is an
evidential base that suggests that TR commanded his troops with_ aggressiveness, no little tactical
s~ll, and disregard for his personal safety. The issue is whether he did anything that separat~d
him from the.performarice of other field grade officers in the V Corps on 1 July 1898. The Brevet
·.Board in 1899 cited Roosevelt and many other officers for exceptional leadership in the assaults
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extended to the V Corp's best leaders. ·
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The Roosevelt case should not be reevaluated because of inconsistent standards
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applied to the awarding of the. Medal of Honor. The War Department clearly recognized that the
awarding of the Medal of Honor, especially for acts performed in the Civil War, showed shocking
inconsistency and thus it i~sued General Order 42 of30 June 1897 that established some guidance
on'standards and process, all well before the War·with .Spain or Roos~velt'sentry into the
. Volunteer Army .. This guidance was then repeated an.d,refined in General Order 135 of3 .
September 1898. Th~ evidence is overwhelming that the Brevet Bo~rd followed the guidance .
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�even if.it might have been more restrictive than prior or later practice. The standards for 18981899 were clear and followed consistently by the Brevet Board.·.
c . .' · The Navy and Marine Corps foliowed different·standards for awarding.the.Medal
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Honor. It is incontestabl.e thatthe. Nary and Marine Corps followed different guidance and
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procedures for aWarding the Medal
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as any reading of the citations for heroi.sm in 1898
.will prove. The Department ~fNavy had· evely legal right to set its own criteria and procedures
for making ·awards of the Medal ofHonor.to·sailors and Marines, and its guidance was more
elastic in recognizing different types of acts as constituting conspicuous valor in combat that
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exceeded the normal expectations of the p~rformance of duty. The issue is not Navy Department
standards,_ but those of the War Department.·
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case. One line
Later standards for awarding the Medal of Honor do not apply to the Roosevelt
ofargti~ent is that-standards for awarding the Medal ofHorior to officers changed
as early as the Filipino-American W~r (1899-1902) when. other types of heroic a'ctions other than
rescuing wounded upder fire became sufficient ·for granting the MedaL The argument ·is that
. ·Roosevelt's action then. clearly fails withinthe criteria for awarding th.e Medal. An extension of
this argument, however, would disqualify Roosevelt for the award ifWorld War I and World War .
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· ll standards are then .applied; even. without comparing Roosevelt's performance to that ofhis
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peers. Roosevelt killed one Spaniard, not many; and his personal combat did not play the decisive.
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role in taking either Kettle .Hill or San Juan Heights. He .did not tum a disaster into .a victory by
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· himself. Other than moving his regimen:t from a supporting to an assault position, he did not alter
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the course of the battle. He certairily did not get killed, and he was not seriously wounded once
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or several times or continued to command for .an extended period after suffering wounds. He
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�took no chances (oth~r than remaining mounted for part of the charge) that he did riot share. with
over two hundred other officers of the Cavalry Division.
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Roosevelt did not suffer. from some class discrimination because of his sta:tus as a
Volunteer officer. First, one must differentiate between regular officers. serving in Volunteer rank
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. (staff officers and one line offi~er per regiment) and true Volunteer officers. With Leonard Wood
serving as acting brigade comman~er and Captain Allyri Capron, USA, dead at Las Guasimas, the ,
Rough Riders fought on 1 July 1898 officered entirely by true Volunteers. The Brevet Board·
recommended the awarding of twenty-two brevets to the twenty-six officers present for duty with
the Rough Riders on 1 July 1898, although some of these were double brevets that recognized·.
actions in the Battle o(Las Guasimas. The Brevet Board recommended Volunteers for seventy.
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six brevet ranks (some double awards}. Twenty-seven brevet rank awards went to regular
officers serving in Volunteer rank. Therefore, forty-nine·bre:vet awards went to true Volunteer
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officers, almost half of them to the Rough Riders. The Brevet Board recommended 521 brevets
to be distributed among 752 regular Army officers serving in the engag'ed divisions of the Fifth
Corps, including those serving in a Volunteer rank. For true Volunteer officer~ the B~evet B?ard. .
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recominended an award of.forty-nine brevets for the ·117 officers pres~nt for dJty on 1 July .
.. (Remember that some of the awards were for Las Guasimas and that ~ome'officers who were very
much alive were not present for duty on 1 July because of illness ,or detached duty.) These ratios
of awards to .officer strength appear to favor regular officers. There is an important .corrective to,.
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this picture: the 71st New York had no officers recommended for brev~ts because of its combat·
failure~ and the regiment had forty-seven officers present for duty. Of lesser importance is that the
· 2d ~assachusetts 0fGeneral William Ludlow's 1st Brigade, Second Division was not heavily
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engaged at El Caney, and it receiyed only four brevet recommendations for forty-four officers..
·· The two regular infantry regiments in Ludlow's brigade received fourteen brevet awards for fortyeight officers, and they were slightly more. engaged than the 2d Massachusetts. ·
No Voli.mteer officer r~ceived a norilination for the Medal of Honor until Dr .. Church
received his Medal in 1906. His award was for life-saving like all but the awards to Heard and
Mills, both subject to spe~;ial circumstances'not attributable to the independent action of the
Brevet Board. 7
Theodore Roosevelt and Army Leadership in the
Battle for San Juan. Heights
·As he himself admitted in The Rough Riders, Theodore Roosevelt could see and hear only
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. that part of the battlefield where he and the rest of the Rough Riders fought and fell on 1 July
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1898. TR could not compare·his experience until after the event-with the other seriior officer.s
who participated in the general, extemporized assault along the whole ridgeline with multiple,
parallel peaks known as San Juan Heights over a mile in length. Kettle Hill, of course, was a
more discreet objective, and Roosevelt probably could judge participation in this phas~. of the
'attack, but time~ terrain, and distance were an absolute_barri.erto any single officer seeing the ". whole att~ck. What Roosevelt did not do --· nor:has any biogr~pher after the fact -- is to assess
. the performance of the senior offi~ers of the First Division of infantry and the Cavalry Division. A
tentative but comparative examination qf senior officer performance o.f 1 July 1898 puts
·Roosevelt's cl~ims to prefernient for a Medal of Honor into sharper f~cus.
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�For'the two division commanders (Jacob F. Kent and SamuelS. S~mn·er) the battle slipped
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fr~m their'controi as their troopi pl~wed under, fire along the jungle.trails that led t~ San Juan
Heights. Circumstance and mission prevented ei~herfrom·deci~ive'actibn beyond trying to sort ..
out their limited artillery support and observation lini~s; effective reconnaissance was a notable .
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omission in the operation. Their· peers judged Kent and Sumner competent, if undistinguished •
battlefield commanders. Kent became a.major gene.ral ofVolunteers and r~tired in the rank of·
brigadier general, U.S. Anny in October, 1898. Sumner was promoted to major general of
Volunteers and served iri that rank until1901 when he became a brigadier general; U.S. Anny.
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He retired as a major'general ii11906.
F~ve officers held brigade command in Kent· and Sumner's divisions, three in the infantry
division and two in the cavalry division. The standout ofthe five was Brig. Gen. Hamilton S.
Hawkins, a regular armY colonel serving in the Volunteer army.. Hawkins as much as any one
. officer conceived and organize~ the. attack on San Juan !!eights; certainly he determined its
timing. Roosevelt.jhdged him the ~ost gallant senior officer on the field other than Wood ~d
himself Hawkins' effective command on 1 July brought him a promotion to major general, U.S.
Volunteers, and a promotion to brigadier general in the regular Anny before his retirement in
O~ober,
1898. The other standout brigade commander was Col. Charles 'Wikoff, USA, who died
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at the head of the 3rd Brigade, Kent's ~ivision, who had a temporary Anny camp named in: his
honor. The other three brigade commanders (Colonels E.P. Pearson,
USA;~Lt.
Col. Henry
Carroll, USA: and CoL Leonard Wood, USV) performed creditably and received promotion to
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brigadier general, U.S. Volunteers in 1898 and 1899, Only Wood had much of an Army career·
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·.left since Pearsori and Carroll, civil War veterans like all the division a~d brigade co'mmanders
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except Wood, were close to mandatory retirement age. None but Wood remained on active duty
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after 1899.
Roos~velt's peers on 1 July 1898 were the other fourteen regimental commanders in
Kent's division and Sumner's division. Among the six cavalry regiment commanders Roosevelt
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does indeed emerge as ~ of four commanders who performed with special gallantry, initiative,
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and risk of life. Besides Roosevelt they were Lt.· Col. Theodore Baldwin, USA, who provided the
same sort ofleadership to the left flank of Wood's brigade that Roosevelt provided to the right
flank at Kettle Hill and Lt. Col. James M. Hamilton, USA, COffi?lander of the 9th Gavalry, who
~fhis
was killed at the head
troops in the main attack on San Juan Heights. Baldwin received a.
promotion to brigadier general, U.S. Volunteers in Octoher, 1898 and then retired in the rank of
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brigadier general, U.S. Army ;in 1903. Thefourth·cited cavalry regiment commander was Maj.·
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Thomas C. Lebo, USA. Wh.en Li~utemint Colonel Carroll assumed command of the 1st Cavalry ·
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Brigade, he turned over the 6th Cavalry to Lebo, who commaricied the regiment during the assault
of San Juan Heights.· By 1898 thomas Lebo had grown old in the
army, in which he had served
as an officer ~ince .18~ 1 when he had joined a Pennsylvania cavalry regiment at the age of
nineteen.·
Wou~dedtwice
in the Civil War, he finished the war as a cavalry brigade adjutant in the
Army of the Potomac. His war record allowed hlm to join the regular Army in 1867, and he had
served twenty-seven years on the frontier and had been cited tlu~~e ti~es for effective command in .
combat with hostile Apaches~ Breveted for his command of his regiment in Cuba, he became a:
brigadier general in 1905 jus~ as he retired from the regular Army. Theodore Roosevelt approved
\
Lebo's p~omotion to general officer .. Two regimental commanders (Lt. Col. ·Charles D. Viele,
. USA and Major ;Henr}r Wessels, Jr., USA) did not receive any special recognition for their service
20
.
�in Cuba. Wessels was wounded in the attack on Sim Jua~ Heights and received a disability ..
retirement in 190 1 and a promotion to brigadier general in 1904.
The nine infantry. regimental comnianders ·in the field repres~nt a range of pedorma~ce,
but two of them certainl,X J2erformed _to the same or higher standard of combat l~~dership that
.
,
.
Theodore Roosevelt thought h.e mo~opolized. They were Lt. 'col. Hatry C. Ebger;t, USA (6th, ·
.
----~~~====~~~--~-~~--~=-·==--~~~-~-~·~-~~.-~-;?
Infantry) and Lt. Col. Emerson-H. Liscum, USA (24th Infantry). Although wounded, Colonel
Egbert lead a mixed group_ of soldiers from his own regiment and t~e .16th Infantry from Hawkins
Brigade to seize the key blockhouse on San Juan Hill itself.. Despite suffering l31 casualties from
a regiment of 450 effectives, Egbert led the 6th Infantry up the Heights. The other major group .
to reach the Heights came from Wikoff's 3rd Brigade and included soldiers from the 13th Infantry
and 24th Infantry. The brigade's third commander that day, Lieutenant Colonel Liscum of the
.
.
.
.._,;
24th Infantry lead the final assault.. Liscum had replaced Lt. C9I., WilliamS. Worth (13th
•.
Infantry)~ wounded after taking command from the dead Wikoff· Like Egbert, Liscum continued
to command despite a wound. The 13th and 24th Infantry endured casualties comparable to
Hawkins' brigade. Liscum and Egbert received promotions to brigadier-general ofVolunteers ·
shortly after their promotio~s (by seniority) to colonels of infantry in -1899. Their leadership style.
"
.t'
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.
.
carried speci~ perils. AS the_ commander of the 22d Iil(antry, Harry Egbert died in action in the~
Philippines in 1899, and Emerson_ Liscum sufVived him by only a year, dying at the head of the ·
9th Infantry in the attackon Tientsin, July, 1900 .. Colonel Jacob Kline, USA,· commander of the·
21st Infantry, also received a promotion to brigadier general, U.S. Volunteers, for his Cuban
service, as did Lt. Col. E.P. Ewers, USA-(9th Infantry) and Lieutenant Colonel Worth (13th
'
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..
.
Infantry). Other regimental commanders besides the· embarrassed Colonel ~allace A. Downs of
•
21 ..
�.
.
the 7lst New York.did not receive additional official recognition: Col. Hugh A. Theaker (16th
•
Infantry), Major Charles Dempsey (:!dinfahtry), and Lt. Col. Thomas M.K. Smith (lOth Infantry).
In summary, Theodore Roosevelt was one of sixteen regimental commanders to
.
'·
--.1
•
participate in the attack on SanJuan Heights, all but o.ne of whom (Colonel Hamilton) survived.
Eleven of the fifteen surviving . regimental. comman~ers; including Roosevelt, .received ·official .
· · recognition for their meritorious conduct ·on 1 July .1898 in the form cifbre~et .rank. Except for
·.Roosevelt the brigadier generals, U.S. Volunteers, managed to retire as brigadier generals, U.S.
I
'
Army, a mark' of prestige and a source of additional pay. .. All but Roosevelt had serVed .in .the. Civil
'
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\
War as young enlisted men and junior officers. In their late fifties or early sixties they once more
led American soldiers in a desperate assault into the face of heavy (if often inaccurate) fire from
..
.
.
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'
~
two modern Krupp cannon and breach-loading Mauser magazine rifles. None of them received a
•
Medal ofHonor from.the Br~~et Board, either in 1899 or at any other tim~,
· · Findings and Conclusions_..
1.
· Serving as ·the commander of the.· I st Volunteer Cavalry Regiment (the Rough
.
..
.
.
·Riders) on 1 !uly 1898, Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt showed exceptional courage,
'
'
initiative, and tactical skill in two assaults, the first on the right half of Kettle 'Hill and the second
.
'
on the ~xtreme right or northern sector of San Juan Heights.
2.
Of the sixteen regimental commanders in the First Division and the Cavalry
Division, V Corps, eleven.·officers: includi~g.Roosevelt, performed ~~h sufficient distinction to·
'
'
_
'
_
NA
!til .
.f7.LH(L .... Jt,.L .. f:J •. ......- ,, '"Al3 ~.R •• :!IW>
.••.
merit recomme~dations for awards for their conduct on I July i898. Two of these officers,
Lieutenant Colonels Harry Egbert and Emerson Liscum, had stronger claims to a MedalofHonor
'
.....
-
-
-----=----::::::::;:=---:------~----~------ --;-~--------~--------- -----~-------
22
�since they did essentially the same acts of inspirationai combat leadership as Roosevelt while
wounded. TR by sheer chance did .not become a casualty, although bullets plucked his hand a11:d
· clothing and dropped officers and men around hini.
At the· direction of Secretary of War Russell A. Alger, Adjutant General .H~nry <:-
3.
Corbin established a three-rna~ awards board. and is.sued the· board legal and bi~ding instruction~ .·.
to award a Medal ofHonor only to officers who had doneso~ething .beyond the duties.expected
.
.
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.
.
'
.
•'
of their ranks and posi~ions in· combat. The proper award for meritorious service by officers was
. promotion to .higher rank in the Volunteer Army (which, in· effect, meant promotion to brigadier
general; U.S. Volunteers) or the award ofbrevet rank in the U.S. Army. Leonard Wood's case is
representative. For his leadership of the 2d Cavalry .Brigade, Wood received promotion to
.
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.
.
e
brigadier general,' U.S. Volunteers, in 1899 and while serving in .this ra~ .as the military govem.or
.
_.,
.
.
. .
.·
of Cuba, he advanced tomajor general, U.S. Volunteers; in 1900. With the support ofPreside~t
William McKinley and Secretary ·of War Elihu Root, Wood bec~me a brigadier general
hi the line,
U.S. Army, in 1901 while still only a permanent captain in the M_edical Department, U.S. Army.
Roosevelt received a promoti~n to colonel, U.S. Volunteers, for his performance
4.
in combat on 1 July 1898, replacing Wood as the coinmander of th~ Rough' Riders.· He then
'
'
received a recommendation for promotion to brigadier general,. U.S. Volunteers, which in effect
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:
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,J
•
. was a brevet award, but Roosevelt's discharge from the Volunteer Army in September, 1898
made this award moo(
.
5.
.
Roosevelt's case for an award for the Medal of Honor went t9 a properly
constituted War Department board, which considered all nominations for awards for officers and .
. enlisted meri of the Cuban expeditionary force. All three members of the Brevet Board had
e.
23
...
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•
.
·-
:·.
f
•.
received the Medal ofHonor and we~e combat veterans, one of them as a.regimental commander.
Secretary of War Alger and Adjutant General Corbin had,also served as Civil W?-r regimental ·
coriunanders. The Brevet Board followed the Alg~r-Corbin gliidance.that the .Me4al ofHonor .·
.
.
.
. should' be awarded. only for
act~ of heroism that clearly exceed~d th_e Amiy' s, expeCtations for
valor and .inspired leadership from-it~ regimental' commanders.· The Brevet Board ch~-se to give
.
..
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.
.·'
,
.
this guidance operational meaning by recognizing the rescue of wounded soldiers under fire at
great risk oflife as worthy of a Medal of Honor. All twenty-t\yp ~edals awarded to enlisted men
.
.
·. .
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..
.
.
for. heroism in Cuba went to life-savers. Three of the _four officers hpnored by the .Brevet Board
.
.
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'
· were also life-savers; the fourth was nominated by the Navr for heroic. conduct at sea while
.
'
.
. serving with the Navy, a ·nomination honored by the Brevet Board. Two more offic~rs received
..Medals of Honor in subsequent years, both nominated by Theodore Roosevelt. One of these
.
.
officers was a life-saver; the other a gravely-wounded staff officer who continued to participate in
the battle of 1 July 1898.
. There is no evidence of gi§cpminaJ:if;m against Roosevelt as
6:
aVolunteer officer or
aspiring politician by the Brevet Board, Adjutant General Corbifl, 9r s·ecretary ofWai Alger. If
.
.
anything, the Brevet Board ad~anced TR' s status a~ a· celebrity-politician by announ~ing that it
would
reco~end him for abrevet promoti,on to brigadier general before it announced its
complete list of recommendations for awards. The Board may very well have favored Roosevelt
and hls supporters because of their political influence and chose
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'
to advance Roosevelt's political
'
career in_New York, especially since President McKinley and Roosevelt were both Republicans.
.
7.
.
The Brevet Board, Secretary of War. Alger, and subsequent offici~ls 'and boards pf
the War Department,; 1899-1901, had ample opportunity to award R~osevelt the Medal ofHonor
.
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24
�during TR' s service as governor of New York and Vice President. of the United States of
.
.
'
America. They did not do so, even though the award would have probably pleased the _
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'
Republican party's political elite, the Rough Rider veterans, the Republican newspapers, and some
officers of the U.S. Anny, espec~ally TR's "pards" in the V Corps. Instead t~e ·appropriate
officials of the War Department -.- probably Generals Corbin and Carter -- tried to protect the
Medal of Honors's e~ection process from additional political influence, a struggle not even close
to victory until World War I. Lobbyingfor Medals ofHonor.coritinued, most notably by Captain
Douglas MacArthur, USA for self-defined heroism during the Vera Cruz, Mexico expeditior;t of
· 1914. Roosevelt himself after leaving the Presidency continued to· complain that he had not
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I
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'·
received the Medal either as an injustice or a bureaucratic failure (planned or inadvertent) to
a
collect sufficient eye-witness testimony in timely manner .. Although Congress,could and did
continue to award the Medal ofHonor in a capricious manner, the War :qepartment attempted to .
maintain a system of pe~r review that would p;otect the Medal from 'some sort of Gresham's Law
of Devalued Heroism, but it could only really attack the problem by creating .new awards (the ·
Distinguished Service Cross and Distinguished Service Medal in World War I) and ending the
.
.
-confusing system ofbrevet and Volunteer Arrrlypromotions for officers.. ·
25
�NOTES
1. I have relied on the following accounts of the battle of 1 July 1898: Theodore Roosevelt, The
Rough Riders (NewYo~k: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1899); Herbert H. Sargent, The Campaign of
Santiago de Cuba (3 V<?ls., Chicago: A.C. McClurg and Company, 1907); Peggy Samuels:and
Harold Samuels, Teddy Roosevelt at San Juan (College Station, Texas: Texas A&M Press,
1997); and Graham A. Cosmas;_ "San Juan Hill and El Caney, 1-2 July 1.898," in Charles E. Heller
and William A. Stoffi, eds., America's First Battles (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of
Kansas, 1986) 109-148; reports of Commanding General, Cavalry Division, 7 July 1898; reports
. of aCting commander (L. Wood), 2d Cavalr)r Brigade, 9 and 22 July 1898; report of coi11Illanding
general, 1st Cavalry Brigade, 6 July 1898; reports of acting commander (T.Roosevelt) 1st
Cavalry Regiment, U.S. Volunteers, 4 and 20 July 1898, all printed in Report of the MajorGeneral Commanding the Army,Annual Reports WarDepartment 1898 (.yvashington, D.C.:
GPO, 1898).
2. The Roqsevelt-Medal ofHonor correspondence may be found in File AG 104879, General
.
.
. Correspondence Files; Records of The Adjutant General's Office (TAGO), War Department,·
1780-1917, RG94, National Archives and Records Service (Archives I), Washington, D.C.
Wood's original recommendation is Col. L. Wood to TAGO, 6 July 1898, endorsed by
Generals Joseph Wheeler (9 July 1898) and W.R. Shafter (9 July 1898) with an additional
endorsement by Maj. Gen. .S.S. Sumner, 30 December 1898.
.
\
)
3. TAGO, G042 (30 June 1897) andG013S (3 September i898) excerpt~d from War
Department Army Regulations 18_97 and 1898 in records and correspondence, Board of Officers
Convened to Make Recommendations .for Brevet Promotions, Medals ofHonor,.and Certificates
of Merit {Brevet Board) .. File 147551, General Correspondence Files. Records ofTAGO, RG94.
See also Department of the Army, The Medal of Honor of the United States Army (Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1948)and Vincent Demma, "An Analysis ofU.S. Army Medal
ofHonor Awards," 14.December 1998, unpub. mss., U.S. Army Center ofMilitary-History.
'
4. The bi.ographical dat~ on i~dividual ~y officers may be found in th~ following sources:
Francis B. Heitman, camp. Historical Register and Dictio.nary of the United StatesArmy (2 vols.,
. Washington, D.C., 1903);_War Department, Official Ariny.Register 1,898 (1897), 1899 (1898),
and 1900 (!'899), all published by the Governrilent Printing Office and containing current lists and
status ofMedal ofHorior ~wardees; Col. W.H. Powell, USA, List of Officers of the Army of the
United States from 1779 to 19QO (New York: L.R. Hamersly & Co., 1900); The Editors of Who's
Who in American History, Who Was Who in American History-The Military(Chicago,
Marquis Who's Who, Inc., 1975); Robert McHenry, cotnp. Webster'sAmerican·Military
Biographies (Springfield, Mass: G&C Merriam, 1978); a~d Roger J. Spiller, ed., Dictionary of
m.:- .
26
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'
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American Military Biography (3 vols., Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984). General
Boynton is described in Vol. I ofRossiter Johnson, ed. The Twentieth Century Biographical
Dictionary ofNotable Americans (Boston: The Biographical ~ociety, 1904). Many of the
officers of 1898 are characters in Allan R. Millett, Robert L. Bullard and Officership in the U.S.
Army, 1885-1925 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood ·Press, 1985) and Ed.ward M. Coffinan, The Old
·Army: A Portrailofth~ Army inPeacetime, 1784-1898 (New York: Oxford Uruversity Press, .
1986).
.
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'
· .5. In addition tothe correspondence and reports in TAGO' 147551; the policies and actions of the
Brevet Board are reported in detail in the Army fl'ld Navy Journal, November 19, 1898;
December 31, 1898; January 7, 1899; January 21, 1899; February 4, 1899; February 11, 1899;
March 18,~899; and April1, 1899. The Brevet Board's "Final Report" was submitted 11 April
1899.
: 6. Demma, "Medal ofHonor," 3-4, pius Army Regi~ters for ~900, 1901, and 1902.
.
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•
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7. The case for Roosevelt appears in Militaiy Personnel Subcommittee, Committee on National
Security, H~use of Representatives, U.S. Congress; Hearings: "The.Awarding of the Medal of
Honor to Theodore Roosevelt," HNSC No. 105-44, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1994.
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/
27
�Appendix One
Roosevelt's Heroes
Roosevelt's dogged pursuit of the Medal of Honor begs for some psycho-speculation on
the roots ·of his concern 'about his own courage and his fascination with others' heroic actions
under -conditions of physical danger. TR continued to take risks throughout his life that less- .
driven men might have accepted ifnecessary,.but would not have actively sought. Roosevelt's.
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. courtship of danger went beyond an outdoorsman' s love of the hunt or of riding a galloping horse
or participating in sp.~rts. Just what drove Roosevelt to relish the strenuous life has been a matter
of concern for ~very one ofhis 1 biogr~phers since Henry F. Pringle, but just what mix offeelings
•
_ofphysic~ inadequacy, maternal dependence, paternal rejection, search for peer approval, lack of
self-confidence, and quest for testing and self-improvement drove TR will always remain
.
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impossible to assess: Ro~sevelt' s actions· and social n~lat1ons are more discernable since he
sought the company ofmen whoin he considered "manly." !Iedefined "manly'' as qehaVior.that
· show~d leadership in crisis, physical courage, physical stamina and exertion, concern for one's'
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· comrades, and a strong sense of moral correctness, sometimes associated with social class.
Roosevelt's obsession with the Medal ofHonor, which TR once said he wanted more than
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the Presiden~, probably started with his realization that some of the .most impre~sive officers of
the V Corps held . the decoration. Among the most senior office~s William R. Shafter and Henry
Lawton had Medals for their Civil War serVice. Officers who had won Medals for gallantry in the
.
•
Indian wars were
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clos~rto Roosevelt's age and'temp~rament, and he saw them as the real V
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. Corps professionals. Among those regular Army officers With. ~edals whom Roosevelt met.
during the war --ifhehad not already met them in Washington --·were Lt. CoL.Edward J.
McClemand, USV, and assistant adjutant gen~ral. and adjutant general, V Corps; Lt. Col. Ernest ·
A. GarJington, USV, and assistant.inspector general and inspector general, V Corps; Col. Charles
. F. Humphrey, USV and assistant
quarteirnaste~
general and quartermaster general, V Corps, and ·
a Civil War veteran as well ~s Indian wars hero; and Capt. Robert L. Howze, USV, and assistant
•
,w
•
•
•
•
•
adjutant general and adjutant gene~al; 1st Brigade, the Cavalry ~ivision: Roosevelt b~came
•
I
. acquainted with another Medal ofHonor winner in the U.S. 6th Cavalry, Captain John B. Kerr,. A
West Point graduate in 1870, Kerr had a deserved reputation as a superior plainsman, and his skill
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·.
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·with a rifle and pistol became so developed that he competed in international m~tches. In 1890 he
won a prize as one 'of the best marksma!l in the entire army. Al~eady cited for superior .
. performance in a campaign against the. Navajo tribe in 1888, he won the Medal on General Miles'
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I
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,
reconu:nendatiori for gallantry in operations against the Sioux in 1891. Byl898 Kerr h~d served
as a troop commander in the 6th Cavalry for thirteen years. As ·a squadron commander, he. lead .
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the 6th. Cavalry in its assault up San Juan Heights despite a wound .. Promoted to brigadier
general, U.S. Army in 1908, he retired the next year. Roosevelt believed that Kerr was actually
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,•
the commander of the 6th Cavaliy on 1 July 1898. Roosevelt's circle of admired cavalry heroes.
was thus notJimited to Leonard Wood.
The number ofV Corps officers who had already won the Medal ofHonor is ~steading.
The V Corps commanders knew talent and recruited these officers for their staffs with the
promise of foreign service in the Caribbean. In 1897 there were only twenty-eight officers on the
active list who h.ad recei~ed Indian wars Medals ofHonor; ~bout an equal number had Medals
e
from th.e Civil War. Even with three additions in 1898 (inciudi.ng Wood), the number of active
�Indian wars Medal ofHonor winners dropped. to twenty-seven. Most of the retroactive Medals.·
for the Civil War arid the Indian wars went to officers and enlisted men who had already· retired or
were about to retire. These a~ards represented tardy honprs and a·modest increase in retirement
pay. Of the Medal of Honor Winners since 1865 throughout a regular Ariny officer cor],s of
.
abo~t 3,000~ altpost twenty-five percent of the~ (six oftwenty~seven) were_ among Roosevelt's
closest associates in _the V Corps. · As President, Roosevelt chose thiee of them (Humphrey, .
· Garlington, and Wood) for the Ariny's.highest rank, major general, and. a. series of important
. billets critical to Ariny reform. ·.
The youngest member ofTR's group of admired officers,.Robert L. Howze (tJSMA,
1888) was also the son-in-law ofBrig. Gen. Hamilton Hawkins, commander of the 1st Brigade of
1
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· the First Division. Three years after graduating from We~t Point in 1888, Second Lieutenant
Howze, a troop officer in the U.S. 6th Ca~alry, performed with such} distinction during the Sioux
Ghost Dance Uprising that he was award,ed the Medal ofHonor in 1891, only six month . ~er his
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.actsofh~roism. A captain of Volunteer~ md assistant adjutant general, Howze went to Cuba as
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the adjutant of the 1st Cavalry Brigade and served again with distinction (for which he received a
brevet) .at San Juan Heights. ~singled Ho~ze out in the Rough Riders as an exemplary_ officer,
and the Ariny agreed. For his service in Cuba and later in the Philippines, Howze left the
V 6lunteer Arinyin. 1901 as a brevet brigadier general, having served in tha~ rank in ~he Volunteer
· Ariny in 190l at the age oqhirty-seven, Roosevelt's exact age in)898. Howze and Roosevelt
remained.friends until TR's death, and when Roos~velt proposed th~t he form a volunteer division.
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for serVice i~ France in 1917, he nominated Howze as his division chief-of-staff. ·Having further
ennobled his career as a
squ~dron
commander in the· 11th Cavalry in the Punitive Expedition,
1916, Howze commanded· a division in the American Expeditionary Forces. ahd completed l_tis
.
�··''
~areer in 1922 as S:.Perinanent major general and coinmander ofthe 1st Cavalry Division,
stationed in his native Texas: In 1898, R~bert Howze, not the lOth Cavalry;s dour quarterniast~r,
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First Lieutenant John J. Pershing, was TR's ideal of the heroic cavalry. officer-- and he had a
Medal of Honor.·
�l ]
�·'
•
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. AT THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN HEIGHTS
·'
· Russell F. Weigley
Dist'ing-uished University. Professor Emeritus ·
Center for the Study of Force ~nd Diplomacy
Temple University
.I
•
July 14, 1999
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�. 1
On the ~fternoon of July 1~
fB~S,
Lieutenant-Colonel
'
~heodo~e Roosevelt, commandin~ ~he First Re~iment United
.
Vblunt~er
States
Cavalry, the
re~iments
'and parts of other
F~fth
'
Army
...
Corp~
~·:
R6ri~h·Riders;'led
his treaders
of the Cavalrt Di¥ision of the
hi~h
to the summit of
~r6und
called Kettle·
Hill by the .Am~fican~ .and ~hen to ~art of the main rtd~e of.
San Juan Heights:
There he took a
preparing a defensive position.
thos~
leadership,
leadin~
key portions of the Spanish Army's
captured on that day, with incalculable
~he
also in
Without Roosevelt's
defenses of Santiago de Cuba might well not
prolori~in~
tol~
cam~ai~n
Ameri~an-Cubart. War
in Cuba·
durin~
h~ve
been
conse~uences
th~
in.
S~anish
and thareby multip~yind the ~merican
casualty rate not only ih combat but; in losses to yellow
fe~er,
the latter of which ·Soon became nearly
spite of the
~rom~t
endin~
of-the
camdai~n
di~astrous
ih
with the
surrender of the Santiajo garrison alond with the entire
Sp~nish
Fourth Army Corps, altodether some 25,558
men~
on
0uly 15.1·
The facts of .Colonei Roosevelt's
battle for Sari Juan Hei~h~s,
• I
athieveme~ts
in the
inci~din~ the ins~irational,
)·"
·magnetic
qual~ty
of his
leadershi~
and its decisive impact
on the outcome of the battle--the two
~ualitie~
that set his
~-\
leadership ab~ve the level. of that ~f 6ther rejim~ntal
commanders--can be stated with reasonable assurance.
It is
true, however, that 'there exist$ less eyewitness testimony
�2
::~iving Si;)ecific· details than the historian. mi~ht wish.
the docurnentatiori 'is com~ared with . that of
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When
a similar.~vent
'
of the America-n Cfvfl war,· for .in.st/ance ~he stru.:J~le: for
.
. . .. '
Little Rourid To~ a~ Gettysb~r~ _ihiriy~~ii years minus one
..
·''
day. before Roosevelt's ·.bat tie, it is remarkable that so rich
a variety of evidence exists for.the .. Clvil·Warpattl~, and
so little. for._San Juari Hei::~hts.
_·eiewitn~~s
·the
.6~n
~ealth
-be
And while m~c~'of th~
To~
testimony about Little Round
is :conflictinJ,
bf detail is so substantial that the historian
~ell.
satisfied with-the
~ossibility
for .a
con~inciz~
reconsti~ctioQ.·2
The most· satisfyin.::l :evidence t~1at. Theodor~ Roosevelt
actively led--not simply was a· ~Ja.tt of, .but seized command
of--the char~e-up Kettle Hill and t~e furtnsr advance to the
San Juan Hei~hts com~s from two rnilit~rf _ex~erts w~o were
~resent at the battle. and who had no special
£ri~ndshi~
or other
associ~tion ~ith
ties of
the lieutenant-colonel
that could cast doubt on the disinterested, objective nature
of_ their testimony.
.
These two ex,:Jerts were First
.
~ieusenant,· Eighth Unite4 States C~valryJMatthew Forney
,
,
'•
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Ste~le·, who was to become. the Army's leadin::l military
· historian in the.eaily twe~tieth cen~ury, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Arthur L. Wagner, Assistant
Adjutant G~neral, the Army's ~rinci~al authority on tactics
and pre~eminent ~tofessiohal military scholar o~ the era of
the War with Spain.3
�.
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,·
·. )
''"·.
stee1e,wa~.ori
· ·
,, ' 3 •'
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Ca~alry;Di~isi~n
the staff of:the
and a
di r'~ct eyewi_ tne~s of the }?at t le. ' 'qn July-' 10 'he ·wrote:
.
.
.
.
..
-.
.
'
'
'
.·And Roosevelt, tho' he!' has no training .a~'a 'SOld,ier' [is]
· gr::eat ·irian:; · &. as· brave· as. men are made,.& ·so honest~ ::&
earnest, & :intense. -~ ~ee i ·~qod deal .of him &. I ~ould nbt
he.lp a·dmiring··him:ifi shouldtry~- The ()t_her day,·the 1~,
after he got to the top· of the first; h'i'll--y-onder 500 ':Y~rds
. in iront of me-~he stood u~ in~iorit 6£ his line; bullet~
. flying like. hai'l; · & ·clinching..his· fists .& . gri tt.'ing his teeth.
till I could hear .him, he shouted,.·"now.·By God·mem! _·come on!
.Lets char:Je· 'em. God damn . ·' ern!" And he was an . inspirati·on .
. 'Men' weie bo~nd ~6 foilow·him.4
·
·.
a
."
··wagner ~as. in Cuba ~s chief of a Bur~au of ~ilit~ry
Ins~ect·ion
•.,
e:s.tablished
I
by
Maj or.:.General Nelson A. Miies I
CommandinG <;;erier'!-1 Of . the . Army; .but·. UIICible •. t~9 . COID.cJlete th·~
.
.
....
'..
'
6rga~izatiori.
.
'·
~
'
Colohel,
of the btireau, he
.
.
---
aide to Lieutenant-
I~ipe~io:r Gen~ral and'Briga~ier~General; ~-s~v;,
commandin~
Hemry w. Lawton I
. I
bec~me ~n
· .. ·
the Second' Infantry Di vi·_s,ion ~ .. '
· On J·.uiy 1 Wagner ·was· with .Lawton at El Caney; to· . the ?o·rth of
_san· juan Hill,
~ut ·~e
is a
p~i-~ry.so~ice
for.
t~e im~act_ ot ··
Roosevelt'S. exploits ·on the. U,LJper echelons of ·.American
command.·
In· his.report he stated:
'.r
.••
. ·.·
In the ass~tilts on Kettle Bill arid ~an J~an.Hill, the
of Colonel-Roosevelt~ ·of th~'R6u~h
Riders I . wer~ so conspi-cuous as . to' command 9·ehe'rai
'
admiration. There is no doubt-that to the influence of his
perso-nal quali tie's thesuccessful issue of the attack was
largely due. · [Ita 1 ics ;·added. ]?
.
cori:ra~e an~ e~er~y
'
..
--
.·
'
.
.
'
.
.
·Exce~ii~~ally ~n,pip~t~onal. lea~ershi~ th~t de~isive~f
.
''
shaBed_the o~tcorne.of the battle is thus credit~d to
Roosevelt by. the authoritative,. objective observers St.i!ele.
.
'
·and
•
. .
·wa~ner.
Robert L. Howze, First Lieutenant, ·Sixth· Cavalry :and
Captain, A~~~stant Adjutant General, United Stat~s
·'
Vo..lunteers,. wc:rs adjutant of the First Cavalr'y Brigade ·:at san '
Juan Hil.l.
ke offered similar
tes~iinonj
~
...
.,
to·Roosevelt's
.. .
~
�·.··.
,.•
·'
.
,,'•'
l~a~ers~{~,
sii~h~lj"less'cogent
''. 1
rendered oqly
bt
£riend~hip
'4
with the colonel and by: .the fact. that. when he 'wrote. on~.
December 17, 189~ ,._.he was :part'ici~atin::l in_
a cam~aign~
·.··.
organized-by Roosevelt hlmself towiil.the Medal·of Honor.
:B.riga~Her-.-.General.
To
c~rtifi ed ·.that
c.
Adjut·ant: Genera_!· Henry
Corbin, Howze.
Roo,sevel t •."distinyuish:ed ·himself .throu9hout. •
~-·.
~..
'
.
'
·the. action,· and. o~ two occas-ion~. durif.lg· the battle when I
.
.
.
.
.
. was' an eye-witness' ..his conduct. wa's 'most conspicuous and
•
/'
•
•
•
'
•
•
.
'I
.
•
clea.rly dis:-tirigufshed.:above ·other men· (italics added] .as
·.1•
follow·s:"
.
·I. At the· base of th'e Sa~ Juan, or fi~st. [Kettle] hill,
ther.e was a strong wire fence' or entan~ lement' ·.at: which the .
line, hest tated. under a· ·~·ail in~. fire., ·and where· the ·losses·. ·
weie.sever~ .. Co16hel Roosevelt ju~ped throu~h ih~ fence and·
by ·his enthu~1asm~ his exam~le-~nd couraye succee~ed in ·
leading to the crest of the hiil ·a l'ine suff~ci.ei1tly 'stron~ .
. to _capture it·. · In .the. char.::~e the Cavalry Dfvision suf~ered·
its ;;rreatest. loss; and the Colonel's life 'was placed in
extreme. j eo'pardy-, owing to the con~pic_uous position he took
in leading the· line", and bei'n~ . the first ·to ·reach .the crest·
of the. hiil' while under heavy .fire. of· the ~nemy at clo.se
.
.
ran9e. 6
Roosevelt's second acts of distinction, abdo~diny:to
'
!.
·.
.
Howze, involved hi~ finding himself 'the senior officer
:~resent' whin the as~~ult reached: it~- most advanced position ;
. arid his--. arranging. the defenses ther~' again und,er fire and.
:with "ext're.me
jeo~a-rdy" ..to
hiin.self.'
is mainly persuasi ~e;' h,owever,
less
·w~ight.
than··
Wa~n-=~;'· s
Whil·e
an'ot~-rer
Ho-~ze·~·. t.<:s~~mony<
reason ·wh. ( it carries
an·d Steele's is that it tei.1ds to
claim too much .... ·'rh·e ·assault on Kettle. Hill was a ..
confused enough. ~ctiori tha:t.' n·~ ohe could" have: been certain
. of having been: . a:ri, eyewitness to 'the identity of' "the:: first
•••
to reach: th.e crest of the hill'.
II.·
It is appa~ent.ly. true that
only four .troop~rs ·of the f'irst Voluntee~ qav.a'J~ry kept: ,PC3.Ce
..
~.
:
'·
.....
\
�5
he.
·with Roosevelt tip the hill-ion his.horse,:·Texas, they_··on
foot--but as the re::;iments. comprfsin:::i the First ·and . Second·
Bri;Jades of the Cavalry· _Division natural'iy conver ;:;ed when
they.
ap,t;>ro~ched the
s.ummi t
'·
I
troo~~rs of
the First I Ninth,·
and Tenth United ·states Cavalry-""t.q.e latter two bein~ the·
Afr i can-Amer icari re~ular_ cavalry reg~men ts-·-i~teru~in!::f led
with each other.
No one can;,..:-.or couid--be. sure who. ·reached
the; qrest first.
At the San Juan Hei~hts to which the
'
conquerors of Ket'tle Hill pushed on, Roosev.elt and men of
his .Rough Riders ....alonJ with members. of the_Ninth Cavalr~·
found troopers of the Sixth and Third Cava1ry already
there.?.
By the time Ca_i:~tain ·Howze wrote his letter,
"
•
Roosevelt
was campai:lriing to receive· the Medal of Honor .....w.i.t.JL.&
~
-
W&IAJi1Jitil&Oii
==·c:==:==:==·c:::==-
•
zeal that is not on1 1 em~arras~in~ to view in
self-promotin
retrospe~~~~!:..ztha~_.Jlg,~~~ied=t.i1e_..,.c_e.co.r.~~Qf f!,.is=.21{n · ~.
achievements· on July 1, 1898 be,~i.i.u1in::i almost irlll.nedlately
'after they' occurred.
u. s·.v.
Major-General Joseph Wheeler I
~ommandin~ the Cavalry Division,
·
I
was sick and riot in the
ba.ttle on July 1--Colonel,··sixt.h Cavalry and
'
'
Bri~adier-General,
u.s.v.,
Samuels .. Sumner. actually
'
'
commarided the divisiori--but Whe~ler, havirij heard of
· · Ro.osevel t 's char::~es up the hilLs, z:)romised to recmilffi~lld him
'
for the Medal of Honor.
'
'
'Rbose~~lt's closa friend A~sistant
Surgebn, U.S.A., and Colonel, Fiist Vorunteer Cavalry,
.
'
'
Leonard Wood, who .had. left Roosevei:t to ·command the re9lment ·
•
.
in the ba'ttle while he himself 'took over the Second Bri::~·aae ·
..
�in place of Colonel, . Third Cavalry· and·
u.s.v.,
Samuel B.
M~
Young, als6
s~ck,
Br1~adier-Geiierai,
then
·
folio~~d throu~h
.on Hheeler 's promise by formally" re2:omm~pdin~ Roosevelt to
the
Wa~ Depar~men~ ~dj~t~nt G~b~raL's
receive the
~edal
San Juan Heights.
of
fiOno~
bffide on July 6, to
hi~ acco~~~i~hm~nts
for
on the
Wood did not.claiin,.however, tobe an
. eyewitness, nor did Wheeler or Brigadier-General, U.S. A~, ·
.
.
Major-.General, U.S.V., WiJ.lia·m R. Shafter,
Fifth Corps, when they endorse:d Wood''s
command~n:d the
re.comme~datiori.8
. The nomination of Roosevelt ·for the· medal· was
aw~rds and
predictably one of many similar nominations for
promotions that soon reached the War.Department.
'.
Consequently, on October 28, 1898, under orders-from
Secretary Of
.e
W~r
Russell A. Alyer, Adjutant
Gen~ral·C~rbin
established a .three-member board of officers "for the
purpose of making recommendations ~or brevet promotions, the
award of
m~d~l~
of honor, and certificates of merit for the
officers and enlisted men
~ho
parficipated in the
of Santiago, the Philippines, and Porto Rico."
known sLnply as the Brevet Board.
Corbin .
campai~ns
It became
a.t:Jt:~ointed
_to it
three.Medal of Honor holders: Colonel, ·Assistant Adjutant
General and
Brigadier~General, u.s.v.~ Theodore Schwart;
Lieutenant-Col~nel,
Cart~r,
Assistant Adjutant General
Willia~
H.
and B.tigadier-General, U.S.V;, Henry_Van Ness
Boyhton.9
''
Meanwhile· Roo~evelt was cam~~i~nin~ for the Medal Of·
Honor as if it had been a politt.cal election prize, through
�7
a~~eals f~om .supporters to the Brevet Board and through the
•
lobbyin~ of his influential friend Republic~n S~nator Henry
Cabot Lod~e of Ma~sachusetts.lO
hurt his own cause; in
In doi~~ so, he ~robablt
.t?articula:~' h.e in:iLited his accounts
of hi~ ex~loit~, .to Lod~~ and. almpst certiinly to other~,·
.
'
thereby underminin:( his own credibility..
189a he wrote to Sen~tor Lod~e:
.,
on. Dec2mber 6,
. ·..
If I didn't e~rn it [the Medal of Honor], th~n no
. commis·sioned officer ever can earn it. · T was not actin~ in
accordance with orders~ · r had bean told .to support the
attack of th~ Regu~ari with ~y re~iment . . !.moved throu~h
the'9th Regiment, of my own accord, and ~ave th~ order to·
char~e, and led in parson that ~ortion 6f .th~ line on
·horseback, bein~ the first· ~an on the Hill, and killin~ a
Spaniard with.my own hands.
I 'led .in person the third
char~e; and theri.at the'.extreme front-commanded the
fragments of the six cavalry_ regimehts and brigade cintil the
next mornin::;. 11
·
·
This version ·of the events· is dubious on· several
counts.
It blurs to~ether the actions-on Kettle H~ll and
the main Sari Jrian ·Heights.·
Roosevelt alm0st .certainly did
.
.1
.
.
rece-ive an order· t~ .charge 'up Kettle_. :H 1i.ll, albeit the Rough
~iders
wete initially iri bhe second wave'of the attack.
~nd
advanced .through the first wave, carryiqg men from that wave
along
~i~h the~.12
Roosev.el t 1 could
It remains true that no one,
h~·v·e
-includin~
knmvn ~ wr'th a'ny assurance who w.as· the
first. man up the hill--presumably Kettle
.
..
'
Hill~
Roosevelt's.
claim to have Ied•persbnally a second and a third char~e
implies that in
doin~
so he commanded the fragments of six.
regiments that he then organized .for defense.
But his
doin~
even the.latter is uncertain, .and t~ere i~ no ~v~d~nce thai
I
. \
�8
he led so m~ny up either hili.13
On Decembei30, 1B98
Major-General~ .·b.s.v~:(~s he had
·been ·from September· 7) :sumner added
.
.
.·
.. ·
his.eridors~ment
. .
.
.
.
..
to
.
c~mp·a i~n,. unlike·. wood·; ;Wheel~r, ·and Sha;fter
Roosevelt's
s;tating: "I was an eye
witnes~
of Col. Rodsevelt's actions."
B~~ ·sumner's testimony was not spe~ific enough to lif~
I
'
'
•
Roosevelt's exploits above the level of those of several
other leaders in the atta.ck.
.
~~
Sumner's. principal
-.
"Col. Roosevelt,"· ·said
supp6rtin~ Sle~~enc~, ~by h{s example·and
fearlessness inspired his men. and both at Kettle Hill. and
the rid~e krib~n as San .Juan, he ied his command in
person." 14
Similarly, Colonel Albert L .. Mills, by the time- h~ .
wrote on April 5, 1899 Superintenderit of the United States
.
.
·Military Academy, and on Ju~y 1, 1898 fi~st lieutenant,
·First u.s. Cavalr~ and captain, assistant ~djutant-yeneral,
U.S·. V., sai.d that under ~rtill_ery ~ire on ~h~ march .to· the
attack, Roosevelt "wa~ conspicuous _above any others I .
Observed in his. regiment," ~nd that in the attack itself:
"He,· iri the open, led his regiment; no officer could have
'
'
'
set a more striking example tp his men or di~played yreater
intr~pidity.". High·as this praise is, there is n~thing in
it to 6onfirm that Roosevelt's conduct surpassed that of
other leaders outs,i de his regiment. 15
The testimony from inside Roosevelt's re9im~nt offers
tpe supplementary conclusion that he was admired, respected,
,·
'
�. \
and liked by his own men; but it ~.lso fails to confirm that
he stood out above. other leaders on July 1, raga·~
Keyes
I
i~·. the
on that· dat'e second lit:utenc:tnt
Maxwell·
Rough Riders I
stated that: .;'Arrl. ~ing ·there fat Kettl,e Iii'll] . coion.el
.
.
.
..
.·
.
·.,·
.
'
.
Roosevelt, upon his own initiative, ord·ere.a and ~ed the
charge up the
hill--~e then ~olle~te~ as quickly a~ possible
as many men· as he could i'rrespecti ve. of regiment:.;. and· 1·ed
and won the final~. char~e. nlS
Captain. Mi'cah J. Jenkins
reiterated . that Roosevelt led the . reg·iment on his own· ·
ini t·iati ve 'through a line o.f regulars and up Kettle. Hill,
then led the char~e of both redular~ ~nd Rough Riders
against _the next ~ill~ :and finally con~olidat~d the ~osition
there.l?
w.
J. McCann of B
~r~o~
~reat de£~il,
wrote in
the nub of his commentary was:that Roosevelt
but
l~d the charge
against the San Juan Ridge with gredt dash· and bravety, and
with his reyiment incurrin~ .few i6sses because bf th~
rapi~ity he ~ave to the ch~r~e:
But McCarin
~im~l~ ~tated
that these exploits were well known; he did not claim to
have. witnessed them himself.la
In'spite of the pressures
ap~lied
by Roosevelt and bis
friend~, the. Brevet ~oard submitted its reeommendations for
the Medal of Honor without includin9 Roosevelt's name, nor
was he subsequently awarded 'the medal.
The Board
recommended twenty-seven men for the medal for the Cuban
campaign.
Altogether, thirty Army MedaLs of Honor were
eventually issued for the War with·spain.
'I.
(The Navy and
9
�10
Marine Corps, more. generous; a warded e!ighty-o11.e.. )
.
~;~--·-·
Of the
.. --.-
Army Medals Of Honor, all but two were granted for the
res·cue of· wounded.:men u~der fire.·- .. The two exc~ptions were
.
. .. .
.
.
~~ptain Mills,· who h~d recomm~nd~d R~~se~eit, . an~ First
..
.
Lieutenant John
w.
.
I:fearst, Third Cavalry~-.-.Mill.s received
.
.
·'
.
.
..
.
the _medaJ, for "D~stinguished ~·a11a.ntry in encou~a9in·g those
near him by his bravery and· coolness ·after being· shot
through the head and entirely withOut si~ht."
Hearst's
award, evidently. ori;~inatin;:t with. a Navy .recmamendation, was
for.passing orders under fire to the engine room of the Navy
vessel.Wanderer while running-guns to Cuban insui~ents._19
The Brevet Board was well.aware that i t was actin~ in a
climate of reac~ion against seeminJlY e~c~ss~ve awardin~
ot
the Medal of Honor. for Civil War service, with medals .still
being. doled .out well into the 189Qs and more than thirty
years after Appomattox.
Eventually the Army ::~ranted 1,199·
Medals of Honor for Civil War activities.20
on Jurie 26,
1897, Secretary of War Al~er had chanyeJ the Army re~ulation
governi~g tf:ie Medal of_ Honor, · sti_e:>ulatin~ that for ·awards
act~o~s
for
subsequent to that d·ate, a!Jpl·ications hi;id to be
sent through appropriate channels within one tear of the
'
'
I '
•
•
'
events in question, ·and there must b~ eyewitness testimony.
Service must be in co~bat and· of
such a conspicuous character as to clearly disfinJuish the man
for gallantry and intrepidity above his comrades--service
that . involved· extreme jeopardy of. life or the perforinance of
�11
extraordinari1ly hazardous duty. Recommendations. for the .
.
.
I
•
decoration will be. j~dged.~y this standard of . extraordinary
m~rit, and incontestible proof of ~erformance of_the service
will be exacted.21 . ..
·_ .
The Brevet Boarc;l presumably did r10t' ·believe that
Roosevelt's performan.ce on.
.
extraordinary merit>
~uly ::~~et
"this standard .of
.
On the other. .:hand 1 the limitation of
.
.
. . ·.... ·
'
Me.dal of H,c;>nor awards almost exclusively to men wh·o rescued
the wounded urider fiie sug~ests that~ how~ver und~rstandably
in light.
of
the promiscuity. with which Ci.vil War medals had
been c;:Iistributed, the Breve.t Board .took: an excessively
narro·w _view of the .~rounds on. which the Army· Medal of Honor.
might be conferred.
This writer is, convinced that· such. is the case:· that·
Medals of Honor -for. t:qe War with Spain were
;;~ranted .under an
unwarran.tedly limited conception cif the meaning of the
re'levant regulation. : Extta.ordinary merit cannot be
.
•
I
·displayed only by rescuing wounded at ·the risk. of one '.s own
life.
Leading a successful assault at extreme jeopardy.to
one's own life, in such a way as to secure the objective
with minimal _losses am6ng thdse bein~ ledf~should ~~·able to
·"distinguish the man for ~allantry and intrepidity above his
·comrades."
TI:-e unduly s.:?ecia·lized criteria for.
evaluat'in~
Medai of Honor awards for the Spanisl1.::-American-Cuban War:
su~·gest. that Theodore
Roosevelt Is claim to the medal may
not be the ohly one that should. be revi~wed.
Colonel, 20th
Infantry and Eti~adier-General, u.s.v., Hamilton S.
Hawkiris, who commanded the Fir~t Brigade df Colonel; 24th
�12
·Infantry and Brigadier-General, u~s.v., Jac6b F. Kent's
..
e
Fi·rst Infantry Division, Fifth Cor.LJS, and· sent ~he· ~ixth. an,d
16th Infantry Re~itnents around·
t'o
the Amer-icari left to
.·,·.
enfilade th~ Spah{~h litie, i~me~i~teiy c~~es to ~ind as a
.
.
.
'
.
'
'
So does Li~ut~naht~Colonel Harry
candidate for the medal.
C. Egbert of the Sixth Infantry; bec~u~e of inadequaie
.
.
.,,
'
.
'
intellidence his regiment ended up ·not outflankin~ ~he San
Juan Heights but- ~trikin::J the ric:l::,e: he~.d-on; ye.t ,under his
success:~3
leaderShip it did so with
A wider review of the,
actions of the Army in_ the War with Spain is in order,
ap.i:Jlyin.J more ap~ropriate crit~ria ·for ·the awardin::; of the
Medal of Honor, in li::;ht of t.he entire hi.::;tory of the Army
medal, than did the Br~vet Board.
Whethei su6h ~ review occurs should not affect the case
e.
6f Lieuten~nt-Col~nal Thaodor~ Roosevelt.
I~
1898 and· 1899,
Roosevelt ·injured llis .o.wn pursuit of the Medal of Honor by
c::::z:mrmLLL!CLC+==::.-...:::z:::::::m;;::a::;_..m
-
::;;:;:itF&"""*',.y;u~;:v::::;:;::;"""""" •.:;
-
;z::uu;;:=m.•a,..,_.....
. ::;:
politicizin~ it and pushiL~ too hard. -~ Unfortunat~lf few
~-·
~ -~"---~
.
-
....... tL!:t'!..._
··--
-·
.. _....... ....
-
...... ____ ..,._,
•
J
eyewitnesses ,testified direCtly· to. ex;ploi ts
by
him that were
wor~hy of the med~l. ·we can wish that from a teiimant many
of
whos~'members-~er~
Ivy
Lca~ue products, ~resumably
observant and articulats,.more eyewitn2sses had corns forward
with specific testim~ni.
Nevertheless,. we do have t~1e _Ji n~ct> evidence of Arthur
L. W~dner and ~atthe~ Forney Ste~le, than whom mot~ ex~art
I
j ud·jes on tile
battlefi~ld coulu !lOt. be found.
Steele, ·:::;oun
to become_the A~my's pre-eminent ~ilitary histdr~ari,
I
•
/ .
.•
�1.3
:e-·
testified to Roosevelt's
leadin~
the way in the
succesSf~l
assault from Kettle ~ill to· ihe- ~an Juan Hei~hts with
II
gallantry and intrepidity
H
above the norm for that· or other
days, and at extreme· jeo_t?ardt to his life.
Wa~.ner,
Colonel
the Army's pi~-emi~erit authority ~n t~ctics, stated'
cate~or~cally
..
ihat it:was lar~ely because of Colonel
'
Roosevelt's
.,
leadershi~
1898 took place.
that the American victory pn July 1,
The other primary sources I ·though less
specific or less uhchallendeable than Steele's or
.
W~~ner's
1
.
are alL c.ons is te11 t ~v-ith the irs.
Such account-s
1
too ·are
I
consistent ~it~ all that_~e know of Roosevelt~s character·
and his magnetism as a leader,
Altode~herl
==- ":'
•
·throu~hout
car~ar._
his
there exists ample evidence of
- -'-' ·-- ··-
.+ ___ t.,
extraordinary merit at Kettle Hill and the San Juan Hei::Jhts
to warrant awardin~ Theodore Roose~elt the Medal of H6nori24
..
...
( .
.;
.r
/
----
�14
NOTES
'
1. The history of the b~ttle ~s recounted .in Graham A.
Cosmas,-5, "San Juan.Hilland:El Caney, ·1-2 July 18-98,".
!Charle~ E. Heller and William A. Stofft, eds., America's
First Battles 1776-1965 ('Lawrence: University Press_ of
Kansas, 1986), pp. 109-148, 375.-379·, J:?articularlt 138-142;
-David F. Trask, The War with Spain in 1898 (The Macmillan
"
Wars .of the United States, Louis Morton, ::jen. ed. ,· N_ew York:
Macmillan Publishin::j Co. , Inc j Lond'ori.: Collier. Macmillan
P~blishers, 1981), J:?J:?· 230-235, 238~248; The United S~ates
Military Aca~emy, West Point~ New Yo~k, The De~a~tment of
Mil-itary Art and En::lirieerin::1, com..Ji·ler; Vincent J~ Espusito,
chief ed., Th~ West Point Atlas of American Wars, With an ·
introductory letter bt Dwi::jht D.Eisenhower ~ols., New
~ork: Frederick A. Praeder Publishets, 1959), ~' 1&89-1900,
·Maps 15.6-157, J:?articularlt narrative accom,;anyin::l 157 fo~ arLe-L.L\c-.d.
surrender and;numbers included 1 fKettle Hill wa~ so ¢aired
r~~ c~~~~>
because of cauldrons th~re for J:?rocessin::l su~a~ cane; Cosmas 1 c~£~~·
"San Juan Hill," p. 129. It _is locally considered _t?art of
~;:;£.-~:tc.
Cerro San Juan and is se,;_,arated :E:rcim the mctLr rid::~e by a
~
narrow, mainly, OJ:?en valley.
I
•
•
·2. Oliver Willcox Norton, The Attack and Defense of
Little Round 12EL Gettysburg, July lL 1863 (New York: The
Neale Publishin~ ComJ:?any, 1913; ·re._Jrinti Gettysbur::l·, _
Pennsylvania: ·stan Clark Militaiy Books, 1992) offers-~n
excellent _collection of oft8n-9onflictin::l Jrimary-source
accounts of the Little Round TOJ:? battle.
3. Steele was to write American Campai~ns, War
DeJ:_)artment. Document_ No, .3 24, · Of fi'ce of the Chief of Staff ( 2 vols. inc. maJ:_)s, Washin::lton, D.C.: B~ s. Adams, 1909), t112 ·
first systematic,· ~cholarlt survey of tha whole his~ort of
Am~ricari ~round combat. li'la~ne-r' s cir-Janization and Ta:ctics
(London, New ~ork: B. Westermann and Co., 1895) wa~ the
standard ~meri.can_ex>osition of tactics. wa~ner-also w.cote
The Camt,?aign of Koni\~:;lratz: ~ Study of 'the Austro-'-Prussian
Conflict in the Li~ht of the American Civil War (Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas, 1886); The Service of Security and
Information (Washin~ton; D.C.: J; J~ Chapman, 1893); and
Modern Infantry (Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 1894).For their
ranks at the· time of . .the War.·wi.th SJ:?.ain, see usteele,
Matthew Forney" and "Wa::Jner, Arthur Lockwood," in Francis
·\
B. Heitmari, Historical Re;fister and Dictionary of the United
States Army, From Its Or~anization, Se~tember -20, 1789, to·
March 2/ 1903., Published under act of Con::lress a)~..;roved
-March G 1903, _57th Con::1ress, 2nd _Session, House Document
446 (seriil 4536) (2 vols., Wa~hiri~ton: Goverriment Printin~
Office, 1903), I, 919, 992.
·
-··
....
�- - - - --------e-c------ce---------.
15
•
4. MFS [Matthew Forney Steele]j Hea~quar~eis [Wheeler's
(brackets in original)] Cavy Div-·Fort San Juan- Cuba in
front· of ·Santiago, Sunday July ·10, 1898.:_. [to 'Mrs. Steele]
Matthew·F: Steele Papers, Box 8: Correspondence with wife· .
.
.
l
May-December 1898, January~December 1899; From forder:
.
Correspondence: with wi :Be,'. July 3 ..:.se·ptember· 26, 189 8,
u.s. Army Military Historj Insti~ute, Catlisle Barracks;
Carlisle, Pennsylvariii.
5. Arthur L. Wagner, Ref?ort of the Santiago Campaign
1898, January 1899 (Kansas City~ Mo.~ Franklin Hudson
Publishin::J.Co., 1908), ;;. 86. Wa:Jner'·s assidhments in Cuba
are explained in an un;;a:::!inated ."Publisher's Notice." For
his whereabouts on July 1, ~· 91.· For Lawton, "Lalvton, Henry
Wise,."·Heitman, Historical Reqister, I, 620.
6. Robert L. Howze, Ca;;tairi A.A.G.u.s.v, 1"
·Lieut.6"U.S.Cavalry, West Point, N.Y., Dec 17", 1898. To the
Adjutan~ General U.S.A., Wa~hin~ton, D.C.r General
.
Corre~ponderice, fil~ #104879, Record Group 94, Records of
The ~djutant 'Gener~l's Of~ice, ~aiional Archi~es arid Records
Administration (the file containin~ all extant Theodore
Roosevelt Med~l· of Honor correspond~nce), photocopy at
. United States. A~!l!Y Center of Military History, Fort· Lesley
J. McNair; Washirln:::jton, D.C.; see "Howze, Robert Lee,"
.
'......._,.
Heitman, Historical Register, I, 549.
7. Pe~~Y S~~~els and ~arold ~amuels, Ted~y. Rooievelt at
San Juan: The Making of ~ President . ( Colle::ie Station: Texas
A&M University Press, 1997), ~~· .260 for the crest of· Kettle
Hill, 271 for the San.Juan Hei~hts, 250 for the. horse Texas.
·rhe Third,. Sixth, and Ninth Cavalry comiJrised ·BrigadierGeneral, U.S.V.~ SamuelS. Sumner's First.Brigade, Caval~y
Division; the First and Tenth Cavalry and the First
Volunteer Cavalry made U.t? I3r igad i er"-General, U.S. V·. , · Samuel
B. ~- Youn~'s Second Bri::iade, tem~orarily under C~lonel
Leonard Wood, First Volunt~er Cavalry; Cosmas, ·"San Juan
Hill," p. 132. .
.
8. ·Mitchell Yockelson, "'I Am Entitled to 'the ·Medal of
Honor and I W~nt It': ~heodore Roosevelt and His Quest f~r
Gl.ory," Ptoloyue·: Quarter 1 y. 'of the Na tiona! Archives sand ·
Records Administration, 30:1 (S;;rin~ 1998), 9-16,
particularly 1~. The quotation in the title is from Theodore
Roosevelt, ·Re.i:.)ublican National Cor(\mi t tee Fifth Avenue Hotel
New York, Dec. ~th, 1898. to Heriry Cabot Lod~e, Theodore
· Roosevelt·, Selections from the Correspondence of THeodore
Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lod-;;je, 18 84-1918 ( 2 vols., New
'York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1925), I, 366-367,
particularly 366·, and with slight alterations to the
headin;,i,. Theodore Roosevelt, The Letters of Theodore .
Roosevelt; selected and ed. by Eltind E. Mori.son; John;M.
Blum, assoc. ed.f John J. Buckley; co;;y ed., I-II, The Years
of Preparation, 1868-1900 (1951); Ho~.;e W. Wig~lesworth,
asst. ed., III-IV, The S::;uare Deal, 1901-1905 ( 1951).; Alfred
D. Chandler, asst. ed.,. V-VI, The Biq Stick, 1905-1909
( 1953) anq VII-VIII, The Days of Armaqeddon, 1909-1919
(19S4); Sylvia Rice, c;o;;y ·ed., III-VIII (8 vols., Cambrid~e,
Massachusetts: .Harvard UNiversity ~ress, 1951~1~54),
·
·
II, 892, #1094:·" ... I am.entitle.d to t.he·Medal of Honor,
�.16
and I want it." See "Wheel'e_r, Jos·eph ,. ·"Sumner, Samuel ·
Storrow," "Wood, Leonard," and "Yb~g. ·Samuel Baldwin
· Marks," Heitman, Historical Register., . ·I, l 024, 736-7 37
(Particularly 736), 1055, 1067.
'·
...
· · 9. General Orders, ·No. 255, Headquarters of the Army,
Adjutant General's. Office, Washington,· October .29,
1898. ·Extract. Section 19. and Detail for the·board,
included at the beginning of Proceedings of a Board of
Officers. Convened to Make recommendations for Brevet·
Promotions, Medals of Honor, and ~ert{iicates of Merit,
Brigadier General Theodore Schw;an, U.S.V.; Brigadier General
Henry V. Boynton; U.S.V.; Lieut.· Colonel ~V. H: .. Carter,
A.A.G., War Department, Washin·:fton, D; c., November 9, 1898·.
General Correspondence; file #104879, RG 94, NARA, photoCOtJf
at. Center 6f Military History. For the records· of the board
members, "Schwan,. Theodore," "Boynton, Henry Van Ness,"
."Carter, William ·Hardin::~·," Heitman, Historical Re;rister, I,
867' 237 ,· 288.
.
10. Yockelson, "·'I Am Entitled to. the Medal, '"
pp. 15-1.8; Samuels arid Samuels,. Teddy Roosevelt at ~
pp. 306...:308.
~'
11.·Roosevelt ~o Lodge, De6. 6, 189~, Roosevelt,
Selections from ·the Correspondence of Roosevelt and Lodge,
I, 366, and Roosevelt, Letters, Morison, ed., I, 1094.
12.-Yockelson, "'I Am En.titled.to the Medal;'" p._ 12
for the qu·estion. ·of orders; TrasJ<:, War with Spain, p .. 242
for the Rough Riders and the First Cavalry following the
Ninth Cavalry.
.
.
'13. Samuels and Samuels; Teddy Roosevelt at. San ~'
pp. 261-262 for Kettle Hill, 271 for San Juan Hill, 271~272
for Roosevelt~s killing the Spaniard, who was .running_ away.
'
.,_·
'
•
'
I
•.
14. ·Samuel S. Sumner, Major General, U.S. V., ·
Headquarters 1st Division 2d Armi Corps, Cam~ Mackenzie,
Ga., Dec~ 30th, 189a, To. Adjutant General, Washindton, D.C.,
Gener_al Correspondence, file $1048 79, RG 94, NARA, J:)hotoco.t:Jt:
at Center of Military History. For Sumner's promotion,
.Heitman, ·Historical Regis~er, I, 736.
·
·
·
15. A. L. Mills, Colonel,U.S. Army, Superintendent.
Headquarters U. S. Military Academy West Point, ·N~ Y. April
5, 18~9, -to Lieut.Colonel W.H.C~rter, Asst·.Adjutant
General,qSArmy~ Washindton,D.c., General Corresp~ndence,
file #104879, RG 94, NARA, photoco~y at Center of Military
Histo,ry.
�l
·'
17
16,. Maxwell'Keyes,.late 1~ Lt. ·and''Adjutant 1st
U. S~ Vol. Cavalry, Fort Sam Houston San Anhoni6 Tex.
Jan . .17-98 · [ si'c, · actually 1899] to Adjutant General.:
U. S. A. Washington, D~C., General Correspondence, file
#1 04879 I RG 94 !'JARA, photocopy at. Center ·Of Military
·History. Keyes h~~ been a private in the.Tenth.Infantri
February 19, ·1895. to Februaiy 18, 1898~ h~ ~as commissioned
~Second lieutenant Fi.rst. Volunteer Cavalry May' 6, 1898, first
lieuten~nt August 1·1, 1898 1 and honorably mustered out
Se0tember 15,· 1898. He then became ·~econd lieUtenant Third
·I~~antry June 1; 1899 and was kiiled in ~ction at San
Il deforiso, Philippine Islands,· November· 24, i 899. · ·"Keyes, ·
Max~ell," Heitman, Historical-. Reqister, I~- 596.
17. M. J .. Jenkins, Maj. late 1st U.S.Vol.Cav•y~ Youny's
Island, So.ca., Dec. 28th,1898. To The Adjutatit
General,U.S.A., W~shiri;t6n, D.c.~ General Correspondence,
ffle #104879 I RG ~' NARA, photocoL)f at. <;enti:r of Military
History. Jenkins;·usMA 1079, had resi~ned ·his cbmmission as
, f±rst lieuten~nt Fourth Cavalry March 1, 1886 and bean
,commissioned cai?tain ·First Volu;iteer Cavalry May 21, 1898;
he was promoted major August 11,. ~898 and honorably mustered
out September· 15, 1898~ "Jenkins, Mi'cah John," Heitman,
Histbiical Register, I, 572.
18. w. J. McCann, Late of B Troop, lst.Vol.Cavalry.
(the· Rou~h Ridt~rs), "Crescent: Lod~e "i' New Bri:dhton ,. Btaten
Island, N.Y., February 7th, 1899. to the President, General
Correspondence, file #1 04879, RG 9.4, NARA, photo~::o-~y' at
Center ·of Military History. M~Cann's letter~ or ·
"memorandum," ·runs through-five double-s~aced typewritten
pages in addition to a similar.two-page introduction.
19. For the Brevet Bo~rd I~ recomm'ending twenty-seven
fbr the campaign in Cuba, ·Thee. Schwan, Br~gadier General,.
President; H. V. Boynton, Brigadier General; W~ H~ Carter,
Lieut. -Colonel· & Adj Recorder, Approved .. R. A. :Aig·er, secty
of :war-April 19, 18 99-p·p. 1-3; The Board OI1 Br:.evets. etc.,
on May 20, 1899, decided tha~ the following named men are
entitled tb Medals of Honor, pp~ 1-2; Theo~ Sch~an,
. Brigadier General, President. wm H~ ·carter, Lieut.Colonel &
A.A.G., Recorder: Approved, G[eorge D]. Meilclejohn,. Acting
Secretary of War, Additional Proce~dinga of the Brev~t
·
Board, etc., in Cases of Medals of Honor, june 2, 1899,
.
p. 1; for those awarded the medal~ the number of Navy ~nd ·
Marine Corps medals,· and the c1tations· for Mills and Hearst,
. "US Army Medals of Honor,.· Spanish-American Wa.'r·," Center ~f.
Military History document. Mills re~ained 'the si~ht of.one·
eye.
.
20. Vincent Demma, "An Analysis of u.s. Army Medal of
Honor Awards," Center of Military History document, .14
December 1998, ~· 2.
·.
\
�18
21. General Orders, No~ 42. War Department, Adjutant
General's Office, Washington~·. Jurie 30, 1897. Pata~raph 177 ~
item·1 for quota~ion, item 4 fof r~~uiremerits in •eth6d of
recommendation, item 5 for deadlirie.·· G~neral Correspondence,
file #1048?9, RG 94; NARA, photoco~y· at :Cen.terof Military
History.
· ·
·
~
22. ·Yockelson, ··"'I Am Enti t].ed to ·the Medal·, '" I:J. 14,
gives the Rough Rider~' ·casualties as fifteen killed and
seventy-three w~unded out of'about ~90.
. 23. For.'.Hawkins> Cosmas, "San Juan Hill," t?P· 135-137,
139-14Q,·with... cosmas.stating on 139:."If.any one man set·the
infantry ass'ault [against the· main San· Juan Heights], .in
motion; it' was General Hawkins"·; Sapels and Samuels, Teddy
Roosevelt at· San Juan~ pp. 262-264. For Egbert, ·Cosmas, "San
Juan Hill,~pp:-1~139-:-140.
· ·
24. It should be noted that Roos~velt succeeded Wood as
colonel of .the First Volunteei ·cavalry as of July 11, 1898;
"Roosevelt, Theodore," Heitman, Historical Register, I, 845.
.
\
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
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�MEDAL o·F HONOR
RECOMMENDATION
ON
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
FOR HEROIC ACTIONS IN
SPANISH AMERICAN WAR
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 12, 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
THE EXECUTIVE CLERK
FROM:
JOSEPH J. SIMMONS
DEPUTY ASSISTANT T
DIRECTOR, WHITE HO
SUBJECT:
Medal of Honor Recommendation in the Case of
Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, United
States Volunteers. (Army)
The
S~cretary
of the Army and the Secretary of Defense have
the award of the Medal of Honor to Lieutenant
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, United States Volunteers (Army), for
conspicuous gallantry as described in the attached citation.
re~ommended
Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt survived his heroic actions during
the Battle of San Juan Hill, near Santiago de Cuba, Republic of
Cuba.
Recommendation
That you sign the accompanying certificate and citation where
annotated.
Attachments
.....
�A
�THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
WASHINGTON, THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
MAY 16 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for Then-Lieutenant Colonel Theodore
Roosevelt, United States Volunteers (Army)
The Secretary of the Army recommends, and I concur, that then-Lieutenant Colonel
Theodore Roosevelt, United States Volunteers (Army), be awarded the Medal of Honor. He
deserves the Medal of Honor for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk ofhis life above
and beyond the call of duty during the Battle of San Juan Hill, while serving as the Acting
Commander, 1st Calvary Regiment, U.S. Volunteers, near Santiago de Cuba, Republic of Cuba,
on July 1, 1898. On November 12, 1998, you signed Public Law 105-371 which waived the
regular three-year time limitation within which such awards must be made so that the Medal of
Honor may be awarded to then-Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.
The file supporting this recommendation is attached for your review.
Attachment:
File ICO then-Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt
�SECRETARY
OF
THE
ARMY
WASHINGTON
MEMORANDUM FOR SECRETARY OF DEFEN
DEPUTY SECRETA
F DEFENSE
'l··l"'
..
FROM: SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
Prepared by: Patrick T. Henry, ASA(M&RA), 697-9253
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for Then-Colonel Theodore Roosevelt ACTION MEMORANDUM
PURPOSE: To forward to the President a recommendation to award the Medal of. Honor to
then-Colonel Theodore Roosevelt (Tab A).
.
.
DISCUSSION: Title 10, United States Code, Section 1130, directs that, upon request of a
Member of Congress, the Secretary shall review a proposal for the award or presentation of a
decoration (or the upgrading of a decoration) that is not otherwise authorized to be presented or
awarded due to time limitations established by law or policy.
Representative Rick Lazio subr:nitted an award recommendation pertaining to thenColonel Roosevelt pursuant to Section 1130 of Title 10, United States Code. While this award
recommendation was under review, the President signed Public Law 105-371, authorizing the
President to award the Medal of Honor posthumously to' Theodore Roosevelt without regard to
time limitations (Tab 8). In accordance with congressional intent (Tab C), I approved a plan to
prepare a full and formal record of Theodore Roosevelt's actions. Pursuant to that plan, the
Army invited public submissions and solicited the independent assessments of historians based
upon their scholarly review of historical reports of then.:...Colonel Roosevelt's actions, articles,
eyewitness accounts, and public submissions, to include the submission from Representative
Lazio (Tab D).
I have reviewed the totality of available information, to include the historians' reports and
the public submissions. In consultation with the Chief of Staff, Army, I have determined that
then-Colonel Roosevelt's actions merit the award of the Medal of Honor, based on' the standard
of merit that applied to other soldiers who received this medal during the Spanish American
War.
COORDINATION: The Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff supports the award of the Medal of
Honor to then-:-Colonel Roosevelt, but notes· that there were other officers whose actions
appeared to be as worthy as Roosevelt's at (Tab E).
· ·
RECOMMENDATION: ·That you sign the memorandum at (Tab A) forwarding the totality of
information pertaining to then:....Colonel Roosevelt's valor along with my recommendation to the
President.
SECDEF DECISION:
APPROVED:
·----:----- FEB
DISAPPROVED: _ _ _ __
OTHER: _ _ _ _ _ _ __
2 2 2000
Printed on. .
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•••
112 STAT. 3376
PUBLIC LAW 105-371-NOV. 12, 1998
.
. ,.
Public Law 105-371
105th Congress ·
An Act
Nov. 12, 1998
IH.R. 22631
To authorize and request the President to award the congressional Medal of Honor
posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt for his gallant and heroic actions in the
attack on San Juan Heights, Cuba. during the Spanish·American War.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the·
President is authorized and requested to award .the congressional
Medal of Honor posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt, of the State
of New Y~rk, for his a~tionsin .the attack ··or San Juan Heights, ·
Cuba, durmg the Span1sh-Aniencan War on July 1, 1898. Such
an award may be made. without regard to the provisions of section
3744 of title 10, United States Code, and may be made in accordance
with award criteria applicable at the time of the actions referred
to in the first sentence.
Approved N~vember 12, 1998.
,-
LEGISLATNE HISTORY-H.R. 2263:
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, .Vol. 144 ( 1998): .
Oct. 8, considered and passed House.
Oct. 21, considered and passed Senate.
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69-139 0-98 (371)
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�,.,;
· . GJanital ··~mtr.s ·~rn£Itt ·
COMMITIEE ON ARMED .~ERVICES ·
· I..ES 8ROWNI..EE. S'r.>.FF OtAEcTOR
WASHINGTON, DC 2051~050
OAVIO S.lYI..ES. STAFFOIRECTOR FOR niE MII'IORfTY
October 20, 1998
.
'
The President
The .Wbite House
.. Washington, D.C. 20500
. Dear lvf.r. Presid.ent:
W~
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'.
e
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.
want to share. o~ views with you on H~R. 2263, a bill that authorizes·
and requests y0u to· award the Medal of Honor posthumously to Theodore
.
.Roo'sevelt for his actions in the attack on San Juan Heights, Cuba during the
Spani~h American _War. ·
.
.
.
-.
We supported this legislation with ·the intent and understanding. that
a)
prior to reaching a decision on awarding the Medal of Honor . ·
posthu~ously to Theodore Roosevelt pursuant to this ·.
·
· legislation, you will seek the advice . of the Secretary of the
Puiny;
:
b)
Theodore Roosevelt will be considered for eligi~ility for, the
. Medal of Honor based on the same standard of merit that was
applied to other members of the aimed forces who received .
this. medal during the Spanis~ ~elli:an War; and .
c)
the_Secretary of the A..n:ny ..vyill prepare a full and formal·
record of Theodore Roosevelt's valor; inviting public .
·
submissions, with emphasis· on the e'fewitness -~~
..
contemporaneous aCGO~ts Rooseyelt' s battlefie'k! courage.
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of
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The President
Page 2·
. October 20, 1998
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If an injustice was· done to Theodore Roosevelt in withholding the Medal
of Ho·nor, we believe it ·should be corrected.
.
·
. Sincerely,
...
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~-on_d_.--~---
Carl Levin
Ranking Minority Member
Committee on A.rnied Services;
United States ·senate
Chairman
Committee on Armed Services
United States. Senate . :.
1fU-(}!~
Ike Skelton
Ranking Minority Member . · '
Committee on NationalSecurity . . .
United St~tes ·I-Iouse of Representatives·
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Floyd Spen · · · .
:.
·
.Chairman ·
Committee on National Security
.. .
Unit~d States .House ·of Representatives·
.
•
Paul McHale ·
1\IIember
..
' Committee. on N~tional .Security.
United States House of Representatives
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.
.cc: The 'Honorable Louis Caldera,: Secretary of the
Army
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,.
CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20318-9999
CM-802-99
21 December 1999
MEMORANDUM- FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
Subject: Recommendation for Award of the Medal of Honor to Colonel
Theodore Roosevelt
1. Mter an in-depth review of your 2 November 1999 memorandum and its
enclosures, I would recommend that the original award of the Medal of Honor
to Colonel Theodore Roosevelt for actions durfng the Spanish American War be
allowed to stand. While his actions were, without question, heroic and
exemplary of incredible leadership, I see no evidence of discriminatory
treatment of his original award nomination. Likewise, there were other officers
(in addition to Colonel Roosevelt} whose actions appeared to be as worthy of
review as Roosevelt's.
2. Should you desire to pursue this award, would recommend a board of
previous Medal of Honor winners be convened to review the actions of all the
·officers (including Colonel Roosevelt} that were involved in the same military
operation, in order to determine the relative merits of their actions in light of
Medal of Honor criteria applied at that time.
3. Thank you for the opportunity to review the information surrounding your
recommendation.
~Lrh'~~
HENRY H. SHELTON
Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Enclosure
Reference:
1
Secretary of the Army memorandum, 2 November 1999, "Medal of
Honor Recommendation (Colonel Theodore Roosevelt)-ACTION
MEMORANDUM"
�•
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SECRETARY OF THE ARMY
WASHINGTON
February 7, 2000
MEMORANDUM FOR CHAIRMAN, JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF
SUBJECT: Medal of Honor Recommendation for Then-Colonel Theodore
Roosevelt
Thank you for your memorandum of December 21, 1999, commenting
on this subject.· As you know, I am reviewing this matter based on a
recommendation submitted by Representative Rick Lazio under the·
provisions of section 1130 of Title 10, United States Code, and consistent
with Public Law 105-371, November 12, 1998, which further authorized the
President to make this award.
In order to comply with the law, I must make a determination whether
the award to then-Colonel R9osevelt does or does not merit approval based
upon the totality of information available to me, and under the standard that
applied at the time.
As you can see from the attached draft memoranda from me to the
Secretary of Defense and to the President, I have determined, in consultation
with the Chief of Staff of the Army, that the totality of available information
supports award of the Medal of Honor in this case. I have noted in the
attached draft memorandum to the. Secretary of Defense that you support our
recommendation in this case, and have also noted your concern that the
actions of other similarly situated officers may not have been afforded the
level of review afforded then-Colonel Roosevelt's actions. I would appreciate
your reviewing the attached memoranda to ensure that I have properly
characterized your views regarding my recommendation before I forward
them.
·~
Thank you for your time and consideration of this matter. If you have
any questions or concerns, please contact me directly at your earliest
convenience.
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~~--~ -:\ ~~: ~"'·~ •
·. ~ ."'"\ ~~~~ ~
~ ·. ~UA_..,I
·_>-
U Louis Caldera
CJCS:
Concur
:tt¢ F.4r2.t!Yo
Nonconcur _ _ _ __
Other:
------Printed on
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Recycled Paper-
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�The President of the United States of America, authorized by Act of Congress,
March 3, 1863, has awarded in the name of The Congress the Medal of Honor to
LIEUTENANT COLONEL THEODORE ROOSEVELT
UNITED STATES VOLUNTEERS (ARMY)
for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call
of duty:
Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt distinguished himself by acts of bravery
on July 1, 1898 while leading a daring charge up San Juan Hill. Lieutenant Colonel
Roosevelt, in total disregard for his personal safety, and accompanied by only four or
five men, led a desperate and extremely gallant) charge up San Juan Hill, setting the
example to the troops and encouraging them to continue the assault through withering
enemy fire over an open countryside. Facing the heavy fire of the enemy, he displayed
Lieutenant Colonel
extraordinary bravery and coolness throughout the charge.
Roosevelt was the first to reach the trenches and he quickly killed one of the enemy
with his pistol allowing his men to continue the assault. Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt's
leadership and valor turned the tide in the Battle for San Juan Hill. Lieutenant Colonel
Roosevelt's extraordinary heroism and devotion to duty are in keeping with the highest
traditions of military service and reflect great credit upon himself, his unit and the United
States Army.
�------------------
F
�G
�DEPARTMENTOFTHEARMY
THE U.S. ARMY CENTER OF MILITARY HISTORY
.
103 THIRD AVENUE
FORT LESLEY J. McNAIR DC 20319-5058
REPLY TO
ATTENTION OF
DAMH-ZA (870-Se)
MEMORANDUMTHRU Director
3 0 JUL 199~
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·
of~ 'rh1
Staff
,
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FOR Assistant Secretary of the Army .(Manpower and Reserve Affairs) · .
SUBJECT: Historians' Reports on Theodore Roosevelt at San' Juan Heights
1. In March 1999, the U:S. Army Center of Military History was directed to establish
an independent panel of unbiased historians to provide·a formal report for
submission to a Senior Army Decorations Board concerning Theodore Roosevelt's
valor in the engagement of 1 July 1898. The board was to be formed in response to
Public Law 105-671, which authorizes and requests the President to award the
Congressional Medal ·of Honor posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt fqr his gallant
·
and heroic actions _in the attack on San Juan Heights.
· 2. In respon~e to this tasking an·d to subsequent guidance from the Assistant
Secretary of the Army (M&RA}, the Center assembled fb!e distinguished grof§ssjonal
historians fr.Qm outside the ggyernsner.t. Each historian, work1ng as an individual . .·
contractor, was to prepare his own report evaluating the evidence of Roosevelt's
valor, and discussing ancillary matters the historians considered relevant. The
historians selected were Drs. Edward M. Coffman, Joseph T. Glatthaar, Brian M.
Linn, Allan R. Millett, and Russell F. Weigley. The U.S. Army Center of Mil!tary
History furnished to each historian a packet of historical o6curnemts and a complete
set of materials received in response to a Department of the Army request for public
submissions on the issue. Drs. Coffman, Glatthaar, Linn, 'and Weigley met at the.
Center of Military History on 24 June 1999 for orientation and to review evidence
provided by the Center or uncovered in their own research. ·All the historians
submitted their reports to the Center before the suspense date of 23 July 1999.
3. Attached (Tabs A through E) are the historians·· submissions. As directed, the
Center foriNards these as received, without editing or summary. Also attached (Tab
F) are maps of the battle of San Juan He~ghts.
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t-~~~ ~ j.)/(JV~
Ends
JOHNi. BROWN
Brigadier· General, USA
Chief of Military History
Printed on
(I
Recycled Paper
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. letter
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
07/14/1999
Address (Partial) (I page)
RESTRICTION
P6/b( 6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [I]
2008-0703-F
·m187
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Dear Graham:
Here is my paper.
I decided to include. as attachments the
complete Steele letter and the c9ntext of the Wagner quotation. I
have put a lot more thought and time into.this than I assumed that
I would.
I also enclose xeroxes of my airfare stub and hotel bill as
well as a note of expenses.
Do let me know what the Decoration Board decides.
�1
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Theodore .Roosevelt and the Medal of H.onor
by Edward M-. coffman
.Opening up history to correct a perceived injustice· is not a
~atter to be taken lightly.
credit _or blame,
historians~customaril~ assign
While
our basic . function
is . to . be · as
possible in . describing people and · events,
accurate
as .
placing them in the
context of their time, and analyzing their significance. Most of us
do not welcome the .th?ught of delving into ·_the past in ord.er to
rearrange
a
process
to
make
standards and sensl.bili ties.
it more
compatible
with
current
Indeed, 9ther h-istoric personages may
be·treated unjustly in that process. _Yet, in.regard to_awards of
the Medal of Honor,· the Army has done this on several occasions
. to take away . awards· in 1916 and in more
rece~t times to bestow
them.
Many biographers and historians have d,ealt with what. Theodore
.
.·
·.Roosevelt called his "crowded hour" in the early •afternoon of July
1, 1898.
well
In fact, Roosevelt's charge upSan Juan Hill has been so
publicized
over. the
years _that
it · is
prob_ably
the
only
incident. in the Spanish-American.War·that many people know .about.
Already well known in .18Q8, Roosevelt~s- subsequent years in the
·./
presidency made him one of the most famous individuals in American
history.
Par-tisanship about Roosevelt has continued from those
years to the. present .as many people· still' have- strong opinions,
often based.on superficial information, about him.
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2
There
are
two
fundamental
Roosevelt and the Medal of Honor.
issues
involved
in
regard
to
First :..__ ~ere his actions in the
fighting .on July 1, 1898 so. conspicuously gallant and sig.nificant
.
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to merit the Medal ·of Honor?
~econd -~ did th~ aw~rds board of
1898 -1899 treat him fairly?
Some background on .the· Santiago Campaign is necessary _in order
to
understand
the
events
of
the· climactic
battle.
The· war
Department h~stily assembled and shipped to .. Cuba an expeditionary
force of peacetime (haif·) strength regular regiments. and three
volunteer regiments. None of the leaders had exp~rience.leadirtg
iarge uriits in combat. The generals and many of the other field
,_ grade regular officers were Civil War veterans who had spent most
••
of the intervening three decades ~n gar~i~on routine.
Some, of
cour~e, had. seen action as leade~~ of small uhits in vari6us Indian
campaigns.
'
This meant that the regular contingent of the V Corps
.
~onsiste~ of seasoned, well trained soldiers with able· company
commanders while the volunteers ~ere an unknown quantity~
.
'
Fortuna~elyi the Spanish did· not oppose the laridin% in late
June. During the few days prior t'o. the battles of El Caney and .·San
Juan, the entire force suffered. from poor logisti6s.
~he
ships
were not· c.ombat loaded hence supplies were brought ashore· willy·nilly and piled on the beach. As the troops advanced iriland,· the
. primitive trails also complicated the logistical· problem.
Communicat-ions, command, and control were Cl.ddi tional problems.
Major General William R. SI:lafter,.the.commandinggeneral who was
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sick part of the· time·,. was not iri firm control.··. Communications :
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consisted,
as it had in the Civil War and earlier· conflicts;
depended on staff :officers personally delivering. messages and
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orders to s~bordinate: uhi t
·.
com~ande~s. Tpe. lack of sufficient maps
added to the difficulties of planning operations. Given this lack,
it is. ~mazing that' apparently there was :such little effort to
reconnoiter the area.
·on.June 24, the dismounted cavalry under the command of the
second rankihg officer of the· .expedition -- Major General Joseph
.
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Wheeler who had held that same rank in the . Co.nfederate Army -exceeded his instructions and. pushed ahead to contact the enemy.
Roosevelt participated iri his first combat at Las Guasimas when the
troopers skirmished with the Spanish.
•
This action forced Shafter to move ahead rather than wait to
collect his force and get his logistic~· in order.
His plan for the
battle on July 1 was·to:commence with an attack on his right by
Brigadier General Henry
w.
Lawton's'infantry division a9ainst the
enemy on the high ground at· El Caney. It was assumed that the
Americans would carry these positions within ·two.· or three hours.
Then Lawton would turn his command to join. the other infantry
.division and the cavalry division to take the more fo·rmidable
positions on the San Juan Heights.
;see map on page _3A/
On that sunny, .an~ very hot, tropical summer d~y, plans went
awry.
The deter~ined Spanish .~n ttie ~ort· and blockhouses at El
caney were still holding into. the afternoon against Lawton's attack
which had started around seven that morning.
Meantime, in the San
.Juan Heights·area, the infantrymen and dismoun"t;ed cavalrymen had
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SANTIAGO
SAN . .JUAN - CANEY
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t2:30 P,M.
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run into a good deal of harassing fire as they pressed forward in
their
approach
march
on
a
narrow
jungle
trail.
The
American
artillery which used black powder was immediately observed and soon
silenced by the
enemy. with their smokeless
powder guns.
The
Spanish also correctly presumed that the troops would use the trail
'so their infantry as well as artillery pounded them with fire which
caused many casualties among the Americans slogging along on the
trail.
Once they reached the edge of the jungle, the troops halted to
await Lawton's success.
Here again the enemy took a heavy toll
with their artillery and Mausers. Around one p.m. it was clear that
something should be done and Shafter's·aide ·gave the order to take
the Heights.
Ordered to
?
~
support the regular regiments
in the assault,
~
Roosevelt went beyond his duty as commander of a supporting unit. \
111
He seized .the initiative,
pushed forward to the front,
elements of his as well as the regular regiments
in a
and led
charge
through galling fire across the open ground up Kettle Hill which
was in front of San Juan Heights. Although he began on horseback
hence was the most conspicuous person in the fight,
abandon the horse when he encountered a
he had to
barbed wire fence and
continued on foot the rest of the way up Kettle Hill. Once on top
of the hill he saw infantry storming the distant end of san Juan
Heights.
At that point, again he took the initiative as he rallied
his men and led another charge, under heavy fire, across an open
area up the slope of San Juan Heights.
At first,
only a
few
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V)
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troopers .followed him but he went' back and got some more men and
drove the Spanish off that section of the ridge. He then proceeded
to consolidate his force and establi.sh a defensi~e position.
~in~":_ial reco_J!l_m~ndation for ~edal of Hono}:" by~j.~iga<!E£>
~nard_~d.,J~hich was date<f. five. days later,·. simply
'stated that he had displayed "distinguished gallantry in leading a
charge on one.of the entrenched hills."· However, in December, Wood·
elaborated on .this and several ey~wi tnesses. came forward to support
the
recommendation.
Significantly,
generally: looked 'down on. volunteers,
regular
officers.
All
testify
to
consider.ing that
J?egulars
several of these were by
Roosevelt's
gallantry
and
.
.
leadership. However, the most detailed, graphic account was that of
.
,.
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Roosevelt in his book The Rough Riders which was published in 1899.
This should not be construed as being · unusual .or be used
.
'
again'st him in· any consideration of what happened that. day. · After·
all he was a well-established historian and an accomplished'author
. I
.
.
hence s.hould be expected to give the most articulate account. An
analogy could be ma~e with the heroic exploit of Alvin
c. York in
World War I who was not as literary but· who was articulate about
what he did in the.Meuse-Argonne·campaign in october 1918.
In 1932,. one of the other non-coms in York's company claimed
that he ~ad played a signiticant role in that action.
The
'battalion commander who had investigated the incident in 1918 and
1919 wrote:"sergeant York alone was able· to tell a vivid,
continuqus· story" and· he concluded· 'then arid later "there was never
any do.ubt in my mind that the bu;r-d~n of the fire fight fell upon
�Aside from Roosevelt's own story,' the most vivid eyewitness
accourtt
was
6y
aide~
. commander's
a
regular
lieutenant
who
was
the
division
..
·A West Pointe'r who had 15 years experience
before he went to ~uba,· Matthew F.
Steele certainly. shared the
.resentment regulars felt toward the publicity the First Volunteer
Cavalry had already received thus his enthusiasm for Roosevelt is
.
.
·all the more remarkable.
suppose
e.
~he
He· wrote his wife on July 10, 1898: . "I
papers have given-all the glory & honor to the 'Rough
Riders', & treated the regular army merely as an adjunct.
this
war, . so
regiment.
far, · has;
been
conducted mainly
Indeed
to · exploit · this
Well, considering that. they are perfectly raw men, they
·have done splendidly -
not as well as any one of· our trained
..
regiments has done of-course- but·brave·& we~~-
And Roosevelt
tho' he has.no training as a ~oldier·a great man, & as brave as men
are made, & so honest, & earnest, & intense.
I see a good deal of
him & I could not help admir.ing hi:in if I should try.
The other
·day, the 1st, after he got to the -top o~ the f.irst hill ... he
stood up in front of his line, bullets flying like hail & clinching
his fists & gritting his teeth till I could he~r them,.& I was 30
.feet from him,
•
he shouted
'Now By God men!
damn'em!' And he was an inspiration·,
Lets charge'~m ·God
they were ·bound to follow
him."/Attachment 1 -.Steele to wife, July 10, 1898, Steele.Papers,
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7
,
u.s.
Army Military H{stb~y Institut~/
That Roosevelt displayed conspicuous gallantry and leadership·.
•
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at the risk of· his life ori that afternoon i~ · unquest.ionable.
it should be noted that it· was also
.
a
"crowded hour" for a
many other commanders who took pa.rt in that fight.
'
But ·
good
A West Point
trained lieut~nant of seven years service, Lewis S .' Sorley, who was
in. the 16th Infantry when_they stormed San Juan
Heights,·~ecalled
in.his unpublishe~ memoi~ that it was a "cb~pany officers battle"
/"Some Recollectibns",· p.55 - copy in author.'s collection.; And
regular· :~egimental
and brigade
commanders
also
exhorted ·their
t.roops and some became casual ties. .
Although the American force o'utnumbered the · Spanish almost
sixtee.n to one, the fact that the Spanish were intrenched on the
high ground and had been able to bring the Americans under fire for
hours during the. period, of the approach march and when theY' were
pinned down· on . the
multiplier.
~rigadier
edge
of
the
jungle certainly was
General Hamilton
s.
a
force
Hawkins who had been a
c·aptain. du~ing the c;i vil War. arid w.l;lo is given major credit for the '
attack on the other end of San Juan Heights later said of the enemy
fire in that battle that it was "heavier than any ,in the Civil War
-- at least in the engagements I was
i~."/
Charles Johnson Post,
The Little War bf Pri~ate Post (paperback edition- 1961). 126/.
Another crucial comment on Roosevelt's :actions and their·
significance was made by'Lieutenant Colonel Arthur L. Wagne:t;.
This
is .·particularly important because of this officer's background as
--
a student of war. A West :Pointer of.23 years service, Wag:ner was
\.
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the best qualified military analyst in the Army.at that time.
In
addition to teaching at. the I'~fantry. & Cavalry School at Fort
Leavenworth, he had. published .three books on military. topics and
..
had served during the year before :the war as the head of the
Military Informat:i,on Division of the War. Department.
Wagner went with: the ·expedition with the unde:rstanding that he
would organize an intelligence bureau . . Shafter showed no interest
and made no use of this organization so .Wagner attached himself to
Lawton
as
an
aid.
Later,
he
collected' inf6rmation
through
interviews with officers to combine with his own obs.ervations on
the campaign .to write up a report which he subm1 tted in January
1899.
This was not published until 1908 three years
~fter
his.
death.
Wagner gave an excellent account of the fighting that day and
concluded that "In the assaults on Kettle H{ll and
S~n
Juan Hill,
the courage and energy of Colonel. Roosevelt, of the Rough Riders,
were so conspicuous as to command general admiration.
doubt. that. to
the. influence· of
his
personal
successful issue of the attack was largely .due"
There is no
qualities
the
/Attachment 2. -.
Wagner, Reportof the Santiago Campaign (1908), p. 86/.
****
The board
a~pointed
'
.in the fall of
1898.~o
recommend
'
appropriate awards for the Spanish-American . War presumably did not
.
.
.
.
see Wagner 1 s
report and they certainly did not read steele 1 s
personal. letter.
•
Given what. is known about the -board· and .its·
actions, it would not
have made any difference in their decision
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had they read both of. these documents .·
The members were Theodore Schwan, a German immigrant who had·
been on active duty 41 years,
and Henry Boynton, ·a Civil · war
regimental commander, were volunteer brigadier generals while the
junior member~ William. H. Carter, a West Pointer (Class of 1873)
,\
. was a. lieutenant colonel.
All had Medals of Honor although· Schwan
was not awar.ded ·his until December 1898 while the board was in
session.
The Schwan and Carter awards were for rescuing wounded
under·fire -- during the
Ci~il
War, in the fiist instance, and in
an Indian bat~le ·in 1881. in ·Carter's case.
·Boynton's .compl.ete
I
.citation read "Le~ his regiment in the face of a severe fire
:of
the_enemy; was severely wounded."
Standards and award· procedures had been loose prior to an
effort
in
on
1897.
the part of the War Department to tighten up the system
· Before . the
boal:7d met, · The Adjutant General
issued
General Orders #" 135
·c September
even more rigorous.
It specified that. Medals of Honor would be
3, l898) which made the process
awarded only for "distinguished bravery-or conspicious gallantry'.
which· shall
have
been
manifes~ed
·in . action
by conduct
that
distinguishes a soldier above his comrades,. and that involves risk
of life .... "
"personal
Only the commandi.ng officer or another officer with'
cognizance
of
the
specific
act"
could
make
the
recommendation and there had to be .detailed statements from at
. r
least two eyewitnesses.
Roosevelt obviously assumed that Wood's recommendation was
•
sufficient to gain the award for him and it wouid have been before
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e·
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the system changed in .1897 .. To. complicate matters, the board did
not see Wood's recommendation until December. as it had been missent
.
.
.
.
..ru&J f.iled · i.n.
'
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the Records and . Pensions· Office rather !than The
.Adjutant General's Office.
When it was located, fhe Adjutant
)
General informed Roosevelt that he needed more specifi<;:: information
.
'
··from Wood. and additional statement? ·from. eyewitnesses.
prom~tly
Roosevelt ·
secured these ~or :the ~ar Department.
On January 4; 1899, the board made l.ts first recommendation to·
the President.
..And it was to award"Roosevelt a brevet brigadier
generalcy for ·his "gallant and meritorious conduct.
during the
battle of San Juan." 'Army and Navy Journal, January 7, 1899/. A
. month later, the board announced what amounted to a wholesale award
. .
. '
.
,.
of brevets-:- to.570 of the 869 officers in Cuba.jANJ, February.1i,
.1899/
Finally'· ·in April, the board' .announced· its recommendations for
the Medal · of Honor.. : Of the
rescuing wounded under fire.
21 . awards,
all but. one were for
The one exception was. Captain John
w.
H.eard who was recommended (presumably by the Navy which was much
_more generous in its awards than the Army) for heroi?m on. a ship in
·Cuban waters. Schwan refused to comment on the interpretation that
eliminated a1i actions.except·those of _rescuing wounded as being
worthy of the Medal . ·
reco~ended
duty.
•
Carter, .however,
did S!ay: · "
The
Board
medals only for service outside of the regular line of
.For example, we did not· recommend medals to m.en who took
. part iri t.he gallant charge up San Juari Hill. II /ANJ' April 22' 1899/
Eventualiy this boa;rd and successive boards recommended the medal
. .
.. (
�11
for
nin~
others, all but·one. for rescuing wounded under fire.
Was the boarc;l.biassed against volunteers or against Roosevelt
in partic;::ular?.
Their working pap~rs are not extant.and there is
nothing other than c~rter's statement to indicate their views.
should
be
noted · that . they
volunteers.
Several years
did
not
lat~r,
recommend
in 1906,
any
It
medals· for
James R.
Church,
a
volunte~r. doctor who was with the Rough Riders received the medal
f6r rescuing.wounded tinder fire.
Qu·alifying this circumstantial
evidence of bias are two· points .. A citizen· ~oldier who had been a·
volunteer in both the .civil War and Spanish. War, Boynton, was on
the board. and presumably took· an interest in volunteers.
relatively .. few volunteers
in Cuba saw heavy action.
Then,
The. Rough
·Riders were the only volunteer unit in Cuba that playea. much of a
role in the fighting. ·
In the specific case.of Roosevelt, the board did give him the
award that they gave .other officers who distinguished themselves in
.
Cuba.
Brevets had ·beeri
a
.
customary . award
·' meritorious service since the War o·f 1812.
for
gallantry ·and
George A. Custer who
was famed for his courage in leading cavalry charges, for example,
received six for his service in.the civil War while board members
Boynton and Sch~art had: received one arid two respectively.~
· Since the board 'awarded brevets to approximately two o'f every
.
.\
three officers who s.erved in the Cub.an ca:lnpaign, . it i.~ ·clear t~at
Schwan, Boyton ,· ~nd Carter were v.ery generous in making ·this award ·
.
.
.and made no.e:ffort to distinguish between gallantry in ·action and
general meritorious ·service. Only those who rescued wounded under
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'
fire were obyiously conside:r;:ed worthy· of the Medal of Honor in ·
their VieW • . .A~ menti'oned earlier 1 the One. award they ·recommended
for. ·gallantry
other. than · dealing
instigated by t~e
Navy.
with
wounded . was . ·probably
The one ~ther award for such gallantry was
to Albert L . Mi 11 s . and was made by another board in 19.0 2 .
,.
We
do
riot· know how many· other officers were
specifically for
the Medal
of Honor
recommended
for their actions
in the
fighting in Cuba· on July 1, 1898. We do know, however,
of one
,•
officer, Peyton c. March, who was·recommen:ded by a Civil War Medal
. of Honor recipient, Arthur MacArthur·, for leading a charge against
·a blockhouse in the battle of Manila in August 1898 and.he did not
receive the medal /Edward M~ · Cof~mi:m, The Hilt of the Sword: The
Career of Peyton C. March (1966), p.
i7/.
The l::!oard was consistei:rt in. limiting the award to one kind of
action.
In fact, 21 of those whom they recommended for the·medal
· had the identical wording in.- their .citations: .· "Gallantly: assisted
in the rescue of the wounded from in front of the line and under
f~om
heavy fire
the"ene*Y·"
•, ·>'•.
Such a narrow definition caused them to give seven medals, ·a
fourth of all they recomritended, to two officers and five soldiers
''
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for rescuing Lieut~nant c·olonel Haskell of the 17th Infantry who
was
mortally
wounded
in · the
ac.tion
at
El
Caney.
These
were
.
.
Lieutenants· Benjamin F. Hardaway and Charles D. Roberts,.Corporal
Ulysses G.
Thomas
•
Buzza~d,
and
J. . Graves, . and
Privat~s,
Bruno.
Iri
·George Berg, Oscar Brook in,
;.
,, .
the 21st Infantry, four·
Corporals John F. ·De Swan and Thomas M.. Doherty and Privates
�13
· •. ·
Thomas
Kelly
and
George
H.
Nee
received
the
board's
recommendations for rescuing the same t;.wo soldiers 1n the fight. at
San Juan.Heights.;w. F.Beyer <;ind b. F. Ke~del (editors),·
Deeds of
Valor: How America's Heroes Won the Medal of Honor, Vol. II (1905) '·
pp .. 383 and 389/
It · is
relevant
to. note
that
rec;:onciled -t:o the board's decision_.
Roosevelt
apparently
.
became
'·
~
While president, on June . 16,
1907, he wrote the ~resident of the United states Medal of Honor
.
.
Club, Alexander Scott,· to decline an invitation and added:
.
.
~·4_~lli..--2t...,.f.act ,~L-=was""""recommended~for_i:t_J~Y~.mY.c.,~lJ.P..~rigr.....Q.f.~iG~t.:_S.)
· (i.n .the santiago · camQ.aign.,_but_I_was_not-:--awarded,;i~t ;....._and...,frankl:'y,
••
.··
.··
. . .· ·
.•,
~
.
loolfing_ bacK: a t:"i t now.,_:I__f~e_el_that~.the~boar.d_which-decl ined--.t.Q)
•
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•
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· ~~~e~actiy_ the rtgh:t_·p.o.si:tion .. '"7:E1':C'ing .· E ~ · Morison
- .
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(
(editor) The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt.Vol. ?~
p. 695/
****.'
··To return to the tw,o basic ·issues as to how outstanding
Ro.osevel t' s. actions ·were on July 1, · 1S9S, a~d whether or .hot the
/
awards board was fair iri·its appraisal of those actions, the first
· qu~estion is more easily answered.· The.evidence indicates' that he
went beyond his duty as a regimental commander·when :t}e ·seized the
· initiative and . without regard to da.nger whi l~ un&ir heavy fire,
conspicuousL~led.~o~t
the men from his regiment but from other·
...,_
....
'units as well in two charges, ~z:!d theJl.P~r~g.gnized the position on
.
.
his end of San Juan
~eights~
The Army's leading
mili~ary
-
analyst of
that time testified to the significance o·f Roosevelt's actions with
.\
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14
the . judgment that what he did that afternoon. brought .. about . the
success of the.American attack.
The second issue is more difficult because of the lack of
documentary
evidenc~.
We will never. know . whether or not the
)
..
.
.members of:the ·board were actually prejudiced against Roosevelt or ·
.
volunteers generally.
"""""""
con~istently m~'intained
awa~d
.
We do know that they established and were
a narrow
int~rpre~ation
of what merited the
of the Medal of Honor.
' To put this in context, this crl terion has not been applied in
any of the conflicts since the Spanish-Ameri<:=an War.·
If it had,
Alvin· York,·Eddie Rickenbacker, Joe ·Foss, Audie Murphy, and the
great majority of those who.have receiv~d the Medal of Honor in
.
. .
.·.
'
•
'
this cent~ry would not have :been·so honored.·
####
Sources
Sources used other than those alreadY' cited. include: .Grahain A'..
cosmas, "San Juan Hill and El Caney, . 1 ~ 2 July 1898", 1 in. Charles
.
\
F .. Heller and William .A. Stofft (editors), America's First ·Battles:
.=,1.,:..7.,:_7~6_ _.=,1~9~6~5
1898 ( 1981)
1
( 1986)
The
1
David . F.
Awarding
of. the
Trask,
The ·War with
Medal ··of
Honor
Spain
to
in
Theodore
Roosevelt, Hearing before the Military Personnel. Subcommittee of
the 'committe on National.Security, House of Representatives, 105th
.
.
Congress, ··2d Session, September 28, · 1998.
'
\
.
I
also consul ted the·
.
material
made
available by ·the. Center ·of Mil;itary H;istory to
include copies of manuscript and published documents, articles and
excerpts from various relevant books, and correspondence .
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.an tiago· .Campaign
.,,.~,
1898'
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"'' . . . By_.
ARTHUR L. ·-y.;AGNER
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Lieutenant-Colonel,.U. S. A•.
Assis t Ad jutaiJ.t.:.General
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Fi.t.NltLIN. HUDSON PUBLISBUIG
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1908
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Kansai Citv, lllo.
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CoL. ARTHUR_L. WAGN?R,'·U. S: A.
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PUBLISHER'S NOTICE .
Copyrighted 1908
By
PJr.A.NIU.lN HUDSON PUBLISHING
Karisu City, Mo.
- <()'\3.<6
~~11.
A
Co,
.No introduction of Colonel Wagner is necessary. As an author of known reputation on
military subjects and as one of the pioneers in
promoting professional study in the Army, his
. ·name is not only well known in military circles,
but to the general public as well. The report
herein printed was sent us, with other papers,
by his widow for publication, and, though ten
years have elapsed since the stirring events described in the report transpired, we take great
pleasure in publishing it, not only because
of our high regard and friendship for Colon~l
Wagner; ·but because it seems· to us that the
publication will be of great benefit to the Army.
· From this report it appears that a Bureau
of Military Infoirpation in the Field was estab. lished by the Commanding General of the Army
and placed under charge of Colonel Wagner.
U:p.der his i.D.struetions Colonel Wagner proceeded to Cuba, but for reasons shown in the
report was unable to organize the Bureau or
. to accomplish any useful work in- connection
therewith. He then offered his services to
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General Lawton and became a volunteer aid on·
the latter's staff. In this position he had ex-.
ceptional opportunities for observing the conduct of the_ Santiago expedition. through all its
phases, and. has given us a report thereon in
his own lucid and inimitable style .
. The account beginS with the mobilization of
.
.
the troops at Ta!Ilpa, follows the naval expedi:.
tion over the seas to Cuba, describes the land. ing, the theater of operations, the battles of
· Las Guasimas, _El Caney and San Juan, and
the subsequent siege and surrender of the city.
Throughout the report Colonel Wagner
comments freely upon the situation from the
standpoint of a military critic, and in conchision gives his views upon various features ·of
the campaign, such as smokeless powder; the
artillery, dismotu1ted cavalry, infantry organization, ammtu1ition supply, intrenching tools,
uniforms, volunteers, staff and line, signal
corps, etc.
We publish his report as a tribute to his
memory. and for the benefit of his surviving
comrades in arms.
June r, rgo8.
,.
CONTENTS.
.
- ·'
.
. .
.
The Santiago Expedition-Lack of . System and
Preparation,
The Military Problem,.
The Landing, .
Colonel Wagner's Services Declined by the· Corps
Commander-Volunteer Aid to General Lawton;
Las Guasimas,
Comments on the Landing~Lack of Supplies after
Las Guasimas, · .
The Army Advances-Colonel Wagner Is Deprived
of His Aid-Reconnaissance,
The Plan of Battle,
The Battle Begins-El Caney, .
General Lawto.n Receives Orders to Break off the
Engagement at EI Caney, .
San Juan,
Demonstration Against Aguadores,
After 1;he Battle-General Lawton's March to San
Juan; .
~
Jury· 2d-The ·~Night Attack"-Shall the Army
Retreat? . . . .
A Truce,.
General Comments,
Smokeless Powder,
r
Page
19
35
41
47
51
57
,61
69 ·
73
76
78
89
93
9_8
100.
105
112
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The Artillery, .
Dismounted Cavalry,
Infantry Organization;
Ammunition Supply,
Black Powder,.·,· .
Intrenching Tools,
Uniforms,
Volunteers,
Staff and Line,
Signal Corps,
Pack Trains, .
Transportation of Wounded,
Mail Service,·
The Enemy,·
.·.til·. ·.
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124
127
129
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DETAILED IN CHARGE OFA BuR.EAU.OF MILITARY
1~2
.).
133
136
. INFORMATION. IN· T.HE • FIELD.
139
HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF DAKOTA,
ADJUTANT~GENERAL's
142
144
OFFICE,
ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA,
145
January 15, 1899.
To B1·igadie1·-Ge.neral' john C. Gdnwre, Assistant
Adjutant-General, 1-Vashington, D. C:: .
·SIR:-·In cot11pliance with the .ve1:bCJ.l orders ·
of the Major-General Commanding, I have the
honor to submit the follo~ing report on my
observations of the military operations in the
Provinte of Santiago de .Cuba: A brief preliminary report was submitted ·by me at Ponce,
.P: R.; but the preparation of a detailed account
. of my observations has been delayed, owing. to
· my illness from· Cubari ·fever,· \vhich for some
months rendered impracticable .on my part the .
labor of preparing an extended report.
148
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·On the i rth day of June, r898, I received-from
. ~
the Commanding-General in ·person the follow-.
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83
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
82
.
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN;
It is hard to understand what fantastic conception of the_art·of .war' could have caused such a
reconnaissance to be seriously contemplated ·in·
the first place .
. General Hawkins moved the · 6th ltifantr)r
forward, the- r6th follq~wing to form on 'its left.
It was expected that these two regiments would
flank the enemy's position, and it was intendedin the meantime to place the pst New York
between the 6th Infantry and the Cayalry Division to make i· frontal demonstration, But the
New York regiment had been deflected by General Kent along the, trail to the kft alre~dy men'-tiOiled, with a vieW to forming it iti its position
on the left. of· the brigade. It was_ foUti.d, however, that when the 6th and r6th regiments of
infantry had deployed, they did not flank the
enemy's position, but were in front of it, and
under such a heavy fire that an attack was necessary as the· only alternative to a. retreat. They
were accordingly" directed to assault the enemy's
position, which they did successfully, _arid with
a degree of gallantry that will ever cast a lustet:"
over the Regular Army.* In the meantime, the
. 7 rst New York, coming under a heavy fir~, became demoralized, and refused to move forward.
*The assauit at this time was ina_de by the whole line, the
left-of the dismounted cavalry· joining the right of the infantry in
the attack upon 'the San Juan Block-House. The center and right
of the cavalry first carried Kettle Hill and then. pushed on to the
heights in their front.-Ed.
·
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Many of the men broke in panic to the rear,
General Kent and his staff officers fornling a
. cordon for the purpose of stopping them. Find.ing that it was impossible to get this regiment .
·as a body to move forviard, he ordered them to
lie .down in the thicket, so as to clear the way for the troops· in the rear. The 3d Brigade, advancing rapidly, marched over the prostrate forms
of the pst New Yorkinthe order already men-tioned, the 13th in the lead, followed by the 9th •
and 24th. As· soon as it was possible for the
· brigade to deploy, the 13th Infantry formed line,·
the 1st battalion of the. 24th forming on its left,
the 1stbattalioil of the 9th oil the left of thO 1st:,
/ ,battalion of the 24th, the 2d. battalion of the
latter regif!lent forming the. extreme left of- the .
line, and the 2d battal,ion of the 9th being in rear
of thO 13th. This alteration of the battalions
of these two regiments was due to the difficulties
of the terrain and· the confusion incident to ·the
blocked roads.- Whether the 2d battalion of the
.
9th Infantry was purposely placed in the rear of
the 13th or not, I h~LVe been unable to ascertain.
As soon as the 3d Brigade was deployed it was
pushed forward to the assault, and it gallantly
carried the enemy's ·position, _which it reached
almost. simultaneously with the 6th and · 16th
--Regiments. Colonel Wikoff, having been killed,
was succeeded by Lieutenant- Colonel Worth,
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84
THE SAN'fiAGO CAMPAIGN.
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
who was almost immediately wounded, succeeded in turri by Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum; · · Lis-cum was soon wounded, and the conunand de.·
volved up'on..Lieutenant-Colonel Ewers, who did i
not know that he was in command of the bri"' · ·
gade untit the hostile position had ·been carried.
As soon as ·the enemy's position had -been captUI:ed, the order of the brigade was rectified, the
. 24th Infantry being placed on the right, the 9th
in the center, and the I 3th on the left. The
time of the capture of Fort San J tian Hill is given· ·
variously by different officers, but was probably
made about I :30 p.' m.
.
· · While Kent was thus engaged; the Cavalry
Division had not be~n idle. The · Ist Brigade
had succeeded in c;leploying to the right of the
road, the 9th Cavalry on the right, the6th Cav~
alry in the center, and the-3d Cavalry on the left,
its left flank ·resti~1g on the_road. The 2d Brigade had been cut in two bythe balloon detach. ment, and the ieading . regiment, the Rough
Riders, which had .become separated some distance from those in i~ rear, i1ad ~~rched about·
half a mile by the flank, passing the ·rst Brigade,
·the movement being undertaken -in compliance
with . the hazy orders to est_ablish connection
with, and lend assistance to, Lawton.' This
movement to. tll:e- righ_t was soon aba~doned,
however, and the rst and ioth CavalrY were
cr{ ,. ',
••
85
plac~d in rear of the rst B.rigade and suppqrt. ed by the Rough Riders. The enemy's lines
at Kettle Hill were then gallantly stormed
by the Division, the 2d Brigade pushing
through and uniting with the rst, the two brigades and the different ·:regiments composing
~·them mingled together . in the assault. The . . "
assault was m·ade over extremely unfavorable {.. . .terrain. The division deploy.ed about 8oo yards
from the enemy, and with the exception of a belt
o(tropical forest'about ISO yards on each side of
. the river: the ground, from the place of deploy·ment to the hostile position, was open and com- J
pletely fire-swept; the only obstacles being barbwire fences,_which seriously impe~e4 the advance' ·
of the troops while affording them no shelter.
Kettle Hill was carried ~y the cavalry about the 11 )
same time that Fort San Juan Hill was carried
by the infantry.* The Cavalry Division then
moved forward from Kettle Hill and carried the
main
at San Juan at about 2:3o in the
aft~rnoon, being supported by the 13th Infantry,
which irt t.esponse: to a call for assistance had
been sent over from Kent's division. The IJth
Infantry remained with the Cavalry Division
untii the following'day ... ··As soon :is the enemy's
-position had been c·arried·, the troops immedi-
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posit~~nt
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*.See foot-note page 82.
t That portion of the San Juan Heights north of the E1 PowSantiago road.-'-Ed.
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THE SANTIAGO CAM.PAIGN.
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THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
ately proceeded. to shelter themselves as best
they might in the captured intrenchments, _upon
which a heavy fire was poured from the enemy's
main posjtion in front of Santiago. In the assaultS on K~ttle Hill and Sari Juan Hill, the
GOurage anci energy of Colonel Roosevelt, of the
Rough Riders, \vere so conspicuous as to command general admiration. There is ·no doubt
·. that to the influence of his personal qualities the
.. successful issue of the attack_ was largely due.
With characteristic energy and gallantry, Geileral \iVheeler, who was sick when the battle began·, rose from his bed; and resumed command
,of the Cavalry Division before the close of the
. actiori.The. 2d Brigade of Kent's division, under
Pearson, whiGh had been under a severe artillery
fire since noon, came into action about 2 :3o
p. m., the roth and 2d Infantry being directed
to the left to follow the 3d Brigade, while the
2 ist moved along the main road to support .
Hawkins. The 2 ~st advanced to the hill, where.
- it formed on the left of Hawkins' brigade, and
·immediately entered the action. In the meantime Pearson endeavored to deploy his remaining regiments to cross the stream and attack in
line. But, finding this was inipracticable, he
crossed in column, deployed on the left· of the ·
troops already in action, the roth Infantry on
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·the right, the ·2d on the left, and in a gallant
· charge drove back the enemy in his front:
In the battles of the rst of July the part
played. by the artillery was very disappointing
to the Army. As soon as Grimes' battery had
opened fire its smoke .at once rendered it a plain
target for the enemy, and at the saltle time ob:·
scured its own aim. At the end of three.,-qU:arters of an hour its fire ceased. ·. Shortly after
·noo~ the batteries of Best. and Parkhurst were .
· brought up and formed on. Grimes' left,· ·and the
artillery was again in action at intervals ·until
the advance of our infantry up the slopes leadi
ing to the enemy's position rendered it necessary
to suspend the fire of our batteries. . About z
o'clock p. m., Best's battery went to the front
and took position on the firing-line; but as soon·
as it had come into action it received such a concentrated fire from the hostile infantry and artillery that it was quickly compelled to withdraw.
It f1rst withdrew down the slope,, and then to the
.. position at El Pozo. The services "of the Gat-:
ling battery were conspicuous and of greaf value.
This battery consisted of four Gatlings, caL .30.
It was unable to come into action until about
· r: rs p. m;, when its commander, who had with
difficulty pushed through the crowded road,
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crossed· the ford and came ii1to position with
three guns, at a range of about 7oo ·yards from ·
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UN
,e··
IV
E
R
5
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.H
of
Department of History
0
U
S . T
Houston, TX 77204-3785
0
N
· Fox: 713/743-3216
713/743-3083
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20 July 1999 .
Dr. Graham Cosmas
U.S. Army Center of Militafy History ·
· 103 Jrd Avenue ·
Bldg'35
Ft.
McNair
Washington,
DC 20319
Deai Graham:
Enclosed . please· find a copy of my report. Let me know if you need anything else.. ·
Best to all.
Sincerely,
·Ck
Joseph T. Glatthaar
Professor
(I .
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"I~· entitled to the Medal of Honor, and I want it," insisted Theodore Roosevelt for the
assault he led up San Juan Ridge. "Ifi didn't earn it," he gnunbled, "then no cornmissionedofficer
ever can earn it." Yet eight years later, as time' and political demands softened his public views,
President Theodore Roosevelt contradicted ~ose.. assertioris, explaining "the
Me~ of Honor .is the
greatest distinction open to any American" a:nd "frankl:y, looking back on it riow, I feel that the
. board which declined to award it took exactly the right position."· These conflicting statements
·suggest just some of the confusion
and controversy that has and still revolves around the
issue of
whether Teddy Roosevelt deserved the Congressional Medal of Honor for his deeds of valor during
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the War against Spain.
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.·.Roosevelt served as lieutenant colonel in the 1st U.S. Volunteer·cavalrY. More familiarly
lqlown a.S the Rough Riders, the regiment. was a bizarre mix of cowboys and Ivy Leagu(:!rs. While a
. Regular Army doctor and Medal of Honor recipient Leonard Wood commanded the Rough Riders,
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its energetic lie~tenant colonel placed his imprimatur. on it, fanning the flames of interest among
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journalists who covered the war and the America.ri public at large.
President William McKinley had intended to l~unch
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The War Department . and
an invaSion of Cuba in: ~e area of Havana
. That target changed, howe~er, when they learned that the Spanish. Atlantic fleet lay in Santiago
harbor. . Hastily, they cobbled together a fifteen. thousand-man invasion. force--two infantry division
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and one dismounted cavalry division--, composed mostly of Regular Army units. Responsibility
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for command rested on the broad shoulders ofCivirWar veteran and Medal of Honor :recipient MG·
William R. Shafter.
Despite disorga.D.ization and supply problems,
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th¢ expedition set out for Cuba from Tampa;
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Florida, in mid-June. Fortunately for· the Americans, the landing ~as l;IDOpposed by the Spanish
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garrison forces on the island.
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· Two days after coming ashore~ the Rough Riders tasted combat for the first time. Pressing
along a jungle trail, they met stiff resistanc·e from Spanish soldiers- at 'l.~a.S Guasimas: · Eventually,
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overwhelming American manpower. compelled the Spanish to fall back, but not before the
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Americans suffered sixty-eight losses. . In his first fight, Roosevelt proved· himself .a darirlg if ...
inexperienced officer. What he lacked in training he compensated with audacity.
Sh~er had planned to dela~·his advarice
and developed supply roads. for ·his columns.
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on Santiago until he had organized.his
l~gistics
Wh~n he received intelligence "that Spanish
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re.inforce~ents bringing badly-needed food sq.pplies were. en rout~ to the Santiago garrison, he
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elected to step. up the attack.
· At the time of the attack, Illnesses felled .three oJ Shafter's high command. Shafter himself,
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a three-hundred pound man, could not withstand the tropi,cal heat. and· remained. ·ill the· rear
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throughout the battle. Hi~ cavalry division commander, MGJoseph Wheeler, also s~ffe~ed from
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illness. Although Wheeler did,push to forward _in the late stages of the battle, he had little input on
the fighting that day. Brigade commander BG ·Samuer Sumner took over Wheeler's division, and
L !C Henry Carroll directed
Division, _BO S.B.M.
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Young~
~umner's,
Brigade.
The other brigade. commander in Wheeler's
also came down with an. illness. COL Leonard
Woo~
assumed the
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·head of Yo~g's brigade, which elevated LTC Theodore Roosevelt to leadership of ¢e 1st U.S.
Volunteer Cavalry.
Shafter intended for one infantry division under ~G Henry W. Lawton to strike at a fortified
·position to the north called El_Caney. Once that fell, the division would swing. down on the flank ·
and aid the infantry and the cavalrY divisions in dislodging the Spanish tr~~ps from two pieces of
high 'ground, Kettle Hill to the. east and San Juan Hill, the larger of the two, to the west. With these
possessi~n,
in' American
they would 'hold valuable high
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gr~thld
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several miles from Santiago. ..
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Because Shafter had such corJidence in the' flank attack, he had no specific battle plan for the ~o
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divisions which advanced directly on San-Juan Ridge. They had to formulate their attack virtually .
in the presence of the enemy. Even worse, because of the extensive jungle and various streams,
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command and control broke . do\.vn at the division level and below, leaving brigade, regimental, and
even company colninanders With the grave responsibility of directing their o~ fight:.
A.s the attackers emerged from the jungle, they.waded two waist-deep-waterways under fire·
and occupied an old road cut or some _grassy areas beyond it. From there, tliey peppered portions of
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the Spanish position and took on heavy fire
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ill return.
Carroll's First Cavalry Brigade held the
. center of the road cut arid extended ;vestWard past. it. Wood's Brigade settled on its right. The 1st
· and lOth U.S. Cavalry Regiments manned the front line,. while the Rough Riders stretched out on
the northern wing in hopes of .linking WithLawton~s division fro111.El Caney. .. It did not take long
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for Roosevelt and his superiors to realize that Lawton's assault had bogged
~own,
.and no help
wOuld come from that quarter. On the southernmost portion of the American line, BG Hamilton
Ha~kins's Brigade, composed of the 6th and 16th U.S. huap.try Regiments, ofBG Jacob F. Kent'~
Infantry Division threatened to outflank the Spanish from San Juan Hill.
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fo~ces had suffered: some c~l.ialties alopg·the trail through the jungle, and in their
parti~l:y-exposed J?OSitions, theyendured even more losses. It quickly became apparent that they
· . had to attack or waste.their manpower to accurate enemy rifle fire._ Invaluable support from CPT
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John H. Parker's Gattling guns helped to pin down the Spaniards during the assault.
Hawkins's Brigade on the southern part of the line propably launched its attack fust, on San
Juan Hill, but other regi~ents followed almost sunultaneously,' probably unaware of what occurred
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el~ewhere. Sumner clearly. ordered the. Cavalry Division's advance, with one of his staff officers
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commuriicating directly to Roosevelt when he coUld not locate Wood.
The terrain over which the , Rough Riders advanced .consisted of knee-high grass with ·
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occasio~al trees. Two barbed-wire fences and a wooden barricade further obstructed the passage.
With l.ittlt!. cover, it was almost ideal terraiil· for the Spanish defenders.
Fortunately for the
American troops, the steepness . ·of the hill and -the location of the Spanish. works offered a dead
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zone--an area where the defenders could not depress their :Weapons sufficiently to fue on those who
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occupied that terrain ... As the American attackers reached_ the base of the hill~ they .could rest and
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·regroup safely before charging up the slope. 2
Moments into the assault ,up Kettle Hill, the attackers resembled aj'umbled mass. Those in
as the succeeding wave of Rough Riders pressed·
the front ranks slowed in the face of enemy fire,
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directly behind them. Casualties sapped the ~triking power of the 1~t and 1Oth Cavalry1 Regiments.
Men hesitated; officers fell; troopers bunched up; and the Rough Riders crowded in with them.
From the mass of confusion, a mounted LTC Roosevelt pressed on up the hill, with Rough Ri?ers
and 1Oth Cavalrymen alongside him. He was the conspicuous figure on that portion of the line, the
one most visible from the high ground well to the rear·at El Pozo. With help from some troopers, ·
Roosevelt passed through an operiing in the fust barbed wire fence and then over the wooden:.
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obstruction,lall the ~hile under fire .. He shouted encouragement to those who followed, and his
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almost reckless exposure on horseback inspired others to charge along~ide him.
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· At the final barricade, a six-foot high barbed-Wire fence, Roosevelt had toabandon his
horse. With the help of others, they carved .out an opening and raced on to the top ofKettle HilL
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As the attackers closed in, ~d Hawkins's Brigade threatenedtheirrear, Spanish resi~tance on Kett~e
Hill beg~ to melt.. Defenders feU back, some in good order and· others pell .mell.. In this final .
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. porti~ri of the charge, others outpaced Roosevelt. An older m~ with short legs, he could no longer .
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keep up with the more youthful attackers from the 1Oth Cavalry an<;! Rough Riders. The Americans
wrested control of Kettli:: Hill from the Spaniards, With troopers from all three cavalry regiments
intermixed.
As the men caught their breath, Roosevelt, the tanking officer,. quickly .organized and
directed an assault on the succeeding San Juan Hill. Ha~kins's infantrymen ~a4 by this time seized
blockho~e in its front, but other Spanish marksmen and artillerists from strong works along the
· the
high ground farther north continued to resist and opened a harassing fire on the American tro.ops
.atop Kettle Hill. ·
Down the slope.and back'up the.nextone Roosevelt and his subordinates Clambered. At
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~ohmteer lieutenant colonel discovered himself so
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far in advance that he and five
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others had separated fro~ the main· segment of the American attackers. He ordered his small band
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to lay down and fire at the. enemy, while he. returned over exposed ground to rally reinforcements.
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In the fuial rush to the top of. San Juan Hill,.Roosevelt personally dispatched one retreating Spanish
soldier with small-arms fire. Under orders from Wheeler and Sumner, he directed the soldiers with
him to 'fortify their positions.
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The two assaults cost the Rough Riders ninety-two casualties, some· 20% of the regiment.
For. his conduct on July 2, COL Wood, MG Wheeler, and MG Shafter recommended Roosevelt for
the Medal ofHonor. 3 .
According to WarDepartmenrGeneral Orders No. 42,.issu~d 30 June 1897, t~ receive the
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Congressional Medal of J:Ionoi "service must have been performed in action of such a, consp~cuous
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character~ to dearly ciistiriguish'the man for gallantry and intrepidity above his contrades--service
that involved ex_treme jeopardy oflife or the performa:nce·of extraordinarily hazardous duty." The
War I?epartment assume.d most American soldiers who performed their duty behaved gallantly in
battle. To receive the Medal of Honor, ·the conduct must "clearly distingu_ish the soldier above
other men."
Unfortunately, the Board that examined nominations for brevets and awards imposed its
own extremely restrictive guidelines for the Medal of Honor, which the War Department directive
did not j~stify. Based on. the experiences of two board members, and perhaps influenced by. the
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reputation ofPresidentMcKlnley;who had earned acclaim in tl,le Civil War for rescuing wounded
comrades from the field of battle, the Army Board awarded all
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Medals of Honor to Army
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personnel who risked their lives to rescue wotinded comrades. The sole exception was CPT Albert
. L Milk of the U.S. Volunteers, for "Distinguished gallantry in ~ncouraging those near him by his
bravery .and coo mess after being. shot through· the head and ~ntirely without sight.;, One other
. member of the Army earned a Medal of Honor for reasons other than rescu~g wolinded soldiers-·.
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LT John W. Heard of the 3rd U.S.. Cavalry--, but Heard evidently was nominated by the Navy .for
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. .· .action on a naval vesseL ·
. In the past, the
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Aimy had awarded Medals
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of Honor for .those who rescued wounded .
comrades, but their guidelines had never b~en· so ex~lusive. .~ey awarded Meda,ls of Hodor fo~
other forms of gallantry as well. So, too, hav.e Boards since the Spanish American War.(As ~
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example, take a look at the awards for the. figh~ing in the
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Philippines~
They were given by a
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different Board, which.abide~: by guidelines which reflt!cted more sensible standards arid were in
.conformity With·those before and after it.)
Some
hav~
suggested that Teddy Roosevelt was denied the Medal ·of Honor for political
· reasons. Roosevelt had been a key participant in ~e Round Robin, a letter to the presi~ent signed
by senior officers th~twarned him of senous health problems in the krny if the g~ve~ent did not
· act promptly and remove the troops. from the unhealthy climate
m Cuba.
Someone, perhaps
· Roosevelt, leaked the· Round Robin to the press, which caused quite a scandal for Secretary of War
Russell Alger.
There is no evidence to surmort claims of QOlitical retaliation ggah.Hit Roosevs;lt. Adjutant
General of the Army Henry Corbin denied the assertion to Roosevelt, and he ~as in. a position to
observe political manipulations if they took. place ... C~rbin even advised Roosevelt on·how t~.
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strengthen his c~e for . Medal of Honor. The nomination for Roosevelt was temporarily lost
the
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amid. the blizzard of paper\.vork that passed through the War Department, but officials found it in
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time for consideration by the Board.
On the contrary, it was Roosevelt
whO attempted to employ political_ metYJs
especially h~
friend Sen. Hen0r Cabot Lodge; to secure him the Medal of Honor.. Furthermore, by the time the
Board coiwened, the c~e against Alger for mismanagement and . incompeten:ce was so strong (and
gaining force. every day)·.. that, anyone with political sense would have kno.wn his days were .
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numbered. Supporting Alger ·in a petty squabble with Roosevelt, ~ong others, would not have
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benefitted Board members, and it may have earned tlie ire of Alger's enemies, who were increasing
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�in ntlmber and strength almost daily:
Some have charged that the. Board discriminated against volunteers .. After all, Medals of
Honor went to Regulars, with one exception. But .that exception was Mills, who did nor rescue
A much more plau~ible explanation is, that by employing its narrow
. wounded comracies:
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'. · ·guidelines, the Board excluded Roosevelt and 'numerous others from serious consideration, without
regard for volunteers or Regulars.
Roosevelt iater confus~d the situation by:telling.different versions of what happened and.·by
. ·claiming that he had not received orders. to charge, which he obviously ~d. · He also muddied the ·
waters by attempting manipulat~ the process for political gain (just before the New York governor's
election). But what Roosevelt did afterward should have no bearing on the case. In my opinion,
what matters is whether Roosevelt's conduct measure '.up . to the War Department guidelines
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established in 1897. I think they did. ·
The letters from his direct superiors, specifically Wood, Wheeler, and Shafter, do not carry
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much weight, because none of them were eyewitnesses.
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But we should not dismiss them
completely. Thes,e officers did not conjure t:Q.eir assessme1,1ts out of thin .air. ·They clearly reflected
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the sentiments of other officers who were witnesses .
Among those who witnessed Roosevelt's conduct and testified to it, his behavior was of
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such a conspicuous character as clearly distinguish the man for gallantry and intrepidity above his
to
cornrades;-servi~e that involved. extreme jeop;u.dy ·of life or the performance of extraordinarily.
hazardous duty.. COL A.L. Mills, himself a Medal ;of Honor recipient and at. the time the
Superintendent at West Point, observed (obviously before being blinded temporarily), '·'In moving
. to the assault of San Juan Hill [Kettle
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San Juan Hill], Colonel Roosevelt was· most .
conspicuously brave, gallant and indifferent to his own safety.. He; in the open, led his regiment; no
officer could have set a mo~e striking example to. his men or disphiyed greater intrepidity."
CPT Robert Howze, a Regular. Army officer and h?lder of the Medal of Honor,_ described
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Roosevelt's conduct in glowing terms.·. "Theodore Roosevelt, First Volunteer Cavalry, distinguished
himself througho~t the action, and on two occaSions during the battle
~hen
I was an eve-witness,
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his conduct was most conspicuous and clearly distinguished above other men." Howze saw
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'Roosevelt push· through the barbed-wire fence as the line wavered and "by his. enthusiasm, his
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example and courage succeeded in leading to the crest of the hill a.li~e sufficiently strong to capture
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The captain insisted that Roosevelt ,"placed ~s life in extrem~ jeopa[r]dy,· owing to the
conspicuo~s position he took in leading the line." Howze thought in~orrectly tha~, Roosevelt was
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the first to reach the crest. .rThat; however, means little. He was unq)..lestionablyone of the first men
there, and the great achievement was not getting there first, but leading, enabling, and motivating
others into' getting there. Roosevelt's conductafter they seizedtl{e position,_ Howze also explained,·
demonstr~ted conspicuous gallantry, as .he exposed himself fre~-ly to bolster morale while securing
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. and fortifying the position. With nothing to gain from his letter. of
recommend~tion, Howz~'s
endorsei?Jent carries great weight with me.
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Former major ofthelst U.S_..Volunteer.Cavalry, M.J. Jenkins, wrote the Adjutant general
that "H.is uhhesitating gallantrY. in taking the initiative against entrenchments. lined by inen armed
with rapid fire guns certainly won him the highest ·consideration and ·admiration of aU who
witnessed his conduc;t throughout the day."
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Yetanother military witness, CPT C.J. Stevensqf2nd U.S. Cavalry and at the time in the
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9th U.S._ Cavalry testified .of Roosevelt that "by his gallantry and strong personality
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contributed
most materially to the .success of the charge of the Cavalry Division up San Juan Hill." Stevens
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went on to write that Colonel Roosevelt was among the first to reach ·the _crest of the hill and his
dashing example, his absolute fearlessness and gallant leading rendered his conduct conspicuous
and clearly distinguished above other men."
When I .first read the account of 'the attack on San Juan Ridge by the famous journalist
Richard Harding Davis, i assumed that even though he was ah eyeWitness, it was an embellishment
to sell newspapers, vel)' much in vogue with the yellow journalism ofthe time. Davis wrote in his ·
~oltunrl. that "Roosevelt led his regiment through their lilles [Regulars] and tode up ahead of his
men toward the blockhouse on the_ hilL The younger officers and tp.e colored-soldiers of the Tenth
·[U.S.
Ca~alry] follo~ed instantly.".i-Ie then elabo~ated that, "_No one who saw Roosevelt take that
ride expected lie would finish alive. As the only mounted ~an, he ~as the most conspicuous object
in range of the rifle pits:· then only ~o htmdred yards
ahe~d._
It looked
lik~ foolhardiness, but, a5 a
matter of fact, he set the pace with his horse and inspired the men to follow.
II
What Davis wrote
'w~ perfectly in line with the testimony of others w~o observed the a~ck. . The most convincing evidence for me, though, comes ·from two extremely credible
ey~witnesses who wr6te ofthe event but did not testify on Roosevelt's behalf.
7
LT Matthew Forney
�.e
Steele wa5 at the time on Wheeler'~ ~taff. A graduate of.the U.S. Military Academy; he served on
·the faculty at Leavenworth, rose to the rank
?f general,
and; a.S a vigorous and· en~rtnously well-
respected advocate of military professionalism, wrote American Campaigns. Just days after the
battle, .Steele penned his wife that the newspapers credited the Rough Riders with the. success, when
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in fact they did not perform as well as the Regulars~ Still, he thought they did extremely well in
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spite of their lack of ·experience. "And Roosevelt tho' he has no training as a soldier [isJ a great
man, & as brave as men are made, & so honest, & earnest, & intense ... I see a good. deal of him, & I
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could not keep _'J.dmiring him ifl should try.c The otherday, the 1st [July], after he. got to the top of
the first hill-:--yonder 500 yards in front of me--he stood up in front of his line, bullets flying like
. hail." Later, Roosevelt, "~lenching his ·fists & gritting his. teeth till I couldhear them, &I was 30
feet from him, shouted 'Now By God men! come on! Lets charge 'em God damn 'em! And he wa5
an inspiration. Men were bound to follow him." (See Attachment 1)
~e second, and the most powerful piece.oftestimony,.comes from LTC Arthur Wagner.
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At the time, Wagner was probably the most widelv respecled £fti£~ iu,~
Uo,ilsg Smtss Almy.
More. than anyone else, Wagner was instrumental in developing a modem · military education
program in the Army. With Emory Upton's death, he became the leading expert on tactics, and
Wagner developed the version that the American troops employed in Cuba. His efforts at the
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Infantry and. Cavalry School at Leavenworth and later at the Ariny War College affected every
. career officer over a thirty- or forty-year period, and in: some respects the Army 'still extracts from
his legacy: Individuals ·such as George C. Marshall lauded his contributions to the development of
a modem (twentieth century)Army, not only for his tactics and, professionalism, b~t also for his
transformation of the military mindset. ·According to Marshall, Wagner was instrumental in
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"breaking down the garrison mentality." Wagner, moreover, was anUptonian in the sense that he
believed fervently in a strong and well-trained peac~time Army.· Thus, he was not particularly
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disposed to volunteers.
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During the Cuban Campaign,( Wagner held an inspector's position, which emibled him to.
travel and observe anywhere lie wanted.· In January .1899, he submitted his report to the War
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Department, which was published after Wagner's death .. · When he drafted his. comments in an
official government document, he had rio reason to assume that Roosevelt would later become vice
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�president and then president. .After describing and ~alyzing what he had observed. from a tactical
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standpoint, Wagner wrote,' ;,In the assaults on Kettle Hill an:d San Juan Hill, th~ courage and energy:.
of Colonel Roosevelt, _o_f the Rough Riders; .were so :conspicuous _as to command general _
admiratio'n. There is no doubt_ that to 'the influence· of his personal qualities the -succ~ssful issue of .
the attack. was largely due...'' Here is arguably the most credible eyewitness in the. Artny, not in any
.
.'
.
way disposed to Roosevelt, who Insisted that Roosevelt's a~tions and g~l~try were so conspicuous
'
and influential that they made the differen~e in the outcome of_the battle. (see Attachment 2)
.. ·
'
Slll11.lllary Conclusion: BGJohn S. Brown, U.S.
Army ,Chief of Military History, asked that we
develop reports of what happened and then assess tlie sources that explained ·it; I cannot leave the
subject, however, without expressing my_ own opinion.
0
my mind, the record
is~-
In
. .
combat~ LTC Theodore Roosev~lt ee~o_rm~d _acts.,2f
~--
such -a conspicuous -·charaCter inC4.mr
gallantrywowac.w ne::o:;;•.
and intrepidityxe to_.aclearly ....distinguish him above .•his
as
.
. .>wm
-==.-:::: ....-.-•::z::s
·"•
~-s--L
::n: ..
-~---
-.:s._.. ___ •
-·- ..
comrades. He placed his own life in extreme jeopardy in execution of the assaults, and while it is
.
-.- ------. . --··......
.........
.
.....
.
.
difficult to dete~ne with any certainty, his ser\rice may ha~e made the difference ih the outcome
of the attack.
....
'··~-
. The question is not whether other deserVing: individuals have failed to receive the Medal of
Honor, from the Cuban, Campaign, or in other wars, for that matter. That is ·a certainty. The
question before us is whether Teddy Roosevelt deservedthe Medal of Honor for his actio~s that .
July day_,in 1898. In my opini~h~ does.
,
.
Merely perpetratmg an injustice because others have endured the same injustice is, in my
opinion, improper _and unacceptable. We. must right wrongs one at a time. For other cases, I
propose that the Secretary of the Army consider further investigations into Medals of Honor in the
Cuban Campaign, to correct the record for other deserving soldiers.
Joseph T. Gl"atthaar
Professor of History
·, University ofHouston
9
../
�.,.;
''
'
1. TR to Henry Cabot Lodge, 6 Dec. 1898. TR to Alexander Scott, 26 June 1907. Pp., and 695 .
. i F~r a description ~fthe terrain, see Cosmas, "San Juan Hill and El c.:mey," in Heller and Stoffi:,
eds:, America's First Battles, pp. 129-30.:
I
3. See Roosevelt's AAR, 4 Jttly 1898 and 20 Juiy 1.898;. Wood to Adjutant General, ,6 July 1898,
with Endorsements froin Wheeler, 9 July ·i 898. and Shafter, 9 July· 1898; Roosevelt to·· Douglas
Robinson, 19 July 1898.
·
4.' For Wagner's corttributions ~d achievements, see !imothy K. Neim.iitger, The Leavenworth
Schools and the Old Army: Education, Professionalism, and the Education ·of the Officer Corps of
the United States Army, 1881-1918. We~tport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1978 ..
�-
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�JUN-21-99
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PAGE
6/7
�JUN-21-89
15•29 FROM•MIL HISTORY
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INSTITUTE
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By
;
ARTHUR L. WAGNER
.;.~
Lieutenant-Colonel, U.S. A.
Assistant Adjutant-General
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January, 1899
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· CoL. ARTHUR · L. WAGNER,
U. S.
A.
Kansas CitY, Mo.
PUBLISllllfG CO..
Fll.A.NitLIN HUDSON
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1908
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PUBLJSHER'S NOTICE;·
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Copyrighted 1908
Br.
Pll..t.Nllt.LIN HODSON POBLISHING
Kazisu City, Mo,
~'13.<6
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.
No introduction.of.Colone1 Wagner is necessary. · As an author of known reputation on,
· military subjects and as one of the pioneers in
promoting professional study in the Army, his
name is not only well known in military cirCles,
but to the general public as well. Therepoit
herein printed was sent us, with other papers,
by his widow for publication, and·, though ten
years have elapsed since the stirring events de- ·
scribed in the report transpired, we take great
pleasure in publishing ·it, not only because· .
of our high regard and friendship for Colon~} . ·
Wagner; ·but because it seems to us that the · ·
·publication will be of great benefit to the Army.
· From this·report it appears that ~ Bureau
of Military Information ·in the Field was estab. lished by the Commanding General·of the Army'
and placed under charge of Colonel Wagner,
Under his instructions Colonel Wagner proceeded to Cuba, but for reasons. shown in the .
report was unable to organize the Bureau or ·
to accomplish any useful work in/ connection
tJ.:lerewith. He then offered his services to .
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General Lawton and became· a volunteer aid on·
the latter's staff. In this position he had ex- ·
.. ceptional opportunities for observing the conduct of the Santiago expedition through all its
phases; and. _has given tis a report thereon in
his own lucid. and inimitable style. ·
The account begins with the mobilization of
the troops at Tampa, follows the naval expedition over the seas to Cuba, describes the landing, the theater of operations, the battles- of
Las Gtiasimas, El Caney and Sa11 Juan, and
tll.e subsequent siege and surrender of the city._
.Throughout the report Colonel Wagnercomments freely upon the situation from the
standpoint of a military critic, and in conclu~
sion gives his _views upon various features of .
the campaign, such as smokeless .powder; th~:
artillery, dismounted. cavalry, infantry' organization, ammi.m1tion supply,. intrenching tools,'
uniforms, volunteers, staff and 'line, signal
corps, etc.
We publish .his report as a tribute to his
·memory and for the benefit of his surviving _
.
comrades in arms.
June'. r, 1908 .
. ·:j
CONTENTS ..
.
_
·Page
The Santiago Expedition-Lack of :System and
._ .
19 .
Preparation,
The Military Problem,. .
.. .
·35
· The·Landing,.
.•
.
.
41 .Colonel· Wagner's .Services Declined by tht; Corps
Commander-V~lunteer Aid to General Lawton, 47.
·Las Guasimas,
.
·
51
Comments on the Landi~g-Lack of Supplies. after
Las Guasiinas, .
.
·
. 57
The Army Advances-Colonel Wagner. Is Dep~ived ·
of His Aid_:_Reconnaissance,
·
·
61
The Plan of Battle, .
. 69
The Battle Begins-El Caney; .
73
Genera( Lawton Receives Orders to Break_ off the
Engagement at El Caney, .
76
Sa!! 'Juan,
... .
,_·,..
78
: D~monstration, Against Aguadores,
89
After the Battle-General Lawton's Marc~ to San·
Juan; .
93
July.: 2d~The "Night A'ttack"_:_Shall the 'Army
Retreat? . /';. .
98
100 '
A Truce,.
General Comments,
105
112
Smokeless Powder,.-
�A·
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i.
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
~;l'
83
-!\
:i
82
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAiGN.
It is hard to understand what fantastic co~cep
tioir of the art of war could have caused such a
reconnaissance to be seriously contemplated in
the first place .
. General Hawkins moved the 6th Infantry
forward, the I 6th following to form on its left.
It was expected thatthese two regimentswould
flank the enemy's position, and it was intended
in .the. meantim~ to place the 71st New York
between the 6th Infantry and the Cavalry.Division to make~ frontal demonstration, But the
New York regiment had been deflected by General Kent along the trail to the left already mentioned, with a view to forming it in l.ts position
on the left of the brigade.· It was found, however, that when the 6th and 16th regiments of
infantry had deployed, they did not flank_ the
enemy's position, but were in front of it, and
under ~uch a heavy fire that an attack was necessary as the only alternative to a retreat. They
were accordingly directed to assault the enemy's
position, which they did successfully, and with
a· degree of gallantry that- will ever cast a luster
over the Regular Army.*_ In the meantime, the
7Ist New York, coming tinder a heavy fire; becaine demoralized; and refused to move forward.
*The ·assauit at this time· was made by the whole lin~.- the
left ()f the dismounted .cavalry joining the right of the infantry in .
the attack upon the San Juan Block-House. The center arid right
of the cavalry first carried Kettle Hill and then pushed on to the
heights in their front.-Ed.
·
Many of the men broke in panic to the rear,
General Kent and his staff officers formmg a
cordon for_ the purpose of stopping them. Findill;g ·that it was impossible to get this r~giment
as a body to move forWard, he ordered them to·
lie down in the thic~et, so as to clear the way for
the troops in the rear. The 3d Brigade, advancing rapidly, marChed over the prOStrate forms
ofthe7rst New York in the order already mentioned,. the I 3th in the lead, followed by the.9th
and 24th. As soon as it was possible for the
brigade to deploy, the 13th Infantry formed line,
the rst battalion of the 24th forming on its left,
the rst battalion of the 9th on the left of the rst
battalion of the 24th, the 2d battalion of the
latt<;r regiment forming the extreme left of the
line, and the 2d battalion of the 9th being in rear
of the I 3th. This alteration of the battalions
of these two regimentswas dueto,the difficulties
· of the terrain and the confusion· incident to the
. blocked roads. . Whether the 2d battalion of the
9th Infant!)' was purpoSely placed in thO rear of
the 13th or not, 1 have been unable to ascertain.
· As· soon as the 3d Brigade was deployed it was
pushed forward to the assault, and it gallantly
·carried the enemy's position,. which it reached
almost. simultaneously with the 6th and r6th
Regiments. Colonel Wikoff, having been killed,
was succeeded by Lieutenant- Colonel Worth,
'
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-THE SANTIAGp CAMPAIG~-
who was almost in1mediately wo~ded, succeeded in tum by Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum" >Liscum was soon wounded, and the command de-:
.· ·volvtxl up·on.Lieutenarit-Colonel Ewers, who did· ·
·. not ·know that he was. in command of the brigade until the hostile position had been carried.
As soon as the enemy's position had been cap-." ·
tured, 'the order of the brigade was rectified, the :· '
24th Infantry heing placed on ~he right, the gth .
in. the center,. and the ·I 3th on .the left. . The .
·time of the.capt~re of Fort·san.Jtian-Bill ~s given.
'vario'4sly by differentofficers, but was probably '
· made ~bout .I :3op, m.
. .·.
. ,
',.· While_K~nt was. thus engaged, the Cavalry
Division had': not been idie.' . The ISt Brigade.
had succ~~ded in deployil1.g to .the right of the
... · . road, the <)th Cavalry on the right, the 6th Ca'V- .
alry in the center, and th~ 3d Cavalry on the left,
.-its leftflank ·restiJ!g on the_ road~· The _2d Brigade !lad been. cut 'in two: by the ·balloon detach:.
'ment,. and·· the leadi~g regi:n;_ent, the· ·Rough.·
Riders; which had become sep~rated. s~i:ne -dis- · 'tance from those. in its rear, had marched abo~t
halfa mile by tht:dl'ank, passing the· ISt Brigade;
the _movement being undertaken in. compliance.
with the hazy orders to e_stablish connection
with, and· lend ·assistance· to, Lawton. This
movement to the -tight was soon abandoned,
·howevei,·: and ·the 1st and· 10th Cavalry were
. THE'SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
s5 · ·
!
placed in rear of the 1st Brigade and supported by the Rough Riders.·' The enemy's lines·
··at Kettle Hill were then gallatitlY stormedby ·the .Division, the ·. 2d ·.. Brigade·· pushing
through and uniting w'ith the ISt, the tw'a bri-.
' gades and the different regiments ' composing
them mingled together 1n · the·· assault. ·The ·
assault was m'~de ove~ ~xtremely unfavdtable
terrain. · The divisi()n depl,oyed about 8oo yards
from the enemy, aJ]d.with the exception of a bf!lt
'of tropical forest about 15 0 yards on each side of
the river, the ground, from the. place ofdep,oy-.
' ''ment to· the hostile position, was :open and com- ..
· pletely _fire-swept; -the only obstacles ~eing yxir~- .
·wire knees, which seriously imped~d the advance:
of. the troops while. affor4ing th~m no shelter.
·Kettle Hill was carr1ed by the .ca~aliy about the
s:1me' time that Fort San Juaj:I Hill was carried
by/the· infantry.*. ·The··cavalry Divjsion then·
moved forW-ard from Kettle Hill and carried the
.main positiont at S~n- Juan at about 2:3o in the
·.aftemoon, being supported by the 1-3th Infantry,
which iri response
a call for assistance had -·
. been sent over from Kent's division .. The I3t1i'
Inf:intry remained witl;l the Cavalry· .'Division
~nt11 ~he £allowing day·. As' soon as the enemy's
positiotL had been carried, the troopS ··J.mmedi* See foot-not~ page 82. -·
.
to
t That portion of the San· Juan Heights north of the El PowSantiago road.-Ed.
.
.·
...
,.
I
�86
· THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
87
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN.
ately proceeded to shelter. themselves as best
they might in.the captured intrenchments,-upon
. which a heavy fire was poured from the enemy's .
main ppsition in front of San,tiago: In the as- _.
saults on. Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill, the.
courage and energy of Colonel Roosevelt, of the
Rough Riders, were so conspicuous as to command general admiration. There is no doubt
that to the influence of his personal qualities the
successful issue of the attack was largely due.
With characteristic energy and gallantry, General Wheeler, who was s1ck when the battle began, rose -from his bed, a~d resumed coinmand
of the Cavalry Division before the close of the
action.· ·
.
The 2d Brigade .of Kel}t's -division, under
Pearson; which had. been under a severe artillery
fire since noon, came into action about 2:30
p. m., the roth and 2d Infantry being directed
. 'to the left to follow the· 3d Brigg,de, .while the
2 r st moved along the main road to support .
Hawkins. The 2rst advanced to the· hill, wh~re
it formed on the left of Hawkins' brigade, and
immediately entered t?e action.· In the meantime Pearson endeavored to deploy his remaining regiments to cross the stream and attack in
line. But, finding this was· impracticable, he
crossed in column, deployed on. the left of the
troops already. in action, 'the roth Infantry on
·the right, the ·2d on the left, and .in a gallant
charge drove bac~ the enemy in his front.
... In the. battles of the rst of July the part
played. by the artillery .. was very disappointing
to the .Army. As soo:ri as Grimes' battery had
opened fire its smoke at one~ rendered it a plain
· .target for the enemy, and at the same time obscured its own aim. At the end ·of three-quar. ters of an hour. its fire ceased. Shortly after
noon ·the batteries of Best and Parkhurst were
brought up and formed on Grimes' left, and the
. artillery was again in action at intervalS until .
the advance of our infantry up the slopes leadi
ing to the enemy's position rendered itnecessary
to _suspend. the fire o,f our batteries.· .About z
o'clock p. m.; -Best's battery wen.t to the front
and took position on. the firing-line;· but (;LS. soon
as it had come into action it received such a con~
centrated fire from the hostile infantry and artillery that' it was quickly compelled to' withdraw.
. It first withdrew down the slope, and then to the
position at El Pozo. The services of the Gat-:
ling battery were conspicuous and of great value ..
This battery consisted of four Gatlings, cal. .30.
It was unable to come into action until about
. r:rs p.m., when its commander, who had with
difficulty pushed through the ·crowded road, .
crossed· the ford and came into position with
three guns, at a· range of. about 70? yards from
.
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [2]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 4
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-002-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7fafa9b4b77f5921bc932b4bf7409213.pdf
995f1a571003c05c3cc25556eda9d6e2
PDF Text
Text
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
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Folder Title:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
..
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
;
Original OAIID ·Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
9
1
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
07/28/1996
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
08/25/1997
P6/b(6)
003. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
08/25/1997
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
'ml89
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- ]44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)]
National Security Classified Information ](a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ](a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute ](a)(J) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ](a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ]a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ](b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ](b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ](b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ](b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ](b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ](b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ](b)(9) of the FOIA]
PI
P2
PJ
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�MEDAL OF HONOR
. THEODORE ROOSEVELT
BOOK2
SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL
TAB 1. Correspondence from Public Officials
TAB 2 Correspondencefrom Private.Citizens
��~·
....
RICK LAZIO
I I
COMMITTEES:
. •
·r
C>WIIM.tJ<. SUBCOMMITTEE ON HOUSINO
AND COMMUNrTY OPPORTUNITY
,;uBCOMMITTH ON CAPITAl MARKETS. SECUP.rTIES
AND GOVERNMENT SPONSORED ENTERPfiiSES
-
r;-:-:-. :::; r·t· . ;: ·'
lr:::"'· '-''-· t: - . . ''"' ' ""S
I
·.·•·\-
2<> DISTRICT. NEW YORK
BANKING AND FINANCIAL SERVICES
·-
: . ~ \: \": ~:
Q:ongrcss of the ~nited~tates
COMMERCE
SUSCOMMimE ON
FINANCE ANO HA.ZAROOUS MATERIAlS.
l~ousc
PUASE RESPOND TO: .
WASHINOTON OFFia:
i: 24-U RAVliURN HOUSE OFFICE BUU..OO"O
WASHINOTON. DC 20515
12021 225-lm
LONO ISLAND OFFIC£:
0 128 W!;ST MAJN STREET
BABV\.ON. NY 11102
of Rcprtsciltatiocs
15181 893-!1010
INTERNET:l.AZlO@HR.HOUSE.GOV
· ~ashington, jC)[ 20515-3202
_SUBCOMMinEE ON HEALTM AND ENVIRONMENT
DEPUTY MA.JORITY WHIP .
September 8, 1997
The Honorable William S. Coheri
Secretary of Defense
1000 Defense Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20~01-1000 1
,''
Dear Secretary Cohen:
. I am writing to formally request that t~e Honorable Theodpre Roosevelt be reconsidered
as a candidate for'the Medal ofHonor for his actions during the. Spanish American War.
.
.
.
.
'
'
Roosevelt was unfairly overlooked for the Medal ofHonor despite gallant and heroic
action during the battle for the Santiago Heights in Cuba. It is important that Roosevelt receive
his due consider~tion for this; the highes~ military award. It is not. only important to myself and
more than ahundred ether members of Congress, but also to my constituents, and countless
people nationwide.
.
.
.
Enclosed please find a formal detailed argument containing the required narrative,
argument, and supporting documer1.ts. I would greatly appreciate if you could see to it that the
· appropriate officials receive this information for consideration~
Thank you for your assistan·ce in this matter. If you have any questions or concerns,
please do not hesitate to contact me.
With best regards,
s~.
v,..,....,
Rick Lazio
Representative in Congress·
RL:kt
u15·736
/97
�RICK LAZIO
·PUAsE RESPOND ro:
=
BANKING AND FINANCIAL SERVICES
e·
a'~ ~OUSING.
ANQ COMMUNIT'V QPPQRTUMTY '
SUSCOMMinEE ON CAPITAL MARI(ETS. SECURITIES
ANO GOVE~NMENT SPONSORED E"'E"PRtSES
.
2"-' RAYBURN MOUSE OFFICE 9UtLJ!~G
. WASHINGTON, 0C 20515
. COMMITTEES.
CHAIRMAN. SUBCOMMtrTt:E
.
W4SHINGTON OFFICE:
20 DISTRICT. NEW vQR~I(
.l[ongrcss of the· ilnitcd ~tares
. i~ousc of Rcprrsmtatiucs
1.Uashington, EHt 20515-;202
COMMERCE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
. ~!NANCE ANO.MA.ZAR00\...'5 MAiEAtAlS
SUBCOMMtTlEE 0~ HEAt. TI-l .l..'IOO e~vu:~ONME!".!T
• 12021 .22~3.135
LONG ISLAND OFFICE:
=
1:5 WEST MAIN STREET
BABYLON. NY 11702
151611!93-!1010
INTERNET:l.AZIO@MR.><OUSE.GOV
DEPUTY MAJORITY WHIP
· September 8, 1997
·.The Honorable Togo West
Secretary of the Army
The Pentagon
.
Washington; D.C. 2031 ():..2500
Dear i\tr. Secretary:
~
. I am writing to formally request that the Honorab!'e Theodore Rooseveh be reconsidered
as .a candidate for the Medal of Honor for his actions during the Spanish American War.
: Roosevelt was unfairly overlooked for the Medal ofHono.r despite gallant and heroic
action during.'the banle for the Santiago Heights in Cuba. It is important that Roosevelt receive
his due consideration for this, the highest military award. Itis not only important to myself and
·more than a hundred other members of Congress, but also to my constituents, and countless
people nationwide.
·Enclosed please find a formal detailed argument c~ntaihing the required narrative,
argument, arid supporting documents. I would greatly appreciate if yoU. could s~e to it that the
appropriate officials receive thi_s information for cons.ideration. ·
·
Thank you for your assistance in this matter. If you have any questions or concerns,
please do not hesitate to contact me:
With best regards,
Representative in Congress
RL:~
.e
..
).
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.
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0 F R E F' A E S I! H T A T ('I E S ·
WASHINGTON,' D.C. 20!15
(
PAUL MCHA_I..E
!
September 26 ;. 1917
I.
,IFTUNTH 01STI'CT
PIHNSYI.VANtA
I
Major cenaral Bruce scott
Chlet ot Leqialative Liaiaon
han~ ~arried
·
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'•
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Dear
~eneral Scott~
·During the.104th Conqre.. and aqain- during
this session,_ I have prcpo1ed .legialation; to authorize
thea President to avarcS Lieutenaat Colonel Theodore
Roosevelt the conqressional_M.dal-ot Honor •. over 150.
of my colleaquea have already. aigned on to this bill.
I have recently learned-that there ia a
determination beinc; prepared in_the Qepartment ot the
Army that Section !2t5 of the FY" kational Defense
Authorization Act 8houlc1 hava beenuae4 as the avenue
tor this nomination.· I viqoroualy4i•aqree vith thi.a
thinkinq, as do a number of my oolleaque• on the- House .
National Security Committee vith wbom I have apoken~
The raason ve disagrae ia .cleaz:a COlonel Roosevelt ·
vaa recommended tor this honor -i=idiataly tollovinq
the.battla at San Juan Hill, thr0\1th all the proper.
channels, only to have it rejeoted by the Secretary ot
War, Russell A. Alc;er.
·
·
1:
- . . It is.- my ainoere hopo that· in a cooperative
spirit', \19 can move tot"Warc:S to ri9lat thi's wrong.
Colonel Roosevelt'• couraqe on the battletield
presents ua with a .timely and~ppropriateopportuni~y
to commemorate the lOOth anniversary ot the~ battle ·•.
in July.
.
r
. ·I
I .·
. I
s+ncerely,
•
fl.,.. ~· J!;c,_
Paul McHale
I
Kember of Congrasa
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llUthoriie and request the Ptonident to awam.· the con,rreli.'lional }ledal
or Honor po~tthwnou.sly to Theodore Roollevelt ror his gallant arHl heroie
ilction~& in the •ttac:i: on San Juan Height&. Cubll. during· tht' ~pllnish~
.\mericlln W~~or.
·
IX THE HOt~SE OF REPRESEXTATIVES
Jt•t.Y 2~.
199i
)lr. )!dLu...E (for ttim11elt. :tlr: Ct:~~1~0H..Ut. ~lr. GtBBOS::I. )[r. Ki~G. )Is.
BRm~ o( F.lorid.a, )Ir:' BoiH'LIIt'T'.' )[r. S~t.To~·. )Jr. DA\1S or \ir·
ginill. )!r. HoR.s. )[_r. :'tld~'l2J. lir .. Po.)J:ERO\', ){r .. SrsiSI>..""t. lir. ·
WELOOS
of Pennsylvania, Mr.. WAT'l'li
o! Oklahoma. )(r. T. \Y1.0R of Jiis .
sisaippi, }{r. EKRLlCH, lolr. PALLO!\~. ~Ir. )Wl'.\R.A, )!r.' SPR.qT. )[r.
B:tnR. )[ra. CLAYTON, )!r. FRosT. )Ir.. HOt.OE~. )!r. · WEI..L.ER, lfr .
.WELOOS o( Florida; )lr. TAL.I~.,.. )[ra. EriRSOs. )Irs. KEu.v, Sir.
O<:>oL!'Y of Calitomia, ~r. Bl"''TOS ol Indiana. ){r. Qt."':'~: )fr. XW.-K.
:\Ir. SJUtE~, Mr. Fox ol Pe~'ivan.i&. ltr. ·BoB SciuFFER'of Colot"'ldo,
Mr. ACKZR.\tA.\"; :'fir. PosWr.>. )lr. .}{cDA.Dt. )[r. A.D.A.'l S~OTH of
\\"asrungton, :'t!r. Hn;cKEY, .lir. OL\-ER, .. )I.r. lLu.L o( T~. )Irs.
)Lu.O:o-'l:Y of :-.iew York, ){r. Ga.JU...". Mr .. fUF:o-"!R. ){r. GooDE, :'tir..
80R8KI, llr. ABERC'ROXBEI, ){r; REns, )fr. GILCHREST, )Jr. JO_:Io"ES,
~Jr. KE:o-"':'lEOY ot Rhode It'-d. ·!Wn: Cla~OW'ETH, ·)Jr. CLnl"R~, :'tir:
BLAOOJEVICB, l-Ir. BLt.~T. llr~ WJ.:D, )Ir. BALDACC'I, )Ir. CR..U~ER,
llr. :Sn, Mr. F.uta of CallJ)naia, lli. lt\luL\.'0, Mr. G<>ss,· :ur. BASS, ·
:'tlr. SA..'"DI..IS, )lr. WEYGA.,"D, l:!r. Tt."lt.'"'lt, ){r. Fou:Y, ':'trr. PASToR.
:\Ir. COBLE, Mr. CALVIST, ltr. la'fooE, )(r. BA-TE){A.'i, :'fir.· :SEt")L\.'~·
~Ir. :\Icb'TY'RI, ~r. W..u.sa, )(r. Goot)L!SG. :\Ir. F.~TTAH, )ir. P'Enu.
:'tlr. )lcXt."LTY, Mn. 1m.~. lfr. CoNDrr, .Mr. :'tlt:RTH.l. :'tir. LIPL"·
SKI~ )fr. licKEos, llr. HL'iOJO&l.. )[r. Boso, :\Ir. E:ssro:s, :\Ir. ORTIZ.
·-:o.rr. R.utu.L, Mr. SPI~CI. Xr. S!mlUU.", Mr. Ro:BlWUCXER, llr.
K.t..ro. :'fir. Yo~o ot Florida. llr. FlU..'lltB of Xew Jersey, )llr. LI\"1.\"0·. STO:S. )(r. WIU, Mr. ALLES, )[r. BACHUS, }{r. HYDE,· Mr; S.Ul JOH:SSoS o! Teu.a, }(r. FAWIU., llr. H..uw.TOS. )!r. Scm..")IER, .llr.
STl"'PJ.K.. Mr. RoDRIGt"'U, Mr. lti..~ORSlCI, :\Ir.· PET:S:RBOS a( ~Iinnesota,
l..UmES'l\ }Ir. B.Jtcu. ~ •. SUt.'OR'rER,. )lr. CA.'i...\.DY
Florida.
· )[ r. D&.U. of Georgia, llr. B.uu.nT of Wisconsin, ~Ir. 8.\ESI..ER, )lr.
Bo~10R. )!r. Com, lb. Ds.L..tt"RR, Mr. DEt.'TSCH, )[r. · Doru, llr.
Eow.ums, )Ir. EsGI.JSH PIMI)iva.nia,, Mr. ·FooLIETTA, )!r. ~RpOS.
:'tlr. ){ORA." ot ' Virginia, }Cr. SB.A.I. o( ){~U&achusetts, )[r. )[EEHA.'.:, ~Ir.
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arti the.
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started, Of'!' r1r-st,us he SUp~lOSecl,wit:~ quiee a :1'ol;.JI~;.w.1n(5..0 f mttu, 0\.l t SUI.ln d.i~~C'Its~·~;.l ~:.W.:. he' \'1~:;
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gathered U!'l u. few men
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and: led· them to the. ch~r:.;;~ ~s .r\·1'1ve·.~~:i~ed. The~':.·
. ehar~e jhitself was' an ext.rernel:t gullunt one,~·=·icl t:,o aX'.nmple set
a
ma:·t
..
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inspirino on~ ~rJ the troops .in t~at purt or·e~e li'~!e,;]n;: ',1(!-:i'le 1t,1.sf'per ..
'
r e c t 1 :t
~ r- u e , t;, u t eve r ybod y
t 1 n u:. l :; we!! t up
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;(t~ere is no ~"1ouot ~h,~~· t~~~-~gn1!1c:ttn~ e~ampl~ ~e: u;
~ol.o!1el Roosevelt..
;;
had. a vsry encouraging ertict arct had ~rs~t Wl!iV\t ir. _i;rin~i~:3 up the'.
•
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· t~oops.behin~ hi!~. D~r1ns.thu us~u~le,Colonel Ruo~dvalt wu~ t~e first to
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My
Pre~idant.,
dear Mr.
¥-:ji,ii'f/
_
~~ ·~~n··· fine &ha.p¢·~!·... .-..·wood:
This i_s JuaL a. Una La
is···a:·dandy . coio·na.l; and I
Le~l
you
~haL
_we_
_
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r~a.lfy:th'iiik'·tha.t ··""'~:~~-·
.~·-~he· ra.nk, a.nd file of t.his ~Jgirrien t a.re bat. t.ar t.ha.n you · wouid find. in
a.ny ot.har regiment anywhare. In fa.ct, .1n a.li the world there. is not.
•
.. a. regiment I would so' s'oon belong t.o~ 'l'h.e men a.re picking up the·
.... to
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:'·dril_l wondarfully. Thay a.rc_v~r.y int.lllligr:~nt, ,and·i· rather lo. my
·eurprisa, t.hay n.re v~ry o~derly--a.nd t.hl!y r,~lla.n business.· We a.re
re~dy 'now to leava
\·
.
a.t. a.~1y r.'\Oi:1~nt.,_ and we e~rnast.ly hopa w~. will be
:}~)ut
into Cuba with t.h~ veiy fiiat t.ioops; the sooner the beltcr; at
a.ny
do w~nt. t.o·sec act.i~c Sdrvica ~~a.inst. tho ene~y •
.__,..,.,·,.. ~:;~. ·pr~y pres3nt.· my wa.rm 1·ega.'rda t.o Mrs. McJCinlfl.y a.nd ·t.all her t.ha.t. :sh'a··~ ... ~.
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Do you rocolloct how you and 1 and Wuanar went a.11·
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d~a.r·Gen~:tral,
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1 wau a. good· deo.l aur1.,t1aed and chag,rined to h aar that Soc 1 84
tary Alger had said .I was not ent1 tltd to the rr.edAl or honor.
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rocomrr.olldod the Midal oC Honor ror. ·•.
not anti tled. to it, but ·1t is M honor. tha·t· ivory keenly deG1ro 1r
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am en t1 tlad· to 1·t.
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RECONSTRUCTION OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENT-
R. &
i?. 5'2 8 . 4 7 4
.
September 17, 1898.
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt
Oyster Bay, 'Lortg Island,
New· York.
My dear Sir:
In reply to your letter of.recent date
relativ~
to an
.
'
application for. the award of a medal of honor to· you, ·I beg to
s~y that 'sue~ an application, made by Colonel Leonard Wood, 1st
U.S. Volunteer Cavalry, and recommended by Generals Wheeler and
Shafter, :is on file in the Depar~ment.
Owing to. the pressure of
current work the 'Department is unable to give consideration to.
cases of this cl~ss at· 'the present time, but the appliCation made
'
.
\•
•
in your behalf will re~eive careful attentio~ as soon as it is
found practicabie to take up these cases.
Very
respec~fully,
Acting Sei::::retary'.Of War
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I hereby oertiry thot on July 1'1rcl,l008,Ci.llonol(t.hon
L1cutona
ant Cc;>lonol) Thoodo1·c noocov~l t ,Firat Volunteer Cavn+l'Y ,cUutine;u
-1ahcd h1Jusolr tlu·out:;hout. the nc\ion·,mid ·on two occaolono cl.urln~
tho b~ttlo wh~n I ~au an ~yu-w1tn~~~,h~~ conduct waE moat coricloa1·~y rJ.i.u~l!it;u1r.hod
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Vlil'e rcnco,o1~ cntanel,inll..:l~t
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wcl'u.oovoru.Coloncl Hooocvolt
aw. l by· hit: <on1.lmu1acm,h1a' cxo.mplo nnd
whu~c t..i~o l~o:.:oo
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'cnu1·ar;u uuccu~dod l11 hmulne 1.o ~iw cz·,::at or t8o h1.11 n l1nu
::ut".!.'lc~~.:llt.ly ::t:.\>111~ to_,:a·!•tiU't: 11...ln.,,~.hlc chaz·eu the Ca\'nll'Y IJiv
-L::·i m; ::nrJ.\;.l·,;J 11.11 ~;1·• \d.'::; 1. loCI~, ;uid .:co lon~l 'n 11 ro Yllll! plac"'d
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Ill 1.1 ,·,:iii lc unclcl' ilCav~· r:in: of \.he ~~~i~m;: a1. clor.c rnn~c.
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afln ,...,.,... n •.,lt. f••li•Mi-. a llttakfa.~ uf rancid haron. hardtack.
;""' ~ltt"r nt(fe<". lhr RPu(lh Ridn'J ·I'AOVl"d nat of Sibooey in a
l·uh1mn •" l••ll~ A" tht den~ undcr~ cktliCd in. the l.roopcn
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..... ·~· •• t t ·ul•;• ''' tkc- nc-"1 uf a hill. hr. fuumlthal thr tror~ !lilln
lt:tcl .... ~'"''' ;!\\..... \' lht' m"rninJl mi~l. and ht' lncwml"ntarily rnncd
'".e.,..·....,,... '" J!:"" '""~''"'~ .rtw 'llN"miuf!.l~ J'l'•u-c-ful valley thac lay
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calling tbcomeha '"Wood's Weary Walkers'' -tnldsed uplri1l with
heavy packs. their ftannel shirts bladt with sweat. Land cnbs
scuttled about in the jufllle and vultura whceJcd omioously
bead. The tiait led a.a· tbe. spur Of a low mountaia range and
then twisted for mtwe .lb.n a cloun mila down 10 the Spanish
str0ft1bold at Santiap. Ew:ry tree might coaca.la aemy sniper.·
buflhc troopen wen:. aooowdiq lo A.oose1dl. "1iled wi1b ager
··loap~ to sbow tkir meule.; ... Ja .pte of tile heal .ad awanu of
~~ and pal& .thai swilled about them. they a..pec~ and jokd.
· ..Damar". aboukJd one trooper _,.. c:ria ol ....Owal.
''Wouldn't • mid .... of beer biiiC pJOdl
ulvly Crowded Hour''
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1iV .,oct decl' couacry. he ulwt'IIICd. llldeed. it ta.t a.eea. DPD
replied. heloR .briaJ cleYasbiCd by .....- .T'IIc. coOina of,. brush
· CUt.-l4llt cauJ,hl and held ~It's aucntm. IliaC •hi later did
~ learn that tbc Spans.nb imi1a1ed lite bird·a aD to sipal the
· Anac:ric:nK' .,.. ...,Ddt.
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: lbc rcaUmc:n1 ~P' up a briN. racc:.and ibcn: WCTe few slnlgk..S
~¥en thtouJlh:thc::·cnwhoys wt;,e uma!red 1<J·marc1Mna- 1bward late
oitt1111in~. ( ·apeai·n <
"arrt'" ~nt hack wold he had oomc: upon the ·
,-c,~ "'"ntio.Vd hy tht ,..crrillas. Colonel WOod ordered a ball
whl-rc lhl' trail druJ1PCd shuply into a deep ravine, and then.
lumcd·upw;anl In a long·rid~ toprcd by the aumbliOI naiM nf
.. larf{t. nndt houk"- The
diWounted and ibc
were
urtkrnl tn load tht"ir carbincJ.
.
Rouscw-lt w.aJ lcl1i~ Edward M~rshall of theN~ YMk )014mal .
a fainny ~nr "! ablml h~ employer. William RandOlph Heam. when
hi~~ fcll nn 114rnte harhcd wire curling out fm111 a fence on the
ldt ~ide- uf lh<' trail. lie n:-adwd rc~r a ~nind and loOted ·il aver
. wirh thr l"yc:' u( an Cllpc-ricnttd nochman ....My God! .. he dc\'bUC"d. "'llai.~ wirr h~ hc:'rn net lnd.,y. ••
Clfr.«r.
· "Whal m;l~
VtiU
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TKF-OOUSF. ROOSf.VF.I.T
Not
'''llte md ~ hfipt~ and the~ has hcen cnoqh dew. c~n Iince
~unri!'C. IO .,UI a litthl rv5l on iL .._
-
.
SmJdcnl~. off 10 the ri~t the IWo field pas with the Regulars
h.I011lCtl C1Ul. Wbdher intended nr not. these two Shots wen:.lhc
<~i,nal for tht- etpc'ntn(E of a firt"fipt, IJ\iUc~,-~ickcd op lhfg~~¥-.
"' tile fee-t (,f thr ~•artlrd Rou'h Ri~:-urider fire
the ~
linK" .lhf-~- hcqlalctl in lht' t't'Cn- '"()rploy!" moule-d Wood. ,.Take
for
l'lft'Cf! ..
sprin~n' lo life.
thC
men darlcd int<1 the dcruae
bush. Tbej
,,q-,, the t.unr. of lhrir cart-inn to hat dt1lw11 franticaUy tt.e almost
,rowe
in•r<"IK"tralllt
h. ''It a 'ike fom01 the walls of a fllaZC, ..
rt"p'f'tnl l>a,·~- "If earl~ lft"'Jl('f h~ nol llq1C in looch with the
man t'tl nthrr haml. he: wnuld haw ttftn 1051 in the thidcel. At
··""'· mt'lltrRI the .-It~ !ll"C'IUCI swanninJ with trnnrcn. a.-.,1 ·
tht- nMII. nfC1111hat you heard l1w twip ~ ...t the t.nvy
t.noailllill[l of the . . . . (1f. cn,sh .. ._ . . , . . . ~ .......
.lhrrr-~
of ........ ~-.,~-R·~vrtl lollkr ic:catkd IUt lir hliid 110 lillie co led tar. a..& ·
nrnicnad ~If~ of q:lf-dt-.,.. Wuod lVdercd him I<Hallr
thrrT l""'f" tn tht ri'ht and. if .-tSMNe.liDk up with the Replan
'"' IM main wad. ''In thror~ t~ was ~llrnt." hr rrnllcd.
"'"'' a' &hl- iunJrl~ ~ \'t'f~ tlcmc' Il-K' fin1 lmnp lbat ~ to tht- ••1111 ,ouaidlc'd forthwith. anti I nnc"r iqrw it apin until tht- liehl ".,' '"''("' --ha\'tnl( a friJlh1fn1 fmintt mta...frik that I mt,hl
l"t" "''urlmartiakd fm ~n11 it.··
·
·rm- remaimnll JMn wt'« deplnyrd i.n t'Oluam to k«r them
fuom ~in(! tllUC'h with ncb t14hcr. '"I had an awful time tr~nll
. C•• ~· into th(' fi(Ehl and trvintt "'do wbat w35 rif,trt wften in it.''
. ROI~~~~ rtmem~rf"d ... All tht' wbik I was lbinll.ing that I was
lht" unt~· man who did not know wbat I wu ahoul ... :·
In 01 ((""<A' minnl~. the wldicr~ hmke oul into a mtall J'"IICh or
-· lti~h !!'""'"' in thC' unck-rmu~. Setntl" thr('W I~M~ nnlo tht,:tunnct. wltik ul_hC'r~ nuuc.·hr•l in dM." ttr.m. ~ratcly look in'
f,,, ""'me- <~ilfl' uf:thc enemy. The Sytan~h wuc: Mointt vnokdc~
"""'.'"''and wt"rt- i.M!'illk. And the.'~ h<Mi ~1c:d in tht':lfaitS~r
.~,·acJI\·, M:/rji-M'Itit
""'' !'hrin :-r~,.-41·11 "' Ma~r t.llet~ r.~ktWCd .
.,, a a·hr~e i( a ~u~ hie -hunw. ThC' c-rw-mv·~- -fi~ wa.~ hC'a~. anti
1lu·u :1i1n "·a~ lnw. Thl" -,ll"nl't" nntlt-rhm~ up ahc.-atl !"Ccmed tn
:lC)S
~~ hulictli. Within three minutes. nine men lay crumpled in
lite tall graa. aiDOJI& them Edwald ManhaU. Hit in the spine. it
W3lJ thousht the wound wu falal bat he soniw:d.
P.i~ncd down by an iavisible enemy, Roose~h and a fetlr officers
~ar_,:hetJ)~
with field glasses for some tr.K:e of the enemy
~- ihC: Rough Riden' fire could be ddi~mt with more effcc:t.
Sud4enly, he heard a \'Oiclc shoutin& IOf' IUs atteaticnl.
'"Therr &hey arc. Coronel! Look mer there! I an sec their haas .
ncar- thai &lade! ..
~h IUm_rd to see Dd Davis. passes to his eyes. pointing
. ·acn-s.~ the ravine. l..ooltiq
that dila:tion. --spotted the hats
and pointed them out to three cw fom nwbmc:n. wlao ooncxnlratetlthcir fi~ upon the indicaced pa.c,e. AI inl. tileR was no
indiclitutn a( n:sutts. but .afler snera.1 ~ . - Spaniud'lli
leap:d from tile .acbbrulh aad ....... safely ebewlllc.-e.
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ltniaa ..... .,Ucd tlae ~ .......... Riden ..... 10
""".!lip
"hit·b chc- t\mrrica~ "t-rc- adwnK·~ntr-~ llir;hnty ~lllntli M!if'dk
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fuiWi&·•: 11ie ac1
ia
_... - . dapa•
...............
n.c........ iak..C, .... tk.RtCR
.aoe. .ae ..-
,.~......,,-·~
~in the hnt pass aad fire.
· diic:ardcd.aJJ lhcil- equipment eucp1 few their carbiacs, canteens.
and cartridtc bchs. They caqht only lledia& ~of the
. Spa.naank aad IIICQ wuc lulled and woundal by an al-bu&-i.,...
· ihk tne""'J. ~h lnol CllRIC1' hehiad a pakn. Just as he dud
hk ht-Ad oue-··wcry (ort . .atcly:' be lata ohM:rw:d~n lonlr.
aruund it. a hulkt pa.6Cd lhfUUI8h the ln:e. fillins his qes and
ean with tiny .meers.
·
By ~hn &imc. the line of skirmishers had reacbCd lhC· place
when· the regiment's poinl had been anibushcd. The pas and
mcb on cither 5ide o( the trail were spanued with blood, and
discarded hlankea rol15. haw:nacb. and carllincs wen: ~heWn aU
ai-uund. 1-'ifty feet. away lay lite body of Captain Uproa. Beyond
;i turn in· I he trail. :111 the farthcrt point_ o( culvai'IU. ~It ..·
rtte.mtl Scf'JlCanl Fil\h.
aint maa. to be kiUcd.
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·
llic fi~hl had
la.'llilcd ahoul an hour. and the Rougb Riden.
h.-ltrrnujthl their' way antu more npcn rounlry~ where the land
l'l•~':tl ·u·t' llrinrd a ruined rarmhoU5C lbll1 was ..C.ric used ~ a
Muckhousc hy the Spaniar<h. BOth Wood and R.aoSew:lt, out nf
~i~tht uf each other and at oppm.ilc ends or the line:, decided to
dri~ the enemy rrom the buikJintt. Roosevelt pi~krd up a carbine
ntww
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297
....
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in
frum a wounded man. and joinrd
the chargc.~lbe adva_iw:e
UJ'OI' ·~ ruined lnlildin~ was made
ubbom. sb.ort rushes.
sumrlem" in qknce. and ~imri with the tronrtn firintt as
lht-\' r..n. \"('llilllfl at the' 10(1 of thcir Junp. they SWCr' up the hill.
f\t almu~ lhr ~Ill(' mnmcnt. tht W.:int and Tenth regimenb. wbilch
· h.a,l al~• ttern heavlly enp~. made contact wilb litem and
it-in"'' in lht' a~ull ...Come on! .. ~houtcd Fightm~.Joc Whceicr.
·~w«'·w IM the ~mn Vanll~ etn the run! ..
m..
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f'tlluwinJt thill 5kirmish. lbc Roush Riden c.ampcd
lhe ne••
"i' cl:t'"' in :t f'k'~• ~bck nn 1~ fai side oltbe ridte they had
,-;~ru"'nl. de~ In a .dear. ritnl ~rram. :1bc rqtiment"t~~sprit~ _.re
hiJh and~ M!WiftilpnS had~ thctn a-alil h dr-iwintt off·
... l' Sf*tianh. all t..t ip&lrm, ... Rqula.B.. IWosndl ootuPcd .
a rronamrac plaice in thesr .a:oua.ts. and he pleased with his
fiC'~-
" '............. ~- ............ , ..... lire ...
"anna•• rn(lt'd nr hHi mm. s.W oi ·~ IKwiP'I~en .:n:
.....,.,.-..,lin. "'("oapua
had
Gl'
cbe .....
-...-..of
New YoO.
· .. WtR. wbalnn ~·llhaU fed~ willa haviaa left &he
N;n-v llt'r•ut~ "' ~ into liM' anny."" he wrt* ~:· ••tu
c'IUr r~mmt has h«n in the lml fiJhl '"' IMid,. and taM .done
Wl"ll ...
· ("~in -ere buvy for a brief skinaish.• ~. In all. the
"'"acki"" '"'" lOili u.c~ uiCd and
tWOMMkd; at theiC.
r"h' Maiup Ride-n wn-e ki~ and lhir1y-foor wnc W\MJnd~.
Rc,ruL·u ~ ct\afll'C"t that tht' fiJfrt had bHa unnett5~ary bedu-'·t' 1ht- Srani.ar.b blld already. ckcldcd to withdraw. 1ltcy t.aid
. th:n tht amatrur ,;oldteB. in thrir e<~Jemns 10 prn5 (1(1, bad been
am~W'hC'li. Wtlod and R(l(lK'Yell wt'~ inte &liM Ml~ion ami
"'!!!ned that it ~ qmte diffewnt to tlt' attadtrd by an-('M"my
·.. known to t'C l~ftl. in watl and ttlun~intl mto an amhtM. •
h•llnwin~ ~mrk" ceremtmil'!>. the ,lrad ~re hurled in a trench
t.. ·,iHif' rhC' trail whnl' the" h"'l falk-n. lltt'n.- WM linthm[E romantic
al>t•ni lhr ;t((('rtn.11h. uf I he fijthl ....
wltun:-s wriT wheclin~
'"'''h":"l 19\· the tmndrt'ck.'' R'"'""~'\'ll pimly rcpnrh.•tl. "'llKy
lheaa
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,..,..r ltaot tvc-n "" ~......,. """' . .....,......,...... ioonfti'I<C'<I "" llio frirwlo W.....J _.llo....,..'141.
1M- o&•r•~• lwi• •W.• n. btr• ~..........,n 1r> .,;10,-h '""'' Sft ,.,..,_ Tflr , ...,._,,..., ,..,,_..
R-...., ··~··IT 1.\~ I \.I
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Jllucked out the eyes and tore the fac:cs and the: Wounds of the·
dead Spaniards before we
to them. and e¥en one of our own ·
men who lay iri the open:·
"lbc Firth Corps was now tantaliziosly dose to Saotiaso. ulaJy
abtMJI ~ven or eipt miln away. and from the cotp5' (onqrd
position on El Pozo, a COIIic:al hill flankins the Camino Real. the
red aod hloe rooftops of the ci1y CDUid be ICCII. lbe-troops c:ould
· ai!IO 5ee men strinpng barbed wiR and makina yellow slalhcs in· ~
· ihe pound as they·duJircncbea aJona 1 series ol hiUs known as.
lhc: San Juan Heipts. One. Saa Jiian HiD. was topped by a blockbnli!IC with M aKhinJ rOll( I hal lookd like. a Chianc .,....xla.
morc qnainl lhan lhrnlrnins. "11oc:n:
odacl' blodrloo.eS
aloaJ the Spanish liaa aod • done (od at 1bc vilaee of Ei c.ncy
on the rif:ht ol lhc Jaci&bta. From tbac poeilioaa, die SpMiaids
dominated tk Cataino Real Mel 1be lnlils Jradiott out·ol.lhe ;u..te
.in1o .~ opn psd owr .micla llle
liaR 10
got
were.
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.~ ... period. General Sltlfta' i i& •. [tl - die
PIWI'Ktl. aoc1 lk· army made oo del!lllpl 10 ii~ChwiiOC. Dapile
.st.;
aile
. . . . . nf his CXJaUDaiiCicft aad cbe open aitic:ilioa of the CIOI'RIa islue onlen to I'CCIOI•oi&cr lbe pouad.
ahead. to·.cua additional tnih lllrouP the br1llla in ptqMI1IIion
. lot' ao a.uack... 01' to abdl .the trcacb digen a:ad ~
dctaik. Wilhout interfueJOCC from ARICric:..llrtiOery.lhc: ,elow
~.wac_., ynw kon@!Cr and deeper and the Wire eac.natemeniS more
~- he failed
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. The rainy seaJOD bcpn. Every aflc:moon the dlia opened and
r-ain JIOUTCd down in coirenu
an hom. Sonic: of the meft wen..
ahoot ~ked in an cROft to kttptbcir unifonu dry bcca~~~e ahcy
· had recci~d no fresh clothing since
landias- The mil bad
to the heachhnd at Sibonq wa$ a Dppery ptacr
on
whK-h even IM· pad! nn.le5 had crouhle keeping their fooling.
Onl~ a trit:ltl('
~opplics R'achcd the forwud pMition~. •nd the
r.w
:lhc
or mud
nr
ror- JlRWi!liom in ihc- ~of dead SpanN. mule-s.
Kumnn nf a llloclpik nf 5\lflfllies an the heach reached Rno. ~~II. who tonk 3 detail of thirty Of forty
with pad-mu~n
,~,!Itt if lht-y could obtain~ for the regiment. They IICI'OUR~
;uetund and found ~ !lacks containing about cle¥en hundred
pnun~ nf h('am. hti1 a cormn~Qry officer rduscd to Itt ahem
ltK"1l
fnra~·d
men
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THF.OUOIF. ROOSEVELT
~~
CllOWDED
HOua''
•
299
....
(S)
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ha\T them. Producing a well-thumbed boot o( rqulations. he
roint~d t(l a sotts«tion sulintt tlull llcans were to be issued ooly
to an offittB' mess. R~lt went away and a.~ he later ttlated.
"·~htdirtl on it'.~ Rr'er Rahhit wuokl ~and camt hack with
:\ rr-qut'~l rur ckvt"n huntlrcd_ fl"Umh nf ~am ftlf the olfi\-rni
nK""". --
·~Why. Coklftel. yuor offittf"!l can't cal eleven hundred pountb
,,(
I'C'an~. --
the.- Mti«r
JMltCl'~ett.
"·Vt~ dc'l'l'l know what app<"lill'!l my olficcft haw;· replied
~'"oqow(-U a~ he ttftkfC'tl.thc gcb It• hr loaded Ul"'ff the mu~5.
TIM- military hureaucrat i~nlthat a requisition would h;nc
tc> ~ ~• off to Wasllin,:too.
~It rcspoadc:d that he didn't
rnre ·3!' k1ftl[ a.~ _he cnald talr.r the hcaM bad to hia rqimcm. A."
""sipcd·the rrqui!litioa .•mid .........., , .... the a.. ....,..... prob. ·aNy~ ~eel (rom hi5 raJ. the ucb wac laded on &he raub.
. ..Clla! ....... fasC ~ taad. and a.o. ...: c:¥red it.- RoooK:tdl
ttlld..,. ,...
a,.
..
.
tht- snomintr of J..nt :Wt ~neral SUtter. havi,. finaOy
and ~Y- cumined the .CIICIIIJ,S pOsition&. WM. n~etQl'tl hi~ ~ninr com~andtn. tolay out_ hG pl.aM lor aa atlae~
tlK' Md day: "llK-~ wa5 "'' ~rat('f.~ a1 an:· Shafter lain rdated. •
··and nc1 idi"'Jil at turmn, thnr RaM. It u Naaply ~ s.traittht
:.t tht-m. ·· Rqlorts h.-.d re:dan.l him that the Spa.m..h pm..n a1
Santiai('~. numt-rrin~ SClftlll" thir1«ft t~ ~HR. wou at-out to
. <ht
l--cmte' ~c
-
0 9.
l't' rl'tnf•ttttd ~ anotltrr Mf!ht thnuYnd tf001'5_:.actuaUy attout
hair that numher-(Rtfll Marv..anillo. appnqinaately fl\rty-fivc
mik!l ~way. 'and hr ~ anlliou .. h• s~rik~ che ~nrmy t.clo.-e they
arr o'fi.l.
'Tht' au ad ~ to ~n at day-hruk with an assauh on El Caney
anti ie~ !'t«me hluck~_ hy a Re~ular infantry dM..,..on undc:r ·
lhi~tactirr (it-netal lt. W. l..awton. ~urrorted hy ar1tlltry comti_l<~~k-tl tt~· Cartain I\ llyn ·ec;.. Capron. Sr .• father ul lite _RoY~h
Ridl'f kitkd at 1.3.' Gu'a5ima..". In I_IK' meantime. a hancry unc.kr
lh<- ('Ctmmaml of Carram (ic:nr~ (.irimcs.vmuld wll l'ACmy (ICI·
"ilK~ ,,,. lhc' San Juan llci~thl~ frum Fl Pnm. while ·cite r~C n( .
~hl' tnfantr~ and d~mountcd cavalry t<Mlll Up f1UMtinn5 in the
. iunJtk in front of the San Juan lll'itrht!ii. A~~ it." l..awtoo ·~men
h:ul ta\rn Fl Caney. the~ would join in tht- main froncal attack .
on the rid,e. Shafler intended to Slonn the San Juan Heipta •.
rout the enemy, and capture Santiaao aD in ooe feD swoop.
Thill plan was faulty in ~n.l respeciS. Tbe fid&es and hills.
augmenccd by the Spanish lreiK:hes nd blodhouses that an·
Chorcd than, were naturany IUitecl for deleDSC. Once .past the
line or departure. the alladtin1troops would be on open gound.
wichout Co¥er and.eapnsed loa withering fin: from modem weap~·
Admiral SamJKOn: for one • .U AV'JU'iKd wbeti illfonaed or
ShAftrr·~ inlenti.lna. Bclievinttthal lhe h•rbor fortll. flllMr than
SantiattO it~lf. Were_ the principal objcctna. he had expected
Shafter to advana! along a raitmad line t~t ran up the coast to
within (our miles of Morro Castle aa:ulthen him inlaod to IConn
the forrifialions from the rear.
· BefoR lhe ~ brolr.C lip. theR waa one hirther bic or
....WU... ~ Rnior .ofliccn.. iPducliRa Bripdicr General
etm.
.S. B.,.~_badmmectO-widlflnia._.w...t.._~
kl bripdift . . . . . . . . . p.a. ·~
d of~··
fc_
Cuaisinad Of·ttrc .
p8lled to-l'htodole Roale'wdl.
aad the rqimeal was ltoosew:la"s RD.ip Riden ia fKC .Swell a
in '""' J10Pblar m.a,inatioa .... ~ ...... lor sact. npcrieecc
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had had is a quick leacbcr.~ lte a.aer noted ... By this'timc
tbc.IJK'n and I knew one -another. and I fdl able lo mak lkm
do tbcAucha julticc iA IRaR:Ia 01' battle. ..
Ry late afternoon. the army wu on the fDOllle. The Contusion
lhat «'R!Wt'd whik some twehle thoUand mea ~ for position
nn the narrow, muddy ro.dlcadillll up to their jumpiaa-off points
.w.u. indc!IICI'ibable .. It took lhc Ro.th Riden ~ ci8fat boun
to ~r the thrM miles to Iheir posilion ~ E1 Pozo. There was
oot. rnUcfl talk lbat Npt as they bedded doWn 011 -the Owddy
~round on their ponchos. Uke Sbakapcat'c·s Henry V before
A~incourt. RooscYelt ~d among his
lend ill@. eiKourascIUC111 and checking on lhe sentries ... A~ us.·· repojled Dick
l>a~ ... ,he tropical moon hun~ wfUie and clear in the dark purpk
qy, pierced with rnilliom or while stan .... Before thC moon
RJ.W again. e\'Cry siJdh man who had SlcpC in the m~ that nittht
Was either killed or ·~undcd."
·
·
a.~ we
0
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men.
mr a~ ''"'ll ~ he li~d. 1beodore Roosevelt regarded July I,
IIWM. a!' "the great day o( my tire:· He was up hefore dayhreak.
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,-almly ~wd. aiad after havintt hrcakfa.--the umal fal bacon
wa~ down·wich Wad: roffec-;otncd Wood on tor of El Pozo
h• "'"'tt·h cht- ~i(latk take ir~ ~ion. "It WM a \'Hy loow:ly mornin,_:· he- L1tt"T R'nll~d. "the ~ky nf dneKJin.., hluC'. whiJC' lhc lc~l ·
~inun.-rin~ ,.,~from the iu.'l~riM"n ""n t•rt>upl inlt' fioc rt'lid the
~lc:ndid ralm~ which lKrt'. and tlK"rC lowet'cd twer thC' k'rlllef
J!''"''lh. ..
,
. .
. .
. ·1 hi' revt"rit' wa~ mo1t~n hy lite dull huum of Capron·~ gun.'~
tht'\' ~~nt'd fut" on El Caney. The noisr !OCQt duuds nf htnl,;.
q,·rt"C:ocbinll intu the air and thetr cri~ rcsmanded across four miks
,,f juilfzle '" El 1\lz.,_ ·captain (frimn·,. batlery was directed to
l'"f"tac(. a cliw~ ~
•ru-. done~like blockhouse on ·SaA
the
was
the OO.Ikscenl Am«ican
Ju:m llill. l.ink dama~t
tty
llflilkr~. •nd lk Nadt pc'I'Wdct' ~~the ..-~en arakd't.lllid
clntMk of· NDOk dud CllpO!ICd their positiolll to mUnkrbanery
:fire'. wOOd ctai•W thlllllr .w.ed lUI torllllkly"atek be t.'QIIId
m.~
"""f'' eA.~beft.
.
·
·
·
~ M~ ~theSe trOf4k out nf his .......... "'ttlae a J'ft"Uiiar wiU!It\iRJ. ~~ JOUnd iA the air. and ilaaaedialdy
. aftrrwa~ the- - - C1f SCliiWtt.U., eaplodi111 lWft our heads.··
. Rnuq,.-h nuted. II Wlr.' Srani!lh lhriiftottl. l1lc two ofkcn ~
•·~ thnr htnn. 001 a pictT of me: tal Stfl:Kik Roosc:wtt an the wrist ..
'hanJI~ ~"'-""- tk silin
as~ aKa ~y
nut.. s.-\IC'Tal m~n ~rc killed Of' wounded bdnrr he JCl( hill rl:8· .
.imcnl
the rowr of lk chid ~·
··
t .awcm•~ a«.d <m El Ca,ncy., whim bcpn at 7:00 A. N. :md
Ql't-.,,kl I'(' mTr wiiiMn two hOun. quickly boged down in the faa:
... "~tllt>ht-rn dd~nsr hy ~tnt- h111ndrcd Spaniahtt"'tlpS. They
· J"'•n«'d f~tU~~ tll Mau~ fin: into t~ nmb of the ;~~Uackin~
AtocrK-l'm: and he-ld off a fOfff len lifM'!Iheir ~~ ((lr ci~l
· hnuf' withom artillery ~uwor•- lmtead of brralki"' off the en~:.~m<'nt <lf rontinlrintr with a !imaU ftwcc .. wlttk mnvi~ I he hulk
.. , hi!' ,tivi~m to .. uack the- ~n Jua~ ll~i(lhts. the: main ohjccti¥c' .
••f riM- h;luk-. l.awtc•n rr-rmtt"d in " full-~le a.~ull on Cane~.
·:•m' lhr (urt wa~ 1Ml4 t<tkt"fl nntil .S:UU P.M.
Sh;dtrr. l'M'rnttnc durin~ the niflbt tty hi~ rh~l c:a~rlion!l :
anti ~t\11. dirt<1nl o~ntliom fnlfn hi" cot thrtt mile:~ in Ihe rrar.
:•m' ~~.u(-d .urdcf'IO throu~th h;" :.djutanl. Colooel f':.dward J.
Md lC"tn:-.tMI. Rl"ali7in~ 1h:11 I awrrm
not il-linJ!, · ln take ~.1
'"-'
.ytt·raisinJ •.,......
,\iuk,
w-"'
Caney ori schedule or withdraw. McOemand Ordend lbc rest of
. lhe army 10 gel into p«Kition to attack the San Juan HeiJhts a5
planned. The actual assault awaited direct orders from Shafter.
McOcmartd laler recalled sivina the order to prepare for at1ack
directly to Rnu~~lt. •"which seemed to please hi~n...
·
·
Infantry and dismounted cavalry piunged into a maze of undnhrush and tTCCS with only the Camino IUal and a few trailS
runnin~ tluoo~. The Spaniards. cntttot:hed a half mile away
the ~ng hills. had previously sighted their pm along thc.traih
and lhe hordcr cl the. woods. Under. aien::iless utillay aDd rifle
fire. the: Americans baliChed up~ the area wu ~filled with
dead and ~ and the torn carcassa of bones and rma~es;
·Snipen also took. heavy toll ot l8edical COtpiinal and aaacor.s
as they worbd o.cr the woundcd'ia ..,......,., dlasioic lllllioi~a.
AI the end of aboat a rllilc. the ~7 op alE d .pat die poiDt
wt.eR die c, a ·•• II-' cn~•cd a
c.led die S.. J -
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-~: H.wiiic~ ..mw.,·...,....lhe
Ridcfta.laed'•*•··-tOialdaJtiiMNltDtk~-~-~
repaents. They look ~ OOM:I" d!q coald lnd and awaited fur1her onkn. Di:redly abowe tMm a lrDob ..... boi . . .
known u Kettte Hin llec::a.ulc of a 11-.e iron IDdde 10-d dtcn:·
tbat Will' Used in rdiaiflll sUp,. Bdliad iland to.·dlc left rose Saa
JuaD ltill and its blocktJ:ouse. Some Of die me.. wa'e. ~
alon~ the rlpiC side of the IIJam in dac tau ~·wbile odlcn
aouched uadcJ' llac bank of the fa.- side.
A Si~
out rhe
.eoq. oblawation
0
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r
ballooo was seat aJoft to san:h
enemy positions aad .... in Dicit oms·• ..py WOI'ds•
·•an InVitation to kill ~<J1hina beneach. it. A ad tbe men1J
re-
.sponded to the invitalion." FOr- a &ona bow end • batf the t~
mdmcd a trial by fire and.inteme heal. A bldtaSioo of Ute Snenl y:
liB4 New Yod wu ca..pi Hi an iron hail of. sbnpld and. in
aclioo for ·the fint time. panidred. The mea eidaer raD away Or.
thr("W th.cmsehcri (II\ lhe pound in leTror. Their offioen managed
tn rrcwcnt the J1'"'nic from 1preading. and other units cimed and
hcaprd ridicak on the New Vorkcn as thcy,moved ~p to the
fronl.
.
R~lt
nuwed up and down the line of his rq:imcnt makintt
cC.r1ain the men had·~ mucti ~r M pM5ibk. The M&t wu
intC'nw and many of ttKm wt"re already mowinl_( si~m. nf uhaus-
'U
...
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"MY CM)WDI!D Houa..
THF.ClOOAF. Roosl'VEI.T
lie'". Volle~ fmm the Span~h trend~ ..J'I'Uflercd and rauled
and the' hullctl' 5an~ ronlinuou51~iike the wind thmugb the riw"ll
in a ~:\ k.: ~hrarncl whint"d and hf-ukc. and ~till no order .n~mc
fwm Shaftt"r."' l>av~ rt'latnt. ''TtK' ~ilualion wa.~ de5pc.-alc. Our
lrt>tt~ l.'UUkl. nnC fC'Irtal a~ the 4r::-~il rtlf IWtl milt"S hchind lh('m
"·;~, "·cd~~ with men. Thcy '-"'"'ldn,,t remain whc-rc they W.Crc
. r,., fill'\' \\"("f(' he in!'!- ~h(t( ht ricct"!li. ·......
r· :~'naltiC'~ amon,. _thr Rnu~h ·RHk~ wt'rt" .hL"aV)'_:_~ ·hl·avv ;l"'.
cllht' tC'~imc.-nl had hct"n on Ilk" altadL. Rt~lt cth5cr~. And
tltn ntul41 nnt n•turn the Hn-. 1\ Wl'!iil 1\Mnt \'llll.lt-1 naml'd ErM!'I
11~('11. in ( 'uha to nNain otmt-..'11 C'llpc:'ricntt durintt hi.~ lll.lmnicr
\'aca4inn. wa.' hit tn lhc lltomach while lalki~ with ~II.
William Sunders. the rolltnel's (lll)erly, a18aplcd from Ihe heal.
and Rnci!IC'Vl'h ddllikd a~hci ln"'J'Cr tu lake hD place. Shortly.
afltr. ~ ~h dift:dcd llim kt flO hack aad Mel • ttenaal·~ ~-tn ~ pttuli ,· ... lo :atiadl.lhe ...- ... his• ita llle .
....... ;md k-0 ~ ...... ~·l'·llftft'11. liard'" duwi. the
W.nt-: R.!rts.r O'Nc'ia ,.roktl up and 00... ia tm.t PI hD -~~
. n•ln.t~· q(Mtll w.; a ripR'Itr. I k thuupt rif'littn •uukl n.cvcr tallc .
,-~"'"r ~ il ~• a had·cxamrk for. thfo men.
"( ':~~rtain. a t.tkl -~ m~· to hit ~-..!·· (QI(' ,l(·tm ~.-,cant."
wamC."d lWtr. the din pf hattlr'.
"SeTJc'Mtt. IM Spani&h ~ ~''' made that will lUll me."
O'Nt'iR tum~ and AhOOinl had.
. .
Jll!l1 "'1M- turned toward 1~ rid~ apin. a MaD~&CJ ltulkt slruck
him in the- motrth·and tore thrClU(lh lhc hadl of hi1l bead.' lk wa.'
·. lk-lld t.don he h .. the ~- ·
.
Ry now il was \:00 P.M. and R~l was an.W.S to set his
ml·n in 11 ['OSition h• rc1urn ~~ enrmy fire'. He wa..• ahoul to lake
mall~ into hl5 own h.and~ and advance." wathout ordtn whe-n che
Rt'u'-h Ride~ We-re dirmrd.to ~(IPlfl the Rcplar rnvalry in an
i1"'<~t1ll 41n 1\tllle llill. "The iMtanl I rt"«i~d my ordCrs I srnntr.
uri &11\' he~. and then m~ 'cn_wvdc:d hour~ hq.an. •• he recalled.
1\arl. ami fonh. hl' tt•.atnrcd dnwn the_ line. shoulintt unlc~ tn
:~,hocnn·. Srcti-nn tty ~tinn. lht lnlOJ'f'n rMC.". moved rorward in
t'f't"O ~ILirm~intt (lf'tler. and dm~l d«wm tn fire. ln~tantly lhcy
ft"C."rt"' ftliiOM'd tty another ~«lion.
·
RuO!'l'\'t'h ~trd a lf(l('flC."r lrintt on the J.round who rduscd
h• ;uh-ant-c. "Are~ afraid II' !'land up wiM-n I am onhnrse·
·.~
·.e
JOJ.
....
0
I
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ttack?'' he shouted~ Before the man could move, he fdl ftal on
his race. He had been hit in the head by a build thai went lhrough
his entire hody lcngtbwi5e.
Sonn. ~It had ridden throuah his lme ol skirmilhen and
wu cl•M~ing
on lhe Ninth Cavalry. Finding .its senior officers
hcSicant to advance without orden, he shouted: ..If )'OU don't
want to ~· forward. let my rrien pass!" The_ repma.t"s junior
nlfkcn and hid tr~n 5Jlr811J into tine with tbe Roup Ride~.
"I Wavt"d
hac and we wcnl up the hiD with a rush." Dick Dav~
cJ~-rih<"d chc a.~uJt in JUilflbic te-rm•:
an
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-IMJ had no ptlm•s r..10Cta. they wen: not .....-cd itt rqular
wny. There wne 'a few .naa in ... alllC ~ tup.ihu .ud
· CIUIM._ liP alkqt. __,.lrill.lbc tap of .wee. ......,.a a.llallcd
wdb ...... '1liC IDall t.dd lbeir . . . ~ ........... - . . .
Ol
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.:':~~==·~:l:.l=-:.-=~
:.:-=::~;~~~~.-...ii~~
witltllf1'totMiuul ~~- It ... ....ell ..are ..-.lnfvll .... _, ......
~ c"-r,.r aw.ld lulw heal. 'lllley ....... 10 peel ...._ • ·f:CYJ
-l'lqJ_.IIUIIIJ of tt.e.. ~ as they adtraAocd. siDkilla ..,....., or pildlilfA
f11FWard alld d~ra. iR ~- ....
bua 1M odMn ..ted ·
'"'· Jtulthomly. fonni~ • thin blue line .... lucfl' aa:piq ~ .
........~, .., Cbc bill. 11 illewitllllk - lbe risiala tide. It - a mi•ack of setr-aaifitt. a t"'-P' of bllldo& ~ • . . 0
· 'liM: watct.ecl wielt-btUrhka ......... . . .
·
·
ana.
~h was at the forefront of the dwge, aod the IDe polkadot bandkcrdlief he wore em·lhe bad of hiJ haC CO. bcp oft lhe ·
mn 51 reamed ltraiJ,ht oul- behmd him liJge a pidon. "By thia .
rime;" he said, '"we Wer-e aU in the spirit of d.e lllina aad ,..eatly
e•cited by the !=lw"8c· the men Cbcerina and runnina forward
betW«n mo~- as Mauser builds lipped da.rouab the air. Putway
up the hlll.lhey ~·er~ a barbed-~ feDce~ and men frantically raud at it with kni'U and bayonets. Junapiat oft hia hone,
1(005evd1 turned the animal &oosc and c:onciiMICd 10 echanoe On
foOl. The $p8nia:rds fired· a few lut shoes a1 the fat-tnCJVina wave
thai .,.,..5 5wceping o.er them and rc1raled ecross a wide .aUcy
to the ncxclinc of hi115.
~ cresa of Kdtle HiU was .wMmm, ..
Soon.
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"Mv Caowow
THF..mmRF. RtMtsf.VF.I.l
with Routth Ritle-n and hlack trclO(IC~- Yunbaer. they were still
lkhatintr who @:'04- thc:n: finl.
·
.
-li• the' l~ft. Rt~ll ~aw a linl" 4.t" infanlry ._ly advancintt
ur S;.n Ju01n II ill in the: fa« uf hl-:wy fire from the Srani~h lra~~ehcs
atwl 1-olt":kh\•u~ ._1 1.:- dircctt'd hi!l men lo U11Cfdire on lhc rnemy
'" ht>lr ''"' the' aUMilin(f lc•rl'<'. Sudtk-nl~. ht' heard ••a particular
ctnnnn•i"~ ~uuoo·· a~ lhl' nackintt t~flhc Kraj calitinc-s. "'ThtSf'ani~h m;u:-h,nc: [lUM!". 'MK" 11f thl' men cried wilh a tuuch of
~nic. Li.~trninJ. ltoo$evell determined that abe fil-ing.wcu romiri~
rn-..n 1M flat ~ to thr ldt and jutapcd toM fret. ''It"~ the
( ;a1linjr.t. mt'n. ctur Ctattinp~·· <1K'ffiRJ lll'"ad ali aloott_thc lift(' .
anti with lhc.- ~ nf IlK" inach~M ,..... lhe infantry ~flt
k..,.,;m~ and drow the canay tro~n cheir ,...ruo-.
()ntt hG.IOCO bad~ lbcit wiNS.~~~ decided In
• ~ 1M lied .liile of ~ tmdcs 011 a •
...- of San Juan
I liD -tft abe fmat nllhe R.p lli&let's- ,.,_ .....
co.-i., ..lk. . . . daat die rqjlnc'aiWD ~··lite lalped
4'ft't"T, a htrltni·wft k'ftft 'aMI ran , .. waid intO II lillie wiley~
eM- Sr;r~ pml._, Bat the ~~~n rithrr did 110t Mar 01' sec laim.
R•"~"C'h had advanttd ahoot a hundRd yank wbco llr turned
awuwwl to diq(IW'f that he had only fiw mea with him aad ~~
hulkt!l ~rc: rirr'allbroiiP 1hc air aU atouad me.. lHlina tk.c:
··men 1o t* awa. be raltadl-and npily thouted ad lip•!Jcd
'''' tht rt'~imtnt to ftlllow. 11K' tn1101'"5 nc•rcst him tmekncood. ·
.. ~didn't M-ar you. Colontl!"' they shoueed. ·•Vie dich"t sec
~· ~'! l.~ad on and we11 folkww~··
._
· Th(.~ ~on with a nt5h. white attd Mad trnnprn. Rou~
Ridt·~ and Repla~ all m'•rd l~t.e-T. Sweal ian down &heir
fa«"~ anh• !heir ~~ llnd they ~tlUkl not N"t' the l'li~ht!l of •Mir
"-~arc'""· kat tht-y r~ and dm\"C:" ahl"ad. Jusa ~the Amr-rK.an!l
. 1<"~1 inw the erw~ trench~. ~ ,,f t~ Spmianb Hcd. hut
t"·" 11\('ll tot~nckd ur and fired al RoclU'vl'lt. lu they hnnl'd to
mn. k t'mrtied hl!l roolwr al lhrm. mimntt the fi~t man hut
killin~ thr !tC"rond. He "dcrutlltd UJl ..-. li~· a jackratlbit :· the
(",,~'fM"1 told a frirntl. • ll('tlR rr:trhinJ the: Cft5t of lhc hill. the
......,lie._
:. -;j...._...., .... , ... ~ _
...... ~ fil~ "w1do . . . . . . . , ..... .... hCur-'
• )oltt 11nifnnn ,.flht Sfoni"' n-plat 1~ .. .....,_..tIM . . . t.dliallr IM>In-in lfwii
ht:>tt- ft•- •hitil lt\riJ .... I"" -.1' ,...,.._ .. ~K i o - ~ ........... ~
...t h;.. ,.._.,....,..__ ~ A...chc-r ..;,,.._cia~ lhrn-- ... ,,_.,...,.in~ Mtl
-~-
.,...-
e
Houa~·
)OS.
vit1n~ drove the yellow silk Rap nf the cavalry into the
carlh-aml unfurled them within sight of Santi3«o.
soft
Tbc Fifth Corps had I~ SpaniJ~nk hacked up apiml their la.q
line nr. furlitK-atiom~~ only sc~n hundred yards away. but the
AtP4.•rit·an hnkl un lhc captmed ridJeS WRJ lenunull. C.l\.~llto
h••d he-en ht'avy-2CJ.'> killed and l,IRO wounded. or ahout IU
p:rccnt of I hose: enpgcd-and the rcma;ndet wen: discwganized.
hungr.y. and exhausted. Santiago bad also been rcinforocd by.
ahnul -'-~ men f~m Manzanillo ... We .are within meM1Il'abk
d~ann:' or a terrihlc military disaster... RcJoac,dt llCribbled- to
l.od{re two days afcn thr battle. "Tdl Praideat McKinley for
lleavem· ulle to scad us C'IC'fJ rc&ftaeol and abow: aD ncry _
haucrj poWblc...
.
A.t. the: RouP Ricla's . . . in~ he . . . . q1lick tdy •of the iq;-
....
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w·,one .._ . . - .,..._..,. '"'..,.ec~
.aea~·· ~-b
Men: e.iPt,....U W
..... nciiity forty
bcea •illcd
01' . _ , fzfd,
.a Wlft *. • I·
wm: ........................... lJOOpl
wne ~ roouoanded by serond tieutenasdll==d ~nts. There
.,. no foOO eJrCCP1 (m what they touod ia dllc bledhouscs. tile
water wu had. aad they slept in the r&in-soab::d~ IINddy hendtcs.
withoul
Pcrsonaii'J. ~ll wu ·proud of bia own perfonnaatt under ·
fire ... filf lhrcc ct.y.1 have been at the cshaK float of the firin&
tine... be wrote hnlc, .. How I acaped I know nol... He: was
pleased when GenaaJ Whcder reoonmteillllkd him lot' the Medal
. of tluaor:~ While he
much ....acd the dccoration, ..i. docai·•
make much diffeft11CC ... ht 5aid. "for nochina can take away the
fact lhltl ror len an:at dayll of it5 life- I oommaoded che rqimc1n.
. ant.! k-d il vil'tot"iously in a hard foujht baltle.·J nrieT u-pec:tcd
tu c. .me lhroup.h! I am as lltrong
a bull moose. . . ...
In the mt"antime. Shafter, shaken by the army's casuahieS, had
ccwn. .
.
.
.
0
n
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way
as
~"'·.til- nr~nt mc558F to Admiral Sampson: •"Terrible fillht Jatcrday.... I urge ~ to mate ~y effort immedialely to force ··
the: Iharbor) ~ritrancc lo avoid future 1oua among my men. whidl ·
arc already \'Cry heavy. You can openlte with less loa of life than ..
i......,.
-.t '"'"" ...,...,w~: .. nrv··~~ t.nn; 1hea::
il ~,.. tn MJK •"-~ Ill<!'
,.nr 'llrd wilh ion•~- dud Spnianh ~ Trel. 11w W. .W. ..... ;., IM. p. )1_1_
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now
.
fran.:· To S.1mpson·5· surprl.~. the navy was
\Jeing Mked to
'"'""" ·''' elK' ~r of lhe army. which had ori{tinaUy h«n ~nl
h• (•ut•a let' OK~iS1 IlK- nary. F.arl\' •'ll COC mnmin~ nf Jlily .1. he
'aik•' r:f'I'Cw:ml alctn~ tht· rua<10C
in laJten. and the 5tench or rot1in1 mule carcasse1 and half-buried
nt~ uncMered hy the penGicnt niM wa1 everywhen".
. Thrcm~h)t all. C"ntonrl Rt~lt-lhe ranlk ~ nmv official. hurl_ctl tcr<'mi•.tl); al Shartl'r; \With binim~l fury. ••Nol ~nee lhC'
.,r C'uha in hi~ Oavflip. thl- Nrn·
~;ltltJ'"'i~n ul ( )a"-.us a~aimt I be rauhians.hM there hccn'w cnm. in:ally inf'nmpctcnt •• g:cncr;•l a~ Sh:•ftcl"... ·.• It i~ hitler cu.~ thL·
· .an~ry and 5ufrcring. and·lhink th~l Ooi.hlng but incompetency
i~a :tdmini~tcrinttlhe natior'i's enonrio'u5 resoorce5 cau5cd iL·.· ·At .
l···•l .. h• n>nll't with Shaltl'i ~huut thl' jltim rt"aliti~ nf s~"Jl
cnt'tny :lire.
.
.
. .
..
11 W;t(. a Suntby. ~n the rt•litinc nf anothc:r day''" thr hlncbdc
wa~ "'4•kcn ~ ~hipllttard church ~~vic~ and the monthly rcadintt
••f thl" J\rlidc~ of War. Suddenlv~ a wn hoomed out rmm the,
lmnl al1\l Si~nall~CI ~' hui!Uro':-·Enemy ~ Cmnin{t Out!···
/\4tmit:\1 CC"r,.(.ra hati
nnll"rfil'i~,oUt of Santiaf(O by
lh(" ·~;mlhclftli<''l. in llavana. whQ We're nrrft-ill('("') ·~city was aho\Jt
en fan. ~nd ,,-.kl him •~ ' ' ' h• ~ to ('_~ueps' 01 Havana:
'11~ !W\ftM- tn~k the AmrricMII'qudr~ tty swprisr; sc.ltiW m itl'
We« ITt-..., afGaam~n:n••. • npe...-cd ~ ahmd roo-,- .
mlfl~~ umlcr
""en
'"ir'
fi\l("·-~ ·~lt·C".C'&"t ...... ~ .....................: llad'
r.... ~rmlnm al ........ hr ...... ~ Ji'111~.
.
. .;
.
p~··..
·.
\~.)
.
.
·n.r s.,a"~s~t ~r- tW ln/lllfftJ ltlfirifi'Tnftfl. ~ bcldMng
. hlom· her f&n..-b ;md elK' cri ........ and ((Old na, of Spain sn~ ·
:it hcr ma.'l.thnd. kd the. w:cy w1th thr« other cnriseB and two
'~~~o. in M'r wakt. OncC oui tl( tht pa1A1C. Cerw:ra ·s slsi.,s
· d~ ~i. full~~ the cOast to the~ with &be AmeriCan
~adrcm in hot punuit. The Spanish ~ls.wae in poor repair.
.fM~,-r. and OM tty .,M. they nme within rncc.of the AIDCrina
· "'"". Wilhin ~hree hc>tm~ nery cMn.y dVp had beca del't.~
nr hC"Mhnl lly ~new. ('rtwra and tu. eatUe iqUadroa wu the
'c.s. N:.V~·~ murth of July pr~nt to. c.hc nation.
TIK- dalrDC1ion tlf Ce~'""'«a"llsqoadron meant thal·for all pracrkal rufl"~~ the' bnd campaip in C'uba wa.ouJR_r. but the lri~ · .
ur Santia~u dr~ oo for ~her two :weeks. The spanianh ·
rdu'l"d 10 ~uneoder. 5ayin~ military hooorJWCve~tCd them. from .
~~ninll.q~ white they had the pOwn Itt resiSt. -Day day~ Shafter
tif!htt"nnl.hi~
uron Santia~. cmplacing artilkry. making hit.
lrC"nc-IK-~ mnrc formtdlllllc-. (l&mhlin(l· thiat he rould win the city
l'v 'ic~r ~ktrt di~~ decimated h~ army. l)phoid. malaria.
_11\"qo"t("ry~ and_ the fim CIIK5 of ~Jiow fC"Wr ~rc alfeady ruc:tin,.
~·t!rcarr' h"l· amun,. th~ hc-~~i-5 than .~hutcr bu'~t.!l. Air11 and
miKtJuit~ ma«k 1M-- mr-n·~ livt"S miK"ra\lle. their ~ifonm ~rc
,_rir
~
.
.
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rite~ time. Rnoscwell wof'k.cd.tircb~y for hi~ troopers. ••tfc
criC'd to («d ahem:~ StcphCn .C~ wrote )altt
the. World. ·
·•tic hcljlNl huiW latriitt~. ·II~ cuf'5Cd the quaitc~r~ and thl'
'dnp' ctn eht' tnmporls. tn ttel qllinme and gl-ub. f•N"·thc!n;· Lei ·
him be a politician if _he likes. lie wa a plleman dOwn. there ...
()ac day. a mud-stained fi~wc appeared a1 a Red Cross supply.
tlcpnc in Siboricy........ Mmw: siclk men ~h my rcp.ncat _whO
· dn ~-- ~ •~ f:O, Ill t~ llnlpital ·t..t ·an: Unahlc kl cac army·
raliuM_~ be tn~c~· a l)r_. ( ianfan, .00 wa ill dia~·. ,''('an yuu
!dl.w MJI1K' (l( die ..... you •tt ...... licK?.. . ..
.
••Not foe· a· milti.nn dollars. CotOnd Roolcvdt,··· Ganlncr rc·
~K-d ...~...izj~ &be, vmtm. . ·.
. .· '
.
· ··nuc. l)(teltw~ ,0.. have &he 1hin85 I need for iity men. 'I dltnl
a ~real tkal ~ my.mc-ti. If yoU will not seD than. _bOW ean I ~ .
lhCmT'
· ··
·
· ·
.;I·~ ,00 might a.o;k rot' thtrn. CoioneL:-' , ..
··n.cn I a.~ for t~m. ••
·
· · · ·· · · ·
... All ritthi. Make out a list of lhiap ;oo neCd and liCftd for
thctft."' .
.
. .
~·ciivc inc wmc of them nnw. 111 tate them myself...
· ..
Gantner fiiaed a sack with roltcd oats, OOAdenscd milk. rice.
· tlricd frmt. and other .item5 and Roose\dlloSscd itcwer hi.-uhoul- .
··,kr. ·"I'm pmud·_or my men~"~ Said as hie walked back into the.
jungle,,
··
an
mnk
. f'M'\Itt'a na:.lc- ... doub
.,m
.. MY CaowoEO Houan
THEOClORF. ROOSF.Vf.LT
~oil
..•. ·
llnnor ~arimed. lh~ Sraniank finan~ gaW opoo July r7. skr~
tt"r fonnally aoccpttd the sum:nder in the ..Wn f11aza ofSantiago.
.. aoo the lrtklp 00 .rhc sax-mile ring or entrcachmcnts aboUt tbc
. :ci•y cheered _as the Rag of Spain. which had BOated mer the
Gnvt"~·5 ("alae:'(" 'toT nearly four tenturies. -was~ fq'laud hy -·
. thC Sta~ and S1ripe5.--A haltery fired • l,'Wenty-ooe-sun ulute, a ·
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THF.ODOIIF. RucJSF.VEI.T
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t.and cm!>hnl inlo ''The Star-Span~lrd Banner.'! and: an h011or
· ~:u:ml ~I:~M'Ctllhcir Kra~ and rr~nlnl arms. ·within dayro. an·. 1•lhl·r r\f'<"tliltt'l'lar~ fun-C'. wa~ ~C'nl h• P.~nlo Rin• that quickly
n1•"J1J""Il nr thai ~;and'~ drrl"Utk-~.
In cl"· tnC';1ntiml·. ·"'"~,.... ,, ,.,.,cili'"' ~ the ~rare"' a~
••m· ,,r th,• war~ IK'n11C~-- w:t" n"t·t·iv1nJt rtca.~ fmm New VO£k
lt,·r••hlit·;n~ thai he ~l'Cum imntl~lialt;l~-cmtl run ft...- fZOVCmor.
· \<•u ;cn· "''~• kind.·· he rc~T~•ntk'tl en''"" !!'-Ut:h """municalion.
··t•ul ... I wttukl nttt lor willin~t "' ll-awc lhe r~mcril while the
·. "':'If. i" rm few M~ '!At JtfCal an ufficc as thai. of Governor of _New
\:mk. ··
.
.
-
urt him t'l'l I~ ·lront pi~- {"aha had
1M- t:ifch r~ rtruincd oa the island. i.b
tank"~~~ nmlaria. Mort' than four n..o...-d men wncon
tht- "'-'k ~--~"''ll rnkubtnl lhal frwn.thaia halr'lbe ~.
httnlknl ~·- Rillrn wlaa had tanckd fOUl'. ~b h(ofnn: wtft'
fl1 f,., .tut~. ~k'T ~-the:- W:u lkplt1tinNt In twn.,ciiC
.fl!ni m'Mr. ~cc-tar~ n1 War At,:n. _...tdiewd at.e tRiil..-·~
iok-c1nl •·ith ~1ktw (tvcr and 'tilr;l.C af~l they WllUid ttri-. it~
""''h thmt. ft"J''icd that lhr a~ m~ remain in Cula_IIRfil IM
~·k UC'U had nan it~ (mint.
·
Shidll'r l"aakd a mttlin, of his rankintt afficen on Aupst J.
with Rf",q-~h. nt• an actW,.Ilripdc COIIIRWICkr. •IIWIII. them.
1hl"~·
unanitnOO!l in urp.;n, lhr w1thdniWII1 of 1r-onp fn1m
t ·uha. let k«i' thl' "'~" on 1M- -~bnd mach ~r would caUse:·
thl" tkath of tbou."--mds. Rut hawinl! reached thiil apumcn1. no
••nc ""'~ ("('flain how IlK' Afl\("rican reoPlc c:oold be informrd of
iht' Fiflb ( ··~· SJ~uation_. Shaflrr ~ "5tlmC authorilalivc
t•uNiL-aCiclR •·hK-h would make eM- War ~parlmenl tak action
hd,•rt· it ""' coo 1acr lo il'Trl. the ruin of lbe army." R~ta ..
••flilTI._ "'t'!l' char~. htmr"t'vt"r. 1-f ri~kirljl their l'llrttB tty f111CniY
••lknthn~ rr~i:dl"n' Md\ink~· anti ~nclary Al~r.
RciCK('\'1."11. whtt ,.-.,uld rl."hlm h• nvilian lifl" and thercfly coold
rn·d~- nitiorc the War llcr;crlmcnt .. wa~ -the obviom choi~ to
i ..""" ~,;m a ~lal('mt"nl. Ill' l'lf!rN'tl In f!,iYC ~n inlcmew to Ihe
· . -rn·"'"'· l•ut -l.t'onanl W.KMI tht•"rzht it ~ucr ~~~ ·5C1ld Shafter a
mmMI-rHhtn knc-r. si~d hy alii~ J'I"C~nl. wbK:h 5talcd: "The
f'C'Iq'fl'li rf'~J'l'H"tltlf fot rrc-,"('nlinJ! MM."h a rAOW: will he re~sihle
f,,, lbr nnnn·('«;u~· In"" ,,f ma~· thnusand!r; of lives.·· Thi~ WM
N(',"t'tlhc'~~. c.-vent~
tort-n
C1tft\}1K'ff'd. "-'
"l"'"
~
\.JJ
accompanied hy an ~ mongcl' personal ~ter from Roosevelt
Shafrcr. and both ~leaked to the pres5 ...To keep us here. ·• .
Ronscwlt wrote; "in I he npinion of tt~ery officer rommandin~· a
tlivi~inn Of' il llrlJr.lOC wilf ~mply iiMJlvc lhe tblmctinn o( thuu~•ntl!i ...
Mt·Kinlcy <tn'd AIJtfT were anttercd hy the puhlication of thC'
Il'UCr~-....:in fiiC:t, lhc pr~nl only learned or lhc round mbtn
wl~n he read atlout it in tM ncwspapcn-and the War Department tmilletl_ veiled threats of a coort-mutial ror R.otMeYdt_. In
rC\It'JIItC. Al,er saw to it that he nner sot the Medal of Honor
that hl" tho.DJ,ht he ~rVed. It YiB. as Edith wrote lafcr... one
ullhc hittercsc dappoinlmeats of his tile.·· Undoubtedly oae of
the ronlriltuti..g !acton to Alt;er"s ire was m.t. •nknowa to the
rublic. tbc WaY 0Cput111ent bad ahady pau.cd CO bf'-1 the
lroflll5 hmne and bad ofden::d I hat· a camp be let t1p at Molaul
lo
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Uniietl Sbda.. ~e Roolt:wdlpt dte cn:dil b ~
intt I he:' ~ hcl.ne.
let lk
Tbe 1ramJI0111rfiami. tirryiR~ tbe A.mlp Riden, eased apinst
a pin a1·Mon1auk on AupstiS, 1898. Tile IICal1eftd spedllon.
many of I hem raembcn of the regimnt tb31 had been left behind
at TMRJla • .cardtcd .hrT lllicb and cheen:d dell tbq I(JO(ted a
burly. bronzed figu-:c_ in the weU-wom lllriform Of a cdood nr
r.nalry an the bridge wit• ·the wawl"s apbin. The brim of his
campaign hat was turned up on the side: aod abe sun &tinted. Off
hi• Jlanc-~. ~-•• prac1icany ran dOwn the lase rew steps of._
the llangway. with hn pi~lol jouncing at bis side. Next came the
crO.l(lCB. ~ lil:ftpin~. !IOille so _wealt thq bacfto be bdped
alcN~J. ~ on $.trctchcn. "I fttl positnllcly ashamed ol my apror:arnocc when I ~ how hMfly 50me of my bn1ie rdows are.~·
lt0(15C\1'Cit dl"darcd: "Qh. htJ1, we ba~ had hully. ~t !"
.
btilh hatf heen inroimcd I hat her hushan~ wa.' to return in .
mtd-Au~ast. huhhe did not know the eud dale. A5 soon a.~ he
o-uld. ~It tc1c~ Oy:rter Bay 10 m(orm his wi(e ol his
arrival and .Red her lo ~ OUIIO Montauk at
S..pmOR
II ill h:Ki no trlepttonc. 5o lhC 111CS5:1,C was rciii)'!Cd rrom the viDage ·
hy :t hoy on a hicydc. By the rime Edith reached the camp. lhc
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rqtitocnl had lteen placed under a ~lrict. five-day quarantine. Oul
Rflttq'\"l"lr had made JjlC'cial arran~mcntJ to~ hei dandestinety.
Sftto "~ mt'l l'ly a~~~(!. ,,ffirer. whn ~m~lcd her husband out
fc•• tht• '""'"'"""~- They h,,d an hour totrtt~r. and all that Edith
wc.,alr\ ~·w "':t'-. "Ttlcudurc ""'h \111\'ll hul thin...
.
l"hu·" tl;n·" I"C'fc•rc rhc R..•cJ!h RH.k~ h,,,a aniwtt at Mnntauk.
ch<- \\·:u ~irh Sf'ain wa' (ormall~ tk-t'larctl at an rnd-1t'~ tb."ln
· ft•m m«•nrh" a(t,·r it h:ttt"~l!un. "lr h:L" I>('Cfl a lqlil'nditllinlc war:·
t.•hn ll:w wwh• Ru•~"·dt. ('uh:a h:HI "''un il!l i~~mlencc. ·.;uMI
.( ;u:•n•. rft~t.•fiH It in•. :nMi lht• l'tl.iti)'(litu~ "'""'(' ccdnl _In th'" \ '"itl"tl
. StaCt'' l'•r ltc .. Kt"\'t'IC. lht· "'ar h.1d lot•t·n_:r '·irulic'iltinn uf hr..~
t.·:cl , .• .,.,=-~·· :tiki hr.. aloeliti<'s_ :1!1 :. k:.tll'r. and it rtin~ him intn
-the· n<tric ..ullimdi(thl. lie fc"'"'' him<i;t-U '""' uf tlk- mtm famc~o~i~
....,,. inlht· natit"'. aPd ~\'("'~'""" nNK-tt to P'Y him hunm. ~1""1"''' ~L'llnt 3httUt ~ futmc. and ptli«ical·lcalkn .._.,"
otthactnlto Mt'IQtd tillr ln-...~ In a r pw1.
,
....... -~ <1•1""•· ~"'· "'""'· kllow ~-.lind bead
•tliiM'tiQ\· fnikptn.k-Atpiily. wa~ the fiOI lflmak tht-pilp~.
. <ll:~w-m:an hatl a drw:am-hl" tcc-IK-'"d thai wilb lloosnelt at the
ht-:tcl ,,fit~ ticvl. tlw' ra11~ c:uuW "'" unl~ win lhr ~mot'Ship.
l•ul ~qr ~'"'" officn_ a~ we'll .. R·"~~lf!' ~•ron:J SC1115C' pf parly
I. wall~- ollttl can~ rrl'lcticalit toclinnl him to-he noncommittal.
:-tht"ld ( ru.rm~n·5 orrn (1(_ ~ ('ally·~ nofiltnatioa t'lut ("hapnwt
"-~~ "''"''irKTtl ,,f hr.. :.rr:nwal h\· the- Rt..... Ridn."J failutt to
ck-.·hnl' it ••ttlnf!,ht.
,. .
(
.
. ( ·,>fljl:rt'~"""," IA"mucl E. Ouijijl ....· rmmmcnt Rqtuhlican And
•'Itt" ••f Tllm P1211t·,. <"hid fit-utrf\illllt!'i. ~ the M•l to make an
r
:.rrc-iu:mcl' at R'"~vdf!'i trnt. l'ta~t. who controlled~ 70U
,,f ""' ll71tit"k'Jalr~ lo the Jtatc COI'I\Tfttion scheduled fm Saratop
l;•h· en S<-rtcm~r. wa~ fbltly orrc'M'd to tri""" Rt~lt the
~Ul'('rnaturial nomination. llut h<- wa!' a qundary. He.-~
~•lfllt"Ont" 1•' rcrlace Cri~mur F~nk S. Black. whose administratic•n hacl N-t-n lllac\cnrd llv in~ui'an« fr.mtk and scandal!~ in the
rt"rc~tnl(ritm 4)(. thr F.i-~ Canal. and Ouiu rmrh~stz.Cd lh:~c .
Rf'IK('\TII ~ thr cinly Rl"ruhlit."311 wftn rou1d _win in Nmrm~r.
C"hauntt~ M. Derc-w. J"Tt'!Citknl uf lhl" New YortC~Ira1 and
3 ~Matlin~ Rt"('\lltlican Orat(lf. rut it wcdnctly. If Black were rt. nciR1inat<"d. hc- 1old Mall. it would .he difficult to deal with -the ·
n-rrurtic>n i!t~U('. Hut ir Col~l R~ll ~re I he caOdidate.
_. IK' rt'uld ~,r with ·ctmVic1iun chat if _he wrre eiected the voten
m
.. 9-J
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•
e
••My CiowoED HOUR..
311
could be as.~roo that " 'c\ICry thief will be caught and punished.
and every dollar that can be round wiU be restored lo the public
tn'a.."nry. "lbcn I will follow the colonellcadinB his Rou~h RidcB ·
·up San Ju:m llill ;,nd a~k the h,,nd lo play the 'The Star- Spangled
1\:tnncr.' ...
·
rl~lt ~•w the roinr. hut hi~ d~a~c for R005CW:It had nne mcllt'M'tl. In :•dditiun tu an ingrained animosity toward him. he. _
lhlltlt!hl Jtnt)S('VClt "a lillie klusc" em the i~ of tnL~~ ancJ wanted·
~•s..,.ur:mc-c~ that CUk"C ht' Yr.l!' in office he would not "make war"
un tht.· Rl·ruhlic:rn m.,chin<". lie wa!'i al'fl reluctant. to gi'W' Rou~·"·ll"s t'art't'r;, funbcr_h.N~. "If he~ Cicwcnuw nf New
\'c~k. ~·unl'r nr later. with hiJ pcnnnality. he will have h• ·he
1".-<""ick•nt nf tlk- United Sial~ ... the old man d«<arcd .... am
:afraid ''' !lt:tfl lhiu Chin~ ~tnintt." Ncvcrlhcku.'
~adcd
f"'all to alkmr him tu ~nund uat Ronsevc:h.
.,,.~ ~C'd
timr in aUift111bc (naMd 1M ... ,.... ....e..
IOCDf •• ahnUi whdhcr .,,. nnl he waa ~ in the lf"'''CCillonliip •
aad if c:kckd. WOIIW.Isc ":"mak ..,- .,_. ,._ .... ~OrpW;I!Iioa.
Rnt~t•·~ R"J'Iy -.:ras fclfthri~hc. ·Indeed. ~ woutd liU to tune
·the nomination. and he p¥IC asaaranca th8! lie would ..not rnak
war em Mr. PiaU ur anybOdy ehe if war _could be inOidCd." As a
~'""' Rcpuhlican he Wotlld make eV!ery effort to ·MJft with I be
•..-,.anazation with ••chc: m.ccre hope':" theft Dript .be ••b•rmony
uf <Jf'i~.......... rurrase ... lie rc5erwld the ri&fn to a1nsult with
aU)'""' he pka.~. ~r.·arMl ·'lo act finaDy M
own judge·
· · mcnt and comcic~ directed."' Ouig replied that ibis was 1M
an.w~Cr he had expected and would immediately oomult with Plan
ahuul the next ·move.
()lher vr...ltun camc.lo Montauk as lhc Rotl8h Rider5 recupeTi1tnl and awaited dcmohilizatiOO. Praident- McKinley review«~
·~ ·~· amf tl was noted thai he got out of his
to
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,_rect Romcvdl pe-rsOnally. Edith brought Alice. Ted. and KcJ'I'Rit
for an cW'C'milfht vi~ic. Round-c)'cd with wonder, the: boys Listened,
1u ta~ tnld hy the troopcn. inspected cvery1hirig. and slept with
their fat~r in hi~ tcnl. Prclty AI~. CYetJ.iach lbc ..Colonel's
dautthtcr·· a1 fourteen and
half, was a hit with the ~r .
a
nfftc:er5.
.
R~ewlt wa~ writing at h~ de5k on September 13 when ~•
to
men dockro in and a~kcd him rome nul for a brief «remony.
Ulinkin~ in the sunlight. he found the regiment df'a'!l'il up in a
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�Hl-06-19S7 14:30
OCLL
'703·798 6988
P.23
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OHIO
I
140 RuSSE~l 5£NATE o~~·c:' BUICD'""<l
COMMITTEES:
c··::(':-_
MIKE OeWINE
.
I
JUDICIARY
.·lanitnl ~mtf56~bmf(
.
'
LABOR AND HUMAN RESOURCES
WASHINGTON, DC 20610-3503
(20%) 224-2315
TOO: C2021 22&-992'
EN~rlOTM~NT AI'IIIO Tf'Al,.,.I~C
c,..AI!\;'li"A,..~
SuecO ... M•nct
QN
INTELLIGENCE
September 30, 1997 ·
.The Honorable William Cohen ·
Secretary of Defense
Washington, D.C. 20301.
Dear Secretary Cohen:.
I have enclosed correspondence t received from Captain Jeffrey Hennessy; urging
that former President Theodore Roosevelt be considered for the Congressional Medal of
Honor' for acts of ht>roism r,'erf(l~med ~!I Colon_,! and :omm:;r.der ot the Army's "P.r.;ugh
Riders" during the Spanish-American War.
According to Capt~n Hennessy, Colonel Roosevelt's 'charge up Kettle and San Juan
Hills, he was recoi'Timended for the Congressional Medal of Honor by several.offi.cers
involved in those events, but politlcaltensions over the presence of US troops:in Cuba may·
have unfairly scuttled Colonel Roosevelt's chance at receiving this award. The letter I
received from Captain Hen.nessy outlines a compelling argument for granting Colonel
·Roosevelt the C~ngressional Medar'ofHonor. · ·
·
.1
Should the- Army condude that Colonel Roosevelt had been unfairly denied the
Congressional Medal of Honor~ I would be willing to work with you to enact the necessary
legislation to supersede the statutory ~lme limit.
Thank you for your consideration .of this metter.
.
.
· .. Very respectfu171urs ...
.
~·r#e~
MIKE DeWINE
v~·,itE:.•l St.ates Scr.~t~;:
RMD/beh
Enclosure
Ul6999 ./97
. STATE OFF.ICES:.
lOS EAST FOuRTH STKE~l
•
600 SUPE~IO" A.vi'<\JE EAST
ROOM 1S15
Roo .. 2A60·
ROOM970
CINCIN .. ATI, 01-4 46202
!5131783-8260
c,cvELANO. OH ~114
(215) 522-7272
CoLUI\IQI.JS, OH
161 4) ,69-8774
37
WEsT
B•o•o STaH.T
..
'J115
265 SOUTH
Rooo-o ,OS
MARIETTA,' 0H 45750
16,41 J73-Z317
To(EI'lO, 01'1 431504
{4191259-7535
XEHIA, 011 A5J85 .
l9J7l 376-3080
r'
~IOII'IT~O
A~uSON A"~NIJf
Roo"' 522
234 NORT>< SUMMIT S'm~~;r
FIOOM 7,6
.
200 Pur .. AM STREET
0,. AECYCLEO
~"PE~
.·
�.Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. Jetter
SUBJECT(fJTLE
DATE
Address (Partial) (1 page)
07/28/1996
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
·m189
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. 552(b)J
National Security Classified Information i(a)(l) of the PRAJ
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAJ
Release would violate a Federal statute i(a)(J) of the PRAJ
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly. unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIAJ
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.an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions i(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
PI
P2
P3
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�-
unr
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UCt L4
'-'\
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---------------,
t"'.U::>IUb
Senator Mjlcc Dcwine
234 N. Summit Street
Toledo, Oruo 43624
Dear Senator Dc\lol]ne,
July I. 1998 will be the one hundredth anniversary offe!Jow republican Theodore
Roosevelt's famous charge up first Kertlc: Hill then San Juan Hill. On that date in 1898,
Roosevelt, on horseback, led hi.s force of .Rough Rider.s (on foot) over open ground, uphill,
against the cntrenched.Spanish. Corn:spondcnt Richard Davis for the Herald wrote "No one
who saw Roo:wvelt td:e tha_t ride expected he would finish it alive." The Rough Riders lost
eighty-nine men, a larger proportion than any other unit involved in the battle. ''I would rather
have led that charge ... than served three terms in the U.S. Senate." For his gallantry, he w01s
recommended for the Congressional Medal of Honor, auf nation.s highest military honor, by hi.s
brigade, division, and corps commander:>.
"Colonel Roosev~lt : .. led a -..ery de:.perate and errremely gallant clrargl! on San .Juan
Hill. !hut: by selling a spl~ndid e:.:ample to the troops and encouraging thtJm to pass ow:r
the open country intervening helwer:n tlrr:ir pasition and the trcnchC!S of tire enemy. In
leading this charge, he start1d offfirst. a.r he supposed; with quite a fo/10\t-ing of men,
hut soon discovered that he was alone. He Jhcn ruturned andgathered up a fe-w men and
led them ro thc charge . . . An ~xtremely gallant one, and the erample set a most
in,,piring anc to the iroop~· in that part oftht!. line (and) had a Yery encouraging effect
and had great 'Weight in bringing up the troops behind him."
Major General Leonard Wood
On about July 3 o of that same year,: the commanding general of the American forces in
Cuba called ameeting of his officers. The 5 paci£h had surrendered, and tho::: American army was
suffering horribly from both yellow fever and malaria. All agreed atthe meeting that the health
situation was cri_tical and that the War Departments apparent refusal to move the Army was
reprehensible. Something had. to been done· and .done quick:.ly. They decided that someone should
write a formal letter to the War Department, with the realization that the letter was sure to anger
both '?resident McKinley and Secretary Alger and ruin the career of the author.
Roosevelt wrote a "round robin" and followed it up 'With a longer letter signed only by
himself.
"P,i.s army must he l'fiOYed ar once, or perish. A.r the army can br: safely moved now. the
n:.:spotuihlefor prt!venting n;ch a move will be responsible for the rmnece:.-sary
lo.-:.'i of many rhousand.s of lives"
·
per~ons
E'O"d
"o't0'50
LG-2o-das
�Oct- 24 '9
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0 ~ X'H I :U I
0 0 : ~ T 3llJ.
14:27
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The letters succeeded on .both count.5. The anny was moved back to the States and
Roo.s~velt was denied the Medal of Honor.. Both Mcl<inlcy and. Alger were outraged at the
.
audacity of .Roosevelt. It is generally agreed now that this was the reason he was not _awarded the
Medal ofHonor. It wu a.ccordir.g to his wife "one
of the bitterest diuppointments of his life.''
. I will now get to the point of my letter. I beli~c that Roosevelt deserved the Medal and
did not get it because of political rc:a.sons. ·[ feel that you ·have it within. your power to reopen the ·
case and have the medal awarded post humorously. This would not only right a great wrong,. but
would be a victory for not only republicans but all Am_ericaru. I urge you to use your influence to
-get this done.
·
.
·
·
Sincerely yours,
Captain Jeffrey S. Hennessy
. I
'l!('tO:so
170"d
L6-ZO-d"'$
�::- . ,· ~ ..
CAROL MOSELEY-BRAUN
ILLINOIS
COMMITTEES: ·
1.
BANKING. HOUSING. AND
URBAN AFFAIRS
JE!ntteb ;§tzt±es ;§enide
' FINANCE
WASHINGTON,. DC 20510-1303
SPECIAL AGING
December 14, 1997
Maj. Gen. Morris J. Boyd
Chief Legislative Liaison
1600 Army Pentagon· " .
Washington, -D.C. 20310-1600
Dear Maj .
G~n .~
.. ,.
Boyd:
I am enclosing a copy of an inquiry that ·r received from my
constituent, Andrew L. Bresnan. Mr. Bresnan would like President
Theodore Roosevelt to recieve an medal of honor.
Due to this. office's desire· to be responsi v.e to all communications,
your consideration of the attached is requested.
·Your findings and views would be-appreciated, and r·will pass therri. on
to Mr. Bresnan, or you may reply directly to Mr. Bresnan and forward a
copy to my office.
·
Please respond· to:
Elizabeth Freeston
Legislative Correspondent
.Offic·e of Senator Moseley-Braun
Suite 320
·
Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510-l303
(202) 224-2854
\
Yo~~
Carol Moseley-Braun
United States Senator
CMB:ef
\
. '
.·:
~q.
7//OS'~ '7/.
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
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financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
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�',..JO¥
.I
iLj(Ci
1!0:
Andrew L. Bresnan
August 25, 1997
Senator Carol Moseley-Braun
320 Hart Building
Washington, D. C. 20510
Dear Honorable Senator,
I am a history teacher at Central A & M High School in Moweaqua, Illinois.
Each year I come across what I feel is a grave injustice while teaching about
the Spanish-American War. This injustice involves a fonner president long
dead and gone but his memory still lives. The president is Theodore
Roosevelt. President Roosevelt \vas recommended tor the Congressional
Medal of Honor by General Joe Vlheeler for his action during the Battle of
San Juan Hill on July 1, 1898. Several other officers that were present at
the battle. also wrote letters recommending Colonel Roosevelt for the Medal
of Honor. These officers were Major-General SamuelS. Sumner l.J,S. V.,
Colonel A.L. Mills, Major:.General Leonard Wood, U.S.V. commanding
Department of Santiago, Capt. C.J. Stevens 2nd Cavalry, and Major M.J.
. Jenkins 1st U.S. Cavalry. Based on all accounts I have read of this battle I
feel that Colonel Roosevelt's action were well above and beyond the call of
duty. He lead his men by example and never asked anything of his men that
he himsdf would not do.
According to author Richard Bak., Roosevelt was turned down for this honor
because of differences of opinion.with the Department of War during the
Cuban campaign. AJso Secretary of War AJger and President McKJnley
were both upset at Roosevelt's "round robin" letter requestjng that the First
Volunteer Cavalry be sent back to the states. The request to return back to
the United States was mainly due to the yellow fever, mabria, typhoid fever and dysentery, according to Bak..
The important thing is that Colonel Roosevelt risked life and limb in leading
his men first to Kettle Hill and then on to San Juan Hill. His deeds are a
matter of historic record that can be studied. His difference of opinion with
�~.
-
>
_.\'""
. ·:
... . - .. -· ..
.
·~
'
the Secretary of War and Presideri:t McKinley should not have entered into
the matter. lt did not change what he did.
.
f~r
l would like to request ihat the recommendations
Theodore Roosevelt to
receive the Congressicmi!l Medal of Honor be reviewed based on his actions
and not politics. The year·l998 marks the centennial of the SpanishAmerican War. It would be fitting and the right thing to do for Congress to
bestow the Medal of HOnOr posthuinously to Theodore Roosevelt. His
. actions on the
of battle should be able to Spe,kfo; themselves. This
would be an excellent way to right i wrong an.d to commemorate one of the
great people of our rich history. · ·
·
.
fi~ld
•
.•
I
. Thank you for yoUr time and.consideration and I will lciok forward· to
·hearing from you.
Sincerely:
•
· Andrew L Bresnan
.
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA!Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
2008-0703-F
'ml89
-
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Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�President Bill Clinton
1600 Pennsylvania Ave.
V/ashington, D.C.
Dear rvf r. President,
I am a b_i-ston t~~f_her at Central A. ~~-i':v'l High .School in Ivlo.vveaqua,Illin~
Each year I c~~me across· vvhat I feel is a [!:_?_~_e j!1j_us_ti_~5! while teaching about
the SPflli;?_h::-Am.erican. V·./ar. ·This injustice involves a former president long
dead and gone but his rp~I.l"!_(~!)' still lives. The president is Th~o(fore ---·· · ··
Roosevelt. PresidentRoo~eveit was recommended for the Cori~ressionaC
Medal of Honor bv Gen·e~;l Joe Wheeler f()r his action during the Barti~ of .•
.,.
.
San Juan Hili on July l, 1898. Several other ofiicers that were present at
the battle also \-\-TOte letters recommending Colonel Roosevelt for the Medal
uf Honor. Th.~se otlicers \.vere ~viajqt-G~~~:·al_San.lu<;lS. Suinr1c·r:-Trs~\7.,
Colonel l\..L. i'Ai!b. -ivfuior-General Leot1~trd-\Nood~. .. U.S:-V~C'ommnndinsr -·
. .. . .
.....
. . .. -.
·
D ,.,..,~rtn'·"n' <"'~ ~,.S··''1tt.-.rr'' (<:1r1t C I S"t··-·''"""" ':>·1d Ca~·a}I~Y: "r'J 1~V·!,,or 1'·1 • •
.... t·"· . . • .... . ;. •.
<....... ~""='·..
t;..~
~J ... l"v 1
.lt.:nkins l ::;; U.S. Ca\~~r:~·: .. Based on<."!!! ~'!.CC()Unts I hav::: read cf th.is b2ttle I
feel th:i't t.:>)lnnei ··-.
. Roosevelt's action vvcre ~_.veil above and bevond the call of
.
.
...
Juty. He lead his men by exa~pie and uever asked nnything of his men that
!1e himself '-Yotdd nut Ju.
-
~
o.
·.-
1..
•
•
..._
-
•
..........1 - l
IC
..
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l
.
Accurdin2 to nuthor Riclwrd Bak.
Roose~. ·dr
vvas ·turned dmvn for this honor
because clit!Crences ot'~p(n-ion .\vith the Department of War during the
Cuban campaign. Also Secretary of\Var Alger and President McKinley
were both upset at Roosevelt's ·'round rohin" letter requesting that the First
Volunteer CaYalr:v be sent back to the stut~s. The request to return back to
the United States was inainly due to th;;! .vellow Jeyer, m~Lu.ria, tvphoid fever
.
---·-·.
- .. ..
and d:-'sentery, according to Bak.
;f
--
· ~--·
~~-·-··
The important thing is that Colonel Roosevelt risked lite and limb in leading
his men tirst to Kettle Hill ~mJ r.hen on tq San Juan Hill. His deeds o.re a
matter cif historic record that can be studi-:-J. His ditierence of opinion with
�',. ~·
•
the Secretarv of War ahd President McKinley should not have entered into
the matter. It did not change what he did. ,
.I
.
..
.
.
I \vould like to request that th~ recommendations for Theodore Roosevelt to
receive the Congressional Medal of Honor be· revievve.d based on his actions·
and not politics: The_ year 1998 marks the centennial of the Spanish. American War.· It would be .fitting. and the right thing to do for Congress,
with your support, to besto\v the J\rledal ofHonor'posthumottsly to Theodore.
Roosevelt. His actions on the field ofbattie should be able to speak for
themselves. This would be an excellent \Nay to. right a wrong and to,
commem~1rate one of the great people of our rich history.
Tha.nk you for yout time and· consideration ~nd I will look forward to
hearing from you.
.. . .
.·
. ·
· Sii1cerely; ·
'
.
'
.
.
'
.
/2duarc7Lf'~
An.drew L. Bresnan ", .···
.e
�d,(J f/?~:?
State of North Dakota
OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR
600 E. BOULEVARD- GROUND FLOOR
EDWARD T. SCHAFER
·~
BISMARCK, NORTH DAK01'A 58505-QOOl
(701) 3,28-2200
FAX (70Ij 328-2205 TDD (701) 328-2887
GOVERNOR
D~cember30, 1997'
· The President
The White House
, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500
.)
.
Mr: President:
All of North Dakota is proud of its most famous adopted son - Theodore Roosevelt.
From the rugged beauty of the National Park named in his honor, to the Rough Rider H3.11 of
Fame, the gallery of famous North Dakotans, . our state has long sought to commemorate the
life and spirit of a great American.
.
· <=·
As Governor, it is my pleasure and privilege to support the Theodore Roosevelt
Associ~tiop. 'in i!s effo~~~~Jh,~. M£~L'2£f.ignprj~~Q~P~toJll~g~y~l!f~li;Yj1!._
rec6g_njj..!_on of ~~J"£)..£QJU:!!g.~.,aDd.Jeader.$ip.iru...miJHMY-.$i~~j.og. San Juan Hill and
Kettle Hill are battles true to America's legacy_.;. the bravery and ultimate sacrifice of man
for a noble ca4-se~ Roosevelt's dramatic participation in these engagements speaks of his .
personal character and outstanding perform~ce in duty to his country.
In the annals of American military history, the Medal of Honor is presented to only
those who have distinguished themselves.so conspicuously.as to clearly characterize the
individual above his comrades. Theodore Roosevelt clearly demol').strated his bravery during
the Spanish American War, and is deserving of the Medal of Honor .
. SLincerely,
....·.
.
·.
.
·.~·
.
.
Edward T. Schafer
Governor
.i
13:17
.
. ..
. JA~.l · 5 ··:-:...,.
'
;_._,I
/
�. NSHA Rough Riders
· C.William Uhlinger
President Emeritus
(516) 364-1869
. Dr. Cyla Allison i
President
(516) 261-4915
February 1, 1998
.
\
Honorable Daniel Patrick Moynihan
405 Lexington Ave.
62nd. FI. .
New York,, NY 10174
Dear Senator Moynihan,
Our purpose in writing is to request youi support of the Congressional.
initiative in petitioning the Department. of the Defense to recommend the ··
· posthumous award. of the M~dal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt. A warding .
·the Medal of Honor during the centennial year ofthe Spanish-American War
would be a fitting recognitionofthe courage displayed by this remarkable·.
American, who led the charges up Kettle and San Juan Hills, securing the·.
·
.
.
· ...
·Santiago Heights.
Theodore Rooseyelt is a treasured he~o to Long Island, New YorkState
and the nation. ·We feel he is most deserving of this honor. There is . .
overwhelming documentation of Rooseve1ts valor in both personal attestations
by fellow sold!ers and historical :r:esearch. ·
.
·
· We·would appreciate your assistance in making our opinion known to
the Depa.rt:Irient of Defense. If this effort is not successful through the ,
Department, we would still support Congressional action in. awarding the
·Medal of Honor. Thank you for yo~ efforts in this worthy cause.
.
I
.
-··
Respectfully,
(
. ':
~
...
.
.
~~---:----..
C. william Uhlinger
Troop Commander
CC: Congressman Rick Lazio
Ms. Judith A.. Gordon
Nassau-Suffolk Horsemen's Association, Inc.
~~
ST~TE
HORSE COUNCIL MEMBER
A publicity
.
su~p~rted
2 Carll Ct. • Northp~rt. Ne,.; York 11768
,
federd.lly tax exempt organization formed under the New York State not for profit law
Th
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Life Memt>er
35
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CARLL. MA~CELLINO
..
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LEGISLATIVE OFFICE BUILDING ::J
ALBANY. NEW YORK 12247
{5181 455·2390
.
FAX{518)42<>-6975
1998 FE2 25
THE SENATE.
STATE OF NEW .
YORK
:
250 TOWNSENo' SQUARE 0
OYSTER BAY. NEW YORK 11771 .
{516)922·1811
. FAX !5161922·1154
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'
CHAIRMAN
ENVIRONMENTAL CONSERVATION
COMMITIEE
·- .. ' . -
MEMBER. COMMITIEES ON
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES
CIVIL SERVICE AND PENSIONS
'CONSUMER PROTECTION
EDUCATION
LADOR
SOCiAL SERVICES
WATER RESOURCES
February 18, 1998
. Secretary William Cohen
U.S. Department of Defense
. 1000 Defense, The Pentagon
Washington, D.C 20301-1000
Dear Secretary
~ohen:
I urge you to. support the initiative of Congressman Rick Lazio of New York's
to secure the Medal of Hono~ for President Theodore Roosevelt. Awarding
the Medal of Honor during the centennial year of the Spanish American War would b'e
a fitting testimonial to the man who led the charges to capture the Santiago Heights
on July 1, 1898.
~fforts
I
•
'·
Theodore Roosevelt is a treasured hero ~6 New York State, Long Island and
Oyster Bay and he is most deserving of this honor. Th~?re is overwhelming
documentation of Roosevelt's valor including several letters from his fellow· soldiers
and several books written by noted historians.'
·
Please give your support to this· worthy effort by reviewing the materials and
consider ·congressman Lazio's application in a timely fashion. Theodore Roosevelt
should have received the Medal of Honor nearly one hundred years ago.but Secretary
of War Russell Alger prevented th.at. Now is the right ti~e to correct this injustice.·
.
'.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
Sincerely,
CLM:mbb
cc: C. William Uhlinger
Dr.· Cyla Allison
..
'
�_,L
-
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McCARTHY.
. \998 ~l~R -2 Pl1 3: 06 EMPLOYER EMPLOY.EE RELATIONS
SUBCOMMITTEES:
4TH DISTRICT, NEW YORK
1725 LONGWORTH BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515
. (202) 225-5516 .
(202) 225-5758 (fax)
POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION,
TRAINING AND LIFE-LONG LEARNING
. COMMITEE ON SMALL BUSINESS
•
.
I FULTON AVENUE. SUITE 12
HEMPSTEAD. NEW YORK 11550
(5 16) 489-7066
(5 16) 489-7283 (fax)
. CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES
'
SUBCOMMITTEES:
GOVERNMENT PROGRAMS
AND, OVERSIGHT
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON,D~·c. 20515
February 25, 1998 ·
The Honorable William· Cohen
, Depar.tment ·of Defense
Rm. 3E880
The Pentagon
WaE?hington, De 20301
;
Dear Mr. Secretary,
It has come to my attention that a request is pending at the
Department .of Defense for the posthumous awarding.of the Medal of
1 Honor ~o Theodore Roosevelt.
I urge you to expedite consideration
of this timely request as. we have already entered the second month
of the centennial year of· the· Spanish-Americ~n War ..
The Rough Riders' charge up San Juan and Kettle Hills on. July 1, ·
1998, under Colonel Roosevelt was the most famous moment of.the
Spanish-American War. Personal attention by fellow soldiers and
historica·l research have confirmed Theodore Roosevelt's courageous
e3;cts in securing. Santiago Heights.
Roosevelt's extraordinary
decision to resign as Secretary of the Navy to -recruit and l~ad the
560 Rough Riders ~hould also be considered ..
Mr. Secretary, the people of Long Island. have always been proud of
the . many accomplishments of our state's 33rd Governor ahd the
nation's ·26th President.
Awarding the Medal· of Honor in this
centennial year would be a fitting tribute to Theodore Roosevelt's
valor. Thank you in. advance· for your assistance'. I look forward
to hearing from you.
·
·Sincerely,
O~ktC~
. CAROLYN. McCARTHY .
Member· of Congress
·
u0 3 54:1
/98.
37
�STATE .OF NEW .YORK ·.
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER
ALBANY 12224
GEORGE
E. PATAK!.
· GovERNOR
March 5, 1998
Dear Secretary Cohen:
.
.
.
.
.
I would like to add my name to the. growing 'list of Americans who.
. strongly believe that Theodore Roqsevelt should be a candidate to receive the .
Medal of Honor. · ,
.
.
··
Lieuteri~t ·Colonel
Roosevelt',s heroic actions . during the .Spani~h
American War are well documented ar1d ·certainly seem to fit. the crjteria
. necessary for consideration for this highest of honors. I believe; as many do, that
the Army committee which denied Roose\relt this honor nearly a century ~go did
so for polit!cal reasons. There is little· ·doubt in my mind that a soldier
demonstrating the sa)Ile level. of courage today vvould be awarded the Medal of
.
.
. .
Honor.
~
Today, a hundred years later, wehave th~ opportunity--and I believe the
duty--~0 correct a mistake of historic proportions by bestowing upon 1heodore
Roosevelt the honor he clearly earned while courageously risking his life for his
country. ·
Thank you f0ryour assista~ce. Please do not hesitate to contact me if you
have any questions or if there is anything else I can do to suppmt this eff9rt.
. Sincerely,
.
•''
The Honorable William··s. Coheir·
Secretary of Defense
The Pentagon·
Washington D.C. 20301-1000
l.
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65'3 5
/98
(
�.;ANIEL P.. MOYNIHAN
NEW YORK
.tinittd
. .
~tetts ·~mete ·
WASHINGTON, DC 20510-3201
1993
March 6, 1998
tL':.~
I 6 P:1 2: L!6
Corigressional Li~iSoh
U.S. Department of Defense
·1300 Def~n~e Pentagon
Washington, D.C. · 20301
. . .
.
Dear Sir or Madam:
·I .:\m referring th.E'' . .,.nr.losed inq'lJiry from Mr. C. William.
Uhlinger regarding the po~thumous ,ward of the Medal 6f ·Honor to
Theod6re Roosevelt to yo~t ~ffice.
My constituent would appreciate your careful consideration
on what
of these remarks, and your thoughts
•
for this situation.
remedies there are
Please respond directly to·Mr. Uhlinger _and
send a copy to me.
I thank you for your
attentio~
to this matter •
. sincerely,
.
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·.· l~/Lo<t~ ~··
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Dapi~l
Patrick Moyni~an .·
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U0438.~·
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./98
�• COUNTY OF SUFFOLK '
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OFFICE OF THE COUNTY 'EXECUTIVE
Robert J. Gaffney
SUFFOLK COUNTY EXECUTIVE
April 6, 1998
The Honorable WilliamS. Cohen
Secretary of Defense.
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Secretary Cohen:
I am writing to you in I1opes that you will support the initiative to secure the' Medal of
Honor for Theodo.re Roosevelt. It. would be an appropriate testimonial to bestow the medal
during the centennial year of the Spanish American War. The'odore Roosevelt is not only a:·
national treasure, but also a local hero to Long Isl~mders·and residents of New York State ..
There is substantial docuq1entation to attest to Theodore Roo.sevelt's valor during the
charges up Kettle Hill, and at San Juari Heightson July 1, 1898. There are letters from both
officers and fellow soldiers supporting this. Several historians of note who have conducted
·extensive r~search are also i1l. favor of the posdmmous award.·
·
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'
.
Please give your support to the worthy effort of Congressman' Rick Lazio, a11:d request
that the Department of the Amiy rev!ew the application in a timely fashion:
Thankyou for your consideration.
. Sincerely,
----v_QA,~~
. . ROBERT J. GAFFNEY
·~
·Suffolk County Executive
RJG/crn
yO
H. LEE DENNISON BUILDING • 100 VETERANSMEMORIAL HIGHWAY • P.O. BOX 6100 •,. HAUPPAUGE, N.'Y.11788;0099 •. (516)8.SJ4ooo
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COUNTY OF SUFFOLK
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OFFICE OF TfiE COUNTY EXECUTIVE
Robert J. Gaffney ... . .
SUFFOLK COUNTY EXECUTIVE
April 8, 1998
··'President William Jefferson Clinton
The White House
.·washington, D.C. 20500
Dear President Clinton:
.
.
.
writil.wlo~'.o.uiu
·.·
.
·
. . .··~~-
I aJ.1?.
ho es that ou will su ort the initiative·torsecure the Medal of---;
C J!oriOr12Lfh~QdPJg£~ t would be ari appropriate testimonial to bestow the medal_
during the centennial year of the Spanish American War. Theodore Roosevelt is not only a
·.national treasure, but also a local hero to Long.Islanders and residents ofNew York State .. ·
There:is substantial-documentation to attest to 1)eodore Roosevelt's valor during the
charges up Kettle Hill, and at San Juan Heights on July 1, 1898. There are letters from both
officers and fellow soldiers Stlpporting this. Several historians of note who have conducted '
·
extensive research are also in favor of the posthumous award.
Please give you~· supportto the worthy effort of Congressman Rick Lazio, and request
that the Department of the Amiy review the application in a timely fashion.
Thank you for your consideration.
Sincerely,
--lz~ Sf-~~--ROBERT J. GAFFNEY
-~ .
Suffolk Co.unty Executive
·RJG/crn
9
s ;-;/3'1 ~-
H. LEE DENNISON BUILDING • _100 VET~HANS MEMORIAL HIGHWAY • P.O. BOX 6100 • HAUPPAUGE, N.. Y. 117.88-0099 • (516)853-4000
�. COUNTYOF SUFFOLK
\
,.
OFFICE OF THE COUNTY EXE.CUTIVE
Robert J. Gaffney
SUFFOLK COUNTY .EXECUTIVE
April 8, 1998
The Honorable Togo D. West
Secretary of the Army
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Secretary. West:.
I am writing to you in hopes that you will support the in:itiative to secure the Medal of
Honor for Theodore,Roosevelt. It would be an appropriate testimonial to bestow the medal
during the centennial year of the Spanish American War. Theodore Roosevelt is not only a
national treasure, but also a local hero to Long Islanders and residents· of New York State.·
There is substantial.documentation to attest to Theodore Roosevelt's valor during the
charges up Kettle Hill, and at San Juan Heights on July 1, 1898. ·There are letters from both
officers. and fellow soldiers supporting this. Several historians of note who have conducted
extensive research are also in favor ofthe posthumous award.
.
,
I
·,
•
,
,
Please give your support t~ the worthy effort of Congressman Rick Lazio; and request.
that the Department of the Army revie~ the application iri atimely fashion.
. .
..
Thank you for your consideration.
Sincerely,
/
\
r.
rc
rr··
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. · . ROBERT l GAFFNEY
Suffolk County Executive
d
RJG/crn
H. LEE DENNISON BUILDING • 100 VETERANS MEMORIAL HIGHWAY • P.O. BOX 6100 • HAUPPAUGE, N.Y. 11788-0099 • (516)853-4000
�·,
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON,
D. C. 20515
PAUL" MCHALE
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT
.
PENNSYlVANIA
·April 24, 1998
·,·
... ·
Acting Secretary Of the Army Michael Walker
101 Army Pentagon
Wash~ngton, DC 20310-0101
.
)
.....-: :· ·.-~...... ...:. : ;."' ............. : .::· .
Dear Mr. Secretary:
As. you evaluate Teddy Roosevelt's bravery
under fire, I. thought the attached information would ,
be of assistance. Thank you for your consideration of ..
this issue and for your patience during our phone
conversation yeste~day.
·
.e
sincerely,
-p He.•.J.J ..e
~-.
Paul McHale
Member of Congress
PMcH: sd ·. .
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THEObbR~
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ROOSEVELT,.
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Late ~ieutenant Colonel 1st Un~ted Sta.tea. Volunteo~f Cavalry.
-ooo..:.
· APPf,IC AT ION FOR A MFJHf .. Ob, HONOR.
In a lette~ .da.ted July 6, 1898, -forwa.1·dod through. the regular military
channels, Colonel Leonard Wood, lat United Sttit_ca Volunteer Cavalry, commandine; the
2nd Cavalry ·Bri~Sde, recommends the mvard of a medal .of honor· to this officer for
distinguished gallantry· in action at Santiaeo de Cuba, 'Jult 1, 1898.
A copy of Col-
onel Wood'sletter, including indorsements. thereon is .as .!oflowa:
•
•Hdqrs •. 2nd c·a.vulry Bri5ade,
•Trenches in front o·f ·Santi ago de Cuba, Cuba,
•July 6, 1598.
•To ·the
• .Adjutant General,
•u. s. Army, ·
. .
•washineton, ·o. c.·
· • (Thro Military Chtume ls).
•r
have the honor to recommend Lieut. Col. Theodore Roosevelt, lat. U.S. Vol.
Cavalry, for a medal of honor, !or distiri~uishod gallantry ·in leading a cl-.arge on
one of the entrenched· hills to the east or the Spanish po.:dtion, in the suburbs of
Santiago de Cuba, July 1st 1 1898.
•very respect fully,
11
Leonard Wood,
•colonel lat U. s. Vol. Cavalry,
•cor.Jnarding 2nd Cav •. Bri'gade. •
(1st indorsement.)
•He~dquartera
------"'"'tlrlfltrOji.JV?i..l-·4-~.·r·v•·-.w· --.. .......
recommended.
'
'
Cavalry Division,
· •se!ore Santia&o de Cuba, July 9, ·1898.
.,,,., ,..... J-•-••. O•n_•rftl.. 1
0.•h
A.-..y
Oow-p•
1
•arn••t·lt
•Jos. Wheeler,
.
0
Major General U. S. Vol:.mteers, Comr:.andine;. •
(2nd indo raement.)
•Heudq•.lnrt(lrs 5th·· Army Corps, .
•camp near Santi ago, Cuba, July 9 1 1898.
•Respectfully forWarded to the Adjutant General of the Army, approved.
•Wm. R•. Shafter,
·
'
~M~jor General, U.S.Vola·., Commanding. •
�The recor~i o( tha voiuntecra in sor~ic~ durint.thc Spani~h war huve not
reaeiv~d
Ln this
orrice~
·cfilf?;_,J
Colonol, U. 5.. Aroyi
C!·.ior,
P.cc:H·.! tl.Jl<l Pon:~i,,n Orfice.
Pen.aion Orrico,
'lu Oepi..rt:t10nt,
hpto=t:or 17 1 lK0fL
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REPROOUCEO AT THE NATIONAl. ARCHIVES
•
· Lieut.co.ioncl w.H.Ca:rtcr,
As~t .• idjut~nt Gdrieral,U.S.Army,
Washir1g ton,.. TJ.
b.
~>i L:
In couipliuncc w.ltll tl1o
.
7
of the 30th ultimo,of tile Board convened to
of'
brevets,medal~
.
T'equest cont~:.ttncd.
of ho!1or,&c., for. the
in you1· lt:ttm:.
con::~.tum:
~ant:lur;o
ULc u·::u.ruinf:
Canrpaign,tl1at I
state any f'acts,within)!iY .knowle.uge as Adjutant General o:t: the
.
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Brigade,. in which. Colonel T.heodo"t"e Roosevelt served, to aid the Board.
in determining 7 in connection With Colonel Roosevelt'u npplication
••
for .a medal of honor, whethe1" his condu,c t a.t Santiago was such as .
to distiguish him above others, I have the honor to submit the fol-
....
-·My duties on July l,l888,br.ougllt ine in constant observation
of. and contact witl1 Colonel Roosevelt from early morning ·until
shortly bef'ore the: cltrnax of the assault of the Cavalry Division
on. the San Juan Hill - Llle so-(:allcd Kettle Hill. Dui"ing this time,.
while under the .enemy's
~rtillHl"Y
firo ut F.l Poso and 'Hllilc on the ·
march from. El Peso by tllP- San Juun ford to the point fl•om which his
regiment moved to tllc assault - about two miles,the greater part
under fire- Colonel Roosevelt
wa~
.
.
conspieuous above any other;3 I ob-
served in his regiment .in the ze~lous performance of duty,in total
di·sr.egard
•
or
his personal
dang~l"
and in his eagerness to meet the
enemy. At El Poso ,when. tl1~. enemy. opened on that. place with artillery
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Colonel,Roosclvciit•s
wrints. ' The· inci"dcnt ci.id. not. le.ssen lliG huzaraouG exposure ,but l1a· ·_ ..· ·
.
' .
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continued. so expci'sec.i.. unt.il hb had pl.uct1d hi·s· c6r.mtand under.·cov.er.
In Iiloving to .the.- as.sault of' Sari Juan
~q...tl ,r.:olonel-:Roosevelt
wu:s
m9st· conspic\.lOUSlY brUV9 ,[;<l].!.<.lnt :mel 'indifferent to h1S OWn safety.
·IIe,in tl1e
o~en,ledhis rep.:inu~n..t·:no
ofti,cer c.ould ha•rese't u mo-ro
striKing exrunple'to lli~J in11n·o~ ut.splayed g:reate~ int:rep.idit~r •
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Oct. 8th,.l898.
Alger~
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Secretary of War,
Washing:t,on~'·
D. C.
My dea~:. General:
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take the liberty
note Jt,lst received f'r.om
your consideration.
or
refe,r~ing
Gen~:!'a.!
io you .the
H~
c-carles
enclo~ed
'!'. Collis, .fqr
·The note explains it5alf.
As a
· matte.r or c~urse~ I should be in fa.v6r or· an1 such special
•
recognition of the brave
nated for Governor of tha
office~
Sta~
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of !)7:.:.' l:tll end ilt:.: dns:·t;~. ·~. t:_u:=IJla,hts ::bs~lz!te fc({rlessness
c.':c?. ucli·:;zt lc~..1dtng rendered his co d!·ct
c?tsttr::r:-~tsl;.cd
above
o!~1zer:
conspicz:.ous ant.i' .:·ler..-,r·ly
,;'Zan.
6. ,r. Steucms,
r:cpt. • 2r.d C:l.v 'y~
(lc.te 1st Ltaut.Dth Cav'y.}
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Dec. 13th,
----
My den.r Genor.:~l ·Cprbin:9
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to Ge nu.t·rs.l Wood.
1t
U1~:nk :~cu fol~ ;~our lt:tter.
I
h<1ve sent
Captain S tevefl,::;. of the 9th, Cnp tal n S.t eole, who
·.
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·was on Gent'lr.:J. Whe~1ler' s 5taff; Oener:~l Sumnar, Captain Howze,· who
wns also on tht! staff; Major Jenkin::; of tittl lst Voluntt-tur Cavali·y",
Lieut. Pereuson of tho 1st ·Volunt:t"!ur C·av<ilry, Lieut. Carr.·of t!tt:~
.'
numbet· of tro0pet~s - not<.•.ble my ordurly, Hem·y I3nrdshnr, wet·c wit~
••
me during tn0St of the en!:.aeement.
\'/oultl :rou 11\ce me to
. "'
t~ot
let-
J would, 0f course, have eott~n the:n -before:, .but I
ters ft·om then?
had r.upposc.cl t:tat tho recommenc1at !on an.cl. cndorsotnan t of my three
action at ti"H~ time and were: elt:1a·
comma..ndir1e; officers, who were all in
oye~witnes5os,
ar
suffici~nt.
would be
V~~Y.Sincerely y6urs,
.
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~. hereby" cer~.ify that or.. ·July first, 1808, Colonel( thqn Lieutena
ant Colonel) Theodore noosevelt,First Volunteer Cavalry,dif:>tingu
. -1shed hloself' thro.ue;hout the action,and on two occaf:i1onc durine
. the battle when I v;at; an cyc-withc~u,his conduct was most conS"Ilicuous and clearly distii~guisht:d above- other men:as fol.1ows:.
I. At tl":.c base of the San Juan,or first hill,thurc was a stro~
wire fcnce,or entang:lumur.t,at which th6 line hesitated w1G.cr a
galling flre,and where the los~cs were scvore.Coloncl Roosevelt
jumped ~hrough UlC fence ancl by his cnthuciasm,his exarnpl_e and
courage cuc<::eeded in leading to t!~tJ cr~st of' tl)e hill a line
:::::uf.f1ciently stronc; to cu·r>ture 1t'.!n~hls chare;c the Cavalry Div
-1::::;ion cuffcrtJd it~ ereatt;ut lbcs,and;Colonel's life wa:; plac0d
in e.x.tn.:me jcopuc.ly,o':':lll~ to tl:e corlC!1icuouc_positl011 11~ took in
leading the l inc ,a!1cl bl; ~nt:· ~11~.,; first· to .r0<ich ti~e creGt cf that
hill, v;hi lc under heavy i'i.rc of .t!;c cr.0my at clo:-;c _range.
II. At the extreme aclvan~.;<.:;u ~~_cl t.lun ·occur.iec.llq ·our line::,
Colonel Hoocevul t ··rour.d. h.~.w.:;ulr tL~.,; ::;en lor and. under in::;t rue t ic.n
-cr f1:ori1 General Gtuuner to ·f1ulcl U:at: po~itil.)n.Hc d:i.uplayud t1:c
gruntect bravery r:tlld ·i;lat!<.;d id!; life· J.n .e..x.L·a..;;ju juo~•al·dy uy una-vuiclai)l<.: CXIlo~uru to ~;~.,;v\;n: i'll~c ;::lulu ad.ju:::;tn1e and ctl~~ncthcn
-inc thc.:,linc,plucin[ ti:t; 'mch. in IH.J:.:;ltio!l::.> v:hich a1'-forclccl b(.;ct
prctec..:tl<.m & tc.IIic cor.....:.nc..:t arid. ~x.:ii:lpl<.: :::;te<::.~ic.:d ti:c nH.::n ar.d or.
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dctacl1r~wr:t i'rOl;,j, otillnr>Ccl1Ilt:, to t,l:~.,; rear.
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:;jl.a ~<J~ .·rll ll.lnl;.ttn:- Gav_!llr'J, inalu,t:lr.r~ c~olon t<tl i~ao3.~Y~l ~. fl! ~t.:tz-<!-;ee, _a ret·
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Colan '!l
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"'l'hs 1-t.o r; or the ?.ougll Hiders" b)" Edward JJarsllal.l, and tho pu:,lication
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"'l'ho ~ough Siders .. by Colonral Ibooev•lt hil:Belt.
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:tfO TJJEODORJ<; ROOSEVf.tT -AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY
Wr: were briga<kd with . the Fint and Tenth Regular
. Cav.ally, under Brigadier~neral Sam Young.· He was a
·-fine ~ypc of the American regular. Like General Chaff~;
:.~o~her of the sa~e t~, he had entered the army ·in t~e
CtvJI War as A pnvate. Later, when I was r~ deot; •.t
was my good fortune to make each of them in sucnssion
Lieutenant-General of the army of the United St~tes. When ·
(~nerd Young retired and General Chaffee wu to take hi&
place, the former sent to tht' latter his thr:ee stan to we:.r on
hi• first official presentAtion, with a note that they ~re from
"Priv.att: .Young to Private. Chaffee." Tile two. fi~ old
fellow~ h:uJ •ervcd .in the ranks, one in the cavalry, one· in ·
the infantry, in their golden youth, in the \laye Of the great
war nearly h:~lf a c-entury before; each had ((rown grlly in a
lifetime of honorahlc service under the ftAg, and uch clo~~d
• his activ~ career·in command of the army. General Young
wu one nf the few men who had R1vcn and taken wounds with
the saber. He was ~~~ old friend of mine, and when in
. Wuhinston hdore starting fur the front he told me that if
· we got •n his brigade he would put us into the fighting •II
right. He kept hia word.
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General Young h~(l activdy superintended getting hi!t
. lWO ~guJ:n rt:'glmCOtS, or at )east a Squadron o£ t!ach, off
t~ transports, ·and late that night he s~nt us word .that he
h:td ~ccived pcrminion to move at dawn and strike the
Spllnich advance position. He directed us to move along
a rid~e trail with our two squadrons (one squ~dron having
b~n kft ~tT~mpa), while. with th_c two Sqtiadrons ?f rc:g••~ars,
one of the: Fn-st .and one of the Tenth, under hts personal.
'11uprrvisiori, he muched "I? the valley trail. Acror<fingly.
Wood took \N :alonl{· the h11l trail early next morning, till
we struck .the- Spamards, and ~an our fight" just ~u tho
regulorll ~~an the fight in the valley traiL
.
It 1u11 A ~untainous country covered with tlt!clc ju~~le,
a most confllsJOg country, and I had :an awful hme lrymg
to get into the fight and trying to do what wu right w~~ in
it; .tnd all th<- whil!! r wu thir'!king that I wu the only num
who did not koow what I wu ahout, and that all the others
did - whucu, .u I found out later, pretty much everybody
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TilE WAR OF AMERICA THE UNREADY
241
else was as much in the dark as I was. There was no aurprise; tve struck the Spaniards exactly where we had
ex~ected; then \Vood ~alted Uli and put. us into the fight
ddibcratdy an<f m order. He ordered us to deploy ahernat~ly by .troop& to_ the right and.ldt of the trail, giving ~ur
eentor maJ~r, BrO:d1e, a \Vest Pomter and as ·good a soldac:r
=-s ever wore a uniform, the left· wing, while I took the right
·,wing. [ w.u told if possible to cr>nn~ct with the regulars who
wuc on the iight .. [n theory this was e}(cdlent, but as
the• jungle waa very dense the first tmop that deployed to
the right vanish~d forthwith, aod I never SilW, it again until
. the fight was over- having a frightful feeling meanwhile
that l miRht ·be court-m:utialed for losing it. The ncltt
troop dc:-ploycd to thc: ldt unJc•· Brodie. Then the third
came along, and l started to deplor it to the right .u before.
By the time the first pia toon had gotten· into the jungle
l realized that it likewis<• would disappear unlcu I kept
· hold·of it. I man.-:~geJ to kc<'p puucssion of the l.ut pl:ltoon.
Ont' lcarn11 fa11t in a fighr, .a11d I mArched this pb.toon 01nd my
next 'wo troops in column through the jung(e without ·any
attempt to deploy. until we go't on the firing line: This
sounds 'imple. But it was not. I di~ not know when·
I had· gotten on tht' firing line! l could hear a good deal
of firing, ~me O\•er to my right at a good distance, and the
rut to the l~rt and ahead. 1 pushed on, expecting to &trike
thccntmy somewhere hr.tween.
Soon we ~:am~ to the brink of a deep valley. There \vas·~
good de~l of cracking of rifles way off in front of us, but as
they used emokcless powder we: h.ad no idea as to exactly
wliere they were, or who they were ahooting at .. 1.nen it ·
dawned on us that we ~ere the tar~et_. Th~ b~ll~ts beg~n
to come ove~ad, ~akan~ a sound ltke the npp10g of a stlk ·
dr~as, with •ometimes a kanc.l of pop· a few of my men fell,
and. I deployed .the rest, m~king ti~r.m .lie ~own and ·get
behmd tl'{'cs, Rachard Hardmg Davu; was w1th us, arid u
we &nnned the landscape 1Yith our ·glasses it was h~ who
first point<-d out to us some Spanian.IK in :t trench ,;ome
thrcc-.1uarten of a mile off. It was difficult to m~ke them
out~ There were not many of them. However, \Ve finally
�e·
. ~. THEODoRE ROOSEVEI.T- AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY
did mak~ t~m out, and W'C could I t t their conical hats, for.
the trench was a poor one. _ We advanced, firing :it th~m,
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ami drov~ them off. ·
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What to do then I hatl not an idea. The country an
front fdl uray into a very difficult jungle-filled valley.
There was nothing but jungle all around, and if I advanced
I wu :~fraid I ini~Jht gc:t out of touch with everybody and
not be ~i~g in ·the right direction. Mo~ver, u far as
I could see, there was now nobody in front who was shooting
at us, Although some of the men on my left insisted that
our own men had"fircd into us- an allegation which I soon
found \U~ almost always made in such a fight, and whida
. in this c:ur. wa" not true. At this moment l'>omc of tlu:
r(':~lars ap~ucd across the ravine on our right.· The first
thmg they dHI wa!l to fire a volley at us, but one of .our fi~t
s('rge:mt~> went up a tree and waved a guidon at them and
they ~toppr.d. Firing waa still gQing on to oor left, howcverJ
and _I. w;u never more puzzled to know what to do. I di
not wish to take my men out· of their ~it ion. withoul
ordcrR, for ft'n that I mit~ht thcrehy be leavi"B·a ~ap if tl1ere
w;n a Spani!h force wluch meditated an offens1ve return.
On -thr. other hand, it did not seem to me that I. had been
doing enough fi~hting to justify my ui~tcnce, anJ there was
obviomly fi~htm~ goinr. on to the left. I ~member tlua
I kept thinking of the rc rain of the fox·huntin~ cong, "Hen:'~
to rvrry friend who struggled to th~ end.,; m the huntinR
fitld 1 had always acted on this thecxy, and, no matter ho1V
disrouu~ing · appraranccs ·might ~. had never stopped
trying to ~t in at the dcat h until the hunt was actually
over; and now tltat there was work. and not play, on hand,
I intentl<'<l to struggle as hard as I knew. how not to be ldt
out of any fighting into whi<'h I could, with any possible
proprict y, get.
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So 1 ll"h my 111cn where they were and at:arted off at a
trot toward whc~ the firing was, with a coup!~ of orderlies
· to '~:nd hack for the men .in_ case that prov~d ·advisable.
Like' mo!t tyros, I wat wearing. my sword, which in thick
jun~le now and thengot b«-t.wccn my l~gs ~from that dAy
on tt always wen.t corded m the baggage. I struck the
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TilE WAR Of J'u\IERICA TilE UNREADY
.
243
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trail, and ~gan to p.us occasional cleoid . men. . Pretty
!loon I reached Wood and found, much to my pkasure, that
I had done the ri~ht thing, for a!\ I came up word was_
. brought to him that Brodie had ~en shot~ and he at once
sent me to tak~ charge of the left wing. ltwas mor~ open
cuuntry he~, and at leut I was ;~ble to get a glimpse <:l my
uwn inen and exercise aome control over them.- There
was much firing going on, but for the life of me l could not
. see any Spaniards, and neither could any one else. Finally
wf!''made up. our minds th~t ~hey were shootin~ at us from a
set of red-t1led ranch bu,kJmgs a good way '" front, and
tht:$C, l a6aaulted, finally charging them .. Bdon: '''C carne
anywhere n~ar, the SpAniArds, \Vho, as it proved, really.
were inside and :tround them, abandoned them, leaving a
f~w dead men.
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. By the time l had t-aken possession o[ tl•cse buildings all
firing had ceas~d everywhere. 1 had not the faint~&t idea what
had hap~ned: whether the fight was over"; or whdhcr thi~t
w~u m~rcly a lull in the fight; or· where the Spar1iards tTere;
· or whether we migl1t be .Htackcd again; or whC"thcr we ought
ourselves to attack somebody somewhere .else.. I got my
men in order and sent out. small parties to explore the .
ground in froor, who-returned without finding a)ly foe.
(By this timf!', AS .1 matter of f:~ct, .the Sp~niards were in
full rctn·at.) .M~..·;utwhilc I was l":<tcndin!! my lim• W';as to
· get into touch with our people on the right. \\"or\1 \US
brought to me that Wood had been shot- which fortunately ·
proved not to be true-·;ind as, if this were so, it meant
that I must take charge of the regiment, I m1H·cd over
personally to inquire. Soon [. karne<l that ·l•e was all
right, that the Spaniards had retreated along the main road,
and that. Co~nel Wood ami two or three othf!'r officers
were a short distance away •. ~fore I ~~ched them I
encount~~d a captain of the Ninth Cnalry, very glum
. because his trooPf:r:s had not been up in time to takr. part in
the fight, arid he congratulated me -\1·ith vi8iblc effort~
uJ><!n my share in our first victory.. J thanked him cordJally, not c?nfid.ing in him that !ill tha_t moml"nt (" m)'sdf
knew exccromg lattlc about the VIctory; and proceedro to ,
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11-JEODORE ROOSEVELT- AN AlrrOB.OGRAPHY
where GCnrralt Wheeler, Lawton, and Chaffee, who had
just oome up, in company with Wood, were seated on a bank.They exprctsed appreciation of the way that [ had handl~d
my troop!t, fin;t on the right wing and th~Jl on the left l
TilE WAR OF AM~RICA TilE UNREADY
fight was really a capital thing f~ me,- for pr;~cticaUy all
the men had served under my otctual command, and thenceforth felt can · enthusi~itic bclid ·that ] would lead them
aright.
'.
It was a week after this skirmish before the army made
the advance on _Santiago.-· Jus.t before this occurred c;Jeneral
Young·waa atnckcn down wath fever. General Wheeler,
who had commanded the Cavalry Division, was put in
general charge or the left wing of the army, which fought.
lu1ore the city itself. Brigadier-General Sam ·Sumner,
an excellent offic~r, who had th(" Se<"ond cavalry brigade,
took command of th~ c.-v.1lry divi~ion, and \VooJ took
command of our brig.:uh·, while, to tn}'" intem<' dcliRht,
. t got my rq~imcnt. l therefore had commam.J or ·"~ regi-
men\· b<'forc the ~tiffci:t fi~hting cl~.:..--urr<'d.
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As I was quite prepared to-find I had committed some awful
sin, I ·Jid my ~at to accept .this In a nonch•lant manner,
and not to look. as relined as I. felt. · As throughout the
inOf'ning [ had prr.aerved a_ specious aspect -of wisdom,
and had comma~ded fint one anc.l then_ the other wing, the
2.45
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l.att.-r, wh~n
\Voutl was put in (·ommand in Santiago, I h<'cJmP. the hriga«l~ nmamandn.
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Late in the evening \VC camped at rJ Pnso. Tlwtr. were
two r~gular officers, tlw hri15ad(" commlltlllcr's aide~. Lieutenants A. L. Mills and \-'v'. f. Shipp, who wr.rc camped by
. · nnr r-egiment. Eac.:h of my men had food in his h:n·crs:.ck,
· hut I had none, and I would have gone suppcrless to bed
if Milb anti Shipp had not given me out of lheir sc:tnty
stores o\. big sandwich, which l shar<'d with mr onlnly,
·who al~o had nothin~. Nnt morning my .l:oJy servant
M.:nshall, :an n-soldirr of the Ninth (Colored) C:walry, a
fine an{l faithful fellow, had turned up and I w:t~ able in my ·
turn to uk Mill:~ and Shipp, who had r:aten all their rood·
the pr~ceding evening, to tak~- breakfast with me. A rc:w
hours later gallant Shipp wail dead, and Mill!!, an c':'tccptionally able offic("r, hacl bcr.rnluJt through the he~d from side to
tide, just back of the c:yc.'l; yet he lived, although one.- eye
was blinded, and before I left the Pre&ic.lem:y T gave him
his commission ;is Brigadier-General.
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Early in· the morning our artillery began firing from the
hill-er-en immediately -in Front of where our me-n were
. · camped. Several of the regiment were killed and \'fOUndro
the shrapnel Of the return fire of the Spaniards. One
o t!1c tlm•pnel bullets fell_ on my wrist and raised a bump,
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liS big as a hickory nut but did not even break the skin.
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11.en .we were marchw down from tbe hill on a muddy road:·
tfuough lhid. jungle. towards Santiago. The heat wils
gn·at, •ndwc strolled into t~ fight with no definit-: idu on
the part or any one as to.what we w~~ tn do or what would
h.app<-n. Thr~·was no plan that our left wing waa to make
~. s,.rioua fight that. d:ly; and as there were no plan•, it
w.u naturally exc~ingly_ h.ard to get ~r~rs, and c:ach of
WI had to act lugcly on hts own respon"bdaty.
Lawton's inf~ntry division Attacked the little village of
1·:1 Caney, !lome miles to the right. Kent's infantry divi,ion
:trul S•unnN's dismounted cavalry division -were supposed
''' rct~in ll.e Spani~h Army in Santiago until LAwton ha~l
c.tpturrJ El Caney. Spanish. to.wna and villages, however,
\nth thd.r .ri1a.uive buildings~ arc natural fortifications, :as
tiH" French fotind in t~ Peninsular War, and as both the
Fn:nch and our pcopte found in Meiico. . The Spanish
troops in El Caney fought very bravely, •• did the Spanish
troops in front of us, and it was late in the afternoor: before·
Lawton accomplished his t.:uk:.
·
. Mc.-nwhilc 'we of _the left wing h~d by ~gree3 Lecumc
invrilveJ in a figh~ which toward the end became·.not even
a colonel'• fight, but a cquad leader's fight. The cavalry
division vrat put at the hud of the line. We were told to
much filrw:ud, cross :1 little river in front, ami then, turning
tu the right, ~arch up alongside the stream until we con.,
nectctl with Lawton. lncidrntally, thi1 movement would
not have brought m into touch with Lawton in any event.
But \'OR sper.dily had to abandon any thouR"ht of carryinJ it..
uu1. The m:~neuver brought us within fair ran~ of the
Sp;mish intrenchments :4long the line of hills which we called
the San Juan Hills, because on one of them wu the San
Juirr bkx:khou3t". ·On that day my regiment had the lead
of the accond brigade, and we marched down the tr:ail
following in trace b<:hind the first bri~ade. Apparently the
Sp.ani2rds rould not .make -"P their mmds what to do as the
thr<'e regular ~i~nt~ of the first· brigade crossed ~nd dc-fikd along the other ll«nk of tile- ~tream, but.when our regiment w .. :. \TO!Iting they bcg.z n fo fire at Ul.
TilE WAR OF k\fERlCA 'mE m\READY
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Under this flank fire it soon became impossible to continue
the m:arch .. The fir&t brigade halted, deployed, and finally
hegan to fire back. Tht"n our brig:ldc \Yas halted. !-'rom
timc"·to time ~ine of our men would fall, and I sent repeated
word to the rear to try to get authority to attack the hills in
front. Finally General Sumner, who was fighting the divisi\>n in fine sh.a~, -s<:>nt word to advance. The word \Vas
brougltt to me hy Mills, who. ~aid that my orders were to
sul?po~t the rt'gulant in the "~!ault on the hills! and that my
__ obJeCtive would be the red~t~..;.ed ranch-house m front, ·on ~
hill which we AftenY:.nls darisr~ned Kettle Hill. T mentioo
Mills 1.1)rin~ this lx:c.;une it '""5 •~xactly the kind of definite
order the g•ving of which •Joe::; ~o much to insure sutcrsa in
a fight, as it prcycn ts all obscurity as to what is t1i IX: tlonc.
The order lo attnc~ tlill"r}(Jl reach· the lirst brigaJl· until
af~ec we ourselves reached it, so that at tint there \Ya$ doubt·
on the part of .their officers wh~thcr they were at liberty
to join in the advance.
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I' haJ not cnjoyc,f the Gu::esim:u fight at all, because I
. had ~en so uncertain as to what I ouglat to do. But the
San Juan fight was entirely clifTercnL lltc Spaniards had a
hard poRition to attack, it i1 true, but we \.:ould &ee lhem,. ·
and [ .knew exactly how to precced. I kept on horseb.ackt
m~rely becau~ I found it difficult to l'Onvcy orders along
the linet a't; the men \'YCTC lying down; and it is alwayshard tO
r.~t mtn to start \vhen they cannot see whether their com. · r.1dcs are also going. · So I mdc up and down the lines, keep. ing th~m strai~htc:ncd out, and gradually work~ throu6h line.
-.after l~oc unttl I found myself at the head ol the rcg1ment.
lly the time I had reached the lines of the r~gulars of the .
fint bri~adc [ had come. to the cond_usion that it was silly ·.
·to stay an the valley finng at the halls, because that was
really where we were m0$t exposed, and th1H the thing to d<>
was to try.to rush the int~nchments. Where [ struck the
regulars there. was no one of superior ranlc. to mine, and
after asking why they did not charge, and ~ing a1mve..W
that th~y had no orders, I said I would give the order. There
was n.\turally a little reluct~nce shown by the elderly officer
in command to accept my order. s-o I said, "Th('n let rny men.
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throu~h, ~ir," and 1 marched through, followed by
J(rinning men. Th~ younger.offictn and the ~nliatcd
11r
'111E WAR QF AMERICA TilE UNREADY
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tl~ rTgul~~re ·jumped up ~tnd
t.~t. nrul we went up th~·hlll with
Join4!(1 ua. I wand my
a ruth. llAvlnR taken i\,
wr looked arr<Ju at the Spaniards in the trenches und<'r the
Sua J11:\n hlnckhouae to our leh, which Hawltinc'e hrig1ule
w.1s uaaulting. I ordered our men to open fire on the
SpaniaHJ. in the trenche1.
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. ~1_emory .Play• funny tric~• in 1uch a 6fh.t, where things
happen quacklr, and all k1nds of menta tmagH .uccecd
on-: anotla«"r in ~ dt!tached kind. of ~ay, while the work-HOC!•
un. Aft I
the on.l<!r in qut'!Jtion there ellppe(l thrO\Iijh
my mi1ul f'v Ahan'a account of Nill1uan'e orclera that each 11h1p
Mo it 11ailed forward, if it uw .1nother ship engaged with an
enemy's ship, should rake the latter u it palled. When
I fawkin~·~~ soldiers captu~(l the blockhouse, I; nry much
-dat('<l, ordered A C'har~e on my own hook to a line of hills .
11till farther on. Hardly anyl>Culy hurd this order, however:
only four mt>n stutcd with me,· three of whom were shot. ·
I Rave one of them, who wu only wounded~ my canteen
oCwater, anJ ran back, muchirritated that I had not been
follo,.,.cd ~-·which wa~ quitf" unju,tifiable, becali'\e · ~ found
that nobody had heard my ·orders. General Sumner had
n>me up lJy this time, and I uked hie perm,ission to lead the
C'harge. He .ordered me to do so, and th1s time away we
went. and stormed the Spanish intrenchments. ·.There
· wu some dove fighting, and w~ .took a few prisonen. We
aleo captured the Spanish provieione, and ·ate them that
·night with gr<·at relish. One of the items was salted flyingfish, by tl~ way. ·There were also bottlea of wirM:, and jug.
of fiery spirit, and u soon as possible I had thetie broken,
although not beforr. one or two of my mt!o had taken too
much licJuor. Lkutenut Howze, of the regular•, an aide
of ~neral Sumrw=r's, brought me an order to halt where
I ,r.u; he could not make up his mind to return until he had
spent an hour or two with ui under fire. The Spaniards
attempted a counter-attack. in the middle
the afternoon,
hut were driven· h~ck without effort, our men laughing
and ch~ring as t~y ro.~ to fire; bccauae bitherto they
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had been auaulting breastworks, or lying still under artillery
fir~, and they were gl•u to gat a chance to ahoot at t.he
Spaniar«ls in the open. We lAy on our arm" that niRht'
•mel AI wa w~re 4rcnched with 'Wt"at, lliiO had IKl bl11nkcte
uvea felV we took from the dead Spaniard,, we found cY"en
the tropic night chilly b<·forc morning came. · · ·
During the afternoon's fighting, while I WAll the hiahcst
·officer at our immediate part of I he front, Capuiu• Bou1hton
and Morton of tht- regular cavalry, two as fine· oflkers u
·!lOY man could wish to h.ne be1ide him in battle, came along
the firing lint! to tell me that they had heard A rumor that
WC! ntiMhl fall back, and that they wilhcd to r~cotd thdr,
emphatic prote~t against any ttich C."'iuse. 1 did not helicve
then:
any truth in ,the rumor,· for the Spaniards were
utterly incapable of any C!ffectiv~ counter-~ttack. Hov.'evert ·
latt' in tht! «!Yt-ning1 after the fight, General Wheeler visited
,,. at the front, anu he told me to keep myliclf in readi~ss,
'" at •my moment it might lx! decided to fall h11ck. Jack
Greenway was ooidc me when Gcnc'ral Wheeler Wall spc~k
ing. T answered," Well, General, [ really don't know whether
: we woutd obey an order to fall back. We c<tn take that
city by a r'-'sh, .tnd if .we have to move out of hen: at all
I should be inclined to make the rush in tbe 1'ight direction."
Greenway nod~d an eager as•cnt. The old General, aher .
a moment's pau$e, expres~ed his hearty agree~nt, and said
that he would see th.tt- then• \YaS no bllinf$ bade. He had
been 'very sick fur a couple of day-s, but, s1clr. a' he was, he
managed to get into the fight. He was a gamecock i£ every
there wac one; but he was in very bad phyeical shape on
the day· of the fight. If there had been any one in high
command to supervise and press the attack that afternoon,
we would have gone right into Santiago. In my part of
the line the 2dvance was halted only because_ we rec~ived
orders not to move forwanl, but to stay on the cr~st or the'
captured ·hill and hold it.·
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·. ·We are always· told that three..o'clock·in-thc-morning
courage is the most desirable kind. Well, my men and the
regulars of the cav:ilrr h~d just that brand of courage. At
about three o'clock on the morning .1fter the first fight,
was
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TilEODORE ROOSEVELT-AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY
shooting ocg.an in 'our fro.nt and there w,u •n ~larm of a
· Spani,h :-du~c~. I was nn~.r more pkased than. to ate
t~ 1uy 10 whach the hungry, lJ~d. shabby men all Jumped
·up anJ ran fonvanl to the hill-crest, 5o ~• to·· Le ready
for. the atlack ;. which, howc:Ver, did not come. As soon
u the ~un ro.'t" the SpaniArds again opened UJ>?n us witt.
•artillery. A ahell hurst between Dave Goodnch and my. self, bladdnJt u1 with powder, and ki~ling and wuunding
several of the tnen immediately bmind us.
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Next d:.y·the fight turned into a siqr.; there wcn~·aomc
!ltirring in~o·idents; but for the m08t part it \Us tre•kh work.
A for'_lnijtht J.t~r Santiago surre-ndered. Woo'd won hi~
hriguli<'r-R«'Ilt"ralr;hip hy the cApital way in which he h.1ndkd
. hi1 llriRad~ in the fi}{lat, and in the following siege. He w.u
.' pu1 in mmmand of lht' cnplurt"d city; and in A frw days
~ 1 succf.ecled ti) the command of the briJtadc.
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. 'The health or the troop• WQI not.~. and apccdily.
lH!('IIn«! vrry .\u~tJ.
Tht'tr wu lome dytentr.ry, Ancl A little
yr.llnw fever; hut 11tr)Kt of the· trouble wu. from A 1cvrre
fnrm or malnrittl fcvr.r .. Tilt.' WA•hlniJIOII "uthoritirll luul
behnctl ht'ttcr thAn thoae In actual command of th<' txpedi.
tlon At Clfll' rri .. it. rrnnt('lfilll«'ly ,.,, .. , thr n d~r·' ft~htinR
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IHU\11\cl s~ntiAI(CI thl' lAtter hacl hlutet.l by cable to W.ulungtun
that they might like to withdnw, and Washington hall <'mphatically vetoed the propclflal. I record thiA all the more
gladly be<:ause there were not too many gleams of good se.uc
llhown· in th~ homf" man2gt-mcnt of the war; although [
wish to ~r.eat that the ~.11 blame for thili rened primarily
,with us'oursdvC$, the pwple of the United States, who haJ
for years pursued in military m.itters.a policy that rendered
it ct'rtain that there _woulcl be inepti'tude :and failure in
high places if ever a cri!lia c:une. · Aft4!r the sic~ the people
in Wuhington !!howcd no knowledge what~ver of the con<litions .around .Santiago. and proposed tu kttp the army
th~re. This would have me~tnt that at lca1t thre~fourths of
tlte ffi('n would either hav(' <lied or hav~ been ~rmanently
innlided, .11 a Yirulent form· of maLaria was widespread;
Anti there w:u • lltudy growth of dys~nfery and oth~r
complaints. No object of 01ny. kind wu to be gained by
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kttping the army in or near the captured city. <'..encral
. Shafter tried his best to get the Washington authoritieS to.
· order the army h~me. A£ ~e .f~ikd_ to acc:omplish anything, .
he called a COUJ\CJI of the dtVISIOn and bngade rommanderS
and the chid .medical officcn to consult 0\'.er the situation. 1\lthough [had command of a briga_dc, I wa& only- a colonel,
and so I did mJt intend to attend, l>ut the General informetl
me that ( 1n1 particularly wanted, and an:ordinglr I \Ycnt.
At the council G<=neral Shafter asked the medical authorities·.
u to conditions, and they united in informing hirn that they
. were v~ry bad, and were certain to grow much 'worse· and
. that in OrcJtr to RVoid frightful ravagt.l from ui:u:zm:, d1iefiy
due to nialaria;thc army should be et'nt back at once to some
part of the northern United States. 'l11c Gcncnll then expl~incd that he. could not get the War Department to unc.lerltanu the •ituation; that hn coulc.l not f(el tM. Attention o{
. the public; and th~t he rdt that there: shouJ<J.~ ttomc AUthntltA,tlva publicAtion wJ.id1 wouiJ mAkc t,hn War I>I!Jlllrt-
IO<'nt takt. actlon before it
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Tli('ll rho rf'UOil for mr b('illij prr~cnt CliniC out. Jt W618
UJ'I•Ine(l to Ill(' by- u .. ucral ~hAfttr, •ncl by nth~n, .that
u. I \VU a volunteer offic..:r e~ncl intended immediately to
return to civil life, l could affo.rd to take riaka \Yhich the
regillar army men could not afford to take and ought_ not to.
be expected to t.-k~, and th.H therefore I ought to make
the publication in question; becau3e .to incur the hostility
of the War Departinci't wo\Jid not m~kc any difference to me,
\Thereu it would be dtstructive to the men in the ~l.ar
army, or to those. who hoped to get into the regular army_.
J thought this-trul', anJ said [would wrik a letter or make
a statement which could then be published. BrigadierGeneral Amea, who wu in the same postion t11at I was.
aho announced that he would make ~ statement.
When I left the meetin~ it wu un<krstc;xxf that J was to
make my stat~ment as an mtcr.vic:w in the press.; but Wood,.
who was by that time Brigadier.Ceneral commaru.ling
the city of Santi~go 1 gave me a quict.hint to put mr !\tatcment in the form of a letter to G~ner.tl Shafter, and· this f
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.accordingly did. Wbcn I had written my letter, the cone--spon~ot of the AatOCiatcd Pr'C$1, wh~ had been inrormed
by fJthen of what·had occu~d, ae<:ompanied me to General
Shafter. I pmeotcd the kttu to ~neral Shafter, who
waved it away and' aaid: 11 1 don't want to take it; do
wh:atevcr you wish with it."' l,lto~ver, iauisted Oh handing
it to him, whaeupon he shoved it toward the corrnroodent
Qf the-: Auociated Press, who took hold o( it, and I releaacd
my hold. ~neral Ames made a aiatement direct to the ·
correepondent, and also sent a cable to the Aniat&ot Sec~
tary ol the Navy at Washingtoo, a c~y of whkh he gave
to the curn:ltpondcnt. By this tim~ the other diviaion and
brigade commander& who were present r~lt that they had
better take action them•elves. They united in a round
·robin to ~ner•l Shafter, which General- Wood dictated,
.. and which was signed by General• J(ent, Bates, Chaffee,· ·
Sumner, Ludlow~ Ames, and Wood1 and by my~lf. General
Wood handed tbia to General Shafter, an.d it wae made
public by General Shafter preciacly AI mine was made
public:' Later I ·wu much amused .. when General Shafter
~t.atcd that he C9uld not imagine how my kttcr and the rouml
out! When [ eaw this atatemcnt, I .tpprcciated
_robin
how wase Wood had been in hinting
me not to act on the
- sugsntion of the C'J1:neral that I ahould make a eta tcment to
the ncwspapcri, but to put my ttatc~nt in the _form of a
letter_ to him as my superior officer, a letter which I delivered to him. Both the letter and tJu~·rouod robin were
· w~itten' at .G~nc-ral Shaftcr'11 wiah, and at the unanimous
su,~stion of all the commanding and medical officers
the Fifty Army Corps. and both were published by General
Shafter.
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In ~ rcf(i~t>nt !he :prime need is to have fightin~ men;
t~e pnme vu•tuc as to be able: and ellger to fight Wlth tho
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utmost dfectivcnes&. I have never bdieved that this was
incompatible with oth~r virtues. On the contrary, while
there are, of course e:a:cf"ptioiu, 1 believe that on the average
the. best fighting men are also the best citizens: [ do not
bdieve that i finer set of natural soldicu than the men of
my regiment could have been found anywhere, and they
were first.:Ciass citizens in civil life abo. One fact may perhaps be worthy oC note. Whcm:~r wr: were in camp and
so fixed that we could have regular meals, we used to have
a general .officers' tnt"ss, over which l of course presided.
· During our entire servicl! there 1\'as never a foul or indecent word uttered at the officers' mess- l mean this literally;
and there was v~ry little llwcaring -·although now and then
in the fighting, if there was a moment when swearing :seemed
to be the best method of reaching the heart of the matter,
it was re11orted tO.
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- The men I cared ror most in the regiment
the men
who did th«! best work; and therefore my liking for them
was obliged to take the 11hape. of C:XJ>Osing tht:m to· most
fatigue and hardship, of demanding fro~ them the greatest
service, and ofm:aking them incur the greatest risk. Ooce
I kept ·Greenway anti Goodrich .at work for ffJrtr~ei~ht
hours 1 .y.•ithout sleeping, and with very liulc food, fightmg
and dining trenches. I fr~~ly aent the men for whom l
cared most,
where death tn&ght smite them;. and dea.th
often amote them__: as it did· the two best officers in
. my regiment, Allyn Capron and Bucky O'Neil. Mr men
would not hue respected me had I acted otherwise. Their
c~d was my creed. The life even of the 1003l useful man,
of the beat citiz~f!, is not t9 be hoar~ed if there be need to
apend it. I felt, and feel, thi3 about othen; _and of coune
also .•bout. myself. This is one reason why I_ have ~lwaya
felt ampataent contempt for the effort to abohsh the death
penalty on account of sympathy with criminals:- I am
willing to .Iitten to arguments in favor of abolishing the
death penalty so far as they arc: biucd purely on grounds of
public ex~di~ncy, although these arguments have ne~r
convinct!d me.. But inasmuch as, without hesitation, in the
performan.ce of duty, I ha...-e again and again sent good and
were
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Wood trntn met "~ npn:•nf•tift of'~ "A.tocfafed P"" ""
't~-T anlo.e to l{f''· • ropy ohr.;. dap.ucfl or - ic. ud I told hi loA it-. lmponibl~
(Of .,;,.. rn ha'"' Ito.- tn: il.
I tiM:n 'ftnt ill 10 Gc!Mral Shafter ..d nntd the cu•
to him. h-'"1 him tl'le ~Itch, .-y{nc, '"T'he -•~er;. liow in yo.r handa.' Jk
Gf'nref ShhM, ttmt uid. 'I don't u~ whetbn tJ.ie ~CQllnnaa h.. it or ttot,l
and I lf'fC tt..-tl. ~. r """"' bltCIJ the r~r•l told me he h.d aiwn tht Prttl
~~~l•tiYr. • ropr of~~ dr1p.ncl., a~ f~at he had poe to lh~ olioe trith it."
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· ~allant and upright men to tlie, it seem' -to me the height
of • folly both mischi~vous aud mawkish to cot:.tend that
criminals who h2v-e. de-served death should nevcrthdcu be
allowed to shirk it. No brave and goodman can properly
shirk de:ath ; and no. criminal who hu earned death· should
~ allowed to 'birk it.
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One of the best men with o~r regiment was
British
military attache, Caruin Arthur Ue, ao _old friend. The
othu military attache• we~ herded together at headquarters
· and uw little.· . Captain
who bad known me in Washington, caca~d and stayed with the rt!giment. We grew to
frd that he ••s one of ""'• and made hini an honorary· member·.
. Then~ wcr~ two other honorary members. · One was Richard
Harding Davis, who was with. us continually and who per- ·
fnrm~J v~luable ~rv!ce. on the fighting line .. The other
wu_a rcgularofTKer, l.~euten~nt Parker, who had a battt!ry?r .
~:~thngs. We wr.~ mth · th&s battery throughout th~ San ·
Juan fightin~, and we grc:w to have. the atrongest aJmirarK>rl for Parker as a soldirt- and tJte strongest liking for.
him ~~ a man. During our brid campaign we were closely
and intimatdy thrown with variout· ~lu officer; of the
type ofMills, Howu, and·Park<'r. We felt notm<:rdy runtiness for them as officers and gentlemen, but pride in them as
Americans. It is a fine thing to feel that we l•ave in the
army And in rhc navy mod~st, d~~nt, gallant gen.tJemen of
thil' type, doing such diJintcrested work for the ho~ur· of .
the fl•g .:ind of the Na,tion. No American can overpay
the debt of gratitude we all of ut owe to the officers and
enliste-d men of the army and of the navy ..
()( course 1Vith a reKiment of our type: tbcre wu much to
learn both· among the officer& and the mrn. There were
all kind!J. of funny incidents. One of
men, an ex-cow..
puncher and former round-up cook, a very good shot and
rider, got into trouble on the way down on the tranaport.
H(' undr.ntood entirtly that he had to obey the officers of
his own regiment, hut, like so many volunteers, or at least
like so many volunteers of my regiment, he _did not under5tand th:a this obligation extended to officen of other regirnrnB. On~ of the regul.u officers on the tramport orde~d
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TIU: WAR OF A:\IERICA TilE V~READY
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him to do somr:thing "·hich he dedined tu do. When the
officer told him to con aider himself under arrC$l, he responded
by offering to fight him for a trifling consider:aion~ He was
brought ~rore n court marti;tl which sentenced him to
a yeu's imprisonment. at hard lahor with· dishonorable
discharge, and the mitjo.--genr-ral commanding the divisio~
ap~~ved the sentence.
We were on the transport. There
no hard labor
to do; and the prison consisted of another cow-puncher who
kept guard over !tim with his carbine, evidently divided in
hi11 fcding• as to whether he wot~ld likr. mo11t .to shoot him or
to let him go. When we landed, somebody told the prisoner
that I intended to puniGh .him by kttpmg him with the
baggage. H'" at once came to me in great agi~ation, saying:
. "Co loud, they ~ay you're going t.o len ve me with the .haggage
.whr:n the fight ts on. Colonel; 1f you do that, I w1ll never
~;how my face in Ari7.ona again. Colonel, if you will let m~
go to the front, . I promise 1 will obey any ont" yc.1u say;
. any one you say, Colom:J," with the n:it!cnt rcdiug 'bat, 01ftcr
this concession, I could not, as a gentleman,. refuse his
.. requcsL Accordingly !.answered: "Shield11, thcr(" is no one
· in this regiment more crltitled to be· shot than you an~, and
you shall go to the ·front.'-'. His gratitude was great. arid
he kept repeating, "I'll never forget ,_his, Colonel, never."
Nor dicl he. When we got \'Cr}• hard up, he would now and .
then manage to get hold· of some flour and sugar, and ·
woul«.. cook a doughnut and bring it round to me, and . ··
.watch me \\'ith a delighted smile u I ate it. He behaved
ext~mdy ~11 in both fights, and dter the second one I had
him formally before me .and ~mittt!d his scntcnn- -some-thing which of courve I had not the slightest power to do,
although at the time it 11ccmed natural and proper to me.
When we came to be mustered out, the regular officer who.
was doing the mustering, after all the men had been discharged, finally aftkcd mr. where the pri10ner waa. [ said,
"What prisoner!" He said, .. The -prisoner, the man who
was sentencetl to a )"eAr's imprisonment with hard labor and_
dishonouble dischar~," I said, "Oh ! J pardoned him";
,to which he responded," I h('g yoor pardon; yo~ did what 1",
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THEODORE ROOSEVE~T-AN AtrroBIOGRAPHY
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. THE WAR OF AllERJCA THE UNREAD'(
Thi• mRdc m~ gra•p the fAct that r !••d uc~e.d authority,
and r could only answ~r, '"w~n. I did pardon h1m, anyhow,
and he hu gon~ with the rest"; whcrt'!upon the musteringout officer sank back in his chair and remarked, "He was
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sent~nced ~y a rour.t marti:al, .:an~ rhe aen~er.x:e was ~approved
by the maJor-general cornm.andmg the diVISIOn. You were
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a lieutenant-colonel, and you panlou~d him. ·Well, it was
nervy, that's all I'll say."
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The ~imple fact wu that under the circ:Um•tancc:a it was
necenary for .me to · enforce diccipline .and oontrol the
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regiment, :md theref~rc t<?. reward and punish i~dividu:a!s in
. whatever way the e&•genc•es demanded. [ often explamed
lo the men what the reasons for an order. we~. the first
time it-w;u iuued, if the~ was any trouble'on their part in
undentudi~tJt what they ,;ere rtquire~ to do. They were
very intelligent and very eager to do thei_r duty, and J hardlr.
~ver h2d any difficulty the second time with them. I ,
however, there was the 11ligf•teat will(ufshirlt.ing of duty or
insubordination, I punished instantly and. mercilcnly, and
the whole rtgimcnt cordially backed me up •. To have
punish~cf men for fault• and thortcoming1 wh1ch they had
no opporhmity to know wer~ iuch 11VOuld have b~n AS unwis~
;u t.o~have ~rmittcd any of the occasional bad chara~tcn
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to uercise the slightest license. lt was a regiment which
was senaitive about ita dignity and was very keenly alive to
justice and to courtesy, but which con.lially approved <tb8l"nce of- mollyq>ddling, insistence upon the performance
of duty, and aumtllary punishment o( wrong..Uoing.
. ·
In th(' 6nal fighting at San Juan, when we captured one
. of the trenchea, j&ck Greenway had sei7.ed a Spani.u-d,
~nd ahortly afterwards I found jack leadin~ his captive
round with a at ring. I told ·him to turn ham. onr to a
man who had two or th~e other captives, so tllat they should
all be t.aken to the ·rear. h was the only time I ever saw
Jack- look a1~ricvcd. "Why, Colont'l, un'r I keep him
lor mysdf ?• he asked. pl:~inti~·dy. I think he had an id~a
that a~. a t.ro,•hy of hi<~ h<nv <tnJ s1war the Spaniard would.
n1akt> a finr. . )(icly_ wn•ant. ,
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·one reason that we nrvcr had the sligl;tc~t. 1 rouhl~ in thr.
r•·y,imrnt w.H lwcaw:r, \vl.c1i \Vt': got- tlowi1 to ·l,ard- :pari,
ollic.:('r~ and rnt·n ~h.ul'd •·x~rtly alikr:. Tt. j3 all right In havr·
•lifrc·tTntr1 i11 foc,,l ac11l tl1c lik•: in limr.:~ <>f peace and plenty,
when. cv~rybodr.i~ comfortabll'. But. iit i··:-1lly h;llfl times
.<JffH.:crs 11nd 111<.'11 11111~1 sha11· ;Jiik.- if th~· ·IH'c;l Wllrk is tn br!
tl•lllf'. · A~ long' a1; I had uo.l hinK bur i wo hartliacb, whid1
w:l" the··:o~flowancc:- II) ~'.tt h m;~n on tlw ~~~~·ruing ahc:r the
S;c_n Juan~ fight, no ~:n<-: c6uld complain i but if I h:\d h2cl any
pnvate httle lu:tunes the men wo~l<.l .very natur<~lly have
rcaliz<.'<.l keenly their oi.vn ~hortages: ·
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Soon after the Guasimas fight· we \vcrc put ·On shorl
~commons; and u I knew that a good deal ~f food had
bee'\ landed and was on. the beach at SiborM:y, I marched
thirty or forty of the men down to I« if I eould not get some
2nd bring it up. I finally found a commisury officer,
and he asked me what r w.antcd, and r answered, anything
he had. So he told me to look about for .myaelf. ·-[ found
a number of sacks of bean&, I think about e!even hundred
pounds, -ori the beach; and told the officer that I w:~rited
eleven hundred pounds· of beans. He produced a book of
regulations, and showed nic the appropriate section and aub-.
division which announced rhat 'beans were issued only for
the officers' mess.. This did me no good, and I told him so. .-
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:rs8 THEODORE ROOSEVELT-AN AUfOBIOGRAPHY
'111E WAR OF A~IERICA TilE tJ.N~E..\DY
H~ said. he was sorry, ant.l I answered th.1t he was not as
aorry as I .was. I then .. studied on it," as Br'er Rabbit
ll't'Quld say, and came back with a request fordeven hundred
pounds of hrans for th~ officer$' mess. He said, "Whr,
Colo~r. your ollicers can't ut eleV(D hundred pounds or
~ans," to which I responded •• You· don't know what
· appetJtca my officers have.'' fie then said he would 6f:nd
the ·nquisition to Washington. I told him I was quite
willing, so long a, he gave me the ~an.. He was a good
fellow, 110 we finally effected a working. compromise·- he
got the rc:quisit,ion and l
the:. beans, although he warned
me -~hat the price \\"''UI< probably. be deducted from my
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salary.
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Under som'-' regulation or .other only the regular supplytrains wen: allow-ed to act, and we were ~up_poScd not to have -any hursct or mulc11 in the regiment illlelf. This wa~ very
pretty. in theory; but, as a matter of fact, the aupplr tra!ns
w~re not numerous tnough .. l\1y men h:ad a natura gen1us
for acquiring hors~flc:sh in odd ways, anrt I contin\lally
found that they had naked out in the brush various captured
· Sp111nish uvAiry ·horses and Cuban ponies and abandoned
mmmiuary mul~,;. Putting these together, I ...-ould organize
a smn.ll pack train ·and ivodc .it -induatri~ualy. for a day or
two, until they learned about it at headquarters and con-fhcated ir. 1l1cn I would have to wait for a week or so
until my mt:n had accumul.ated mme more ponies, horses, ant.l
niu_lcs, the regiment meanwhile living in plenty on wh.at Wf.> .
had ~t before the train was confiscated.
· . . .·
All of our men were good at acctimulating houcs,-but with- ·
·in otJr o\vn ranks I think we were inclined to award the palm
to our chaplain. - Thert> was not a better man in the ~gi
ment than tlac ch;jpl~in, and -there could. not have hettna
better c_haplain for our men. He .took care of the .sick and.
tl-te woundc(f, he never spartd h1mself, and he d1d t'vcry
duty. In addition, he had a natural aptitude for acquiring
rnulf's. which made.sQme :1dmircr, when the regiment was dit. h.indro, propos~ that we •oould have a special medt1J
!;lnlck for !aim, ";th, on the obverf<', '"A Mule. p~sunt ;\nJ
Ch~plain rcgardant." After the aur~ndcr of Santiago~ a
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Philadelphia clergyman whom I knew came down to General
\Vheeler's headquarters, and after visitinlf him announced_
that he i!'t~ndcd to call on t_~u~ Rough R1deu, t;>ecau~ he
knew the1r colond. One of G~ner411 Wheeler's a1des, Lieu-. ·
tenant Steele, who liked us both individually and u a rc:gimcnt, and who appreciated some of our 'yaY~ asked
the clergyman, after he- had announced that he knew
11
Colonel Rocxevelt, Rtn do you know Col()fld Roosevelt's
.-egimcnt ~~~ uNo," s~ic.l the dc:"yman. "Vcrr wcll,.theri,
l.ct me g1ve you a p1e<"e of advace. When you go down··
to see the Colo~l, don't· let your horse out of your
sight; and if the chapl<'in is there, don't get off the
horse!"
\Ve came hack to i\Jontauk. Point and soon after were
disbanded. · We had hccn in the service ~nlv a little over
four month•. -There -arc no four months ·of my life to
which ·I look back with . more pride and !l.ltlr>faction. I
believe fl)(Ht c:arm~~tly and sinc~rcly in peace, but ns thing& _
are yet in this world the nation that cannot fight, the people
that have lost the fighting edge,· that have lost the virile.
virtues, occupy :a position as· dangerous ~s it is igno91e. ·
'l.lte future grcatncu of Am~rica in no ~mall degree depends
upon 'the posscs6ion by tl•e a vt;rage Am<":rican citiz.cn · of
·the qualities wl.ich my men showed when they served under
m~ at Santi:ago.
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Moreovc:-r; there is one thing iri connection with this war
which it is well that our people should remember~ our people
who genuinely love the peace of rightcouancsa, the peace of.
j_ustic~- and I would be ashamed to be othN than a lover
of the pf'ace of rightoousncss- and o{ justicP.. The tru·e '
preachers of ~ace, who stri"-e earnestly to bring nearer·
the day when ~ace 'hall obtain among all_pcoplcs, and •
who ~ally . do hdp fonvil~d the ·cause,. are '!'C~ _who_.
never. hes1tatc to choose nghtrous w.tr when 1t 1s the
onlr OJitcrnative to unrighteous penC'c. -These are the·
men who, like Dr. Lyman Abbott, have backed every ·
genuine movement for pc~c<: in -this country, and who .
nevertheless- recognized {)llr d~ar dut-y to war for the frc<>dom of Cuba.
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APPENDIX
~o;' thaa detract from, ·the honors you have 10 fairly ~ and I
"'ish you all good thiqt. In a m0111ent of aggravatioa und~
1{feat llreu of f«ling, 6nt bcc~use [ thouabt J'Ot1 spoke in a diefJaragiog m&Onel' o( the volunteeu (probably •it bout inteaty but
lw.cause of your grat eothu•ium for yoor own meo) and e«ond
that I believed your publi•hed letter would embarrue the lnpartmeat 1 IM!at Jou a tNgram which with ao utr.tct from a pnvate
_ letter of youra ( gne to the press. I would gladly recall both ir I
could, but unable t.Odo that I write you this letter which I hope you
,,.jJI receive in the 1amt> friendly spirit in which I tend it. Come
and cee me at a very ~rfy day. No one will welcome you~
APPF..NDIX ·.A
A WANJ.,Y LETrEa
:Tbere Wal a eequel to the •• round robia., illcidcRt wbich cau~<f
a little ttir at tlu: moment; Sccrrtary Alger Jaad aaked me to write
him fm:ly frori time to time. Actordingly, after the surreoder of
-santiago, .I w~te him begginf that the cavalry diYition might
. · be ptrt into the Porto Rkao fighting, prc:puatory to what we suppon-d would ~ th~ big rampalp agaen·n Havana in the fall.
'" the I~Ut>r l utolled the nieriu of d~ Rouah Riden and oC the.
R~~ul11n, annooncin~ with mud, c:omplacencr tbat each of our
rcg1mcnt, was worth "three of the Nationa Guard reKiment•.
Jrmt'd with their •rchaic Macl powdt't" riln."' ~Ctt!t.ary Algu
believed, mittakenly, that I hd made publi<: the round .robiA, and
wu naturally irritated, •nd I auddcnly reeei~d from him a publidttd tdegram, not alluding to the rOund robin incident, but
quoting my ~terence to the comparatiYe · meriu of the cavalry
· ~gimenu and the National Gua_rd regiment• and rebuking mf for
. it. The publie~~tion of the extr.act from my letter ln• not calculated to help me .secure the vote• of the: National Guard if I c:vcr
Mea me a cttndidace fur office. I fowenr, I did not mind the
matter much, Cor I ha1l at the time no idea of beln~t a ctndidate
for anrthing :- whill' in th_e <ampJlgn f llle and.lfrank Inti thought
and drume<l rep;iment .and nuthing. but rc:~timent; until I got th<'
briJAdt, 'and then f devott'd. aJI my· tho.ughu tO handling the
hrisadc:. 1\nyhow, then~ w.u llflthing I could do about the mattt'r.
When our traruport. reseh~d :Montauk Point, an anny ofllct"r
came: aboard 1tnd bdorT. d11ing anyl~ing _ebe handed me ,_ eealrd _
lc:ttt'r from,thc: Secn:tary ()( W_.ar whrcb ran·.t5 follows:--
W.u.
l>r.AJil CoL. ~oosF.vr:LT:
y,.,_, have he-en a most· g.all.ant officer and In th~ battle bdor~
-Santiago 'howcd _,upcrb suiJieny qu.alitiee. I would rather a1M
' I '\'IIOte tflil ffi\ttai"'! rrnm m~mory: it i• subtla•tullr
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heartily than (.
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Yours very t rulr, .
(Signed) R. A. ALcJIII.
thought this. a manlr lcttt"r, and p1id no more heed to the
incident; and when I was l're'fi<ient, and General Al~r wae
St-n:ator f_iom Michigan, he wu rny stanch friend and un mott
matters my supporter.
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. APPENDIX> B
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\V ASHI,.CTOH,
. AuguH ·lo, 18!)8.
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The San Jun fight took its nan•c from the San Juan Hill or hills
_: 1 do riot know whether the name properly belongcil to a line of
hills or to only ooc hill: .·
_ · ·
· To compu~ small things with lar~ things, r.hir. wa1 p~d,dy as
the Rauk uf Gettysburg tonk it• name fro!ll the village of Gettyeburg, where only a small part of the fighting was done; and the
Battle of Waterloo fonn tht: village tif Wattrloo, ,.,·here none of
the: fighting waa done; When it became the political interest
of cer:tain· people to t>nJc:avqr to minimize my part in the Sanri•go
fighting (which W&l merely like that of VarioUS Other tquaJron,
battalion :and ~gimenul com'in.anriers) aome of my opponent:~
laid great stress on the alleged fact that the cavalry did not cha!JC!
up San Juan HilL We ceruinly chuged tome hills; but I dtcl
not ask their on me:~ before chargrng them. To uy that the R(Mlgh
Riders and the UVIIry division, and among other people myself,
were not in the SanJuan ~tu i3 preciseh· like Jaying that the men
who made Picken's Cha~, or the men who fought .a_t Little Roond
Top and Culps Hill, 1Yere not .II Gettysburg; ·or thllt Picton IIOll
tf1e Scot~h Greys and the French •!ld Enpfi&h guards were not at
~
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THE S,\::'f JUAN FIGHT
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111.EODORE. ROOSEVELT-AN A(ff()BIOGRAPHY
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Waterloo. The prnent Vice-Piftident of aJae United State• the
c.1m~ign laat yt'ar wu reported ia the preu as repeatedly ••ring
'that J wat not in the San Juan flabt. The documentt foUowin!f
hu~with have bren print~ fOf' manr yun, and we~ acc~uiblc
. to him had •e cared to know or to tell the truth. .
. · 'll.ae doCllmuts 1~ak (or them~lve1. The first ia the offici.l( .·
n:port iuu«d b1 the War Department. From thi• it will be 1cen
· that t~ were In aJle Santlago fiabtina thirty Infantry and cav- ·
airy rqJimeate reprelellted. Siz Ol theac were voluntur, ofwblch
one wu the Rota«h Riden. - The othttr twenty-four wen~ rqular
n:gimenh. The· percentage o( loti o( our rocimcnt Wll abo\lt
~VCI\ timu It great &S that of the Other five VOhiOteer regiincntl.
Of t~.hventy-four r~gular r~iment•, twenty-two 1uft'ered a emaller
pNcuta~ of lon than.~ tUfl'ered. Two, th~ Stxth United States
Infantry and the Thirteenth United States Infantry, •utfered a
eli~thtly g~ater percentage of lon- twenty-six per. cent and
twenty-rhr('r per crnt a1 aglinst t~nt1-two per cent. ·
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Colonel
Roosevelt
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Theodore Roosevelt
Goe·s to War, 1897-1898 .
.
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.
H. PAUL JEFFERS
'
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.
JOHN WILEY & SONS, INC.
New York •
Chkhe~tcr
• Brisbane • Toronto • Sjngapore
I
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232 •
e
COI.ONF.I. IHHI~F\'fl. r
After Hoo!'P\'Pit'~ orciPrl.v. "a hr:wP ynnng Harvanl hny" hy t ht>
nnme nf Sn111l••r~. colla Jl~"cl from llw lu•nt. ·lw wn~· ·rl'plnr·pd h.v n
trnnpi•r who~p ntlllll' Hoo~l'\'1'11 did IIIII know Sluu·tl.v nllPrwnrd,"whiiP
.
~ilfing lu·~idP tlw· hank. ·Hon~,.,.,.fl nnl••n•d him "to go hnr·k and a~k
whnten•r J!l'lll•r:tl lu• c:tllll'. :HTCI!'~ if I n11rld :ulvnnr:<'. a~ .111.\' 1111'11' \\'1'1'1'
lll'ing 1'111 np .. ·1:h,. lro"l"'r~lund np In ~:dill I' and t.lll'nJ.Iitdwd fitn\;anl
lliTII~~ Hoii'-'1'\I'Jf'..; klll'l''-' ,\ huiJpf h;!d clrif)ptJ fhi"IIIIJ!Ii. his lll'('k :uicl
rut till' mrnl id arll'n·
.
St>IHii;ig "1111''-'~l'llj!l'r allf•r IIH'!'~I'IIJ!I'r" In trv lti find c:l'nf'rnl Sum.
.
IH'r nr t:Prwral Wood "and gl'l pl•rmis~inn In ndvnncp,'' Huu~~vt>lt \VIl~
nhnul II• milk" up hi" mind I hat in I lu• ahsPIJef' of onlt>r~ lw hnd liet !1~r
"mn1·d1 l••wal·cl llu• grrr1s" wlwii a Ji,.nlr'IHIIII rndf' up with "the wPIrnmf' rnn.Hil:l.n•t:' to"'"'.'' forward ·:111d snppnrt lhf' rf'gular~ in nn ·a~
~nult nn tlw hill~' in frnr1l
Tu tlw l'nd of :1 hr.. who~" dian· paJ.!I'S wl'rP fil_lf'cl.with llll'lllnrahk
f'Vf'll't~ nnd would n••·onl hislo1·i·· arhi,;;, .. nwnts n~ prl'~iclPnt of tlw
( lnitt>d Stat··~. Th;.,;,f,in• u.... ~l'\"1''' \\'llllld !-llllll IIJI nil ih:it fillfmvl;d in
t hrt>l' words
Chapter 31
/
The .Crowded Hour
Argunbly the most prolific writer in the. poll tical history of the United.
SinteR, Tiwodore Rom~evelt waR, according to historian John Gabriel
II unt in hiR hook The E~r;seniial Tlreodore. Rooseuelt, a man of bold
ii.IP:l~ nnd t>normou!'i energy who pursued with equal enthusiasm h.is
prl~RionR for politics, SOCial reform, the OUtdoor )ife, and the printed
word. III' gnve to the American language a veritable. dictionary of
qtwlntionR nnd ca.tchphrases: Bully!,. muckrakers, trust-busting, the
NPII' ·Nntioiwli~m, honesty and efficiency, the Square Deal, speak softly
lmf rarry n big stick; and, on the occasion of being shot in the chest
by· n would-be assassin, it. takes more than that to kill a bull moose.
Having been through warfare, he also enunciated its heady es~
scnce. "All men who. feel any·power of joy in battle," he said, "know
whnt it is like when the wolf rises in the heart." ·
Overwhelmed by this emotion as he received the order~ attack
on that blistering, bullet-riddled, bloody afternoon of the firs.t of July,
he l£'apt on his valiant hor:se 'and rode Texas up and down the line so
he could "see the men better and they could see me better."
Exhorting the troopers to go forward and rasping brief directions
·· tn the rnptnins and lieutenants, he came upon a man crouchirig be- ·
hincln iittle bush. He ordered him to jump up. When the man did not
rPspond, Roosevelt "bade him to rise, jeering him and saying, 'Are you
• nfrnid to Aland IJP when I am on horseback?'" .
Suddenly the man toppled forward onhia fa~e. A bullet had cut
through him lengthwise.
~
\_,j
·
With n tinge of cold-bloodedness and perhaps an inflated.sense of
hiR. riwn import.nnce, RooRe~clt Rupposed that the bullet had been
ninwd nt him. "At nny rnll', I, who WAR on hor11oback in tho open," he·
\~·ould n•r·nll, "wnR unhur1, nnd flw mnn lying nnt on th~ ground in
I ft,. ,.,.\.,.,. hPsidl' lllf' Wtt!-1 kill••d"
·,
�•
234 • COI.ONF.I. ROOSF.VF.I.T
•
-Ill' did not J.. •liPu• thnt n lift> lnst in a ju!'t hnttle Wfl!' n lifl' wa!'ll'd.
"l.fn•Pl.v !"1'111 tlw 111•'ll li11· "'"""' I 1·an•d mnRI_, _to wht•rl' ilenth might
mc•pf t lwm. and ,J,.:tt h nllt·n snu•t I' t '"'"' ns it did llw t wn IH'sf olli. t'l'r!' In JH\' 1'1'1-!illlf'llt. i\lln1 ( 'nprnn awl Hnt·kv ( fNt•ill."liP ns!'i•rtl'd ·in
hi!' nutnloinJ-!I':IJlhv "Tiw lili• I'\' I'll of' t lw IIIIlS! ll!'l'ful mnn. of tlw hPsl
ritizi•n. IS nnl tnlu· hnaniPd ifthf'n·-ht• III'Pcllu Rpi'IHI_il. I fplf..and·
fl't>l. tl11s nlu•ul nllu•rs. and of ro11rst; also nhnut my~l'lf."
( 'c•ri n i nl \'. lit• had dPmc•n!'l rnt Pd his t·n·m·irt iun on lhnl Rm;·,·hi ng
find of .luh·. which !"lllllllll'd tu his frit;nd Frl'dl'ric Ht•mingtun l,ikP ''a
Fourth nf.luh·'nu••nin~. wh4•n. t l11• 1 , ..., :u·" sf'l.ting offtlwir crnrkPrs"
....
With hi!> mi•n pilllll'd rlnwn in tlw_ h.. d of Ow Snn .Junn Hivl'r
t whirh t lwn·all f'l' hun• t hP n:m11• 1\lnnd\· Ford I, HunsP\'1'11 dnn•d llw
nwn with I hP 1\ln"'"'"~ 111111 iJwhinJdv /\<.:1 ridP 'I'PXIlR, lw gundl'tl tlw
. lrnop!> in thP n•ar li•n,:ard llntil IIH·~· nnwdt•tl fhl' ·IIIli'S ·in frnnt ·of
thl'm._Tn gt•f nil linr!". to 'nd,·nnt'l', f11• t'J!J.!Pd llw hurst• lii'I.WI'I'll tllll' linP
nne! lhP 111''<1. partinJ(·tlu•m. in Edn11uul 1\lorri!''s Pxqui:-till' phrasing.
-"lik(' ,,;nvl'!" undl'r n Viking·~ prow."
i
SuddPnl \', lw liu~ntl himsc•lf -liiPmllv- nt the hcnd ortlu~· r(~gi•1wnl.,
/\rrn_vPcl n rn11nd t lw Hough' H idt•r!' WPI'I' the Ninth Hegiment. i mm('cliniPIV in front. :md llw First on tlw.IPil. Hc•hind W('r<' thl' Third.
Sixth·. ar;d TPnt h. !In· intPrmin~IPd t hal t hP Tl'nth;R Sergc'nnt (~enrg~
·nl'rrv rnJTiPd not nnl.v hi!' rf'ginwnl'!' ('lllnrs hut thns.c nf the Third,
who!>t• t·nlnr-~Pl'J.!I':-1111 hnd ht•l'n rut ·tlnwn Following tlw t•mumnndc•r nf
tlw l'f'nth. l':ti'I:HitAHP". whn_\·l'lll'da11d _lilll'cl hiR hnt. flprr·y \\':l\'t•d
hi1th flrtl!!" and ~honiP•l. .-,DrP!'son tlw !'nlors:hn~·!'! lln·~s em thP t'olorsl"
. Thni dav flu• '_l'r•Jifh Cnvnl;':'t. would lo~P n ~r~ntcr prnpnrtii'm.ol:its
nffirl'r!" than nnv. rt•ciml'llf in tlw haiiii'-_:·Pll'\'<'1\ nut nf fwl'nt.v-twn.
nut.' Hon"('\'1''' fitur;d lift'" to f'nult in anv of I Ill' nffit'l'rS lu·· encounfl'rNI ns lw p.rnddr•d Tf'Xfl!' lhrnugh flw li ..ws. Tlii',V c·njolt•d nnd <'X·
hnrtNI thf' t rnnpPrs 1_\'ing ;Ill I hi• gnnmtl to. r·isc nnd fight: "wnlkin·g to
nncl frn
fh!' ollin•rs tlf tlw ·,\·hill' nntl !'nlnred regilliNlls nlikP tonk·
tlw grPrt\Psl prirlP.in !'I'Pil)J! that tlw llll'll -nlflr(' thnn clicl tlwir duty;
and tlw ri1•11 I :till,. :111111111! t lu•m 1\'fiS ,~,..;:,! .. ·
'r'Pt lw f•t1111d ttJH' niTin•r. :1 r:1pt ai'i1 in t'llllllllancl nf' t lw n•ar platnnn". whn -'""'"''-'" ·lft:ll.nrrll'r!"-\\'1'.1'1' nnlo•r!> nncl his WPI'I' to_ki'PJI his
llll'n wlwn• t hn· ".;;..,~ 1(,.,.,_ .. ,.,.11 •"<J'I'f'S!"Prl hi!> _judginl'nf that-t lw only
wa\· In t nkl' till' hdl" wao.; In l'lrsh tlwrn.
Th,.yl.'kth ,·:tpl:llll n•I'Ji,;rllhat h1• cnnlrl-not dwrgl' without nrrli•ro.; :111rl lh:1l l11·- •nl••n•·l 1\·;·,,. ·nnl :trt11111ol to dt:ingl' tlwm.
·-
The. Crowded Hour • 23f? ·
"Tiwni.nm the ranking officer here," declared Lieutenant Colonel
HonRevelt, "ond I give· the order to chnrge."
The cnptnin hcRitoted.. .
!{omwvelt demanded, "Then let my men through, sir!"
AR he whipped ofT his hnt with its blue and white polka-dot scarf
and yrlled nt hiR men t.o charge the hill on their right, grinning Rough
Hider~ surged behind him. But while they moved ahead, Roosevelt
rPcrill('(l with pride, "It proved too. much for the regulars~ and they
.irrmpPtl up nnd cnme nlong, their officers and tro~s mingling with
mini', nil being delighted at the chance."
.
Suddenly, there Reemed to be movement everywhere. AB RoosevPlt snw it. "The whole line, tired of waiting and eager to close with
t lw Pnemy, wos -~training to go forward."
.
AR the forces "slipped the leash at almost the same moment" (al- ·
t hnugh HcinRevelt· did not know it at the time), an astonished ·Richard
llnrding DnviR lc~oked nt how few of them there were'1 and noted,
"One's inRtinct was to call them bnck. You felt that someone had blun-,
tiered and that these few men were-blindly foll~wing sorhe ~adman's
mnd order."
-'
Stephen·Cmne heard -someone shout, "By God, there go our boys
up the hill."
..
.
The BritiRh military attache, Captain Arthur Lee, one more old.
. frier~cl whom Rm:iRevelt had brol.1ght along, slapped Crane on the back.
"lt'R plucky, you know! By Gawd it is plucky," he exclaimed. "But-they ·
cnn'l do it."
'
· .
a
Crane listened to what seemed to be the "noise of million champngne corks." He would write of that _it)oment of blazing guns arid
c·hnrging solclie~s, "Yes, they were going up the hill. ltwlis the best
moment of nnybody's life."
Theodore Roosevelt would-.~vennore call it "my crowded hour."
It begnn with "all in the spirit of the thing and greatly excited by·
the charge, the men cheering and running forward between shots,"·
whil_e Roosevelt galloped Texas toward the hill and up arid out of the:
sunken lone onto the slope.
Only his new orderly, Henry Bard~har, outpaced him. He rushed
· nhead "in order to get better shot,s at the Spaniards" and fired the
.
.
· nnly shots by Rough Riders other than himself that Roosevelt actually
.nh~l'r\led hitting Spnni~rds in open combat. (He had seen two Span-.
. ianl~ fall cll'nd fri1m fr('efl cfuring the Las Guasiinns fighU
�236 •
•
COI.ONF:L ROOSF.VF:LT
Clw:l'l~· lu•ltind Hoo~!'\'1'11 up J(pftiP I lillt·nm~ DwllP,V l>l'nn nnd n
hnnd of Ariwnan~. hut nlmn~t .inlltll'dintPiy nO.!'rwnrd tlw hill wn~
swnrnwd wit It Hnngh Hidt'r~. llw I rw•t.•"r~ of tlw Ninth. mul a ~mil ning of 1114'11 from 1111' Fn·~r {':1\·alr.\·. Hn~ltin1! furwnnl anionl! I ht• Ia I r.~r
wns SNgl':lllt <'hntl,;!" 1\arstt•n. I Iii h\" shmp1wl. lw nml i1111l'il on tlw
.
.
linf'. firing untrl-hl~ :urn wPnl_ntrrnh. llwn n•fw~·~·tlln gnlnllw rPr\1'.
lnstf'rul. Jt,. ""''otl'd ltilltSPiftu Inking rnrf' oftlw o(hl'r WIIIIIHII'd, "trltf'rly ur_mtovf'd hv IIH' lwnvy firi>." A \\'11111\ilf'dlrnopl'r, Hugh Brittnin.
rnrrif'tt· his rrgimf'ntnl sf nndanl fitrwnnl. .\vnving it _In dlf'f'J' nn hi~
rnm rndf'~
.
.
Sunil' li•rf.\· x:ml~ front tfw top of !\ .. ttl!' llill, Hoo!l('\'1'11 and 'l'l'l<IIS.
rf'ndwd a wirf' fPtH"t' Jlut h hnd hl'l'll nickrd h_v lmiiPt~: ont• of whidt ·
hnd J.!r:t7Pd l(,.,,s,.,·,.lt'~ nnn .. ltrmp_illg from thP snddl!•. lw ll't 'l'f'xns.
In•;~" .l·:xp•;,., 1111! 11,.,.,.,. tn ~,.,. tlw litH'S!' :IJ!:lill. ht•.wriJ.!I!I'•d tltrntrgh tht•.
fl'lll'l' whil·· l~nllo·t~ n .. w :tronlld him. ~11lllllling "likl' tlw i·ippillg of n.
silk drPs~ ...
Bmnd1sh1111! till' 1"1'\'lli\'Pr that his ·brnllwr-in-lnw .. (~onuillllHif'l"
('owl""· h;td ":llvill!Ptl front"tlw Maitlf', lw ninwd tPn _ynniA. nhPnd nntl.
.dro·ppPd n Spnnianl "nl'ntlv n!'; n .inrkrnhbit:"
.·
A hr;•at hi"~" "''rond Iat 1'1:. lw nmf llt•nr_y Bnnl;hnr rPill:lwtl I Ill'
rrl'~t ·of till' hill Almo~t inu;u•diall'l_v. llw !{nllgh Hid1~rs and tlw
_Ninth\ trnnp~ ~warnH•d nrnund thl'm.
Sti·ll·d"'''ll'tJi,. hill. hnving sp_rnwiPd flnt on hi!! stmtl£1rh lo duck·
hul\r•t!". Fn·d,.1·ic HPminJ.r1nn ni•lt•d n siHidPn quiPt.lifll'd his lwnd. nnd
.
.
~il7.t'cl 11pward In that in~t:111t. a~ tho• .\'l'llow lln~~ o(·tlw 1~11idon~
unfmiPd. Ill' h".. :ml n thrillin1! tllli~l'-.
"'(.'hrPr'·i~ tlw·wor.d.fiwllw~ ~11und." hi' wrotP. ''You·hnvP gol. l.ti
lw:u· it 111\t'l' who•n 1t n;P:tll!' ~;, lllllt"h. illuii'VI'J.-nfl 1•r _you ·will grin wlll'n:.
Anwrir:111« makP that 1111isl'.'·
.
.._
·
-
-
~
0;
H~~o~P,.,.It wr11t .. iit Tht• 1/nugh Jlj,J,.,._.,, "TiwrP wml'llw usunl ronfusion. and afl l'n\·nnl ! hPn' \\'rl!'l lllllt'h discussion ns lit .f'XIlcll_v w'ho
hnd lu•Pn "" tlw hill first. Tlw firsi g11idons plnhted th£'rP \\'£'r~ lhos£'
nftlw ti""" N,.w i\t.>xirnn ti:'".'JlS. (;, E.and F. nfmy l·pgi"nwnl. tnHIPr
tlw Capt :1111'<. l.li'WPIJI'n. l.unn. rllld 1\luiiPr, hut nn th(> PXI.rPilll' right
of tlw hilL at tho• PJlJIII'<itP Plld wlwn• \\'P- struck it. C'nptnins Tn_vlnr
nnd l\ldh111 :11ullh•·1r 1111'11 uf.llw Ninth \\'l'rf' first up. Efii·h nf'llll' fivl'.
raptai"" w:"' r1nn 1nllw lu•Ji,·fthnt hi~ troop wns fir~! up As fur th"
llllli\"ldllrtl 1111'11. I':H·h 11f whn111 hoJII''<fl_\· th11u~ht. Jw \\'rlS fhl' fir~f 1111
tlw ~1111111111. lh•·1r.ll'lllll' i~ II'J!ion."
,\nll'no·:lll hi-:lnrr :l':«it~11t'illlu• l!lnn· In n·111v 111.11'
e
e.
Chapter 32
':fhey~ Can't
Kill Him
~rest
Nn Ronner W('rc AmericnnR on t.he
of Kettle Hill than a burst
of r·iflP fir(' frnm entrenched Spnninrds sent them ·scurrying for cover
h~hind ·the l~uge nhnndimecl Rugnr-cooker .. Simulta'neously, cannons
-AI'Ill roundA with time fuReS hurtling at them to explode OVerhead.
Also in enemy range were troops still advancing up the hill toward
- the most prominent feature on the heights, a blockhouse surrounded
hy. Spani'fil-d-_infested trenches. It stood at the crest of another knoll,
separated from Kettle Hill by a shallow valley offering scantcover.
Recalling the panorama of battle he witnessed from Kettle Hill,
RoO!~evelt' wrote in his ~utobiography that his-thoughts turned to Alfred Thnye.r Mahan's account of Britain's Lord Nelson. "Memo~ plays·
funny tricks in such a fight," he noted as he remembered that the hero
of Trnfnlgnr hnd n stAnding order that as each of his ships ·sailed
fonvnrd, if it found nnother Rhip engaged in a fight with the enemy,
it. Rhuulcl rnke the foe with cannon fire while it passed. How the cow- ·
hoy cavalry followed· the _Britis~ admiral's dictum and thus came to
· t.he nid ofAmericans ~till.s~ti.Jggling up the San Juan Heights was set
down.by Romwvelt in The Rough Riders: ·
Obviously the pr~per thing to do was to help them, and I got the
men together and started them volley-firing against the Spaniards in
the blockhouse and the trenches around it. We could only see their·
heads; of course this wns nil we ever could see when we were firing
nt them in their trenches .... We kept up a brisk fire for. some five
or ten minutes; meanwhile we were much cut up oursclveR .. ~ . The
infnntry got nearer and nearer the crest of the hill. At last we could
~~~£' thl' Spnninrds running from the riOe-pitR as the Americans-came
·on in thnir finn! rush:
�•
. 238 • COLONF:I. HOOSf.VF.I. T
FPnrinl! thnt hi!' 1111'11 miJ!hl nrridf•ntnlly wound tlw ndvnnring
1\nwrirnn~. lw ~""'''''" fi•r firing In rPn~P. l'ninting t•iwnnl the ln•ndws,
· lw yt•IIPtl. "( 'h:u:J!r• 1"
Clt•nrllll! n wm• fi•nn• wii h n 11ingl .. hound, hP wnH l'll!llidl'nl.t hnl
hi11 Hough 1!111t·r"' and n runt in~Pnl nf' t nu•pPr:H rnrin){ nflPr him would
prmnpl h· "ili•ru·r· I hr• riflPs in t hP t l'f'IH'hPs. Hut n hundn•d yards from
tlw Pll_PI11.". \\'llh louiiPt<~ 7.inginJ.! thrn111!h tl~PIIi!· ntid rippin•~ up lht•
grns!'l. hr• lnukr•d '""'""I nnd n·nlund w1th shnl·k 111111 only lin• nu•n
hnd liollnwf'd l11111 A monu•nt Iat,.,. Sparush l!llllfin• I'Pthu·Pd t lu• 1111111loPr h.\'· t "'" who·n \\'"'"'"''' I 'l:11'k and ( 'lav ( :n;Pn WPI'I' \\'tiiiiHIPd. J(pc"l!llil.llll! tlw l11tdoh· of nnl\· f,,.,. nu•n attnckin.:.tn•ndw!-1 l!ri.m111ing
with Sp:tnlanl-.. hP f,J,J thr• thn•f' ahJ,..IuuliPd nwn In kPPJI in plncP
whilt• hP tlaslwd hack tn hrinJ,! up t hP n·st '!f' tlw hrigndP
"This ,,:as a dPc·idPtll.v nuol rPqu••st. lior t hPn' wns no pnssihlf• point
rn IPt I i.ng t lwrn !'I a\· t lwn• whiiP I wpnt hnrk," h(' c·•.mfpssed in '/'/,.
Rim}!h Uidr•r.t:. "hut at t hill llHIIlll'lll it SPPnlPd p('rfPctly nnt.urnltn ni(',
nnd nppan•nt 1,,. !'II lior t lw111. fort lw.v rii('Pl'fully nncld••d. nnd snl. down
iil thP gr:l."~.lit·ing hal'k at tlu;·linP ,ftr't•ndw~ from whic·h tlw Spailinnl" "'"~"~'~hooting at tlwm."
· Hunninl! hnd< nnd sri'tling llw win• fPJH'P ngnin, lw \\'Pt~l up to tlw
lTl'~l nf' 1\l'ltlP llill. "lillt>d \\'ith :mJ!t•r" :1gainsl tlw lt'nntis: PSJII'l'inlly_
tlw Hough l!idPrs.
TI1P wnrd!' ·IISPd wlwn he n•nrlwd I lu•m \'{er(' nut. nmmnrinlizNI in
his mPmoirs Thr Uou}!h Uid1;rs rPnonls nnly thn~ he "t.nunted Uwm
hittl'rl.v" nnd thnt on tlwir fnrPs wns "lh•~ lnnkofir1jury nnd surpri~lc<:
·n,p~· pi·ntP!"IPtl. "\Vp didn't henr ynu. WI' didn't.~('(' you gn, Cnlmwl;
ll'nd nn nnw. \\'('·11 ~uri' fnllnw ynu."
.
.
· Thl'' nrrn11nt in Thr Umt}!h 'Uid{'l's ennlinued with n chnnning
lllPllsltri• nf lliHI••rstaiPmPnl: "I wnntf'd,.lhP otlwr r('gimPnl.s In cnnw
Inn. sn 1. rand""'" to \\'hPrP <:P.Ill'rnl ~111111iPr \vns nnd nskf'il him if I
might mnkP t hP rhnq!": ;,nd Ill' told llll' In gn nnd tlint lw would sl'l'
thnt thP niPII liollm\·,.,J lh· thi~ limP f'\'l'i·.\'hod.v ·hrul his ntiPntior·, ~~
trnd('d ..
~lll"l;l! fhP ast,nislwd nnlnokPrs wns Captnin Holwrt L. llnwzc.
liP hnd wit ll<'!'c:r•d t h,. firsi chnt"J!f'. whPn Hnns('v('lt'hnd "11ndPr n gnlling fin•
.. llllllJl"d thrnu~h tlw fPtll'l' ar)d hy his Pnthusinsm nnd
rnma~•· su•..-,.•·dPd 111 lr•;ulillJ! In th~ nl'sl nfthr hilln lirw sufliril'ntl.v
·~ slrnnl! to npt nrr· 11 .. Now Ill'\\':\!' watrhi11g n11ntlwr rhargP.Hut darir11: and Pnthw:iac:m n•nld not l'lllllJlPnsniP fnr shnrl Jpgs.
Hru•~P\1'11 r..... ,, lnmc:o·lf nnlslri('("'" h,,· till' lorw·ll'l!l!f'd J.iPIIIPrinnt
·f'
-
They Can't Kill Him • 239
.John GreenwAy, Trooper Hedrick Ben Goodrich, and sharpshooter
Willinm A. Proffit.
l{<'eping pncc with RooRovolt nR ho hod dono during thv fil'flt
l'hnrge nf tho crowded hour. Honry Bardshnr wns "running up at Uw
douhlf'" whl'n two· SpnninniH popped up from n trench loss than ten
ynniR nwn.v.
AH llwy l.unwd t.n nm, BonH(lVIll t. cloHI'(I in nnd firmltwico with llw ·
pi!-ilnl f'mm t.lw Mcrine, killing IIIlO n(!eing flio:'
SIIJIJliiHing "my f1•nl 1.11 he 11niquc," he lenrned "weeks after" that
"rwt. vPry lor 'rrnm mo" n fir11t. R('r"gonnt, Clnronco Gould of tho FirAt
Cnvnlry, nl1111 hnd employed n revolver to kill a Spanish soldier just
nH tlw Spnninrd ninwd nt n Hn11gh Rider. The Roosevelt reaction in
IPnrning thnt hiR deed hod not heen a singular one (as recorded in The
Uo11Rh lliders) w~R thnt "it is astonishing what a limited area ofvision
nnd PXperience one hns. in t~e hurly-burly of a battle."
There urns ·n grent deal of confusion. Regiments had become inter-.
mingled. Whit.e nnd hlnck reguiAl'fl raced toward the trenches with
Hn11gh HiderR !-ln thnt. Hoosovelt'R "mixed lot" advanced under heavy
lin• from I<clllc Hill, through n line of palm trees in the valley, and
up to t.lu~ chain of hills to nssnult the dug~in Spanish troops. While.
timny fled nnd a handful surrendered, the bodies.of scores of q-ten in.
the bl~c nnd white of the Spanish regular army filled the trenches .
"Most of the fallen had little holes in their heads from which their
hrninR were ooZing," RooRevelt noted, "for they were covered from the
neck down by the trencheR.''
He found few wounded.
As Rn~mevelt re-formed his troops,· Captain Howze rode up with
11rdcrR fi1r th<'m to halt An·d ,;hold. the hill At all hazards."
To dn Rn, HooReveit, being the highest ranking offi~e~, had under
him fmgments of six cpynlry r:egiments.· Bec.ause they had taken a
gently roundf'cf nnd grasRy hilltop that afforded a poor cover, he ordPred them t.u "lie' down on the hither slope." Yet even flat on their.
fnces they were subject to the Mauser bullets, shells, and shrapnel- .
sw('eping over the hill and reaping a toll.
,
At. !.his lime Roosevelt noticed that a few Mrican-American soldiPrs "h('gttn to get ll little IIOCilRJ nnd drift to the rear," either l9 help
wmnHI('dm('n or clniming t.hnt. they wished to find their own regiments.
"This I could not illlow," he wrote, "aR it was depleting my line."
.Tumping IIJl nncf wnlking n few ynrds to the rcnr, he drew his
.,.,.,.,h·t~r llnltin1! thPm. lw ~nid hP rypprl'l:iaiNI tlw r,nllnntry with
°
�240 •
•
-
COI.ONF.I.
IIOO~F.\'F.I.T
They Can't Kill Him •
which llwy had (H'rli•rmPd. hul.:lw would nnl lwsilnl1• In shont.llw lirRt
mnn who: on :11n· pn•f,.n~l' wl.lnfrvPr. \\'Pill In thl• rf'nr.
.
"Nnw. I ~h:dl '"' ,-,.rv ~nrT\' to hurt von." hf' sr~id. "r~nd yon ·don't
know wlwtlu·1· nr 11111 I ,,·ill k"I'JI mv word. hut my I!H'Il cr~n IPII you
thnl I nlwn\·~ dn ..
Tlw fnrnll'l. nndu•\·~. hunfr·r~. and minPrs of lhf' HonJ!h Hidl'rs
nnddt•d I l11•i1· :q:n·1·n••·nl: ...::n·inJ!. "JJ,. :1lw:l\'~ dol's: lw nlwn.vs dol's ...
H•u•sP\·t·lt tlt"''':ht II•~· ...:r·l'lll' ,·,·a~ li kt· """"'' hinJ! nul nf a t·nmil' ll(H'I'n.
<'nnlliiiiiiW ''"' :•n~·~·tl"t" in TJ,.
Uidt·r.o:. Hnnst'\'t•lt pPruwd
a pn!<s:IJ~~· th:ll ,,.f11·1 1...: ,... ,·llmt"•·lv. if hadh·. on him nnd llw 1'1'11 lw
''"""'"" I" 1u·1 ~~~~"'' II·· 11 1nl 1•, "TI11" ,,.,, .. fhl' end of I lw t roulrlc>. li1r
t lw '!<mnk•·d Y:111kl'l''-. "'' 1111• Spr111111rtl" rnllt•d I Ill' rnltll't'd 14nldit•r!<
l1a~\11•d lfr,.ll· wfllll' fppfiJ Ill IIIII' llllii(Jwr. liS fllf',V \ll:llkC' info ltrond
~~"~""· nnd I I,,,J 1111 111"1·1· ltllllltl,. II' II h I lwrn. tlw.v !'l'~'miilJ.! In 1\I'C'Ppl.
nw a...: """ "' tlw11 "" 11 nflin·r~ Tlw l'olnn•d nll'nlr,vnwn hnd nln•JHI.V
!-In ll«'f'I'J•I••tl 1111', 111 '"' 11111. 1111• Ht1111:h H1d1•rs. nllhnngh li1r 1111' 111111-~l.
pnrl ~nul l11,., ....,,,.nwt "· whn ha\·p :1 t.l( rnnJ! t·olnr prt•.indit'f', J!r!'W to nrrPpl fllf'lll wllh lw:ul1· J!Pnd-will :1~ l'"mr:ldl's, nnd \\'!'1'1' Pntir,'l_v willin[!. in IIH•If· pht:l"''. 'In drink nul 11fiiH··snn1P 1':11111'«'11.·"
liP ~~"""' 1111 In ~I :11 ,. I hat "n ppi·nlinr lllf'!'d of prnisl' 1-1IH11ald l11•
J!iVPil to tlw rdli~·~·r...: nf ll11• Ninth :11ul Tc•nth fiu·tlwir work. i-ind undt•r
I hPir lPatl•·r~l"l' I hr• ~·nlon•d I ,:nnps did as wPll as nn.v··snldiPrR could
possiltlv dn ..
Of 1'11111'~1'. flu' nflin•rs lw rt'fl'rr!'d !11 Wl'rt' whit<') If' ft'lt thnt t.lw
hlnrk t r11np" ".,.,.,. "Jwcllharl~· clPpPndPnf" 1111 tlwm. And he wrotf', "Oc-·
rn~i11nnll.v I lw.'· prnd11n•cLnnn-rnmmi~siorwcl nffir£'rnlwho cnn tnke the
initinti1·,. :-~nd nr·r·r·pf_ rPSJH'll~ihilit.v prPri~f'I,V lik£' lh£' h£'st rlnss of
whit!'~. h11t I hi" rnnnni '"' l';ql('dl'rlnnrmnll_v. nnr. is it fnir to f'Xpf'ct.
it
\\'hl'lf':l". 11ith flu• whit•• n•J!ulnr~. :1~ with my own Hough
HiciPr~. ""l"'ri1·nn• ~hnw1•d th:1t I hr• nnn·t·nmmis~innt:'d oOin•rs roulcl
IISIInlh· l':liT\' 1111 flw rr[!h( h\·(hl'lll"f'h'f'!' If" fill',\' Wf'rf' Olll'f' sfn_T-I!'d, no
mnltPr ,dwllll'r th•·•r oflj,.,., ..., \\"1'1'1' killl'cl nr nnl ."
· C'niPIH'I H""""'_."ll nf tlw Hnlll!h Hicll'rs n•mninf'd nt hf'nrl n ~(l(·ial
ll:nwrni"l
('nnt·Prnrnj.! I IH• fiJ!hling ahilil if'~ nf lhf' Prwm.v fncing him on San
.htr~n llill. Ill' lt:HI onh· rnniPmpt .. \VIwn Spnnish fnrc£'s mmlc nn nfT£'nsi\'P ""':·r·nwnl fnll"~~"'"~~ hi" sl't't.~rHl c·h:II"J!f'. Ill' disT~lisst:'d ~:llf'ir nrtinn.
. I "II nndd ""' J,. r·:dl~·d :1 charJ!"- lw !":lid. hl't':IIISI' If wns not pusllt'd
"J hnnw. '"" """" "'"1'1"'" ·:tlnl""' :1: "''"" ""it '"'1!:111, our llll'll inlllll'cli-
._,j
~·
u,.,,!,
241 ·
· nlcly runnin-g forward to the crest of the hill with-shouts of delight at
seeing their enemies at last came into the open. A few seconds' firing
stopped thei1· advance and-drove them into the cover of the trenches."
He believed that no possible number of Spaniards coming at his
men from in front could have driven the Rough Riders from the hill,
nncl "there was not n man on the creRt who ·did not eagerly and de~
vnutly hope t.hnt their opponents would make the attempt, for it
would surely have been follow~d. not merely by a repuh~e. but ·our
imnwdintely lnking the cit.y."
As nilo{ht foil nnclthe ririnlo{ J.{rndunlly died nway 1 somo men mado
tlwir wny hr11·k ln.llw huildini{R nn Kotllo Hill to forngo for food. Four! t'l'll hmii'H hnd JlnAHed Rincf' they hnd hnd n meal. What they found
wnR PVf'n more oxciting thnn the benns Roosevelt had commandeered
from the henchfront cnmmiRRnry. rn one of tho buildings, they discov~
Prl'd the Spnni~h officers' meRR with dinnor still on the stoves. Large
iron pnfR t~ontninod bm1f' Rl.tlW nnd· boiled rico. There was a supply of
RnllliRh, Rmnll cnnR ofprcROI'V'CR, loaves ofrice broad, and a demijohn
of rum: Divided nmong the mnriy;.the windfall did not provide 'lnuch
JH'r miln, But, in Roosevelt's words, "i~ freshened us all."
Soon nfl.er dnrk Gen£'rnl Wheeler was feeling well enough to visit
tlw front nnd squelch n rumor making the rounds that ther~ was to
ben withdrnwnl from the hard-gained territory. He ordered the forces
to Pntrcnch. Presently; the Rough Riders who rushed up Kettle Hill
hchind Roosevelt and then followed him in the assault on the ridge
trenches were rejoint::d by those whom the fortunes ofwar had left
hehinrl. For the digging in, the troopers benefitted from another find.
Diaring the nfl.emoon, Lieutenant Gr~enway .had taken it upon himsf'lf to do some exploring and had run across a trove of Spanish entrenching tooiR, picks, and Rhovels.
'During the lull in the fighting, Trooper Warren Crockett, a fonner
rf'vPnue officer from Mariettn, ~orgia, had also gone reconnoitering
nnd turned up n Aupply of coffee. Being slightly built and not very
strong phyRicnlly, he proposed to Rooseve~t that he be excused from
diJ!ging and pennitted to brew the find. Roosevelt approved, and the
coffN• wnR "much appreciated" by all.
The Pnd ofhnltle and onset of night gave Roosevelt time to reckon
thf' rnst of his crowded hour. One who had died was Major Albert
Fnrsf', n notf'd snlcli£'r in the lndinn Wrirs who had sei'V'ed with the
First Cnvnlr,v.
�242. • COI.J. ROOSF.VF.LT
e
e
They Can't Kill Him • 243
Tiw night. nl~o IPI hini n•llr>d on n Sr>rge.nnt (;rer>nl.v, who hnd hit
tlw ground to rl\'llirl n Sp:mi~h \;oliP\' nnd found· him~~lf l.ving lwsiciP
.. Roosp\'Pit ,\flpr· r~ nH>llll'lll lw hnd ,\·hi~lll'rl'd, "..1\pg p:lnlon, Ci,Jorwl;
l'\'r> hr>Pn hit 111 tlw IPg ...
Bno!'f'\'1'11 had a!'kPd. "llnrll v''"
"Yr>!', ( 'nlnrwl (Juit I' hndl_v."
( )nr> of! :n•t•nh··~,t·omr:ulP~ lu•lpPd him '.'fix up hi!liPJ.! with n lir~t
nid-ln-tlw-ininn•d hr~·ndngr>" nnd ·"lw limpPd ofl lownnl thP rPar."
Hirt ,,;,, :dl tJ.,. ,,·nurHI«•«I ~might. to lt~nvP tlw fiPid. T~lirti'Pil oftlw
injun•d kPpl fighting untiltlw Prulof tlw dn,v. Among tlwm werP tlw
\Vnller~·· "·ho. wt>r•• '""·"fnfpdl .. John: a 1'owj10kr> from Nt>w Mexico who.~pn·"d :1!' ·:, ,,·:11!"";., .i,n Trnnp A. \\'fl~ ~hot in t.he nrm nnd fpfl with
p:lmlv:>:t•d liliC~"~·!< l·:d\,·:ird. :1 l'hampion YaiP high divPr frur·u ( ~hi1·ago
a~!'igrwd In Tn•np 1·: .."ulf,.n~d a gra7.Pd ~•·:tll1. Hot b hnd dPfPn't•d I n•alnwnt :1nd har·HiagiriJ!' nnlr.l night f:1ll PndPd I lw lighting.
( ~nrpnral (; · _Hnland "HPII .. ForiP~tl'lt' nf:N«;W York wns ·hit in tlw
font. n fnd nul n•:rlr7.Pd hv his olil friPrHI 1111lil Hon!lf'\'t•lt ni•tirPd him
"rnnkirrg \\'r." f:H'«'~_-· :1!< lw p1111Pd nil a hlt•od,v hoot.·
( lrw whn "·n~ li>rTPd. to I hP n•nr hut· rr>turrwcl to t.lw f'ronl. wn~
Cnptnin Llt;wPJIPn t\ lnr-g~•, lwnv.v mnn with n son in tlw mnks. h.P
hnd .~tnrtPd thr> day not fl>t>ling wPII hut rPmninPd ·in rmnmnnd of
Troop(; throughout lhPday until hP fell from PXhnustion, wrenching
hi~ hnck lri r>xrrmlnting pniri nn ihc morning nfier the ridge hnd been
tnkPn, lw hnd to "" oniPrr>d In n liPid hn!~pitnl. Anot.lwr wns Lieut.Pnant Willinrn C Pnv IP\'Pn_tunll.v prnmolr>d to the comrnnnd of Troop
J.l. Hit in tlw ~hnnldr.r hv n Mnust>r huiiPt on the summit. of KeUIP
. Hill ~nd :il~o lii!TI'd .to tl;p rPnr. t{P n•l'usr>d .to return to the tlr{it('d
St niP~ n iul n•_joi rwd hi~ I r·oop lwfnrl' t hi• wmmd-hnd lwniP<I..
Tlwr,. would lu• · morr> ·.net ion t hP rwxt lnonii ng .. At the hren k of
dnwh. I hP Spnni~h .rnnrHms opPnPd firr> ngnin.· One of thP nrtiiiPr-y
~hPIIs hnr~l ril•nr n I rr>r> whr>rP .Hon!'r>VI'lt lwei set. up lwadfJunrterR. WhPn Hoti<:f'\'PII. ~tnnd up nnrl duslr>rl hirn~Pifoff, unscntlwd. Ben Ft>rJ!ll<:nn gnir>d in ~rnn7.r>.rnPn.t nnd rnuttr>rf'tl. "I renll,v hPiievp now Uw,v
cnn't kill him."
By Hnnsf'\'Pit'~ :1crmmt in g. ni;t oftlw 490 Hough HidPr!l who hnd
mnrrhPd into tlw hatiiP for tlwSnn .Junn Hr>ights, R9 hnd hPen killr>d
or wmrruh•d. tlw lwn\·ipsf'loss suff('rf'rl h.v imy rPgiriwnt in thl' rnvnlry
divi~ion liP rn•dill'd llu• Spaninnl~ with hnving put up n stiff figi1t.. ·
~ "~lnnrling frrrn 11nl if "'" ch:1rgrd." nnd lil!hl ing murli rnnrf' ~l11hhornl,v
.thnn r~t I :r~~ I :ll:t::irn:t'-'
j
Thnt the Rough Riders had suffered more heavily than their
. opp1inents was R point of pride for Rooseveit; h~ attributed it to the
fnct that his men had Iinne the charging.
But everyone who hnd witnessed both. charges agreed that they.
hniloccurrcd only because of the mnn who had led them. Captain C.
,J. Stevens, whose ·second Cnvnlry hnd heen targeted by the firing:
.frilm .·t.he trenches nnd thtis motivated the second charge, asserted,
"fly his gnllantry and strong personality he contributed most materi. ·n·ll.v li1 Uw success nf the charge of the Cavalry Division up San Juan
Hill.'~ Mnjor M. J. Jenkins oft.hc First Cavalry felt th~t "unhesitating.
gallnntry in taking the initintive against i-ntrenchments lined by men
arrnPd with r~pid fire gun~. rcrt.ninl.v won him the highest considera1ion and admiration. of
who witncs.scd his conduct throughout the
day.'~
.
.
·
nil
llnlf n ,VPar afl.cl~ th1! l.wo chnrgcR, General Sumner, whose m~n ·
hnd hPcn kept.' from. rcinforci'ng l.he assault againRtthe San. Jua·n
lll'ights IJecnuRe of uncxtiecled resistance at El Caney, recommended,
"ns n reward fnr conspicuous gnllnritry at the battle of San Juan," that
Hnn!levclt be presente.d the Congressional Medal of Hovor.'
But, st,~rely, the praiRe thnt had to mean the
J,{i>Os.cvelt waR this:
mo~t to Theodore
Colonel Roosevelt ... led a very desperate and extremely gallant
- charge on San Juan Hill, thereby setting a splendid example to the
l.n1ops nnd encouraging them to pass over the open country intervening hclween their position nnd the trencheR of the enemy. In leading··
this charge, he started ofT first, as he supposed, with quite a following
nf men, but soon discovered that he was alone. He then returned and
gnthered up it few men and led them to. the charge .. : an extremely
gnllant one, nnd the example set a most inspiring one to the troops
·in tlmt part of the line Iandi had a very encouraging effect and had
great weight in bringing up the troops behind him.
t\ rN·omrnendation to Secretary of War. Alger that Roosevelt be
presented the Medal of Horior, it was signed by Leonard Wood.
�...j
--0
e
e
Chapter 33·
Triumph ·Tasted
At one o'clock in. the afternoon, July 1, 1898, as Edith Carow Roo8evelt RAt dow_n for lunch with the children ·at Sagamore Hill, her hus- .
hnnd WAR on hiR w~y to gl,)ry on.Kettle Hill. Although the next day's .·
newRpRpers were filled with accounts of the heroic deeds, it .was a
nnte from friend Bob Fergmwn that couched it in person.al tenhs:
Dear Mrs. TheOdore ·
... No hunting trip has ever equalled it in Theodore's eyes ... all
the way down tO the n~xt line_ entrenchmen~ he encouraged us· to
"look at these damned Spanish dead!" . :.·Some of the men insist on
his taking shelter sometimes, a~d.he is becoming more amenable tO. '
·. diRcipline.
·
'
of
An urgent need for· shelter for ·his men had impressed itself upon
his opennir headquarters. Recognizing that "we had better· settle down tO solid
Riege work," troops who were not in tre.nches were dispersed towai-d
the rear into the shelter of a valley. Then came the work'ofimproving
the entrenchments by constructing traverses that wotild allow the
men to move between them and remain safe from the Spanish gun. nerR·, who were close by and equally well dug in.
.
While i10 one on the firing line believed the.Spaniards had the ·
~npacity to brenk out, neither did anyone ·hold out the prospect of
Rucci'RR in rushing the heavy earthworks and wire defenses of the
SpnniRh line. It was a standoff-a foreshadowing of the prolonged
.trench warfare of World War 1-with firing continuing all day _long
between opposing armies lying within sight of one another. Roosevelt
I'Rtimnted American Rtrength nt nbout eleven thousand, and Spanish
RouAcvel~ immediately after the shrapnel shell had blasted
at about nine thouRnnd.
�24A •'
t"OI.C.
llfHlSf.\TI r
From I imP I o t lnw lw nniNPd usc> of I lw dynnmit£' gun nnd found
that whilt• il mnd,. '.'a tPrrific Pxplo~ion:· it "did not ~Pem-to go nccurniPI_v.·· Nor wns Ill' imprPs~Pd hv I lw I 'oil automatic~ thnt. hnd IH•Pn
dPtailrd In thc> t'lllllln:md of\\'illinrll Tiff:mv. In lhf' absf'nc~ofmulf'R,
tlw WP:lpnn~ Jl'"'·c·d '"" lu•:l\'v ·fi•r' nwn to haul any distanc·P. Evl'n
wor~P. tlw I!""" ,-ould not h:-.ruiiP tlw st:mdanl Km~! mnnurnition.
i·'nri•lnall'l\·. tlw,· did 1:-.kt• 1\Tau~Pr c:utridgt•s. Thf'sP had 111'1'11 lt•fl
hrhi11d "' al•lllul:llln' It,· 1111' rc>ln•ating_Spaninrd~.
1\s I IH·\· ""' t lc•d in. tlu• Hough BidPr~ l!ol n rww offirinl lllllllf'. Tlw.
n•ginu•nl J,pc·:lllll' the• 1-:IP\'I'nfh llllil.c•d Stall's llnrRP. HottSPVf•ll li•ll it
was d; .._,.,:,.,.'d "h,· ""'" c·nn;lud. nnl only in fi~hl in~ nnd. in rnnrching,
hut in grr:1rrl1111! tl•c· frPtH"lws and in policing rnmp."
I II' prct~r•ll\· \Holt•. "In 1 ~~ than ~ixl_\' d:-r~·s th£> n•ginwnt had hPPil
..
. rni~"d. or~:11111.Pd. :n.nwd .. l'tprippPd. driiiPd. IIHll.mt~d. disrnmrnted,
kPpt fi•r :r fortn11:hi 1111 I i·an~por1 ~. :-rnd put_ t hrou~h l.wn victorious
aggrl'~sin• fi~ht« ·'" ,.1.,._,. difiicult c;oimt ry·, t lw loss iit· kiiiPd and
\\'fllrndt'd :llllltlllllllll! ·ro :t qunr!Pr of tliosp i~-n~ngl'd. This is a r·pcord··
which rt is""' •·as\· In rnalrh in tlu' lri~torv oft.lw vnlunfPI'r 0rgnni7.a- .
.
.
lions. Tlw In~~ was hut sm:1ll •·omp:1n•d lrdhat w!1_irlr lll'.fi'Jl hundrPds
of r£'glllll'llf s i11 sc;nu• of tl1P i!n•at !tnt t lc>s of t.lr£' Ci\·il Wnr; hut. it rnny
l1f' douhtl'd wlwt lin-t lwn· ,,·n~ :1n.r rrginwnl which· mnd£' ·such a r!'·
cord during tlw ~in:! nu,nthsof anv.ofourwnrs.".
Hoosi'\'Pit rn;u"t',. 1111 allusion to tlw Haiti£' of (;£'t.lysburg, but it
s<'l'lll~ rPa!'ol1ahiP to pn·~um£' that. t lw historian in him did not fail to
renliw.tliat lw had twir£' IPddnring chnrg£'~ on the thi.~ty-fHl.h nnniVI.'rsnry of-that pi\'lllnll'ngag£'nl£'11l.·nftlw Civil War. Nor is it likely
lw wa-s 1111aw:-rrc' tlwf' r!Ptail£'d ncrnu11ls of tlw chaq{I'R would fill t.hc
newspapl'rs of tlu; 11ntion fill tlw Fourth of ;fttly.
On llr:1t dati' so dPnr: to his pnlrintir lwnrt, Hnn~f'vclt ndclre·ssl'd
In Ll'ol1.ard \\'nod his nw11 almost lwur-hy-hottr summnt ion of how W£'11
\\'nod·~ \\'p;uv \\'alkPr~ had con_lporird lliPmsclvi:'R !Ill .July -1 and 2.·
Thougl1 t1w rPpnrt ""~:111 with ~1w wor:ils "w,ilh mys£'if in comma·nrt."
rt wa~·.nnwdt•d with t 1w narnPs nf 111«'11 "who shnw£'d signal valor,"
from ('apt arris l.lc•wPIII'II. Mulll'r, a nil Luna to n rnRII'r. of tronprr~
rtlVI'nng tlw :l1phnl;f'l fri1111 /\llc:rlo11 In \Valll'r. Hut he rould nnllcnve
out a fpw gnpP<: IJ., poinlf'd out that whilf' tlwy cnntinuf'd to hold tlu~
)())ground. "t hr• f,;,ul ha~ 111'1'11 short: r~nd 11111 il I odny Wf' rnuld not. gPl our
) l:lanki•ts. ro:1f" :•r -:l,.·ltc•r !Pills. \,·hilt• tlw.nwn lay nil da.v 11ncler thP
lrn• lrnlll tlw :--:p:tlll"h \,:flt••r"'"· lllln•llrhrnPnl~. a11d guPrrrllas Ill"
•
Triumph Taated • 249
trel:'g, and worked all night in the trenches, never even taking off their
shneR."
Richard Harding DaviA believed that the Americans on the San
.Jtum Height~ were hanging on "by their teeth .and fingernails, and it·
Rf'Pme<l ns though at any moment their hold would relax and they
would fnll."
Yet .relief lny only four and a half miles offshore. It took the form
. of the big gung of Sampson's warships. In the opinion of Captai-n
F'rf'r\ch Chndwick, commander of Sampson's flagship, a relentless barrngl' on ·spaniRh fni-tificationR in and around· Santiago would so ·demornliw t.lw SpnniRh forceR ~hat "the American troopR could (enter!
tlw cit.y nt once and with little or no difficulty."
Why did they not open fire?
The decision regted ~ith Sampson and General Shafter, who was
rncke·d not only by his gout and a ·rever but by_ the sickening reality
nf the casualties. With more than two hundred dead and almost·
twelve hi.mdred men wounded, Shafter's effective fighting force had
been reduced by a tenth, and ~e.had no stomach to accept more. The·
nrrny had done its duty. He believed it was up to Sampson's navy to
fnrc£' t h£' Aurrende~ of Santiago by finishing off the trapped Spanish
fl£'£'t in the harbor. He mes!mged. the admiral: "I tirge that you make
pffnrt immediately to force the entrance, to avoid fu~ure losses among
my men, which are already very heavy. You can now operate with less .
loss of life than I can."
.
.·
.
.
.
·Sampson had shot back, "Impossible to force entrance until we
can clear channel ofmines.,--a work of some time after forts are taken··
po~session by your troops:"
The general retorted, "I am at a loss to see why the Navy can not
wnrk under a ·deAtructive'fire as,well as the Army," and he called for
n me£'ting with his division commanders for a discussion. of the opt.ionR availahle, ab~ont the help of the nayY. They convened at El
Pnzo, with Shafter reclining his great bulk on a door that had been
rl:'inovcd from a nearby farmhouse.
The ~ituation, he said to Wheeler, Kent, Lawton, and John C.
-BateR, waR bleak. If SpaniRh forces at Manzanillo reinforced the Sanlingo gamson, A Spa·riish counterattack might drive the forces off San
.Juan Height~. Supply lines to Siboney were vulnerable. Malaria was
hPginning to take n toll nmong the troops. Even the weather was·
ngninRt thf'm, in the form of torrl'ntinl rninR. There was _intenRe pres-
�250 •
COLO. .ROOSF.\'F.LT
!lUre from Prf'~iclf'nl 1\fd\inlf'~' nnd Sf'tTI'I_nry nf Wnr Alger for n quick
victor_v. \Vh11 I '''~'~'" lllf' opt i111~s'' ·
.
KPnl call I'd fi11· wit hdrnwnl from I hi• lwight~. 11w rf'!ll vnit·f'd nppo~ition -~hnflPr wrnl nlong with thP maioril_\'. Vor tlw momPnL tlw lroopR
Wf'l'f' In 111:1inl :~in tlwi1· po~il inn!". 1\Tt•nnwhil••. Shnflt•r would nwl't. with
Snmp.,on in I"" '"'I''' I hnt tlw ad mimi might hrivP 11 rhang(' of hr>nrl/
Allllard hio: tl:ll!!'ltip. flw rrui~1~r N,.,. l'nrl;, SnmpRnn!-lignniPd In
I lw fl PI' I . "ll i" l'I'J!~ rd I h" mm·pm f'tll, of I lw romrn ~ ndt~ r- in -I' hi Pf," i ndil'nling th:~l "hill' lw ,,·n~ n<:hon• fi•r fliP mt'l'ling with Shnflr>r,.lw
wnuld '"'' lu• n•l"''l"'"""'J! rommnnd In Admirlll St·hlf'_V. hiR Rei'IIIHI in·
,·nm~nniHI l~•·l'nll"." it \\'11~ Sat milav. tlw ~hip~ wpr~ pr('Jlllri.ng fn~
S11ndnv in<:pPd inn and n•ligi111r<: ~1'1"\'irf'R. nnd tlw,v hnd only .r>lwugh
<:11'11111 to· iJia·lllf:un llu•i•· pnRiliono:. Hun.llllll! lnw on rnnl. t.hr> /Hn.~.Wt·
,.,,,_q•ff8 had p11l1Pd ""' nf litw for a <:hort ''"-\':IJ-!1' In ~:unntnnnmn Bny
for n;pll'ni<:hnwnl lt_.,-:;J..,PrH'I' anri tlw d,,.,.,.~ion nf llw Nt•rt• Ynrlr t.o
cnnvr>_v SamJ•<:nn l'o I lw Sihorw_\' llH'PI ing n•drrt·f'd I hP numhf'r-of hlol'k- ·
ndf'J11·1o '"" AmnhJ! IIH•m waR fhl' /nit•rl. who!'!' hridgf' wnA now i:orll·
.mnndf'r! h_v Saml'"""." "''~'fi'<:Ror. FighfingBol! I•:vnn!l. She In~ nlmo~t.
· duP ~out h '~'f I lu• ·f'nl ra tH"I' I o I lw hn rhnr·~ l'hl1mH'I. To lort•n ·~ porl.wnR.
fhP Tr.m.~ To thP ~l:~l·l_•onni. lhf' (Jrr)!ml Abonrci nil. Rnilor!l fnr('d n
dn_v thnt prnmi<:Pd to"" :i!-l hnring n~ f'lll'h nflhf' thirt,v-fiv·f' RincP lhf'
blockRtlf•· hnd hPt'n ,..,, nhliRiwd. But tlw_v wl'rf' in f~,r n RurpriRe thnt
hnrl hi-ogun un.fnldlng ninr> dn_vR ('llrlif'r. On .Junr> ~-1 Admiral Pnsnrnl Cf'n'('ra hnd receivf'cl n· curt remind~r from ~p11in's mnrinl' minislf'r. HnriHin Aunon: lhnt Cf'tvern's
flf'f•l np!'rrtfr>d nndl'r thP n\'f'rnll rnrnmnnd of Uw gnvPrnor-genernl of
Cuhn. Hnrnt'•n nlanro \' Enr>rlnR ThiR WrtR tlw Rlnrt of inci-enRingly.
hillf'r cnmmtrrliralinn~: hPI\\'f'f'll ~:~nlingn and llnvnnn rf'garding th~
11!-11' ilfCPrTrora'" arrnndn irt.<:nppnrf ofthr> SpnniRh lnnd forrf'R. Rlnnro ·
hntl.11rgf'd ('pn·l'ra In dnrP n'hrPI1knt.rt from flw·hnrhor to ronfronf..tlw
Anwriynn flppf. TIJ" admirnl:lirul dPnHlrn•cl.
·Citing df'fil"iPrH·i"" in' mnrnunit ion. l!llll~. ron I, nnd nwn lnmn,v of __
hi~ sailor~ hnd hf'Pil ""nt nshorp In hnrk up thf' nmly in defending t.lw
rilyl. Cr>n'r>rn.insi<:ll'd ·:it i~ nhRnlutf'l~· impossible fnr (the! squndron
tn !'<:rnpl' undPr thP~P rirc111nst11nrr>R ... To rttiPmpt n sort.ie, in which
Uw ship<: would hn'·" In s11il fron1 th~ hrtrhni- in Ringle fil~. h(' nrgued.
would ~p,.JI tlu•ir doom
_
()
"J. who :1111 :; 111:111 ~~·rlhotil l~lllhilion!-1. without_ lllnrl JlORRiOil!l," Jw
""''alii. "<:l:lf,. '"""' ''"lf'l"dic·:llh· tlnl I "h:llltH'\"Pr hP ll11• onp to dPITI'I'
II:.· h"' nld·· :o "'' .,-._,.,, .•. ,, ,,,., :Jf "'"'' "''" J, "·dl hi• I l11· 1111h· l'f"'"lt nf ll11•
•
e
Triumph Tasted. •
251
·port·
llortie:" It would~e far better, he argued, if the ships remained in
. to help in the fight to defend the city.
· Ria nco haci replied thRt it was not a question· of fighting ''but (oO
('Reaping from thnt prison in which the squadron is unfortunately.
Rhul in." ThiR wnfl e11pecinlly wounding because Cervera had opposed
t.lw sendi rig of the fleet to Cuba in the first plac~. But Blanco was. ri_ot
I hrough._ He worried Cervera, "The eyes of e~ery nation are at present
fixr>d on __..,our squadron, on which the honor of our country depends;
ns I nm i;ure your excellency realizes." . ·
Cf'rVern'R reply !lizzlf'd. "I con11true your excellency's telegram a11
an order to go out, and therefore ask .... for reembarkatif:!n of forces
which Wf'm lnnded nt your excnllt;!ncy'R Ruggestion. I beg that you will
n111firm lhf' order to Rnrtie."
. Blnriw reAponded thnl"ifllw fall ofSantiago is believed near, the
Rqundron will go out immedintely, ns best it can."
There the mnt.ter hnd ~lood until Americans swnrmed up the San
.Junn lleightR on July LIn an ord~r to Jos~ Tornl, commander of the
city's defenders, Blanco ~uthorized the return of Cervera's. sailors to
their ship11. Until the squadron departed, Toral was to maintain the
defenRe of the city nt any price.
"Mnin thing iR thnt llfJundron go out at, once," Bla.nco said, ''for if
Amf'ricnnR lake pos11ession of it Spain.will be morally defeated and
must ask for peace at mercy· of enemy.~
Thus for Spain, the future of Cuba hinged on national pride, as it
- olways had for the Americans who had followe'd Theodore Roosevelt
In wnr. And now, ns Ro~sevelt had both planned for as assistant secrf'lnry of the navy and feared ns leader oftho-Rough Ride·rs, the' outcomf' would rest in the hands of men in command of warships.
Fnrcf't~ to choose between a colonial city and his coun~ry's pride as •
r>mbociieci in Cervera's ship!!; Blanco did not hesitate to come do_wn on
the Ride ofll1e navy.A city could be recovered, he said. The loss ofthe
!lfJIIndron-nnd Spain's honor-could not.
Con11equently, at Atmset on Saturday, July 2, while Roosevelt and
hiR me'n desperately held on to the San Juan Heights, Lieutenant F.
K Hill, the deck officer of the Iowa, pointed out to Captain Evans
columns of smoke nRing beyond the protective hills of Santiago's harbor. nf'cl\use the Spanish ships were known to maneuver in the bay,
Jo:vnn~ thought nothing of lhri Rmoke. At 9:30 on Sunday morning, he
IPn nwrl eli fTf'r('n tly ._ Al!ni n officer of the deck, Hill looked toward the
11111111 h or 1111· h:-~rhor'r~ dllllllll'l :l'nd l'f'('(IJ~nizPd lhf' hlnrk. Wlld-rn•sfprf
�252 .-
prow of lht> Sprllltl'lh gun_hont Al,."arndo. A mom<'nt. Inter hr> tmi('red
_I hi' mnn in rhnr~" nf ~Pmnplwn• llng!'l In run up Signnl 2!l0, nnd lw
JWI"'!ltmnll.v lit:Pd 11 1-'i'< J'IIIIIHIPr. ThP~t· nd inn!'~ llll'nnl IIIli; thing 1'11 tl11•
~hipl'l
of I hr> hlnrk;-~d,. "Tiu•:\'·1'1' rnmi ng ••ul ...
Fivf' milf'~ fl\\"ll_\'. Admir;-~1 S;-~mp~nn prompt_l.v snatllf'd tlw lllPI'Iin~(
with C'n.>nf'rnl Shn0f'r :111d nrdf'n•d tlw M·11· l'or}i ahnut. "LPI-us gf'l.on
R0f'r tlw nf'f'l ... lw ~nid. "Not IIIII' must gPI awny."
For TlwmlnrP Hon~,.,·pJt nnd tlw Hough Hid(>rs. t.lw !'tf'l'nnd nf .July
hAd worn on. "t hP light r:-~ging fit full_,. at iniPrvnl~;" npd grndunli.v
dying nwr~.\' 1\·Tn!<t of I lw t rnuhl" had ''"'"" from Spnnish guf'rrilln~.
wJwm nn·fl._f'\'1'1( ITPdit I'd with ~~~fl\\'lllf.! "J!n•fl( l'fllll'llgf', f'XIld I,Y 1\!'1 did.
ISpnnil'lhl !-:old aPr!-: who \\'f'rl' dPft•rHiing llw I rPndw!'l ... Hul lw prni~r>d
.
.
only ·tho~" ~'"'ni.llas pn!<IPII.in frnt.ll nf his llll'n, who lw f'plt did "IPgitinlflll' \\~ork .. Tlw\' rrt•phtp lu•fi•ri> d:lwn anc!Pillwr hid in llw thick
ju ngl P nr tlw fi •I i :1~f. of I ff'f'R. Thi~ f'II\'Pr: n nd I'll' ·usf'. nf snwkPII's~
powdN "hf'tr;-~y,.d·nnl _tlw slighl~sl sign tif tlwir whf>n•nhmils nnd
cnuR<'d ll!' n gn•nt dPal nf' nnnovnitcP nrul 1-mllf' li.ttlf' los~ ... f?or.thnsl'
guerrilla!'~ pnRIPd in t rPPs linvnr~l thi• l'f'nr . .lw hn;l only coittr>mj';t, find. ing lh<'m guilty of "wa11ton crur>lty :md lmrhnrity" for firing nt riwn
h<'nring wnmHII'd in hiiPrR :1111!. dr>!'tpitr> thr>ir He-el Cross brnssnrds. nt
doclof'l'; who r:mw In I hr> front.
To dr>nl with tlw Rnipl:'rs duririg dnylight., he picked a dr>tnil of
. shnrpshont r>rs -"fi rsl -rlnss wnodsnwn' nnd mount a in m~n ''-who fl:'lt .
"v"ry vinclirfi,·r>lv townrd tlwsP gur>rrillns." lluring th<' night he ·<'Rinhlish('(lpirhts nr~clo_ulpn~IR inlhf' _iunglf' wPIIIolh(' front. in hnpl's nf:
prPvf'nling all·pn~sihilit.v ofsurprisr>. l'vlf'anwhiiP, the work on imprnvang thf'-RiPgr> ln•nrlwo.: mnlinm••l. as ilid his fulminations ronrr>rning
1111' f(Unlit_v of thf' arm.v·~ gi•rwralship.
Ron!'tf'VPlt wns dPiiglilf'd ·nt th~ prornnl ii111 of Wood In hrigndiPr
gt:'n<'rnl nne! hn1wd I hnl IH' nlsn might hr> ·"'"'':tll'd in rank, r>sp<'riillly
h('cnusr> WoPdhnd rPnunnwrHir>cl:hirn ftir lhP nntinn's'h.iglwsl militn1-y
dl'cnrntion. "I think I Pr~rrwd rn~· ('nlnnl'lcv and nwdnl of honor, nnd
hnpl' I g<'l thPm ... hi' wrnlf' In LndgP. "hut it dnr>~n't. n\nkf' much diffl:'rf'nrf'·. fur nothing ,::111 takt• nwav tlw fa~l thnl fnr.tlw lf'n grr>nt rlnys
nf its Iiff' I rnntmmHIPd thP-n•gimf'nt. nnd. !Pel it virtnrin;rsl_v in hard
fought hn It I<' ..
-
No milil an· IP~tdt•r ,.,.,.r oll'Pn•d a mnn• lwnrl fi•lt I'Xpn;;.~inn nf rollfidPrH"f' in. tlw ,.j,·ili:111 1-'nldiPrs who fnllm,·,.,J hin) thnnlhat nfTlwodon•
gHnoRPVPII in'"""'""'"". nfl.•:ulitt'~! tlw Hnt,ll!h HidPr~. liP wt;ntf', "TIH·v·
b
e
COLON. .OOSF:VF:L T
Triumph Tuted •
253
were natural fighters, men of great intelligence, great courage, great
hnrclihood, nnd phyRicnl proweRR; and I could draw on these qualitieR
ilnd upon their A pi rit of ready,-Roldierly obedience to make up for any
dr>fici('nl"i('s in the technif(ue of t.he trade which they had temporarily
ndoptecl."
..
·
He admitted to Henry Cabot Lodge that he had not expected to
cn~e through. He had come through, and now he was "as strong as a
hull mon~e." Proud and hnppy, he basked in the companionshipofthe
nwn he hnd led: He felt cnnnf'd.ed aR never before to the age-old bond
of the hunter. nnd the wnrrinr. exemplified by the hardy souls of the
Anwricnn frontier-cowhoyR, buffalo hunt~rR, nnd horRe soldiersnhnut whom lw had written in The Winning of the West; adventurerR
w'lm hnd con11uered plnins and mountains with gut.R .:md gunR··aml
thf'n hnnd"d togethf'r nR Hough Riden;: In khnkiR, slouching hat, and
pnlkn-dot Rcnrf, he hnd fulfilled every fantARY of little Teedic Roose-·
V<'lt. and hnd left behind tlw !'lickly hoy with the dogeared Adventure
bnok!'l and the bedtime !'ltories of wartime prowess and the toy gunhn'ntR. Now th£' man ~hORl' v~lnr had been proved on the San Juan
llr>ights and vnlidat~d by Wood's recommendation for the Medal of
llnnor could get on with such time tha:t remained ofhis life and meet·
whnt~ve~ chalienges fnte held in store; that is, once the Spaniards
were nt last beaten .and driven. out of the W~stem Hemisphere for
good.
At dnybreak on.July 3 th"Y ngain ope11ed fire from the trees and·
Gmteful that only one of his men had been wou·nded but "very
much annoyed," he made prepnrations to "fix them" the next day. He
dl:'cid"d to Rend twenty of hiR best Rharpshooters into the jungle b_et ween the lineR before dawn. Each with a canteen of water and a little
food, they were to "spend the day, getting as close to the Spanish lines
as poRsibJ(', moving nlJout with great Rtealth, and picking off any hosJil(' shnrp-Rhooter, nR }Yell ns nny soldier who [left himself exposed) in
the trencheR.'!
.i ungle.
· Out it was not to be. The iRsue of a Spanish colony on Cuban soil_
wil!'l being Rettled on water, as Spain's warships came out of the_ harbor ofSant.ingo inn column-Admiral Cervera's Infanta Maria Teresa
nnd thf' Vizcdya, AlmiraniP Oquendo, Crist6bol Col6n, Pluton, and
F11ror. Awniting lh<'rf1 .wen• the Americnn blocknderR, now in the dirf'd ronunnnd of Admiral Sc·hley while Snmpson'i rnriser·ruRhed to
n•:11·h thP impl'ncling fr:l_v.
.
.~
�254 •
e
COLO&OOSE~L T
ARked hv thr in(n11ln Mnrin Trrr.c:rr·~ enptnin fur pl'rmiRRion to
Opl'n firl' liD C:f'\'f'll \\':1 it i li~ A itwrirnn c:hi pc:, cl'r\'f'rrt <Hti:Wf'l'f'd \\'if It n
shnrg.
Tiw cnplnir.t mulfpt·rd. "l'oor Spain."
Nnt tiinn• tlw !-11''1 ltnttlr•R thnt HuuRr•vt•lt hnd pninRtnkin~ly t'l'·
Rf'archf'd nnd dc•c:l'rilwd in T/,. Nrrml \\',,.of /H/2 hnd wntr•r:-: uf tlu•
Wl'RI.f'rn I!Pmisplwn• \\'ilnrssc•d !-lllrh 11 dimnd ic: dn!lh nR t.hnt. which
utifolclrd nn .Julv :1. IR9H First _In hr hit h.v SpnniRh Rhf'IIR wn~ tlw
rruiRc•r ll ,.,,.}d,.,,. fi tl hm·pd hv t lw f'nm I i1· Plli•rt R nf t hr WtllliHic•d w n r.
!-1h1J;·c: tTl'\\' In'"'"'" nollul111~ \\'illdlt'f' hnttli•flhip Tr:.m.'1. ·ni:-:nc:tpr nnr:
rnwly' 11\'f'riPd. I lu• [l,.;,,.ltl\'t; RJII_'d ,,.;.fllwnnl ill(llll'fll.lit nf' tIll' Sp_r111i.t~h
. RhipR l'llll'lj!lllj~ (1'11111 flit'. f'lllllllll'l
Mu11wtd 10 lni n. t Ito• pnrl1• nf Tlt~•ndun• l!ortfll'''"l 1.'11 111 Pt•l 11ilv.v. t It•··
hniiii'Rhip~ Tntl.o:. ( >n·.J!on. nnd /111m. fi,_und·tlw rnnJ.{r fur tlw in/i1111n
Mnrin Trrr•.c:, nnd l:t1111dwd :-:nh·nnfll'r ~nl\'u. lnRtnntly rilin• nnd with
-.
.
.
.
lwr gunH lunwd i_nln.uR••IPII~ wrl'rkt~._ IIIII' I unwd tuwrml t~lwn• nnd
Rtruck rorkc:. Thr('r-qunriPrs of nn hour n·nl'r C('rvf'nt'R .hid fi11· the
freedom of tlw high Sf'ns, his Ongsltip wns n burning. l'Xplodif\g ruin.
Tiw Almirnnfr n.,,,;llln soon Rt•fTerrd t Jlf' Rnme fntr ..
Thl'n it 1vns lhf' turn nftlif' ship thnl nnre hnd pnnick('d NPw York-·
.f'rg, thl' Vi;rnm l'nundf'd at clnsl' rnngf' tirimirnlly, by tlw Rronklynl.
Rh£> mnnngNI ln.rnusp"lhr nnl.v Am-~rirmi fntnlit,v-nftlw four-hour Rf'n
rhtl'l. As ('hirf Yt>nnwn (;pnrgf' Ellis nllf'lliJ'tl'd tn ~f't the rnngf' fur
A~lmirnl Srhlt>_/s gurllif'rs, :'1 \"ill'n.\'11 shf'll •·ippPd ofT hi~ hrnd ..
AR thr \"i;nrm hla7.1'd, snilor~ 1111 tlw Tr•xa.'1 broke into dwl'rs.
Captnin :John l'hilip silf'JH'('d lhf'm with, "Don't cheer boyR. Thnsf'·
poor df'vil~ nrf' dvin~.··
Titl' lnsl oftlw annndn to gowns I hi' rH;Wf'st and fnsl.est Rhip, lhP
Cri.<1lnho/ Co/,ln. ( ltrt~pr•d nnd mrtgunnf'cl, sh(', ton, !waded for the ignominy nf.tbr rocks. This w~c; nlso nn irony; the Spanish Pmpire in
.lhf' N('w Wnrld'l"fllllf' IIi its' f'llll on tlw slwrf'R of lhr Pf'nrl of lhr
Antillf's with tlw dt>slrurlinnnfn ship thnt_ hnnnrPd th~ mnn who hnd
f'~t n hli s hi:d ·I h n I rIll pi n• ( 'It ri st ntlhN ·C 'olur1i lrus.
In lhf' P:trl_v hnur!-' of 1\londn.v mornin~. Admirnl Siunpson •·nhiP·d
tlw llf'WS nf \'idor~· In llw Na''.Y J)ppnr111ll'lll: "Tiw nr•rl undt•r my
{'nmmnnrl ofTprs tlw n:11inn ns :t Fn1111 h of .Jul.v prPsrnt 1111' who II' of
Cl'rvf'rn 's flPrt"
;)
11lf' Jll'f'\'11111~ mnrnJIIg, c: .. nrrnl Shnlll'r hnd nisi• Rf'lll n lllf'S~n~l'
)to \Vnshinc.tnn I I" informPd ~,, ... ,., nn· nf \V:~r Algrr. "WP havl' town
1.'-'nnll:lg,.J \\o•ll.ln\·pc(r·d "" llio• ir•11l'lr :1nd l':t"l. l11il \\'illr :1 \'1'1'\' thin
Triumph. Tasted •
255
. line." He warned that with Spanish defenses "so strong i~ will be
impmu:iible to carry it by_ Rtonn·with my present force and I am seriOIIRiy conRidering withdrawing about five miles and taking up a new
pnRition."
After ('fiJlRulting with a deRolato McKinley, Alger cabled in reply
t.hnt Shnfter waR, of courRe, beRt qualified to judge the situation. He.·
\vf'nt. on, "If, however, you cnn hold your present position, especially
Snn .Junn hoightR, the effect upon the country would be much better·
llllln fnlling hack.".
·
Hichard Harding_ DnviR hnd Rent hi~ own gloomy rep6rt. The situ;,, ion in tl1o rifle 1iitfl nn lt\n mnrning of tho third, he enid, Wall moRl
c'l'il ic·nl. "Onn 1unolt cli11nHtnr in tho air."
A!wnyK rondy to lnvoko political Influence where it counted,
HnnRovelt RRR«'RRed thf' plight' of tho army· and wrote .to LOdge in langung«' thnt, if rend by nny of Roo!levelt'R immediate commandcrR,
would mean a court-mnrtinl:
Tell the President for Heaven's sake to send us every regiment and
nliove
every battery possible. We have won so far at.heary cost;
but the Spaniards fight very_ hard and charging these intren~hmerits
ngainst ~odern rifles.is terribl_e. We are within measureable distance
of a terrible military disaster; we must have help--thousands of men,
batteries, and food and ammunition. The other volunteers are at a
hideous disadvantage owing to their not ~aving smokeless ·powder.
Our GenPrRI is poor; he is too unWieldy to get ' to the front:
.
.....
.
nil
Meanwhile, at Shafter'R headquarters at-Siboney, one of the genernl'R aides, Colonel Edward McClemand, had a suggestion for the
.gouty.·and pouting general. "Let us make a. demand on them to surrender."
Shafter ruminated a full m!nute, then said, "Well, try it."
At 8:30 ·Sunday morning, an hour before the ships of the U.S.
Nnvy Righted CcrverR'R flngRhip in the harbor's channel, McClemand
clrnflecllhe following on behalf of Shafter to General Toral:
. I shall be obliged; unless you surrender, to shell Santiago de
Cubn. Plcnse inform the citizens of foreign countries, and all ~omen
nnd children, that they Rhould leave the city before 10 o'clock tomor-.
·row morning.
Torn! ofTpred n~ f'nlicing nlternnt.ive nt n'meeting under a flag of
lnH'I' on .July 10. If I hi' Anwric.nn~ wrrc to fire• over the city, too high
�256 •. COLO.
•
HOOSF:\'F:LT
Triumph Tasted •
to do any hnrm. Toml wi11dd I)(' ju!'ltifiPd in <'vncu_nting under Pll('my
fire, then•h.v snving livPs (ln hnth sidP~ nnd, incidentnlly, presprving
·the honor nf Spnin, Slwfi(•r. with his 1'.\'PS on t.he likt>ly·cnrnnge. t.hnt.
would lllTOmp:m_v·nn nssnult nn I lw rity nnd kN•nly nwnrP nfmounting numhPr!> nf his rnPn fpiJpd hv nwlnrin. nref'plf'd tlw propn!<nl.
Wht>n Honsl'vl'll fi11111d nut. hiR 11('111'11 li1r ~PnPrniRhip fiiiNI n ·.Jul.v
10 IPtft•r In l.nd~r· lhnl 1'1'\'t'I'IPd In hi!-1 1111\'nl IPximn In dr>nniiiH'I' llw.
,Arw•rin111 rnminn11dr•r "\Vr•
Ill' firirru lirrt• nn• t'l'nt..v .lwei nf Jll'l'llPIII ·
ht•r·nu~" C ; , . " Sluifl,., .•~ lne·killJ! 1111cl \'l'l'rinJ! 11!-1 to whr•lhPr or 11111 IH•
will.d"'''' ;\·it h lltr• Splllllltrd .. · n•ep.ll'~l In nllr.tw lhl'lll. In wnlk n11t 1111
nwiPilll'd It wdl J.,. n J:""''' nti!-!liti'llltll• I 11 IH'I't•pl II'~~ I hnn ,.,;,·undi.
lr11nnl ~IIITI'Ildt·r .\\',. 1'1111 ~11n·l.v ~"I llw \\'hnlr• Spnni11h nrm.\' ·nnw, nt
I lw t'o!>l of prnhahlv 1111! 111111'1' I h~n n mupiP dn,vs' fight in g. ehiPfl_v
hnmb;l nlnwnl ...
•'
"'·'I
WhPn l'rr·sul••nl 1\ld\inJp~· IPnnwd 111' lhP ShnfiPr-Tnrnl dt'nl. lw
nlsn Wll!'l horrifj.,,j" II I' 'llld Shn npr· .. "Yr"llll' lllf'!'l!'lllJ!f' rl't'nlllllll'lllli ng
thnt Spnnish lrnnp" lu• pPrrnift,.d In r•vne·unlt•
is n gr..-nt st:u·prisP.
nnd it is neil npprn\'l•d ..
On Sund:n· aflPmn11n .. Jul.v
Ill,
n \\'f•Pk nflpr lhP mnssn<TP n!'tlw
Spani~h. fll'<'l. ll:l\'~· guns swi\'<'IPd slwrp\\·nnl iwd IIJWn<'d fi rP
i111
tlu~
city. Tlw h11mhnrdnH.'''' nml in11Pd 11111 il 1'\'l'ning. pnus<'d. nnil rPsunwd
Mon'ilny. It lnsiPd until 100 I' 1\1.
.
.
Thl'n rnnw ~il!•m·l' nnd. ns lmllu~idf'!'l consid<'red whnt tn do IH'XI;
nn unPnsv. unspnkPn kind nf lr\11:1' fonk hnld,
Htlll!'lf'\'Pit \'JP\\'~•d I lw lull ns "m"n;l v n furtlwr rP!'IRnt inn 111' host il i,
li<'s.. b.v tnrit ngrPPrii .. nt" :1l1d kPpt his ·,,:oops ,;f'iJunlly vigilnnt, <'SJlP·
·nnii.Y at itight .. i\fppfing his ollirf'r~ whilt• inspPct.ing tlwir lihf'S, h<'
snt nnd I nlkPd \\'II h I lwm nnd wmtdPrPd what shnpl' lh<' nutennw of
th~ si<'gP \\'fluid tnkP Jl{. fpJf ronfldPnt thnt Snntingo would lw cnplur<'ci."hut "" \\'fl"n't ·surp <'Xndl,v how.: Failurt> In Pstnhli!'lh nn.v dPpot
fnr pnwi!'inns nn lhP fii!hting li11P .. wlwrt> lhPrP wns rn.rf'lymnrP lhn11
n dn)·s· worth (If fond. inndf' ilw risk \'Pr.v SPrinus. Sh!lllld' n hurrirmw·
strikt> Uw trnnspnrts. "srniiPri11g thPm to thP fnur.,vipds,:· nr ifthrf'f'
·days nf'lwa\'y rnin hrnkP up thP lirws nf supply, Rtnrvntion wnuJd·JH~
r<'rtnil1. HPg:-tnlilll! :!n attack 1111 tlw rity.lw for<'snw lhP loss of n
qunrtPr of tlw 11lf'n. :-tltd llf' hnpPd lhP oril ... r In nttnrk wnuld nnt hP
n<'f'dr>d 1\11':111\\'llllP. )1" and his 1111'11_ l'nllld 1111l.Y sit.. nnd wnii.
~ "F:nch dn.\· "'" ""l'·•·d,.d ,.ifhPr In"!'" tlw cil.v SIIITPildPr. or ltP told
.. In lwg-in fi1!hl11tJ~ :11::nn.'', lw "'~'"'"· ":~nd ''"'·ani the• """ it 1~,:,.\\. so
257
irksome that we would have welco~ed even an assa'ult in preference
·to further.innction."
His old friend from the Dakota badlands, Fred Herrig, was espccinlly frustrated. Ari AIRnlian, he spoke with a h~avy accent that
turned "gun detail" into "GON~detel" and "guerrillas~ into "gorillas."
fl1nflmuch llR the gorilln11 were now forbidden game, he asked RooRevPII. might. ho ho nJJowod to· J{ll
R"Uin(lR h(lnR inatand?
UooRI'VI'It gnvl' JWrmiRHion t.n him.nnd nnothcr RhnrpRhooter, with
'
..
t lu• n•HuiHhnt. Anvm·nl wild fitwl were hnrveHlod. All wore providod to
1111'11 who hnd fnlhtil 'ill with fi~liPr nnd were hoing cnrcd. for iri a make~
11hifl ho11pitnl. Hl'.t. up hy Dr. Church. Looking in on tho stricken,
Hon11c•vnlt found it pitiful to find them lying on their blankets, if they
lwei nny, or in the mud, with nothing to eat but hardtack and pork.
Amon~ them wns Cnptnin Llcwellcn, whom Roose.velt feared ·woul~
di<' if he W<'re not sent to n hospital in the rear .. Despite Llewellen'R
protestR, he WEt's transferred. (He survived and was still in command
ofTrnc)p U when the Rough RicierR were mustered oufofCuba.)
An nspPct. .u( the ·tmensy t.ruce that Rom~cvelt welcomed was the
opportunity it afforded to spend time with various visiting military
nit ocheR and foreign ob~ervers. He especially enjoyed being able to
!<pond time with Richard Hnrding Davis (by now regarded as a kind
of public relations man for the Rough Riders).
Shortly !lflerniiddny on July 10 when.;the fighting began again,
il hPcnnw. evident to Roosevelt that the enemy troops did not have
much lwnrt in it. The· next day the' r~giment was_ shifted to guard the
I•:J Cnney road, long-since pacified. AB the men settled down and
Roosevelt l)rganized his tent, the worst storm of their Cuban experiPnrl' ripped through the camp: When n gust blew down his tent,
Hrms<'velt, who had completely uhd~essed for the .first lime since the
ln11;ling nl Dni.quirf, g;oped blindly in the darkness for-his clothes.-At'
In st. finding them inn muddy puddle, he made his way to the kitchen
tent. Tl~<'rf', "gnnCi lloldermnll; the Cherokee," wrap.ped h.im in dry_.
hlnnkds nrid mnde n bed for him on a table that had been liberated . ·
from nn nbandone.d house.
Encnmpcd by the road to El Caney, the commander of the Rough
HidPrs fnced n new problem. The fighting hnd made thousands of
.WOin('ll, children, eJdcrJy porsons, and other noncombatants into refuJ.!I'P.S. Most worn pem~nnt.s, hut. he found "not n few ofthe best families"
ntllllllJ! tlwm. Although low on rations I hPrnselves, the troops shared
nnor
�e
258 • COLO.ROOSF:VF.LT
Triumph Tasted • · 259
whnt they had unl il Boo!':PVPII fpJf. "duly hnunrl tn kl'ep my own rPgiment nt till' highl'!':l pilc;h nf fighting Pniril'ttey" nnrl orderl'd them to
"im~i~t. lhnl tlw rPfiii!PP~ ~hnuld go In lwndqunrll'r!':."
ThrPP dnv~ nllc•r .,, ... ntm·p lo El .l'ntH'V, nnoth .. r lllPf'ling look
piRcl' undl'r n llng of lntrP J,pf\vPPII ShaflN. <:c•nPml NPison.l\liiPs
(~rently nrri\'Pdl. r~nd <:PnPrnl Torn!. Tlw Anwrirn!l~ rnnw In tlu•
tnlk11 with an llllf'IJIIinwal nw~~~~l!l' from 1\kJ<iniP,Y nnd AlgPr lo II If•
Spnni!lh cnmmnrull'r: "ThP wny In stu·n•ndl'r is to surrf'rliiPr:."
._In tlw <lgr~>PmPnl to Pnd thl' hoslililiPs, !:llrrr>ndrr hermnf' c'npilu·
In linn. A rl'rJ•mnn.v fitr I hf' 11igni IIJ! of Jlll_pr'n~ l'tHii ng Uw wnr wn~
Alated for Sundn.v .. July 17, in Snnlingo's t'l'ntral pl!\zn.
With lhf' ril.v !lf'l'llrf'l_v in ~nH•rirnn hnnds, Roospvplf f!Pnl. in n
clc•tnilnf Mix l!uuuh l!idf'l'14 with 11 pnl'k ft•nin nncl hiM uwn 11\llllc•.v lu
lilly whnlf'\'l'r "t~implt• dPiic·nt·il'll .. llwy mil(hl. lny tliPir hnndH 1111 to
illla(lllf 1 111 I Ill• fiii'IIV.f'l 1111 iiiiiH ill t'IIIIIJI
lln.lnl\'.1'1. pi•n•·,. nlliu·dc•d hint lhf' ltt."'tll·v nfwrilitil~ lc•lfpn• with
11111 ilu• 1'-JII'I l~tltott "' l~t•lflll llt1•d
ll1· l111 ll11•
1\'1'111.111
, tt
"I"'"
ttly lu ""'' 1tu111 l.~ttlv.t•
'""II''"'
1
I "'I"
llltllttllll, .. lllijoll l1o1ttla1·d
11hl1111111, lq
.~IIIII 111111·, 111111 1'~11111·11111.~ I(~ .~lllll·l.ltlllkiiiM IIIIW
1
, ""d"l' :.... ,.1~- .. " 1;, "''"'I I ·nl" '" ., ''""" tl,tl
.. i. It
I. I I:"
I tl t
I" . I
•
II .
't 1111
I
I 1. "
II t . IiI j;
I
I"
I It
1111·
nl111h• 111111• 11l
lltttll WMMjllNllli~tllll
II I oliol ""I'"' I ......... ,
Ill. II" I' I I II II II Ill II IIIII Ill
lltl ~Hill, IIIII IIIII IIIII flllllk lltHIH_II.~ltllll.~ 111•1' ~IIIII~ IHI~ttltHHtlltl~
fltt•
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dirt..v
lin_c•n,lw 11111tl. hut """r llw llln.'nuouM ndvoC'nl.c• uf Anwricnn n•nclirWHII,
lu• f'llllflntwd. ·.~w,. ntt~ltt lo pmfil h.v uur hillPr f'XJWril'nt'r'R in.llw rwxt.
r'XJ'H'riil innM "
To hrollwr·in lnw I lnuulnH Huhirumn Itt·· 141'111. thnnkH fi1r n box. of
nwdiririi'PI nnd tlllllc·n·lnti,.,H I ".ittHI ~vltul I "''''dl'd"lnntl n n•qllf'Hl. llutl
Duu~ln11 lind nul 1l 1111 PXII'n pnir of hn•c•rlu•H nnd n 111'1 of J.(nilf'I'H hntl
"''''" 1'1'111 Itt T""'l''' ''""· If ""· wl~t·llt .. r ll~t•v rnttltl lu• litnvnrdt•d to
Cuba. Pernonal comfort A!line, he felt a need for introspection. "WhatPv~r C"omesl l cannot !lay how glad I am to have been in this.:_! feel I
now IPnve t.he children n memory that will partly offset the fact that
I d1i not leave them much mnney."
.
.
Thf' pn!lt three weeks with the regiment of Rough Riders, he _B,!lid,.
· wPre "th(. crowi1ing weeks" of his life. "There is nothing I would have
PxchnngP.d for having led it on honwback."
A n~lc to "Darling Corinnc".11aid simply, "Triumph tasted."
'
. ;-
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [3]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 4
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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5/13/2014
Source
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-003-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/f451f4c39e62d087b6be02ae0cec9aa7.pdf
16917d5d5462ac0884dcb250a46fb1aa
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff..
Folder Title:
I
Roosevelt Medal ofHonor [binder] [4]
:
I
I
I
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
i
I
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I
Original OA/ID Number:
I
4021
Row:
Section: ·Shelf:
Position:
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The c1valrymen- on rhe slope of Keule Hill were delayed by the
lir-.r of rhc Spanish cntan~kments. F.nemy en~ineers had used green
p;lfml'llo poles sel_ in rhe ground. twe11ty-five _feet apart and strung
ll'ith rhil'k slr:mds of harhed wire. The advan_ce was halted while two
IIH'Il of rht; tJih forced enough of the wire down to let Roosevelt get
hic; hi11·sc anms and into the lane l~a~ling up the knoll._ Lpoking over
hi-. ~houldcr. Roosevch saw lrqopcrs moving in hack of him and in
rill' ficld·ro rhe righr. Some were screaming epithets as loud as they
ll.lllld. while' l{uosevch again waved his hat to rally them. 1
Nc\ I I he·metrfaced a d~·nsc hedge where openings had to be cut
wirh machl'll'S. Troopers poured throu~h the narrow passages they
111adl', l11rrhn hlt·1idi11g rhe 9th and rhe Rough Riders. The men also
ltadr,, va11h over a11old hrush fence. One.Rough Rit.ler:re:called land-- __\lll-~...!-''1. ''~I~ ~·f -'-' hl_;l_t~_J!!.H'Pt.:f..fr5!!!l. tlw <Jth,_l>~spite_!lle urg<;_n_q~. __h_c~
rnmc·d In a-.Lrht·.man\ pardo11 ar;i.l'saw.thauhe lrooper was dead. __
\Vt1l111ut 11111Vin~-t thl' hod~· '"'' ofi_lll' way, the Rou~h Ridt'r hnstil}'
tclc,illed the flow of volull.lt-ers and_r_t•gulars in the short r~tshes that
had heeit· cirdnelL'·
·
As.rlw l\1ausn volleys slmvnl.rhc pace of the charge quickened.
Rnnscvl'lr said L11n 1ha1 the whole cavalry division was "tired of
-\\'olitit·l,!-:md ~·;tgcr lp dose wirh tl.1c enemy." Once ·more, ·the assault
\\';1<; ;, lllllh goirig all-out. R(ulS('Velt was racing against both his own
me11 and rlw olhcr lrnopns lo n·;Khthe crcst'of Ketde Hill. He was
dernmi11nl lo g~~j I hnc firs!. .
A Uulc ri!tick Aut
Most ·of 1ill' w;ucorrespor1drnts covering the_ hattie of San Juan heeded
\h;lfln\ advice and went tp Fl Caney during.the mornin~ of July 1:
( lnlr six ·journalists and two photographers remained on the hiiL.at
Fl l'oso. They wuld, sec ·rhc-cnri~:e held of hattie at San Juan in the
hrighr- tropical sunli~hi.Thc t·orrcspondcnts nor iced a l<.llle Spanish sentinel standing quierly on a rise far to Iheir left, holding the reins ~f h_is motionless hor~e.
<ln S;Htju;ln Jlill, there was ;t Spanish officer who looked to he half.
ac; tall as a Jiin~ Wearing a dariper l'ai1ama 'hat while strolling along
dlt' Spanish defenses, he sigrl<llcd hy gesrming with a stylish walking
_c;ritk. Front rh(· -trenrhc.-. ar his feet ClllH' volleys of Mauser hullcts.
I c""I hi,_ -.idc· rh·,. ;lltillrrr o;c·c·tnnl tn rn;rr. The rnrre~pnndrnr.; did not
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dllu" of huhhles from opcnin~ a 1t1agnum of extra-dry·ch~mpagne. 9
With lield ~-:lasse~. the correspondents could distinguish clearly
·that Roosevelt was riding at the head of.the cavalrymen running toward the rouild.hillock. li1 the veteran journalist~, Roosevelt repreScntt:d the finest in t\mrric;~n manhood. He made the _correspondents .
want _to ;~pp_laud his audaciiy. To history huffs, the hlue polka-dot
handallll;l floating hehind his 11ead like a pennant was reminiscent of
llw scarf of British Cen. llenry Havci~Kk at the Sepoy Mutiny in
India. i{onscvelt's white suspenders were crossed over his blue shirt..
Jnmnalists knew th;H a heavy revolver was tucked inside his hclt;
Thi<> was the weapon that had ~1ecn recovered hy divers atthe wreck
of 1hc battleship Maine in 1-la.vana h;uhor. 111 _
·
Riu1sr.velt had the"c;~sual air <if the 'amateu-r of war. He was a
gl~ntleman v.olunreer. rathcr .. th;ll.l.a .methodicaLprofessional.soldicr-·
who gor the joh done effortlessly ·and-selflessly~ No· (me- who saw
J{omcvclt take· that dangerous ride helieved he would finish it. His
part in the ass;wlt lo;1ked like utter-recklessness, hut unquestionah!y
he se_r the p;1cr of the Rough Rider~· cha:r~e up Kettle Hill. He moti-.
v;llcd his men - to win thr da)'. 11 ~
Ri111111~·d 1)'1~~/a.(.<CJ a11d a Ikami11S Smile
.
.
l{nllst·vrlt took ;t l'i\kulatt•d vit·w i1f the risks lw rnn. lie wnili h;1vin~
what he cilnsidcred to lw i\ hully iight. "(()him, the char~e was great
fu.n.- I k saw no man ahead of him to detract from his achievement.
.
.
I It- JH'Vl'r thouJ(ht, hi.· insisted lntrr, thnt hr would last through.
llw day witluult ~rttin~ hit. llr was a student of war nnd he had n
· llwory nh,·n•r his rok in·ihis l'illllpniJ(n. Even if struck hy the Spnni~h
hulli·t lw nntil'ipatt·d, lw li~llrl'd thnt tlw odd!ii would he nt len11t thrcr
Ill one ill LIVor of his hl'ill~.llll'rely wouiuled rat.hcr than killed.
did l~l>t hclie~r th;~fa.sin~le hullet.wound t<>uld st<)p him f~oni heing
first on the crrst of the hill. 11
. . t\ Fifth Avenue Boyw;~tched as the elated Roosevelt galloped hy,
yellin~ "like aSioux.:· The trooper turned to his Arizonan mate whiie
rhey wrrr prone during a p;~use between ~ushes. He confessed that he
had learned to respert Roosrvclt ;~sa soldier, ;1lthough "a couple of
\Taro; ago wr people in New York didn't think Teddy knew enough
;I hour rhc milit;H~' ro rc~icw :1 p;~radc of cops." The westerner s;~w
1 " " ' r11lll'd· l'iofcJil'c rrnt'l in): (,.""' :111. '.'IICXJWI'Ird ~onrcr. I lc admit~
1111k the t\mn1,·.111 '·"·Jin "'""ld·~"i,·i,.,. rhi· 111urdcro"" Spa11io;h
illlliJC·:·
hn.rll1. 11lw11 11 l.. ,,knl IJHIII·fl f'u"' ·'' d rlw t\mniu111 lorn·"
""ld h.ll'l' '" ll'llf',lf.· lltr f'l'"llll_i .. lll ,.,,, .....'fl')lldt·llto; \\'l'rt' aston
lwd 111 ...... "·h.11 lnnkt'd hkt· .1 I!ide hl.11 k ;II II nawl into.thr ydlt•wh ~rrrn ol 1hc tlp,·n IIH',Hio\\' i.n rlw l';llln. The shapl' th;H from.far
,,·,n· "cemcd 11111 w,,, f{nn~nch. hmni11~ ·IC.'<as til\vard the lrad of·
II' ao;c;;wlrinJ! trn;•pn~: ." t\n· in1:h or l\\'llhchiud him W;lS thr_r;~~~r·d
•c of ndtcr hnln .1111'· .t'nll dwn .. tnufhn line nf ;\nro; at a different
.llt', .'wd tf.('li .l11111f.n. llll!d II "l'l'IIH'tf ;t~o; If SIIIIIChod~· had duJ.: ;I
iLk inrn.1 1:•r.tl f.t)".. 111t,· "~''' dn\\'11 in the \';din·. and all the di..rmlwd
'''-liTre 1111 IIH·,·, 11'.1\. 111 '' 1.1111hlr "I' rhc •dnpc." t\lorc l·nnl'i,·i.d
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led, "J don'flll'\Tr.;q~.lilllrllq IHl 111;111 wilh ri111111Cd C}'Cglasscs and a
;,lllilt· ... , '
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.heamin~
Ycr Hclll\l'\Tit ;tl ... ll 111nl-: rime 111 he t""'l'·'''i"rr;llc, hr his li~hr ...
While riding .ll11ng rlw lure. l~t· rroritql a lloCIJll'r hlecding hc;1vilr
from ;I Lrt r;rl wonird .111d nrdnnl rhe 111an ,,; rht· rear for llH;dicd
;lllcrrrion. rl~t· ltllfiJ'''~' krH·w hi . . ~llllllll.tlldcr \\'ell. "Yo11 go ro lwll."
he 'II,Hkd. "l'ni "''' ):nin):_I•.Hk 1" Hno,·n·i·lr lmnnl hi-; hor.~e ;1\\';l\·
wrrh11111 rt''-l'(•rhlrn):.' '.
,\ hrr I{ n1 "n dr .rnd h" 11 H'll .h h-;lnu·d 1111 rill' -;Jopt· ol llll' Iill lc rorurd
l11ll wirhnrrr. "!!llilr~ .llrt.·lllndr.irr~t·.· rhn· t .litH' ,,·l ;i riwrc dillinrlr t'll .
r.mglcrr rn ll •. lnnrll('r '-•' l11n1- hi,:h 1>:11 hcd- wi rc· knn· '!t'l ti~taJ..:'J•y Sp;l 11 io;h
cngirrt't'r'. H11"'~'~ cit, nnld nnrgcr ·Ji-,,,, "'·,·r or aronnd rhc wirl'.·l It"'·"-·" _.,·.;r.rnd . . rrll.- lrrcd "" while he looked for men with nippc~· ...
-·.- · ~'-\\'t· t·.11r dn·l~~·rr~·r· rlr~rn·nippt·r._,,-: rlic· t\rilott;lll Bard\h;lr·o;holllc~l-.~
I )l_·,j'ilfr ~ 1.11 ,-.:-, .-,-_1 '• illc r\ :: t·ti ·.: i·ft<·,·, lrr~ ;·r i 1iu lid 1ht-ri 1; ht• phi fotTf.nfcn ·
.11 ,,·oodcnr''"'' rrdlll' lc·n,,:,nrd ltfrcd e.H 1, c•l riH'III 11111 ofrhc grorrrrd.
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.
w;rll.; hi,·hnr<.c: <.lldrdh .1~111'-~.-lhc· IIH'Il al"' ;id\·;rlltTdlln'l' rhc wire
.md ·\l.lllcd """i"11: IIJ' riH: '1"1''' .1g:1111·.·1':
A <.hor 1 ·d 1'-l.l 11< c· 1'.1 q · rll!'. dt~\\·nnl lcnn·. HcH 1'\l'\Th \ nT~Ll''"''"
wert· .'-hor nil ,,,. ;f hrrllc·r· ir11111 the rt';H. Thi' ln-.-. he had prepared· for.
llninrured. he lrrllll•lnl in hi-. pn~·kcr for ;lnorl;cr pair of c~·q~LIS\(''\,
lorrnd rhcm .. rrrd I'"' rhn11 c111 whilr qiiJ .ridrng ahc;ld. lie ,;1adc 110
IIH'IIIrnn 111 rill' lllrtdc·nr .11 riH· .1i111c hl'l'_;lir.~c· he \\';fo; afraid rhc rc~ulars
would aL·~·"''' lun1 "' h.l\·in~ rur.nrd '" rlrc reM like a cowMd. 1·1c_ roo
rrroncnmk rlwughr rlrr weak -:-r q Volnlllccro;.from New York had
hrcnl•chind lum. I It- ~·,rrld 11111 ;~,·u·pr rk11 rhe ht_dlct clmc from a
\\'rldfirlll)! H"rll:h I{Hft'-r.''
~ ( )111\-. 111111 (IIIIIJ'C'I ~ kl'J'I J'.hl' \\:ith 1{1111\('\'('Jr ;IS~rJH'\' hrr-.rJnJ !Ill
f11n1 "I' the 111\\'l:r p.rrr cd rl~t· l~tllnl k .. In .uidiric11\ lo .lbnl•drar ;ti'HI
t ·nl11r Bt-';Hn \\.rl,:lu. rhc: IlLII! fr:c.llll ·1\ Trc·u1p who hallrhc moo;·r car·
"Pirrtrri~ '"Ill' 111 rl11· rq,:rrncnr \\·a\ alclll~'>idc J{oosevch. J\r1owrr ro _
hi-.t·nmr.rdc· ... r~ "rlrc lllrman meg;~ phone .." he ri.·mainrd ncar rhe u1lo- ·
ncl to rcpc·:ll nrdn .. in t_hr htihhuh of thr h;tlllc. The r.11r11 hra).!J.!cd
rlr.ll l11o.. \'llllC' \\.,,, ;ludrhlr t'\'l'll \\'lll'rr huglc IIIli!''> would not c;~rrr.•1lrr hn1n;rn nrq:.rl'h"rlt' "··'' 'CI lond rlr;rr hrgli•dr "J'l\lking \pani'>h
11lfi, ,:,, "" rht l;, .• ,:lrr' 1 l.t~Jilrd !IH·\ hLrrd hi111. t\frrr dw li;tftlt-. _tlrC\' ·
.1..\-.nl ·" lr.11 h, lr.,,l ,1,,.,., .I. ll11·1· ·.. 11il 11,. '. llltilll.llhl l1.1rl '"""'lt-d
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like ".Johnso11's hreet:hes," hur they couldn't find anything close· in
their dicrion01ry. Roosevelt replied th<lt he had ordered "charge by
rushes," ;I pt17.7.ling explanation for the Spaniards.rR.
The fourth trooper who sprinted next to Texas' saddlebags was a
priv;11c w;1rricd 01hout his own safety. He told himself, "If Teddy was
. 11111 on rhar horse, rht· huiiC'ts would not he co~ing so dose. It i~ not
· .. J.:ood for rhc ( :olonel to he on horseback. He might get _hit." After
dcharin'J~ with himself while he ran, he implored Roosevelt to dis111o1111i. I lis plc01s were ign:ored.'~
Following Roosevelt were the Rough Riders' troop guidons
\lrcamin~ yellow in the sun. Some.of rh~ troopers hehind the guid6ns
fell our 11i1der Spanish fire. The rest closcJ ranks and pressed on, some
ig11oring.head ;tnd L'hest wotuHis to st01ywith the troops. The cavalry- "
men·shot (;t pid ly <lS therra ll·llp what-they described as forty-degree - "·. ·irl(·lirw;·J.ike R<H>seveit, th<.yappe...red to he enjoying the charge:One rrnoricr from Oklahom01 had his c;~mpaign h01t knocked off hy a huller rhar went rhrou~h the crown ·without hitting hi_m. He stopped to ·
pil'k-up the hat, s01ying, 'Til have to p<ltt:h that ttp with a h!t of stick-·
ing plaster, or I'll get n~y hair su11hurned." His companions laughed.
The trooper.\ h01ir was.thc;. reddest ii1 the ~egiment. 20 ·
Beclllse o{ iheir.split alignment <lt the start, most of the rst and
· •HI~ regiments \vereadv01ncing upthe sides of the hillock at r8o de. )~rTes to t01d1 other. The Roitgh .Riders were in between.
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·Ririe mrd llrowtJ Traces
The experierKed British <lttai.:hc who was with.tl~e corrcspo~dents on
F.l Poso decl...rcd that he w01s distressed to sec Roosevelt at the head
of rhe g01llant <ltt;1ck: lie believed the exposure would inevitably lead •
ro tragedy for the colonel and the Rough Riders. Nevc~theless, the
ariachc claimed th<ll the fight for Santiago would ran~ as one of the
glorioirs h~trtlcs in rhe world's mili'tary history. The Englishman compared thr ass01ttlt by the Rough Riders to the charge of his own
.wuntry's legcnd01ry Light Brigade. 11
The <1'rt<1rhc had ohservrd the Mauser fire coming frclm San Juan
llill a~ the Rough Ridrrsstruggled to ascend the knoll. He watched
1ncn dropping from injury or exhaustion as the tropps surged upw;ml. To him. rhe (!'('.;(of S:m Ju~n I fill W:lS sputtering !ike asmokill): ,-,J.-:1111~ nrrprirrg 111:11 hit' .,fnH'I;d rh:ll pt'llctr;rrc.d :tnti stung. hur
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then: W;l<. no '>~gnof,\mnit an-. faltering. F\Til when Spani-.h gunfire
wa-. at ito; !wight. he l·ould tell from the AnH·rir.ans~ resolute stance
tha·t thn Intended to re;1d1 the top, imt a.; memhers of-tbe doomed
Light Brig;Hk migl11 ILl\T thought thC'\' would gain.their-·goal.
·r he ;Hh·.1nu· "I' 1\ettlc II ill \\";1<; o;Jo\\', ;ls the alladu; _'saw it. ·Jn
painting<. ;lnd dr.1\\"111go.; of the d1arge. the trnnpcro; a·n· -.hown nui11111~~ IIJ' the ':r.1dc i11 ln11g rcg11l.n rti\\·, l•chind lllOlllllnl.l{o~_"nTit.
Nn photngr;1phn , •. , t~rdt·d •. he trnc l.'Illllh·. hut nnly the fn11r_trnnp
t'r' ran at J{ ........ ,.cfl\ ""!'. I h.- n·.;t nl the nit'll were spn-;ld IIIII in"
hal k .of 1hem. ""' 111 ;.,,,.., hut ·'' 111.dl\·1du;ik 1->urinJ~ p;lllo;co;,_nH·n
pl. Ked I hcnl'cl\ I ' ' l•cllllltf \\·1dch q ;lltncd l•u.;·Jll'" ;Jcspite:rJw bl k nf
prntedlnll lr••111 1>1111.-r,. A, tht· <:oldin.; 11rcd. thn· dimht;d o;Jnwn,
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knowin~ th.u j•n'••n.d dis.J<;fn could l·onH' ;11 all\' <;!C'p, hurnot dra\\'IIIJ.! hall. I rnm I I l'i..,n thn· \\'t•rt· o;ccn ·'"thin hrown trarn neeping ·
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high.er ,;,,·iht· hiii.;ZJ ... - -- - - ··- ---
. Mar·,,: oi r.hc lll·t.;, going ;,p the slope ILHI hand-rolled cigarc!le-;
SIIKk in their mnnrh..-. tht· I:C'ul_t of .111 unexpedcd issue of 11tharco
rhatnH•IIllllg. l"hn "·en· 1111111ing. shonting .. md o;mokingatthe o;amc
ti1111:. ( ltfln, hl'ltf .J'IIIJ:o.; nf lt~h;ll.lll in..itfc rJwir lllllUihs, againq their.
g11m.;. Thn· w.111tnl tn o.;;l\·nr rlw moist ILI\·pr of ·the oilr n_il".l•tinc:
before drnng 11111 the lc;l\·,.,··,o ll'l' another da~·.!' ·>
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A lew tronpn" were lllllllllling, not noisilv hut quierlr to theill,cfn·'· Their f.l\·nrltc ,,;,H' "'·'" ;,:l"hne'll lk a 1-lot Ti111e i1~ thi.· Old
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lil\VIl fi,·.Night. ·· Nnnne <;;lng; 1_111t C\Til h~·nms." ~lost \Ven· just holler-.
ing, letting ;nr 11111 nl the1r l11ng' tn relic\T lension.!-1
The llH'Il "·rn· in tht· ••J•rn. hut thi:ir hasic nnotion wa~ anger, not
lear. T.hl'\' '-lid thr \p.1.i1i;1rd-. hitting them hard wc'r.(' hil!ing behind
lortiticd w.dk li,· .lddllinll. the I )nl". lbg lie\\' lron1 a sia'tf•a1id( i1i.
the eartll\\·nrk<. 1111 tlll'·hcights. It \\';Is the liro;r time tiwst ~•It he Rm1~h
Rider' had '-!'I'll tl~t· \p;111i'h t'll"ign tkll rloo.;e. The flag hung there
like .1.rrd r.1g w.l\ in)~"' 1h(· f;lt·c ••f ;1 bull alri:;id~· m;td.lt J.!ave the
men a dr\1111.11inn..
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On tl11· 'lnpe._thc trn11per-. nf the .;thn rrgimcllts u11dd iwt see.
HoP<.C\'rlt. In 1111 i1. ri11··Ho11J!h HidtTs did nni.knm\' \vhcn.·the troop-·
t'r<.. of tlir •1th PI-the 1 q \\"l'rc: l~11mc.\clt had o;trurk Kettle II ill 1in the
"'""H'.I". 111 11111 ' ... ,,. I1Pi11 1-"lJ'o,n I Jill. I li-. asn·nr \va~ a series nf
r11<..IH'<. .11~d 11111" 111 .1 \ """''' .d .. n,: the· •·.,q~·rll gr.1dicnt \\'_hnc the
"t'·"""h fj,,. "'"" i...lll.lll.lll lldl d,,_ ,lllll tjlllll' l"!'.ll h.,,
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CII/IRC;E AT SAN JUAN:
The other regiments were running along their own routes.TI1e 1st
( :;!valry was still to the left of the Rough Riders. The men were being
shot .-.r..-.s th~y went .-.long the exposed southern flank. C and D troops
of the <Jth were on the far right, on the northern side of the knoll;
hidden fn)m the correspondents .-.t El Poso and from the enemy..2"
The troopers were so exh.-.usted that they were resting more than .
. they ran. The ground was spotted now with shruhhery and :small
trees providing minimal coi_Kealment. Men were ascending in briCf
dashes, crouching, he fore flopping on their chests to fire a few rounds.
·Bullets rin1chcted 1.1ff 1he kettles on top of the knoll, adding an inconJ!I. IIous ringing to the hattie's dinY
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The assault had hee11 going on for twenty minutes. Colonel Carroll
\Vas wmmded and Colonel Hamilton .was dead. The cavalry attack
was_S!Til _hy the press .on. Fl l~osci as an--aggregate-of-aets ofhigh----- · ·
heroism. Courage was a common·commodity. 1R ·
No one was .-.ware that from the start of the battle, Kettle Hill
had hecn defended hy only a handful of Spanish infantrymen and not
the thousands av.-.ilahle to Linares. No one knew that these few Spaniards had already abandoned Kettle Hill to fight again from the San.
.Juan Heights.
He Grabbed a Red-Hot Rifle
At that point Roosevelt was nicked in the elbow hy a Mauser bullet.
The wound hied freely. As he hound the gash, his calm little stallion
w;~s sc:raped hy a couple of hullets. 1 q
· Roosevelt was ahead<>( the main body of cheering Rough Riders.
Forty .yards from I he top of the knoll, he came to the flnal wire entan-'
glcnH.'Ilt'. 'lcxas wuld n;>t get through and there were not ·enough men
around to lift oltt the poles or cut the wire. With the agility that re-,. ·
mained from his ranch man days, Roosevelt twisted out of the sad~ic ·
without hesitation, jumpc:d free, an~ landed on his feet. He handed the
reins to a trooper who had caugl1t up with him, scrambled over the
wire, .-.nd r.-.n toward_thecrest. He was the freshest man on the field.·
· This w.-.s the apocryphal episode popularized after the battle in
the "Ballad of Teddy's 'Terror-.": "He grabbed a red-hcit rifle where-a.
gur had let it fall, and fix in' o( his sprl'tades more-firmly on his face,
he st:Hied to a·o;sa .. ~ill;lle.th<' Dons, all .-.round the ·place!" 10 .
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chapter 23
Fil·stto the Top
righ-, tl.JI,~cil tiH·I. .i-,·:iln~ l>l·~!;iii ihi: ;l~ .. a-ult ;,n 1\-t.-lllr i llllat
I'. \I. n11 Jnh .1. rlw l•lw ~!nidnm of ( •l'IJCi,d hn11\ i11L1n1q· di\'isin;l
·err <;1111 1Tql.111lnl lrn~n .lll.llkin~ the <m .Ju.111 llill hlol-khvusc.
.
cs<th.111 ,,.,, ni111111c·'- L11n.- .IJ'l'"!'"·ll to .ld\'.llll:C \\';1'> rt'tTi-\:l'd ;Jild.
1e rnft,rm.d ·.,h .. lll "I c·t\ (,n!'' '>t't the loot snldicro; off anoo;s the
ol',Hh· '-.i"\ flltlldl'l'lf \ .nd-. nf )!leell 11H:adow. 1
The (,th .11;d 1 r.th lnl.1111n re~imcnts tonk tht; ;ld\'a;ll't' as skirlishrrs behind r.dl .111d i1npoo;i1i)! ( ;rtH'Lllll.n"kim. with l~is disrinc''t' whrtc h.111. lllll'l.h Ill', .md ~:n;llt't'. I It- wa" a hri~adc l'Oilllll;lndcr
kc ( Mrnll .1nd \\',;.,,1, 1-nt ht· did ""' l''Lll-lio.;h his hcadquartc'rs in
:H' rr.n. ln'-1r.1d. Ill' ql'f'l'nl nut 111 l;o·nr ,;f.luo.; nH'Il. i\o; an il1fanlrr1.111. hr lllll\l' fn·l't'_! •n I not.·
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R111111d
llilf,,.-k
L11f ;1 mile 11111th nl tlw mL111trnnen .l·d,:anl·in~ imv;ird San .Ju;lll
lriL ( ;l'IHT.d '>II;IIIH'r\ cll'-lll11111lll'd l',l\',llrnllt'n \Vl'l'l' dno;ing in on
H'ir twin ni>Jn tl\·n. the ht·ighrs .uulrhc knoll riLl! \\';1'\ 1\cl!lc I Jill.
Rt·H.Isnclt h.1d pbn·d n;ll'ling ti,·ilian rolro; in hie; thirty-ninr years.
111 1hisd ram.llll -,,;HI .1 s l nrnmandri· of .1 world ·famous Cl\';11 ry regiwr11 in u•rnl'.ll \\',1\ rltr rrH•'-.1 ... l!id,·in)!. ''' h,: nrarrd the nrsr. he
.1s c;printing .1'- h.Hd .1 . . he t nuld to o;f.\\· in front of his trnopcrs. 'Jhe
1111~h J{rdn-. whn.IIPitt·d .tlrn huu \\'I'll' \nungn ;111d man,· lt;id
•ngcr ItT'· \nnw h'.~tl l••·c11 llllc't< .. llq:LIIt' .llhktco; ;IIHI n11dd c;io;ih·
11·c ""'''''1'('··,11,""
\II .. r dwr~c ", ..,. ,,11111·"'· '"'".,.,.,.,_ '" •.r_,,. :1
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respectful distance in the rear. Although they. saw that running fast
was not oi1r of his skills, they deferred to his rank}
Roosevelt ticver looked hehind him as he struggled up the last
stretch of the incline. His regiment was the most disorganized on the
field, hut it was enough for him that he could hear the men's highc
pitched yips and· war wh<.lops. The cries spurred him on. To him they
represrnt~d approbation. Sor;~e of the shouts sounded like Rebel yells,
intended to frighten the enemy who supposedly occupied the loopholed farmhouse.
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I' IRS T TO THE TO I'
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Half an hmir after the charge hegan, Roos~velt hurst onto the
. top of the knoll and cased fi1rward a few yards; The- hard-earned
crest ha.d heen won at last. The farmhouse was taken. A disoriented
Spanish hu~lcr hoy ran into Roosevelt's arms and was captured.
-·- R«loscvelt {;l>llfcssrttsithscqtiently.tl1afhe-wo~ula no-t ·nave gor1ck1~·k -d,lwn· 1\rttlc II ill(<;;. any ~cas~Hl, not·e~~-n if or;c <-_;f his ~w~ s~~s:
had heci1 woundrdand needed medical attention. "No man·was ahe_ad
·of me when wr charged, ·• he .asserted, ".and now I think my men
would follow me !iterally anywhere."~
. _The tniopcrs told each other that the battle had been fierce . .Hun~
drrds of them had heen sprinting, dodging, shooting, smoking, a·nd
. shriekii1g.They said tha_t every hairy-chested man in the country would
havr relished the fight. l~ugles· had·l~e~n blowing and the Spaniards'
Mauscrs h;-.d hccn fi.ring at ihrm in steady volleys. The run under·
pr;co;surr had heenthe finest thingever, particularly when they bounded
on top ·of Krttlr-1-lill and gave the loud_est war whoop. They bragged
til each other that it had hecn "the whole cheese."~
.-.Battle fever still raged in the troopers. Just breathing smoke from
thr.gunpo~der discharged in that terrific assault. made men feel like,
giants. Thry had no time to spare for casualties. They did not think.
ahout their dc;~d or wounded or heat-struck buddies who had dropped
ont i1f the r:Kr. ,
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Instead •. the main topic among thcs.e exhilarated men was the·
bravura pcrform11nce of their fantastic colonel. He was the only offirer in rhr Corps who was referred to hy his. first name when the ·
men were. talking among themselves. There was only one Teddy in
Cuha.
"Whew! \XIac;n't Teddr a wild liHiian in that charge!" shouted the
l{nrq_:h H1dn knn\\·n ;1o; rlw ( ;;llnhln. "I \vnllltln't ktvr t:1krn 1.n rn
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mie on '"" lh<HllT,_ of gc·rring· to riH' tn-p ,,five! lie"'"" \\'a~· ahead nf
the line ·all rlw rnnr! ··
"Tell \"1111 wh.ll h1nkc nH'.ltp,"lnliln.... nl the Spider. "In the middle
of rlw l11ll. the f,11,., t.drnnl lor " mi1111lt' hchind him. a11d Teddy
lllrtlt'lf .trlltllld .1111f '·"''"Ill th;ll "III"J'Ii<;nf. ll'J'Ioadlfuf <;ill·t of Wa)'.
'\X1 h\· hn,·.;, .\'1>11 .HC'Il.,l -l'llilll' h.ll·k ;ill 1111', ;liT ..\'1111?' I lclr a.; if Ill\'
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mothn h;1d ,,; lll"c·d lilt' nl "fliki111: her."
"t\11' rh.11·.,. rhe kiln \\'t' \\'e.;rcrll l'II\IJ'liiH"hl'IS "''"' duhmu.;
;thonr .." grtllllnl .111 An11111;1 11oope1. "I'd l1ke to lind the mall'"'"'
th;tl would l.tl_l f11m .1 t.. m-nnll nlkge-h1nl dude!"'·
Hn; •o;cq·lt I'·' -.l..t·tl ;,, rhe ·'l'l'l'l'l i;ll ic 111 .111d rhe pride -.how II hr rhi·
.1dmiring rronpn'. I k "'·'" l.'CIIl\'llllcd th;ll "he had heen first 011 the
n~··a oft he l·;tptmnl hill11l k:·rnllownl d;io;c·h· hv the four trooperc; who
were ,~•irhhin1. I k J't'l<;tiiLllh· had taken rill' firo;(Sp;wish fortilicllinn
·;I! \an Jn;lll. ;\lllrt'cl\·c·l·, he l Ltin~~~-d _r_haulwJit:-.r guidu11s planted-on---rlti·l" r(·q~ ,\·(:n~ II;,~ ~-~cJ],"\:-1!-.} ,;; ~-,.;...,, •lin~ HcHtgh I{ idno; ·-Fa nd (-; -j roc ips."
. t\c; if,;;: "'~Ill" hlilllft-t,, he lo11ked o11h· ;11 rhc terrain o;rraight ahead
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nl h11n. ••.r• 11"" the '.tift-, wiH.-rt· rht·.l;t<;f. i1f 1he Spani;trdo; from 1\crrll'
IIi II were h.t q l"ll 111g 1IIWMd 1he l'llt rt'tll hcd height c;, Ahn\\'a nt', he
tould ""' tTIIH"Illhn .111 the; dcr.ail nl the dL1igc, except that to lia\'e ·
bee11 liro.t ''" the n't·o.t nlthi-. glori\Ht'> .. hdl wa<; what he had fwen.
ll\·111g l11r. In hi . . ,·ni11d~ the top nl Ketti~· lltll had heen hio; alone for
11ne whnlh· "·II''" 1111: "'""H'Ill. That "'"" hdnrc the rest of the Hou~h
Rrdcro;· and the other' ,1\·,dn-nlt'll Lllcd "I' ln.jc;in him and tl,·,. ;o;um-.
rnit hel'allH' n""·dcd \\'ith o;oldin-..'
i\" Rnn,cq·Jr h.HI o..1id. lte did 11111 t't.ljciy l.as <_;uasimas, hut "the
\,m Ju.lll ti~i11 "··'" ···llttn·h· dtllnc11t ... I k "'''" juhilam ac; he·watdll'd
H.ndo;h,H 'hnnt 111 rllt' h.llk .wd ktll two \p.lni;_Hd<; who liad Llgf!(·d
bchi11d 1n the rctrt'.ll. lit- hnppnl ;I round \\'ith o\'erllowinJ! jn~· ;is hio;.
men "planrrd):nnd '"~''" 111 the rear endo; of flccinJ! Spaniank" pottint! .1 hem l1kr parti idgn.··
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lie rq,nrrnl nlfi~i.1ll\· th;ll he "ILtd rhe lullmr" to have ~·aprurcd
"tn)!.lllallt .. h.q,·,. thr lir-.r t'lltrclll'htiH;Illl.Hrl('d h,· any of our fronps,·
the lir\1 hrc.d.; 111 tho· \p.1111o.h lnlt'. I. .. he· bn;l"'cd. "was .the fir..r man
111 1" I k '.till!'• I till"' .IJ-'11111' nl rl11· dc"t'Jtc·d n·d rnnlcd farmhono;e ao; if
11 lt'.tll1 h.tol 1,,.,." 11 l1.1t Ill" llt.tdr ·II 11111 ' " f.l'. ",t \lrnng hlnrkhouo;e
ll'tlh rtllc· I'll\ .. ,..
Itt ht'- '"' "' tl '' t'•" I
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,,,f. l11· ,J,·-.,III,,·,J hi\
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I'IHST TO TilE TOP
liulc more circumspectly: "The guidons of my Troops E and G were
the hrst planted 011 the summit, though the first men up were some of
the A and B troopers who were. with me and got in ahead of my
troops E and G." He was asserting that the first men onto Kettle Hill
\\'l'rt' the four troopers who in fat:t were immediately in hack of him,
,;o; everyone knew. In his eyes, this convoluted concept in false modesty made him the king of Kettle f-lill: 11
l.;fte; statements hy others, however, hegan to. cast doubt on
Roosevelt's version of the order of arrival on the knoll. Lieutenant
Coleman of the Ro.ugh Riders' E.Troop "saw Colonel Roosevelt ahead,
hut cltily for a few minutes." If he was not "ahead" at the end, obviimo;ly. he could not !Jave heen first. 1
z
New Mexican Nova Johnson, color hearer .of the Rough Rid~rs' ,
II. Trooj1~ was amo•!!U_h_e_ earliest .on the- hillock:-Known a's· Long
_1(",11r·,- hrl:;1-us~ J;~~~luhin and -six fret,· two-im:hcf tall; llc-daim"cll -,-,;at ~.Y;ll, should have seen the amazement Colonel Teddy's face took
on when he read1rd the top of th;n first rid~e, only to -find that the
colored troopers had heat. us up there." Roosevelt had restrained
·l~·xas to the' pace of the four Rough Riders running alongside his.
saddle. lie wuld not have seen the hlack regulars because they were
to the north. They nwsthave dimbed faster.'.·'
Tbese "n>lored troopers" Long John referred to were the blacks
of the 9th Cavalry. When theyreached the top of the knoll, they were
to the right c>f the farrtlhouse. Roosevelt insisted that he·never saw
t hl'm ~~r r heir white Mllcers when he sprinted onto. the crest. Co!lceivahly, they were outside his tw1nel-visio!l gaze, which was fixed straight
ahea~l at' his next ·ohj.ccrive. His hattie would not' end at the knoll.
Storming the farri1house was only the first stage. His eyes were a/. rl';ldy focused on the heights in front. of him.
In turn, the 9th :s officers contended· sarcastically that Roosevelt'
mi1st have been swallowed in the mass of mixed regiments at the foot
·.of the southern sl<'lpc of Kettle Hill, not to be !)card from a·gain until·
after the 9th had stuck its standard into the ground at the top. They
wne \villing til admit· that Roosevelt had heen "among the first to
reach the top," hut they insisted that he arrived after they got-there.
The llfficial report of the secrl'tary of war backed the 9th's Claims.
The report stated positivclr that two trc>Ops of the 9th gained the
\I'C<;f fir<.!. ~~0!1';('\'cft ;lflcf the f~o11gh f~idcrs \\'C'rl' ignorctf. 1 ~
�. I PI
1\
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II\ I· \'I· I. I
,\1
\ •\ N
e
e
f" IIi\ N
FII{ST TO TilE TOP
An·ordin~ tn du· ;tr11n· hr;Jo;o;, the •Jth\ ollin·ro; not onlr had given
I
tl;t. tiro;t UllliiiLIJhl "h•n,:.,,.d tc•.thc <.h;1rgc·!" "''' alo;o thl'ir trc~e•pcr-;
had l..';lrricd 11111 1hc· nrd!·r ·f,, lw111g fir•a 1111 Ihe lTI'.~t. Tht: offin·r-; of
tlw'•Jih wnl' lnlllnJ: l{, .. ,,nTir ·,,.111! tllt'ir .he·" nJH'·I\\'11 J'lllll.h hy ill'·
'" !'':'IIIII\ "' bnth t'\'t'llh. lhc '.·l'ht'IIH'ni.T of thl'ir
rnp11mc '" Ho ..... nc·lt.llld lu. . 'nluntt·c.,..,h.td 11t1tl11ng to dt~.\\'lth p1111 ·
111.' 11r nlnltt'\'. I hn: 111" rt''t'lltt't!' J{oml'n·lt .11111 ''';llllnl rl'c·og~titit~il
1
lnr d"'"J: tlw,; '""' ·''
In .tddlllllll,'thr hl.h k rltlllj'l"' nf tlu< II'"' ( .w.dr~· h.ld l:nnl' ""
tltl' kn;•lllo.f{,;,.,n..JJ\ lf'fr. I hn ''"' ,l.llltwclto lt.l\'c' 111tlurll'd tlu·u
olon at
rnofnll.ll:n,hon . . c·lwfnn· l{cllt'it'\Tit\ IIH'n did. The'\'
~'~'',1\nllu• .11·1.11"'' lnl)'.llll'lll fttltll .111\nllr.''
If tl11· tllllllc··~, ,,., r1 ... ' 1n1 11l1lw kn"lllud lwc·n I.Ht' ltc,,c., J'.. tl
llJ'tllg lo1 "''"· l'l.t\ ~· .. tnd '"""' .11 .1 tr.h k. Hiu,...t·vclr\ t'ntq wc11dd
111i 1\·-li:, \ t' j ,~,-,~,-f,-1.- .-,·l-\ ,-,ill• ii·,: ·II• -(lie~ i; If i~.-1:11111\l ,:1~.-iTi~ ..,(;\.~rl>l ii·); ·c_,r.·\v:n~:~ -:· ·- ~~.
J'h<~-~,;~.;:,:,:;,~v-·,-\.,<- ,-~~,·,",,,IJilli~ :r;,-l~·t J{,-;"~,:~.;.Jr .. ,:~~.l'f~ iii~· ,~i~~-,:\. for the
h.ng;·. c·n·•', tlt .. n,:h rlin ·l·nrh \\'l'rc· l{c·pnhlll.l~t politilt;lll\ :I!HI hi'·
1.1d ·'1'1'"' 111 I'd I{ ""'n cit '" the J{nugh H 1iln~;. Ncit her he .it~ 11· t hl'.
c~ul.n~ h.1d l, •n11c'•l "' n the I'll''~. hn\\T\Tr, .1nd tht: nnvsp.tpcrs
~.1n· ,\Ill he j'l.llldth 111 Htlll'>l'\·t·fr ·and lltllll' Ill thl' hlack CIV;tlrymcn.
• . l.atn tiH' . 'mdiLH\' .llithoritics dt'llllll.l';llitcd the charge llll 1\t:ttlc
•
.,
llill. Thcr tu~l)!rd the ;1'-'-·llllt to ha\'r hcrn llLHic ir1 llnio;on 1,~. nTn··
:;train· rrgimcnt.lntlll' 'l"l'lllr.that da\· and lltll hyanv IIIH'unit, Fv·n·hnd\' \\".t<; tir . . t: dtc ;Hill\ hmc';l.lll.l';ll<o dclidrd. Ncithn the •Hit llllr
he l{llugl; Rrdn . . nnr ·rite 1t'lh \\';J<; .thcad.
'
-,
11.\'ill~ li" ~.l.1nn
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~till' Hllll~:lt
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.
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./ll(l't'J't~f Hcllt{llt.< 1hci r !'111111 io1L1I It ighs,
I{ idt·" 'l.trtt·d
from
·
1
.organit.t~d.
~cnc.:hed
:
1
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:·
j
r
111 ll'l'II\Tf:
hn.· l·nuld .,,.!' dt.ll thc·, '-I til 'wnc -.uJ.jnt to the -;;uitr l'vlausn hio;il-·
.hie' frnnt rl.w "·"' ln.111 I ldll>lnl-khon~c· ;tnd frm11 the t'll.trcn~.limt·nts ·
IIi .thl' hright'-. Jw.Hidltlllll, thn· \\TIT 111111'(" l'\f'O'I'd and Cllnl'CilLIIt'dOtllllJ' of t!tc·'·'l'lllll'll knoll than ihn it.td hccn in thl' 111cadcm·
•r 1111 lhl' "'"1'1'
l{, .. ,...n,·h lud .1 l•11d,· t'\T \'11'\\' of rill' \\'hnlc h;lttldicld ft . lllll riH'
nurlnu·q , citnn c•I illl' c rc·q.: 1. k fi•CII\t'd firq on the par;lnH•unt
1rug):lt-. rite 11111· l•n111: ".11:rd J,,' 1\rnt·, ntfanlrr ag.1imr the \p;llrn,kon \.111 l11.1u lid I. I Itt· c'IH'III\. l1•1 ~-,.,nit Ill(' It ill h.1d f,ccn o;tn·ngth ·
llt·d l•1 1 I· 111, • 1 ,., '"" 1111111111.111i 1'1111'- .lit.! .t ,.111111'·"". ,f .... rilnr'
.Soon the mmmtain guns hcgan droppi.ng shells on Kettle Hill.·in
n·o;ponse, l{ooscvl'lt
a squad of marksmen to sdcncc the
t'nc·mr hartl'ry. Ne)(t he agam turned the marksmen <mto the few
Spaniards retreating :Kross the valley. The enemy.soldiers had plunged
in.to rhr shnllow pondinstt'IHI of rnc.:inH
wny nrounil flu·
o;htlrt\ In tlw watt·r, tlu:y madc sirc.:h srilettdidly slow-rnovinK tnrK~Is
. rhatlllltsl ol thost• who took rlw sliort(utncvcr
the heights.••.
l11 ,·omp11rison with rlwir rotln!rynwn who hnd ddrndrd Krtth·
llill, tlu· ~111111i111'd, 1111 Still .Jt.l•llt llill.wcrc ill tllleK~·cllctlf tlcfcnitivc·
pn•:rurc·. TIH')' wnc· protl'rtnl hy tht· hlol·khou~c, etllrcndmtent11, rilll'
pi~~.__,ait~l_!l_!_!~ipl!· lii~"_J_tJ _ha_d~l·~-wi_r.l'_<'IJtall~kments on .. the hillsidt·.'-"
_-: _;- : __ · _.~- __ M orl'oyer, the mt·adow the Amcrica n infantrymen had to tra vc~sc
wa<i a third of a 1i1ilc wide. Tlwre was nit c.:over forlfawkiris's atrac.:k-.
tT~ a lithe way from· rill' jungle to the hill,.other than t.he same kinds
of sparse hushes and in frcqttcnt trees that grew in front of Kettle
II ill. Also, the cast face of San .Juan Hill was very steep. The infaJ1tryllll'll could SCC that parts of the ascent might have. to be. made hy .
,~ullin~ themselves up with their hands. The prospect was much more
·arduous for _the infantry than Kettle Hill had hcen for the-cavalry.
. N~verthdcss, rcsoltitc Hawkiits_and his two regiments crossed
the nH·;~dow.and approached the hill while RC?osevelt watched from
the knoll. Just hchind the advance were other regiments of infantry
thr.lcu1~rr
tilt''""
7
from the fleer in the h;trhor._The rcinfon:ernents·hrought the total of
dde1Hkrs ctn· San Juati tc1 ~ 20, the same nuinher as those r~sistitig
l.awton at El Can~y. 1 ·"
.
.
.
I_
regtdars. The valley to the left of the Santiago trail was filled with
cheering and
American foot soldiers. The infantrymen
c.:hargin~
jammed down entan~lcmcnrs or din.thcd over them, suffering heavy
lmses while advancing in the face of Spanish gun"fire. The soldiers
halret.l emir to r"!ise their rifles high ahove their heads to shoot over
the men in front. Then they ran on a~ain until they began to m<?unt
the hill itsclf. J{ooscvclr. said he prayed fonhc general. 21
Fortunatcly for the-Americans, the Spanish engineers had ordered
thl' enemy tr~ric.:hes huilt em _the geologic summit of the hill, rathei
th;ln on. the niilitary l·-~csr th;H was yards doser to the sl(>pe. The
111ilitary nr<;~.would have i:ontrollcd tlwasccnt hy giving the defendno; ;I rlear \'icw of all the ;II tackers. Instead, there ~ere pockets where
o\mcri,·;lm .liinhini: the o;hl'n ir~,·litH' ccnrld ll!ll 11l' rr.1d1rd hy the
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II,\ N
1\hmcro;onthe lrttr Sllllllllil. JJawkim\ soldiers dttng therc, safe for
rhe mnnH'Ill l>nr I'I.Tt .11 inJI"h· o.;irn.lled. The \pani.ndo; l·ottld nor sho;11
.ti .rhr infantrnncn 111 rfu· md~t·s·wlrllllttl stand111g ;ind exposing thcm'l'"T" In rcr.1li.11nn· lin· lr.nm rhc o.;nldicrs in rlu· ,·,dlq'. ( )n the nrhn
hand. rhc inf:ltllrn•u·n t·n1d,·( nor t"llfllinttc rht·ir dimh wirhnttt incur·
.
.
riJlg lllllr(' (.1\11:1 h II'S ...
The \p.111i.1rd, ".,.,,. pl.1\lcring rhc rnr of rhc· infamr\· '""I Htimc
\'t·lt\ fortT w1rl1 ntT\ ""''': rhn had ldr. I ht· "'""mit of "t·ttlt- II ill
1\",1S lown 1h.111 \,111 111.111 JJ11J .lll!lthl' fmtlficil height.;, SO tht' troop
.,, rhrrt··\\Til' "' ,.,,, J., .1 '·"''"''·lin·. \n1111' tt\C'd the l.~rgc iron kcrtlt·o;.
1\
·i k ..... ··•
t(.... ,n..lr ...... ;,:1111nl llt.11 llu· tttl.11111\ w.1s ttll't'ling "'""I""" tt·
"'l.llllt' .11111111.11 1, •. lu,ltoo:.lll qtth ~h 111 lwlp ll.l\\•kJII\.11111' l.ulnl
ltY,t(l~ h.l\\kln.;-iniJ:Iwl•t·-·1·111 t·d-rtnt"llt',tt:--·1 ht• n•ltllll'ls-in nlllllll;lttd
.;1 rhl.- .~.ilwl ,:.~1 .ltr 1 -~~·l·.lritt·llf;,- .. ·~i 1\l·tflt·l ltll h;fillil'c·Ti~kfilt·d of
Wt•11111kd 111 \\ t'lt' ,·, '"'''J'I.It ,. ,.j .. ,.. \111ilnn :tnd ·\Vnotl~ wnt· .tl''''lll-~
It"'· ,., l<noo•.t 1 ··It \\ .1 .. rlw '·"'~ IIIJ'. "lfi~t'l 111.i rill' roirnd hrlltt\ k. 111
nllttll;llltl.••' .til rltt· llnt;l'''''· I It- 1t'l1,hcd .rill' rnpnnsihd1ty.
·ln,lld rhr llll.ttllll,l(t,tt\1'\Tir krptrhc lli.Hk,lncn;ltllOilg his Hnugh
l{~tlr~ .. '''l!···rhri ·,., fi11·· .11 rl11· ~J'.llli.Ht.ls 1111 \',l.fl Jn;1n I lill. The rq:n
l.n .. nl rl11· •rrl1 .111d '''"' ·"'" l1nnlttp In tlrn·lf thcir rarhi1ws at tht·
\.111 Jnani'lt~t kltnll\l',,llld t'IIIH'Illllllll'lll~. The \p;llliards' heads Wl'IT
1llth;ll ,:nttld l•1· '1'1'11 .. 111d rhen n11h· "'"~"" thl'\' rose to lire 1111 Ulllln.md. At rh.11 t.lll)!r rlti· r.•rgcl\.\\'t'rc rinr ;111d rhcr wnc lkcri11g.''
The 1nf.1111rr\ '1111.11int1 was dcspnare. nTi1 after ten llllllllll's of
.. Hhllle fire lrn111 rh,· l.11·.1ln:nH'Il. The _prnsmr ;tpplied to. the Span.nds "··1'. rnn1-,1:h. h•'''"~'''~''~ '" .1lln"· lr. fohn l';1rkcr of the (;arlin~
. otll1 J)ct.lthnu·nt l11.h1111): Jtj, tltil'l' r.1pid fire J:Hns Ill thl' Slllllh sidt~
•f "crrl ... JJdl. ll11" 1lu· ( ,;lllrnJ:<. l•q:.m tltt'lr krhal operation.·~
.-\~·"''"" ·'' J(,,,..,., ,.Jr lll',nd rhr .li'!lllt li\'l'l h.lllcri11~·.111' sllnttll'IL ·
'lr\ rhc ( •. lllllll:'' lr· .. lht· ( •. 1rl111gs!" I Itt· l{ntt~h l{idcrs lhcncd as
)H~ 111.H ·,IIIII' ,:1111' .qllh hk .;J1ol atlll\'l'f'J'II.\\Trin~ nlllllhl'r of httJiets
11in "1'·""'1.-lrtu:., 11.11 rill' hill. \\'itltin fin· mintttco;, the Sp<111i_sln·olt'l~
wltnlllllt.lllllrtll: I Itt· d .. li-IHino; I_Lill hrcn k1lll'll. The (;,It lingo; nratcd
1.1\llt \\'llh l11' .... ltlu·r ... \\·hil,· l(nn.scq·Jr tnlltinncd hi.; cnhinc \'ol
I
""'·"'\\'I
FIRST TO TilE TOP
to retreat whenever it was necessary to avoid hand-to-hand combat
with the American forn.·s who could now he seen to otitnumber the
Spaniards drastic-ally. The moment was at.hand. The Spanish positions ontlw hill h~d hewmc in~lcfensihle, like the outpost at El Caney.·
The hill had taken its toll on the attackers and now Linares was prepared to sacrifice it in a st01ged withdrawal. _He expected to make his··
stand not on.the hill h11t at his more strongly fortified line doscr.to
San.tiag;, and its resources where he hitd thousands offresh soldiers
i11 rt'st·rvt·. Ill· did not hi:lievc tliai his line could he breached hy force
. nf arms. In Llt"t, it tH'vt·r wao;.''
Allut Oil('(< Hoos''"''" ~••w th1· Spuniurds in their whirr nnd pnl1!
hint• 1111ifnrms ll';lp from rlw tn·lltlws 111td ru11 11111 of thr hlnckhoww
"" ,o..,,"•.ln•'" llill. Tlwr fbi in tiH· f,tll' i1l llll'IHiy hlllllllll'riiiJ.t frumthl'
h;lllin~s and l'iHhint•s.-ln a (,·w minutes, the-Gntiin~ll and carhirws---~,,.,;"'·d-lirin~~"" thitrl-lrtwkin'l'!t infMtlrylltCII o11thr !ilopr-l:tnlld ttlslt--- -~ ·.
ovn till' nt•st nnd Sl'il.l' tlw ~riurt1·d.hlorkho_usc ltltdtreitdu·N. Whr11
tlw i 11 f1u tlry 11 tl'll ~w11r llil·d i 11, 1111 I y dl';HIIl 11d srriou!iil y ·woundrd Spanianls whot·otrlthwt lw. illovl'llwt·n·ldt.l" ·
lh·joicing was so widespread on Kettle Hill that Roosevelt had
diffinrlty gcriing:·tlw IIH'n\ atil'ntion. Exhausted troopers lltill were
-;trt~~;gling up the kn,;ll i11 small groups. They were screaming with
. rL_irion they wailted to share with earli~r arrivals. The noise was deafening, \vhilc l·aslialtiedrom enemy rifles on the heights continued to
IIHHIIlt. Nevertheless, Roosevelt claimed tc-> have chuckled when he
ove~he01nl a black cavalryman of the .9th say,_ "This shuah am fine
place to make a fightin' reputation-hut it shuah am dangerous!" 29
.After another few minutes, Roc)sevelt was able to assemble the
Rnttgh Hiders and talk to them.· Holding his right hand aloft as he
pundll'd t!"H' air with his left f1sr for emphasis, he shouted, "Men, our .
~·amr"' fliSt and (;lid is with liS. Let all·hrave men attend to my
orders!" I lc intended· to lead ;-~nothcr advance at the first opporlllnity. '"
a
.,
I
I
n·~ ·.11 rhr ""'""''"'"': 11111111•,·r nl "-l'·"'"h l11·.1d'. '•·
''' '"' :.,,J,J,,.,, 1111 \.;11 !11.111 I Jill h.HI htTil
~( ,,·nn.d I "'-",.,-.,,.,,J,.,,
~
e
I.
Thr British attache who h01d climbed the knoll on the heels of the
l{ough Riders nmgratulatrd l{oosevclr. Somehow. rhc Briton who
\\'as dressed in ronspir11ous white from he01d ro toe, had remained·
immarula 1r despite the junglc and the rivers. Putting his monocle to
his 1'\'1', he told Rono;cvclr, "lr\ a grrar day for"" !\nglo-Saxons!" 11
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I! I I l I \ I' \'
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I I I 1\ N
Fir51 ,in the Hci~ht.~
Roosevelt s.1id. "The light\'.·"' all right. I could see the\paniards"in contrao;t with l.a~ ( ;uasirnas where tlw.cncmr had hecn invisible.
II~ now had rnlnplctnl nrmt of what. he poctic1lly ~rphrascd as "ifll'
:rowdnl and glnriou<. hour: of Ill\' life. th;tt hom for whit•h I would
r1ot trade nn· whole·e-.;i<;tcnl:r. ·· t\i:tuallv. 1\\'o hours had. elapsed from
1lw time \\'hen hi· hq:.111:tlw ~uh-anl.-l' from tl_1e river.'·'
Although rlw inLllliiT-h.uiLlkcn the S;lll .ftt;ll) I Jill hlol·khouse at
1 :~o r.:..l.,·and the .,~·~ldil:r, there were looking out ;1\'er.Santi;lgo'itst·ll.
rhe Rough Rrdns \\lTC \lrll on 1\cttlc I Jill. \"lrlnnahk to the small
rniotttll of lin· lrum l.,p.tni<.h dcfcndns left in cntrcndiiiH'Ill\ on Sai.t
uat~ I !eights. \\"hrnthe Clll'lll\' on the heights ~vas rei11forrcd hr Sp;lll·
sh soldier.; rt·tn·.11in1: lrnr11 1\cttk llill. gulllirr dirrrred at the k11oll
'CClllll' a lrttlc IH'.l\'11'1. H;""l'\·dt nlltld lll'.H the two large l·oppi:_r: __ _
kt·ttlcstllll!.lllnn· ln',TIIt'iWI\'.;1<;-tlit;~-\\-(;j.t~t-rti;:J.: ~,~. -~~ulll-:-ls.1 ' -~ _· _ .. _ _
--I Ik ne\,- 1iic&rl\ .,(,rd~h., I· 'li_a_d \-.;b.;, r~·lr ;;:e -~,~:,w-een ·tl~t; kettle-..
I It· w.ts 111.1111 l11n1: rltt'lt' \nth tw1• lrll'lltk lll;tll his F Troop when a
.lu·ll,·' pl~~dnl d 11n 1h •'' ,., rlu·tn. Tit,; nt -"" 1 I\\'11 It} 11 'l~~'r' ~\T n· blow,_;
o hrtli hr ,lrr.tpru:l l•.tlk 1\ . lld .. h.u "'·'' 'l'l.tttnnl wrth hlood and
li·,h. SttiiiiH'd .111d \ nll'lll;ll, ol a ""dden. srlenrc. hl; \tartrd to W;llk
.lo\\'h dn11·11 '"''',1HI:'tlll' .. 1.. 1lln"· pnnd in tlt~··~·;tllt;r: think in·~ 1111l)' 11l
lu· w.1tn Ill' IIITtlrd i.". 11·.r~h nil thi· rnrtl\lllg 'illll'.ll''i. I k \\';1.' 1111·
1\\';trl' th.ll hr"··'' •lJ'I'''~·"I""g rite t'IH'Ill\-'. "·
j{llll\1'\TJt \,1\\" .h1111 1111!~'1' ;1\\',1\', ~I'll\('" hi\ 'd,lltgl'r h11t IIIII hi\
lr~;lhrlit\', .11111 n·llnl.11llll.ll tn'rt~trim. Tlu·n; \\',1.; 1111 n•ply.:SIII{IInsl'\'i·lt
.111 altn hnn. t l.lpf't:d l11111 1111 tlu· ,l;n11ld~·r. aiul sh1111ted;. "I >id11't
·"IIIH'.H 1111:, .dl '"")" H.11d .. h.1r lllrllrd ;Hn1111d. h1r the lir.;r t_il1tl' he
1'.1htnl hr 11 .1 .. dt·.d. I lt-"J'"II1Inltn hio; e.11< \\'ith hi.; i11dc-.; li11gi:ro; In
n.J,,·,lft' he,""'",·~~.~, III':H ;nn·t h111g. II." hc.Hil11! llllpr:ll\'cd gr;1du.dh·.
'lll In~ ~ept ltt'•"'''\t'_lr 111 ''ght lnr the n·.;t ;,f the tLI\'.
\\'hen. l{,o,nl'lt <.l.ntnltPSIII'\'1'\' the <.ttTtl~~th of his f11rl'(·~ llll
h,· knnll. .Ill' l11111l.l rhl' "111\'1\ing l{nugh Hidn raptain<; and licntcll.
1111' '"rlln~: tht' trliiiJ't't' h.lt k iiii11111;11Ll)!C;lhlc nllits,,"\'\1h;lt is going
'" hnc? \\'lur .11f'.\llil llnng tn do?·' l'l'lln\\'nll{nnsen·lt. "I amlr\'ing
•• rcqnrl'.II•"'J'·''''"1.1IIolll, <.rr," \\'.1\IIIH' IT'J'IlllSl'. "\\'ell." .;n;l·j,pcd
{nn\n dr. '·ft-t rlw l111"111.11 "'" 1.1~1' ,·,11l' "' llo;clf. There j.; ni, ,1\\';Hd
111 lll'.llnr .... l,,·"· I It, 1111111 th111!:" 111 \1·i11 thl' li,:ht." lie "hjcd;~d In
u,
e
the initiation of any procedure that might inhihit the regimenes readiness to attack. 11 ·
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I'IHST TO TIIF..TOI'
Helping Kent's infailfry take a position ahead of the Rough Ridns had made -Roosevelt testy. He feared heing exclud~d frqm -what ·
uHrld hr ·the day's final encounter, the capture of the heights that
would align the Rough Riders with the infantry's advance. In a relarivcly protected spcH under the brow of the knoll, he quickly called a
IIHTting of what was left of l_1is officers -at 1:55 r.M. He pointed out
that the portion ofthe cavalry divis_ion passing Kettle Hill to head·
din·rtly toward the. heights had heen slowed hy enemy fire. The trooper-; had not yet completed the crossing of the open valley. The Rou~h
Riders mi~ht yet heat them.'"
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l{oosevelt took for granted that his assault on the heights would
~~ ..._take place. I lc emphasi1.etl-t hat the hesCcharicc- tc> capture. the. ~~xt_~-. .- ..... - ... c.lcvation would-wme imnfedi:1tcly whilc-d-ie "Rough Riders were exl·ited and on. their feet.. He advocated proceeding by:rushcs, as hclml', I lis c1ptains privatdy,-hclieved that t.:oming after everything ~he
. l'l'ltillll'llt h:id (·xpt·ril·iln·d sinl·r rt'Vl·illr, nnothcr nNsnult would prtl· .~
d~tn· !1111}" an unal·l·t·ptahk loss of more lives. They were silent, how .
l'Vl'J, in tlw prcsenre·of a headstrong Roosevelt who was elated at the
prmpcrt of lca~ling the Sl:C;IIHil:liar~e. 17
_
_
It was a hrid 1111;etii1~. 'li1kin~ his officers' reti~en~e for wholchcartl'd approval,. RcH;scveh shouted, "I will lead the way!" He felt.
1hat-"yo11 IIII;St.have in ypu.r lllen: aniJ_in your seif, the fighting edge.
<>11 mr 0\~11 hook," he asst'rtt'll, "I onlered imot_her ch_arge." He he-·
·lievcd that the deadly fire from the heights had to he sto-pped. He ran
to the front of the knoll :111d cried, "Forward to the Charge! Charge
thl' hill ahl'ad!" I lc was·comn1anding his men to follow him. 1
R
. Later, the officers of the 9th who were on the knoll agrec;dthat _this time it was Roo,sevclt aliu1e who initiated the ch~rge against the
heights. The only problem with ~rediting him was that he was delirinu-. witl1 exriternent. Wi1en l.1e stood in front of the Rough Riders
.a11d ordered the t·harge, he did not notice that only five of the hundreds nf troopers came after him. He started sprinting down the more
gradual desrent on the far slope, leaping over a wire entanglement
wit hour lookir1g hark. Three of the five who followed him were struck
immediately. IQ
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Thr rc''' of the Hough ltidcr" hnitated. Ther were a moh, separated front thnr trnop t'IIJiliiLHllln" ;tnd huddir'\. Ther wrrr worn
11111. Al<.o, rhn \\'('1'(' f.1~111~ \\'h;ll rhn· ""w a·. . a <oolid "heet ofSpani<oh
hulkt<. and ,fwif, tnll1111g .,,·ri· the lop of the k11nll, fired from ,,;hat
rhn· rhn11):111 11111'-l.l'e .l·t·nmbi11.l!in11 of ritlt'\,IILll.·hille gttll'i, and t";lfl-·
111111\. It ''I'J'e.nnlltt rill' 1111'11 1ha1 11ntHil' .;,-otdd lin· ifiH' tried to get
I'·'"' the rrro;r. "IIH' < ""'11l.11HIIo.hh-;lllt'l' "··'' lnl.ll'l't·kleo;o; to he ollt'\'cd. '·
e\'Cil h\' I he nllitn\.
\Vhen .11 Lfq l{oo,en·lr ,·;,,,ilrd IHHII the o;ilcnre around hi1i1 how
few trooper<. \\Trt' \\'id1 hin1. he r~ali!t'd th;ll IIH' others rithn had not
heard h11n nr h:td 11;,1 hcrdnl him. "klliltg the men wi1_l1 him''' W;lil
under lire "·herr 1hn· \\'('I'C, fll' r;ln h;ltJ alone toward dft; crr<ol, leap"'~ rhe-ft'lllt' .1g.111_1. t )n 1hc 1\';l\· he' met the rq~illH';llal farrin ·\\'ho
had hit HIll q 11' .l111111J:-tn•111-;r "\\'( lfl11'd (IIYI fi.; lll;(k-:'-1{ I •f•Q>vd r S( i"•"pjlcd
II.-~~\ k ... .-\r(:· \ ·i 1,,. r '"'"'"" "\V"; ;,·,11lll·-d? ... n ~~ ih-r"fl-:-J'~llt('d rlie f:lrr il'f ~ ,j)
the h.~tk ;1nd. lodd.liun hr \\',1;, pllllk~· Jt• kt:l'l' nn-fightil;g, '"
Ron\('lrll r.dl~t·d 1hr 11n''l'l'r' nn the kn,"•ll hy n1rsi11g t_IH'tn.aiHI
dcm;HHii;l!! Ink 11·.""\· "I" rlw1· I.LHVnnl "11f'l'lll"ll'd liim. lie siHHlled. 111 · _
;~11 ;l~it;llrd ~-11LIII;,n, "I 111'\·l'~ rl11•.11gh1 1·n11 \\'ould rrfiise In f••llow.
where I k•HI. 1111'11 1 \\·,. 1111.1'-1 .HII-,111tT!" ,\ look 11f i1;jurnl j,ridt· "J'f"l';ld·
,Jmdr tll'l'r -r"J ... '-'\"t'.lll f.ttt''· The lrnopno; n·o;ponded, "\Vc didn't
hear 1"1111. \'\'c dtdn'l \1'1"_' ..,11 gn. ( "olnnd. I cad 1111 now ,·md \\'e'll
folio\\' .\"1111 ... \\"hell. f{,.,; . . cn·lt t·allrd "Hntu•h ltidcr<;, fi,rw;1i·d!" thcr ·
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let 11111 11nc "~''-"'·"' 11 hiu 'I'· ~llhflli-;o;in·ll" '"~'l'l'.llnl. "1-'\'nyhody d1;1rgc,"
;m·d prcp.nnlrn nn• .II leT l11in ;Httl. rhe ILl): l ;lf'rit'd hr ( :11l11r lk;irn
\Vrighr. i\ lr" llll'll '"''""dlf'r rq:inH'nt_.; ;·,;innl them."·~ At th.ll 1~"'"1. (,t.lll'J,d .\ut;IIHT rode up the knoll to take torn""'""· Hnn~ncll IH•lll'llcnTr 111 i11111 ;ll lll1t'~' .111d denLHHkd ;Jiflhnri/ .11 ion.r' i ' ~ 11111 ~ 11w tl w l I•.HJ:l· l1c h.HI ""' rt t'tl. \umncr ga ,;<' hi.; approval.
l•ut he nrdn,·d I l!'lll1'11.11it ( nlntH·I \'ide \\'h11 had arri1•cd with part
of the 1 \1· ( ;1\ ~,J, 1·," 11'111.1111 hci1ind 111 fnm; .1 hcl.1ted rcscrn·. Vide
.d" , h.Ill II 11 n · 1" " 'I'" nl II It' ~ rd ( ·.1\ ·• d n 1111 dn hi 111. ;111 d a lr w I{1111 g h
Hulcr<. trnn1 I I ""'I'· lh IIH'I1, .1hnnq "1'\"l'll hn11drcd trt11;pt·ro; IL1d
llflll"lkd·nnln .md .11••11i1d IIH· nt'\1 nl rill' knoll."
I
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lr'"'l' l'"""'". lnl111 ltohin<.ofl \\';1\ our 11fthc H1111gh Hiders
,Jrr.linnl fn1 !111' rnf'll c·. I li- l•t'J',):I'clllf·lltf'll.lllt ( "nlrllLl;l, "hn Lnd\
,_,kr. It-t nw 1'."' 11 .. , "dl 1,,: !111: " " " l h.lllll' I ""ill n·crhavc '"lire
r:
" " " 1'.1111
I
I .1111"•
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'1"\.1\
'"'"'''I"""",. ,,.,
1111" ,._ .. 1 ..
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FIRST TO TIIF. TOP
····--- -· ···- -- ---------------
When there was no response to his plea, Robinson deserted Coleman.·
. Ue joined the troopers around Roosevelt, shrieking at the top ofhis
lungs. lie participated in the charge on the heights, hut the next day
lw was killed in a meaningless exchange of gunfire with the Spaniards.H
Once. Roosevelt had Sunincr's consent, he gave the order for the
rliird rime to charge. the San .Juan Heights. He was waving his arms
'~hile holding the revolver from the battleship Maine in his right hand
as he C;llnmanJed, "Let all, brave men follow me!" This time, the
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response from the Rough Riders was a firm "We'll follow you." Qespite the continuin~ Spanish fire, the troopers tan happily after him
and Color Bearer Wright. Everyone was grinning. 44
<:apt a in Dimmick headed the 9th Cavalry after the death of Colond I Ia milton. He did not sec the Roug~ ·gig~_rs_ kav_cJ\ettle_HilL.As· ____ . _
~~-~{ul__:is_llc w~s ttJd ,~-ha~f~;ps~;~ft .had star.ted,.he ordered-a move- tllt'lll forward iti support o( the Rough Riders. After fifty ya-rds, the
white troopers were-mixed with the black.H
Crossing th_e valley was· hot, strenuous work on foot ~nd under
fir(·. The d1ar.ge hcgan like :1 flying wedge in the football games of the
dar. Rqosevelr was the poirH, with the revolver stuck in his belt. When
a westerner Sl:~rted the cowboy yell, the whole regiment took it Up
and the sound boomed into a roar. Roosevelt again interpreted the
roar as the hacking he expected. He too gave a shout of .exultation.
· With sweat streaming down his face, he impulsively turned to the.
deafened Bardshar trotting at his heclsand screamed, "Holy Godfrey;
wh;lt r;;ll! " 1 ~
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<:ritics said later that while Roosevelt was lending the second
charge, "the wolf rose again i'n his heart," and he was simply "revclit;g in victory. and gore. "The need· to prove he was not a coward still
prodded him: lie was rejoicing at the unbelievable extent of his sucC::c'is. In addition to his personal motivation, he was demonstrating to
·the regiment once more that "God is with__ us. "H
. Among the first to he hit during the charge was Theodore Miller
of() Tr;•op.ln vioi\Hion of Roosevelt's orders to leave casualties tC?
the medical corpsmen, Miller's friend stopped to hear him whisper,
''I'm going, !larry, hut it's in a good cause, is-n't it." Like many othns, he died believing f{onsrvrlr\ preaching.~R
"Jj, the ~mviving Hough l{idn'i, \\;Oli!HI~ h:-td hemmr m:-trks of v:-tlor,
1'\f't't i.dh· i( rhc\' J,J,.,J,,ro("''·h·. l)c·.lrll, "'''\'(''''''· \\'.1~ 1 ._,:J,;,., • (",
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bidden for·dr<:tll'-'~1111 .. , he illu.,trator hednil·l{emin~lonnot~·d that
well·cduLIInl. \'lllllhl111 in.>oJ"icro; like 1\lilln ex peLted to he killed in
rlw t;unp.u~rr. '' lnrnr. ·· J{erningtnn rnnarked. "_wao; old. talk .. tnth1·n·r.
.
In wh.ll "'·''·"'~'·"" ,,.._ .rd1nir.11ion nf ion~hne•" and nollTn\llrt', J{l;lllin~tnn h.1d ll.11mrd I rnm rlrc beginnin~ that "\'\food and l{oml'\'elt
\Vert'. had men .111d "·nnld lt'l'tainh· ~l'l the ynrrn~ lll~:n killed ... ,.,
Jr1 thic; n•rHe\1. h.rd 111!'.1111 "gnnd ;ll tlwrr job.''
r'rc ( ;,1/ II
When Hono;e_,rlt ;md 1\.rrd,har l·.rmc to rl;i. final wire enta11~lcment.
the\' nawlrd under .111d \\Till n11. 1\ trnnpn 'i.n back of them smao;hed ·
the <.tapll·'- nni nf't\\·n nltlrr \\·nod ,·~oq, with the burr of his corrhin.{'.
I k freed tire h.nbnl wrrc ,;nd the IT.'-1 nlrhc nwrr noso;ed easily. l'arker\
had ir~g··gullo;-wne· .11k.11 ,,.j IIJ:~ 1c11 I; :i 11-1 hc--1md.;r- of-t he ·Ill i-'\1 11 re-o f-K
;i.Jid_l.lri·•i•j''-~'·"-- --- - · ., -. ---~----·~-- ·_ ····... ...:c.. . . .
hom then""· ilrr d~;nge 'dq..:e11natnl i11tci romplett; disorder as
rlw Hnuglr Hr.Jn, 'f'lrrllcd nirw;nd. Thn fired ac; thn· ran. hilling
nothinJ!. ;liHIIrc•l l.HIII~:: ( ;nhiiH' h;irr~·ls bc·l;ltne sollot that llll';l were
afraid to throw 111 .111otlrn t.ntrid~c·. Thnrro;a1lds of hullers \\:Crt'.
drcij,ped in tlw)!Ll"-. lire .,elf-gencr;ited di11 nf their own detnnations
\\';1<. loud l'llflllt:h Ill I'C'f'-ILHk ihe tfOIIJ'l'f" that the Spalliards \\'l'IT
dwoti_ll)! .11 l.hl'ln ·''--'ll·.r, rh· ·'"before.''
Ronq·,rlr 111c·d wlrrlc- plodding drrou):lr IILH"hy grn1111d at the
north e11d nt ilw J'on.l. l,cHlll ,·orrr1p·i· and "'""nger nrrin.crs l.·•IIIJ!.ht rrp
to hrrn. l11 thrrr cnplinn.r. 1hn· .,\~TJ't b,· hip; ;llld the di.,intq.:ratil~i:~
\\'Cdgc. Thn· were <;till '-l.fl';lmirrg tlrcir.lll\\'ho\' n·ll. as' if IH;i._e alom:
l ould fri~lrrcn 1hc \p.11n.rrd ... ' ·
~ \VIrcrr Hcu"-c'\cll I'·'''l'll rlw p11nd .. 1 "J'l'lll hrrllet o;trrrrk lrim c1n
the h.ll.k "' Ill'- kit lr.in.l. 'llrio; \\';1" Iris th1rd mirror wo111HI. \Virl1ll111
hrc.1krrr~ lrr .. 1rn1, he·· "··"~"d tlr1· h.rnd in the :1ii· o;o.thc trcHIJ.WI'> rrr.rr
lrinr l·nrrld.'-n· rlw l•lc ,·,.c1 '-I"" J,. '-l'l'J'ill~.:. lie- ~lroutl·cl. ''l'n·.got it .1g:1i11.
l>n\·'-! 1'\l't:ot 11 .r):.rn'' .. I hen he trrrncclto,1 nrorT "l:riorro;h· \\'OIIIllkd
lrPPJ'l'r "'"" '~: .... kcFJ''"): p.llT wit.lr lri111 ;11Hil·\~·1,1inrcd L111~hingh·..
.. Yo11 IH'c·cln't f,,. ~ .. ci.IIIIIH'd prorrd!" 1\1 rlr;ll lllllllll'llt he ronsidnnl
lrrrnsclf the h.q'J''~"-' 111.111 111 ( ·uh.1.''
To rlrr lrl1 .1111l ,,·,·11 .rlll'.tclnl l11111. 111n'-1 of the 1q ( ·,l\.;1lrr lhi
1:.1dl' rlr.ll ll.lcll···· 11 < "'''II\"'·" J'lnc·cl'llint: '-'r:ri!•.lrr lc.r rill' "l'dor of
rill' .l~t··n:hl, 11c·.1" ' ' rJ,, 111.1111 \.1111r'.cr••• 1r.r·cl ·\, "''"" :1'- dw._,. lr""l'c·.rs
•
FIRST TO TIIF. TOP
e
reached the edAe of the rise, enemy fire from the heights tapered off.
The Spani;lf'ds were faced with a thousand cavalrymen charging from
ldt.of the pond, another thousand .-rpproaching·frc>m the front, anJ
five thousand infantrymen flanking the heights from the south. Re. duced in.numher hy this time, the. Spaniards abandoned the San Juan
llei~hts in ~ood order and fell hack to their defensive line closer to
S;imiago. The hei~hts w;-~s the 1.-rst of the Spani~h fortifications to he
abandoned :1t San .Juan:14 .
After the enemy retreated, the only casualties the cavalrymen suffered that day were.stray shots from tlie inner Spanish line and from
the few remaininA sharpshooters in the trees. The noise generated
hr the t roope~s. however, co1~tinued. The R·;>ugh Riders could not
yet know that resistance to the charge was over. Roosevelt was still
l'L\Iatic.~'- -·.---- ....:..:. ---... -· ---,-~------ ...
--1\y~thc time'tllc Rough Riders,-the 9th Cavalry, anapanting·Roose-= .
vclt reached the heights, regulars of th_e 6th and 3rd Cavalry already
had taken possession. In the relative 'quiet, 1oth Cavalry trobpers
· · c1me up·on the right. The surviving ~paniards were gone, including_ .
·their wounded. Few prisoners were taken~ those who remained to
till the trenches were dead. Most of the corpses had little bullet holes:
in their temples with their hrains o01.ing out. 1A • ·
,
l{ooscvelt and Bardshar were hurrying along the top of theridge.
when two Spaniards unexpectedly "leaped from the trenches" of the
~lead. The e1ieiny soldiers stood erect, leveled their Mausers, "and
fired ilt liS, ll<~t ten yar.ds aw;~y." Despite the slight distance, the har-· ..
ried Spaniards failed to hit their mark. "As they turned to run,"
Roosevelt reported, ''!.closed in and fired twice" with the revolver
salva~cd from the M,,inc. "missing the. first and killing the second."
'Borrdshar had stepped aside .to let Roosevelt have the honor. Now he
finished-off the man Roosrvel't missed. 17 ·
l{orrgh J{idcr Cliff Scott of J) Troop explained, "The Colonel jerked
his ~rrn and made a hip shot that was good, and he told a number of
us hoys he would rather we didn't say anything ahout it." To make
rlw "good shot," Roosevelt had yanked the pistol from hi~ heir in
true western sq·lr, hut he ac;ked for secrecy because he was not sure
that c;lrooting a man in the hack would enhance his image at home.·u
For a few day.,, the mrn did not mention the killing of the Span. i;'ncl "·l1<.1 lr.1d "turned rn run"' 111 ;1 v;rin :rttempr to ger away. They
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talked about it onlr to eat h other. hoastin~ ahout their l·olonel. Then
tht:y fot~nd that ltoosc\'clt himself hadhcc11 ·rctailiJi~ the episode to
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·correspondents ;tnd in letters recountin~ the h;-mlc's hi~hli~hts for
politician" and his t-i,·ili;tn friends.
Roosevelt finallv dct·ided that slayin~ the enemy soldin w;1s a·
coup. He could IIIli di'>til\Tr ;my other re~imental or .staf(officer who
had fired a \\T;tpon and hit his human mark at almost point -hLtnk
ran~c. IIi-. kill pnl\nl he had hcen in tlu• van.
"Did I tell \'on.·· he wrote to (:;~hot I od~r. "I killed a Spaniard
wirh mr n\\'11 h.md when lied the storm ofthr fir~t rcdouht?" Tht;
enjoyment \\';Js e1iriched hecauo;c he an:omplishrd thr Spanii~rd's en~l
"with"the pistol WJII gan· me·which '"""raked upfrom the M11inc."
1\y firiitg hi.; brother-in-law\ o;ou\Tni•'. he felt ht•-had done his hit to
.~'.rt·_nte;ulll"r .._the J.'-'11 t_lr~IJ ip \VbJ '"Ld_est IJ!ll ~ l.!J he_ h;1~J _h_1ng dt~H~('~
to thr Sf'••n•;n.d_.,_, .. _ --· --" -~ .·'...- ·- -- ·- ·
-- ---- -· --- ---- .. -Wig·n hi<: lrwn·tf., qtu·stioned Roo<n.-elt ahout how shooting anothn hun1.11t l'nn~: .11 less than tc1r rani.., made him fed. he Insisted
that he w,,.., "not 111 the lr.1st o;ensitiq· about killing ;tn)'lllllllhl'f of
men if there '" .111 .lllc-qu.llc re.lstlll. .. The motive he l·ifi·~l wao; rl~;tt
thio; was \\';H. 1'111 thnc ;JI'-'' \\TIT 111111H'Illione·d personal emotions.
IIi'> friend 1.d I 1. l\111> lt·q:usnn who h.Hienli..rcd in the ltough ltidns
sc•lch· 111 hr nc.n l{"""n·clt ohq·rq·d th;ll "no hunting trip so far has
nTr cqtJ;Jkclth•s in Tlici•clmc\ cq·s. \VIH"n I caught up \vith him he
h.1d tnst 'd""bkd "I' .1 \p.uush officer like a· j;ll'k·r;_lhhit' and all the
w;l\' dCI\yll to riH· IH'\1 lmc ;,f t•ntreilchments he rnl'oura~cd us tt.l
'lnnk .11 thco;c d;lliliH"d \p;lnio;h dc;~el.'"•·••
Tn a bi,: g·.u.n(·lluntcr IJkc Rnci..,cn·lt. ;I nmnin~ n1;111 wao; the ultilll.ltc prt'\,1''-J'Cll.l'ili .lltrr he tr.Jnsfnr111nlrhc o;Jain ~oldicr into ;1\p_an
,,.IJ nflil \'I.
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chapter24
Ending the Charge
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··- After:.the :capture of Sa·n Jt•an Heights, the troopers-gathered around· ,
· the loi1pholcd hacienda. They were more concerned about their empty
stomachs than they were ahout the Spanish dead they would have to
hury in the trenches. The men had not·eaten since. the early breakfast
that seemed to have heen consumed Jays ago, hut their rations were
in the packs they h;~tLheen ordered t<) leave near the hill at El Paso.
Fighting made men hungry. One Rough Rider asked plaintively,
"What in hell has. hel:omc of the dinner hell? I can see where I'm
g1iin~ to miss my cats.'' His sergeant tol_d hi_m to quit grumhling.
one re_;tlly expected to he fed that afternoon or night.'
Unknowingly, ho~cver, Roosevelt had emulated Civil War Col.
l.ew Wallace of the Union army who captured the Confederate soldiers~ breakfast at Romney, Virginia~ Here on the San Juan Heights,
the Sp;miards' dinner was still cooking on a. big wood stove in the
officers' mess, There was a ·Jar~e pot. full of the Castilian equivalent
of mulligan stew, maJc from meat the Rough Riders hoped was beef.
There were a couple of smaller pots of rice and peas and a dozen rice~
llour loaves of flat hre;~d. In addition, the Spanish larder included
salted flyin~ fish, hottles of wine, and a demijohn of rum that Roosevelt
referred to as "fiery spirits." A few men got. into the wine and the
nim hdore Roosevelt ha'd the jugs hroken. 2
No
Sur~ronl.aMotte gave the predictable warningthat the stew might
have hren poisoned :1s·a rulin;uy hoohy tr:tp. Roosevelt p;~id no at-·
t!'ntinn. Trpicdlr. he fed cnliqrd 111!'11 first. Thr food intcndrd·for ·
�e
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t\venrr-tivr Sj1.mid1 ,_,(fin·l:~ was di:vid('d int1i small feasts.ft;rth~· fir<;~
one h1uHirC:·d tHH•J~cr .. ~l-nlinc 1ip.Tiicrc \\TI:c sci111e u;ps to ren·i\-e th~·
'>ll'\\', h1." nnJ_, ..1 k\\· J'l.llc'> •.·~· lltl'll'>il ... 1
~p.ini'h •.'t':l"tlllll):" prti,·etl _In be lllllll.i lih· the J{ough l{idt·rs'
11\\'ll '>nlrill\n:qcin l.trc.' Thn\t' ,\·ho ;Ill'. the 'Lilli meal declared the
~pai1i;;rd." tn l•c g,,;,(l· ~.nnk._..; ;I' ·,,·ell ;p; lllllt h sli:nr'igcr lightno; th;lll_
k1d hern npe_dc·tL
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. :rh,; Ch,,s~· ,,,·,,~' Oi'rTft!r'k ·,
fhe llil(ICII~I.r 1111 rlwJH·,,~jj,~·h'ac!'nn i,fft'll\in~ v;iltH·tothi: t;l\'aiiT Its
J:·,L;Iion·lllt'fl.J(;.d ••nlr·;;I'J'rn;l.liH'' fr;1111th;· ea\t~,Thr li.m·.of o;i.glit tn
~a,;i i.~l!.l.l w .1 '· 1~-~~~ · .11 1h.e ILil'll'Ud.l hut nrl -;ur ni..'crloi 1k a i10t 1;~-r tlnn;
huntir~·d Llrtj, :l.111hn \~T\1 ·th.lt w;l~ allgllcd w11h Kent\ adv;inl·(· tin
.b.:.'..l_l_.lll._l_l,l__l_I_I_IJj ~"J.·~rd~~~~k ,~.,-~_lJ.I.l.I...!..~J l~I!J~It'tiJ'\-' IH'.SJ!arlia rdo;.JJit~r
h·a·d. r.c1r:.c:1 tnLrc ,_ddu•srYc lrnes.nttt .n~l'-\··i"i bit~.
.1\Y;ur~i· i111: i.1kr~•i: ,;l.rllr.h~:ight' wa' "~'' \Tt ~·iullJ1Ictc; ( :apr;lin
lim''';: ,,.. 1'-.' \\;;ft;,·IIH';I ,\·hcnJ;c·H;de up to ilw Llrmhtm..,e w.ith an
•irdt;r·:,~;,ll; (-,·t'll~T:II \lllliiH'r io th~· t.rh ( :a,·;tlq·\ (:a,~taili ,Wcs.t \vho
1!;1t) hrl;ll, t hdi r(t. nlli~ n.t' •,i:t.·;llch the ht;ight s. Th(·· imt~qditH.l was for.··
\Xic.,( t,·,' ~-~-}~c,l'' .~,, ..... ,, •1r (,(1 he ,,,·nl' 11 ,k: \Ve,t o;t;l nct:l . hi.; regi IIH'Ill
lll~H~-hlllg. rl).!!ll ;I\\ ;I\ .
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: :. L1~11.11ri<:" ;lllH•.".l: the J{ougli Ridno; \1111 were urK_t.HrnteC.I. hut
1hne .were i11:1;,~·.,_Nnn ilit·ks< j{,·,,,,!'\Tit r.lllie~l_tlwth•opcrs in supI'Prt' "' tl11; ·(.,I h. 1\\ dn~ 1.1r.•w he h;l_,f-(;Hrghl his breath, and 1hc mc11
h.HI j.:.ii\\nJ .1 11cnlnl ll'~l'it~·- \\'rtl·i:nul .lllll;nritati·c.,ll fni111 s·ulimn
who.mrglil:. h.r\ ,. t•rdnrnl.ln kZ·cp tiH· ·l{nll,~h Hiders ;l\\:;1,: h·on·l thc
lrnllt .. l{,;n,t·.:l_'lt ,',llnl'ln< 1111'11 ;lnoo;, the ridgi·. 1111 the doirhk i11 the
••nk j;idun·l•n••k th.ir~~· n(rll('ILI\·.The tcrrai11 wao;ciperl. tfll' dist.llllT \\';;~:-~1\,,,1, -.;r.Jil 1hcn· ·\\',1\ JHt \p;lil·i,h ~~~ . . i~t.llllT. ·1 he trtHlJ'I'rs
~\Tri· ;;!tit· i;,_IJ,.Icl·:~·..,lr:ir:t:li; ~(i,;rse.- lhn· \fnpf't~d ;·,;1ly·to kr·l.cci ;illd'
iirr· thr·i;·l.lll~n~~·~ c'.l)~i·rh·:llc;l;mn: line" the\· llllrl~lllclt scr.'
~ AI .!. :-~ ;, r·,·"·· i lh~ l{nu):h I{ idcrs tc 1inrd \X'cst 011 t hr fin a I ridg~: R1u·,.,e.- · ··,
d·lr ln!illd lir'rnsl-·11 d1rellk nppo-.itc \aritiagt•. <aari11g' down_iillo l'irr
\lr~•cio;tf;:~,-~,·cr,.'ti,_~sntnl nl~!'J't {,, .. ,,,Jdir·r.;' mnn:'llll:_!lt~.The hca,·ily
llLl;'u1ed t..l~:nti-.ltlll'l;, ltc"·< 1·1-l\\'1;1'11 tl'11· p\·rrlnnk and the l il\' \\'ITt' itll
.i ,·,,:n.dil·,;;,iJ, 1,>"~'' i·J.._, :lllllll·I;H'rcl~· dll.-1'1' hnnclrcd Lll'ds ;IW;;, .. ·....
It '"·;'-I'\ .1:1r 1~ · 1... :I h, · ; 11 , k111;. • "IIi l i.,. .11 1Ii 1.. <;c: l'l i "" n f rill' f r nn t : I k '
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,;"'k rlw ,·,"'"" '"'.! ''""'.' _,,,~_.~;" \\·,.,,, 11 ''"'·,. \ln1 lrn111 .dl '" .\:.11·.~
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ENI>INC; TJI'f:CII/\RGE
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;~lryrq~iliH:-'nts were prcsent,-hut they amounted to only four hundred
troopers. Most of the other cavalrymen were milling aro·u.nd ~t. the·
farr.llhouse the Rough Riders had just vacated, wcrc'placcu· tin hap:.
t~ily in reserve with Viele at KcttlcHill, or wer~ located somewhere ih
. hct we~n·. There \vas also an infrequent infantrymai1 'on the 'overlook,
-..: · although th(' main body of infantry was digging in '<'>n S~n Juan HilL.
.lf~~~·si·veh h.l.d fwt calmed down. He was aggressively ~onsider~
ing· the ft;asihility i1f organizing the fouf hi.mdr'ed troopers .on the·
_ridge illlil ;-1n assault on Sa.ntiago itself when.Captain.:Howze a~rived
a11d ttild him nor to adva.llcc f:~rrher; .He was to holtLthc.overlook at
···- ;\,jh:mts. How7.e e:xpl;~irled, hec;1·use~tl~e heights had hechri,c· the key·.
. lo an :1tt~;ript to d~aw a horseshoe of conta.innicnt arot!nd the ap-_ ·
. .pn.,;.li:hes to the city:·~
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--'--__..:,..----1-lowze-also advi:o;ed·l{<!liscvclniffctrc-:··iTfiffy.yarilst(>
,irotectrd·J-nfsiti<ifl-(lfl....-diFridge:Tfc
sl!rprlsc(ft{) h~at R~-~~~~;Tt -~ ·.
r~·sj)-ond tru~ulently; "Retreat! Therc-go~y men! S.top_,.them ify~nl
c;rl! I ca;l't!;, Fifty Rough Riders~1nd ~ ·JozeriJ:,Iack regi.il<l~S under
· dai-ing.Captain Jones of tht ·, oth had ~ontintied onehun.dred ya.rd~
. past the overltiok 'to a~poiiit w!Jerc they were exposed, suhj~dedJo
Sll:ll:rig crirmy f~rc, a't~~Lunsu,):JlOrt~d. ROl;sevclt was tempted to join
t heni with the: rest ·of the tr;>11p~rs; hut. i~erec~nsidcred .. On cq:m. ma.nd, .Jones reluctantly' rcturne'd·t~ thec>verlo~>k, while Ro~sevelt
~;irdgingly agrc~d to fall hack a couple <>f strategic pa~cs from the
· . cdge torr~c;llify Howze.~·
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gaiJi'a-mo'rc-~-- =-~
-;According ,to the rwvclist Stephen <;r.ane who arrived alittle later,
;he cavalry on the ridgc'"w.~s dtlsty, d'ishevcled, its, hair matted f<! irs
. forehe;1d·with sweat, it~- sl\irts gltJed to irs ba'cks with the s~mc s.weat,.
and indescrihahly dirty, thirsfy,.hungry,'and a;.veary from irs bundles·
;11_1(1 irs marchrs.amr its figijk ft sat do~n on th~ conquered.cr~st and'
· fi·it satisfied. 'Well~ he'll! Here we a·re."'" ·
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. . Rocrsevelt- was ,;or ~atisficd. :He·s.tt)()d recklessly in th~·operi and.·
~a zed a r cdle city th'~ough borrowed' field glrisses. Then he S<lUiltered
. u·,~ ;u~d down past clusters of. prone troop.ers,.co.nsideringwhe.thet to
·oher Howze's order not to advance. just dead _Buckey O'Neill had.
rliumhed his nose at da11ger, Roosevelt hehaved.without ·regard for,
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hl!llt'rs"urttillg thr grass at his krr. The r11_en lying on the ground said
rHithing In hirn, hut the~> rcmrrllhercd O'Neill vividly. They ~ere
wn11dnin~: hn\\' Inn): i1 ""'.rid h1· hcf1,r1: l{nns!'vclr w:1s hi1.•
as
�e
I I II II Y
HI
If I \ r \' I· I I .\
I \ 1\ N
I I 1/\ N
W11h the ficld,:f.t,,,.,, Hnn\1'\'t•lr ;tl"nl't'l'rt'd into the nctwns of a
l!ffl\'t' nf rn\'.d p.tlin lrt't'~- whnr t'll;;lll\' .. h;trpo;hnott·ro; were hidden
111'.11 rflf' \I'·""'" lit" II< hr'. ffll' J:lll'l rdf.t\ Ill If11• IITI'Illl'." Sllllll \VI'I'!' _...
d"l'·"' hnl h, ·., ,ft.r.h 111111'111 11l Ihill\' I''' ked l{nugh -Hidn marko.;-·
111!'11. I hnt· \\·,p; 11nlhi111: '' icnrifi,- -;t_hnul rht· prnl·cdurr. \X'I~t·n_rhn·
.;;"" .t "!'·""'"-''"Ill''"''"'~'~· rhn· l..dlrd him. \VIwn ht· \\';\'; ill\:io.;ihlt·
111 Ill' J'l'·r,·h. rhc l{nll,:h HHll't' o.,intph· lltindnl rlw hrandH'" with r.tn
dom htdlt:to., unrd rill' \p:t111.11d \\'a.., flit ;tnd fell nul oftlll' trrt·.'"
l{nm('\'dt nh"·rn·d rh.u rht· IILtil; \p.tni•di ddcnsive line 111 fwnr
·.,1 rhc qt\· bcln\\' h1111 \\',t~ l.11d ""' 111 lormid.thk rriplr l'lllfl'lll:hmenro;
.i11d lriJ'Ic ciil.lllglrnu·llti.. hom the IITillht"S, c:ni·nn• ;1rtillcr'y and rifle.,
W!'H' rhunilrr1n1: rht·lr lire iiJ' .11 thl' llll"t't'll AntniLtll soldici·s. Htlnsc\'l'lr _H';ll rnl h,- rdn'"''"l! tiH' nhamtnl UH'Il i11to a firing. lint· on the
o\·nlnnk .. IJc.h.td rlwnt.lu: ll.tr jii~Lhrhind rhc ulgr_ofthr ritlgr \',lht:r_r __
rhn·-·\\'crc· rc I. 11 11 cl \ '>;t lc bu l~lcoul d--~C"I'"IHI- -if_ llt'cdcd .-A It lu IH).!h ~ i1___ _
w;l'; mid-.tltcrnt1111i :utd <.;lllrn·. hr diqrihurrd t·apturrd Sp;lnish hLlllkci ... Thc·rc _\\ nr rn• llll!h lnr nnl\' nne Hongh Hider iit IC'Il. The rest of
;hr hH'Il \\Till""''"'''''~ ,,.,·he hin;.,ell did_,~.jH'Il he strt'tdted .,;,~till the
ground to t.1kc .1_ h1'id rro;plft'. 11
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\X'ith thr d.11tgn frn1it nKmylirc li:so;ened. thr tension on the o\'cr·
look eased. Au·11rd111g t•i Rooo;t'\'Clr, howe\·n.c he remained illl the
alert: Thrrc "'~·rc hLH k l·;n·alrnncn ,\·ithout their wounded or kill~-d
whirr nflin·ro;. lie hclu·n·d th;tt white trnnpns who lost thrir commiso;lnllcd Plli,·n.., 1\"nnld ,·;liT\' 1_111 \\'itlt o;t·rgt\Htt_s· in l'llllllll;Htd-hut
th.11·,;.\T11 \Tin.tn hl.11k rrnnJ'n". \\'nuld he 1111rrliahk in rhc.ahscn~:c
of "·l11tc' in ,·n11trnl. \VII\· clo;c. he rhollgltt. would thr \Xo'ar lkpar'tIIH'Ill Ita n· l''""dn I wIt ir c ,·d ficn~ Inr hl.1tk rcgi mrnts?
,\., Hnmn.-lr lt.td .t.nlitip.ttnl, o;nmc of rhc hbck soldiers "hcg;)n
111 drift In rill' lt',t_r. l'lrlll'r liclpin).! rill' wounded or to tlndrltcir m\·n
rq:tmcnr•;, .. ( l.llntllt): tlt;tt rlti .. ret r11gradc 11111.\'Cillcllt had to he h;llted
hcfnr\' II llll"llt'llllllfl_ .1 ~.l.llllJ't'lll' l'tHf.lii)!('I'IIIJ..: n·(·ryone 1111 tfte ll\Tr·
ltu-~k. he '·'"I th.tt lu: "j111111~l'd IIJ'. drc\\' Ill\; revol\'l'f, and ctllnlour
rlt.11 J·wnuld o.,ftnn( d~t· lirq .nt;llt who \\"1'111 In rite rear. The 'smoked
.. Y.tnkcc..,· fl.t . . ltnl rltcir wl11i1· trrtlt .111d hroke into hroad grino;, "I.'
)
Hnn\t'lr·lr l"l"l'"·''"rd rlt.tt ·'l'·'rr f~"'" rhio; one incitJent.thr com.1gc <.hn\\ 11 h1 ·l·l.11 k' 111 1 nnil•.ll lt.ld lln·11 1'\t'll.tpLtr\', F\'cll l~nngh·
HHirl' "ft,, 1\n•· 1;~,-, .. dH nl (,llllltiiT\Innr·r< l11· rnainLtinrd.·henlT·
ln11h 1• ""I.Jf.,· ",IJ,.,,._--''In ,lr111L ""' ,J! 1l11· \.IIIII' t".lllll'l'(l."''
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llow1.r rern:uked that the hLu;ks were impressed with both the
wlonrl\ dctrrniinatic1n and tli(• proven killin~ power ofthc hig revolver from rlw Maillt'. Tlt,·y srayt•d on rlH' overlook, as they would
lt;n·t· .. if Roosevelt had simply ordered them to remai11· instead of indulgin~ in histrionics .
Next Roosevelt al'tcd to srrcngth<.•n his defenses. Because his troop. ns were so few· ~omparrd to the thousands of Spaniards they faced,
he fearcd·a ro11ntcrattark and set the men to di~ging trenches. A few
·used L·aptured Spanish shovels. Thr rest employed any implement they.
l·,,uld f!nd. They wielded w~1kirig utensils, cups, dishes from the few
mess kits, rans, tna1.:hetrs, sticks, pointed rocks, and as a last resort,
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The Rough Riders Jug without complaint. Willingness to obey
_ ____ orJ.t.:.r:.s d~st~i_t_r (at!girr w_;_l~_ty_p_it:_al_of_tbem, al~h_Qllgb.the ~ntr~nchiog_
____ pwmised .tolastirito~the,night and.could.not.accomplish much with
. rhe primitive tools at hand_. Meanwhile, foreign attaches d~<;lared that
the American advance up the San Juan hills was something no other
an.uy in the world could have improved on. Correspondents were
d~·scrihing the hattie as having hecn like a string of exploding dynamite sticks ·three miles long. 11
111 the-Air
Shortly after 2 'r.M., couriers froni· Lieutenant Miley advised General
Shafter a little prematurely that "undouhtedly we have the heights;"
·Shafter got out of hcd, dressed, and rode to the top of the hill at El Poso.
- The afti.·rnoon was getting hotter, adding to Shafter's malaise. By
2: _lO hr could ser ·from the hilltop that the heights were unoccupied
"" Ameriran forces for a half-mile north of the Rough Riders. It was
c~-itir~l that thr gap he fillet!. This was the position Lawton was sup:
·posed to have taken, hut he was still hogged downat El Caney. Sumner
had dispatched urgent messages to Kent req~resting support hut had
received only one regiment, the I vh Infantry. Kent's forces were at.
least as mixed and as spent as the cavalry; and they had to cover the
<~xpansr cast and south of San .Juan Hill.'~
Under thr t:irrrrmstanccs, Sumner· described the whole cavalry .
pmition as "in thr air"-that is, tinsetded. Th-e northern flank might
hr rrrrnrd hv the strong Sp;111ish force Roosevrl·t feared, routing the
~-.1\·;tln··;md fflrkiti111~ rill' r111 ir(' ;Hh':llllC. Another l\mr.ric1n division
�e
I I II II Y ll l I l I ' I \' I I I ,\ I
\AN .
II li\ N
wac; needed IJIIIlkk I hat l'l11lld nnh· he I ~nvt'on\. At two o'cl(,l·k,
hn\\'nn. I ,1\\11111 h,,d j,;q nrdnnl hi\ artillt·r~· mnvcd up .for the first
time .. nhll hl'n nnl' '" .1 rl'"'''·"'d Lndo; frnm rill' \·illa~t·. At 1.: .\0 hefln;tlh· "'·'' t·;,JJin)! l11r .·'" nrg.llli1cd ;Hh-;llllt' ;1g;l1nst the fort.'-.
·lh· tl""'''"i·. \h.llrn "·'' rudull\' ,l\\',11l' rliat he had erred-in 'l'lit'"'1'. hi"'"'''' lwt\\'l'l'li !:1 < ·.lllr'\'_,tnd '-..111 ln.ltl. h·adul nlthl' 1111~,
Ul_IIH' ill hnth .I1Tll.l'.. l11· '''Ill .111 ;tidc In I ,1\\'tllll \\'ith tht• dt·m;md that
the· ud.111111 dl\ '"'"II dl'i'IIJ~·'I~'· .11 II ( .. 1111'\ .u lllltt•: "You 11111\l Jll'll
U'l'd \\'lth rlw ll'lll.lllldt•J nf \ lllll fi•n I' ,11111 111111 llllllll'di,tii'J\' IIJ'l.lll
.'-.11111111'1 \ IIJ'.IIt ... \lLIItn '•• dn nl '''
. I ,1\\ IIIII lt.i.l 1111 I ""''"''Ill,. Ill •;h.dt;.,· .. ·"'"'''' ,,, tlldg·· till' ;.,,,:111
nftht• d.lllt:l'l .II \.111 J11~111 .. /\11111'11\J'I,I_ti· \\',1, ;lfr.llll th111 ilh.lltdllllilll\
I I ( .1111'\ " ' " " ' " J,, .. 111 ·'""""'"II nl ddt·.tt I""J'•Irdi!ing hi-.ciiTt'r. I k
duln111 nltn rl11· nrdn. lni.Ht.lw did 11111 <Hknowlnl~t· rq.'l'ivin~~ it a~
-p:rrn'it·rh··~ll.i\ \-ntti,,-:.lri·l'tlrd. II I IIi in. I TC:i 1lc~· ~\·;\s ~~--q,l.lr:,.~;·E,~~--~ -_ ·
·
\\·llldil, h'.l ,(:,;-;-,-lie· i·i~d~ r!·g~l-r~llt·<;-. -, ~, ~-;~~-~~~~~p;~ll~'l'S, ( );; i r;~--~. ~,.,;~t h.
.
nlthi\ lltlr.ut.d•lt- J,,.J~,I\·inr, hi-. .,uJ.nnlinatn l''idainu·d th;ll "l.awton
·": .1 l1nn ... _I li- l"llll:d \\:h~·.l'ln. YollllJ!.\V; .. ,d. ;ind l{oo'i('\'t'h it; \'iolattll~ Shaftn:,_~pn di, "'"'hltt_inm \\'ithout innfrrin~ a pcnah~·.'"
The l.,pani.nd-. """" t_ricd to 1;1ke ad,·;tnLtgc of l.awto11's rcdkitran~T. t\t 4 r·. \I. the Rou'gh f{idns· rntr<'IKhin~ \~as inrnruptrd by a.·
comp;tll\: nllnm lnmtfrrdSjiani.trds ;tth-a;King in spread for;n;ition.
l'hc llllt'llit;,;, ,,·ao; Ill tuni Rnt;'l'\Tit\ ri~ht flank where l.awtoil w;\s'
111 have htTil ....
Roose\'clt thought thr Spanish inLmtn· "showed itcr\'l: .. in their.
011ly. offcml\·c of the l.linp.ti~n. t\ftcr the SJ'ianiards lt'ad ad\'anc.ed a.·
hundred r.tnk h"wt·n··r. I';Hker kt niH' (;,,tlillg gunlooo;e on the-cxpmcd l'lll'tll\·._ H"'"''' t"lt -m;Jint.lllll'd that .tlln· o;·impl~·-."di.;;lppe;ncd."
· l'ltt· \p.ltll.ll'd .. llt-,1 ·"''' !lH· HPu~:h Hidno; put down the c1rhinl'S th;•\'
h.ul tH•I lin·d. ·1 ht'n 1hn "'~""' l•.tl·k tn their di~~ing and snapin~:·•
)
h'l''l.1lh. "t'·'"'"h <,,·twr.ll I in.m·-. h.td dispatdll'd too few sol-d,cr" inthr llllltlll'l.llt.H k. \Vith the druhhing. the San_ltLin fight con-:
dutfed ... ltio;l.tl!Prih lor the Amrrir<lll'. 1~1 the S<tinc time, l.awtc;n\
di,-i.,ion tonk _II ( .1nn .. The ~ z.o \p.1nianl" :11 Fl ( :anc\' h;ttl resisted
I ,1\\'lnn'\ ''·''' '" ln(·n lnr trn hnttr\. :\\till' ,-iiL!gr ;li_HI thrn the fort
ltrl:ltnc tttlf('lt.thlc. tlw '"II 1\ "~'' n·trl'.llrtlti•w;nd \1111ia!!" thrn11gh
.111 :\nH'rh .Ill.•. ,,,,,fire
I hnt· 1\o lo : · " • '-.1'-1111'·11 t.l'-ll.llltl" .II Jll-.1111'\' . . \ln11"1 (,,, 11!'1
e
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'ENDING TilE CHARGE
lTIH of the enemy infantrymen were killed or wounded. A hundred
soldiers escaped to Santiago and 120 were captured.
contrast,
l.awton lmt 4 ~o men, ahout_~ 7 percent of his force. He had fought
l·alltii>mly, despite both the urgency that developed for him to win
qttil·kly and his characicrii'.ation as a lion. By five o\:lock, the valley.
1111d till' Snn ,1111111 l'llttgt• Wl'l'e qttil't, l'Xl.'cpr for Ol't.'nsiottnl rille shells.
fin·d hy skittish.sl'ntrirs.''
In
Mil·;· rlw Spanish Wllllh'ratta~:k was stopped hy the c;,HJin~. Sumner''
twollllndr(;d 1111'11 frorn tlw n·srrvr on Krlllt•llill to support ltooN('
\'I'll. Tlw l'lltirl' l'llVIilrr division 111 tlw frntll hlul hrc·n n•dnn•d to tlw
C'tflll\';tllont of lour lull rq.~,int~·nts out ol tlw_six thnt st~trtl.'d thl.' d.,y ..
t )tu· troopt•r in thn·t• hnd ht'l'Oilll' 11 l'I\Nlllllty or wnN nwny from lhl.'
front aidi11~ till' wnundl'd, on burial dl·tail, or not yet ac<:ountcd for. 14 ·
___ ~-~__hc>m hisht·;Hiqttarll'rs-m·ar.EII'oso, Shitftcr-put-Whccl<.'r hnck in
-·~ -----ronun;1nd of..th~ ravalr-y-divisiond fcr_rrurned Sumner w the tst-Rri:·- - ·
~ade where thl're was an opening hecai1sc Colonel Ca'rroll had heen ·
shot. Wood n·taincd tlw l.nd lh·i~ndc dttrinRthc ~o:nntinuing Jisnhility ·
-i ,f _<;en era I Young. Roosevelt remained joyously in command of the
l{ou~h Riders.
"'Ill
_
Nearly Plrmkcd
Roosevelt had held the overlook against the Spaniards in compliance
wi.th Hc>w7.e;s order. Now Wheeler rode up to tell_ him that Shafter;s .
staff wanted the Rough Riders ready to fall_ far back to a more defens_ihle line.
_ Elated hy his gl<~rious day, Roosevelt demurred at discussing a
ll('~ativc like a retreat that brought hack memories of talks with dead
·<:a pta in (:apron. "Well_; ( ;cner;1l,-" Roos<.'velt replied, contemplatively,
.. , really don't know at this point whetherwc would· or would, not
accept an c;rder to faNI~ai.:k. If we move out of here at all, I should be
indincd to make a rush in the right dirl'ction, to take the city."
. "Is i! cymp~1lsory in the J\rn1y," he asked the g<;neral in mock
ingl'nirousness, "to ohcy orders 'that arc oral?" He insisted that he
wanted his instnKti<)r~s in writin~ ifthey went against his grain. The
l{ou~h Riders would go forward on any pretext to take Santiago, he
a~scrrcd, hut they \vould not retreat toward El Poso without at least
;ill oflirial dill'lllll<"tll he u11tld rcrain. 11
,\fin \X'IIl'cln ldt. l{om('l't'lr ,;dd lti\ officrr\ tl~;u·thc old general
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The -:n·neq ln"l'' \\'l'JT in "c111\ inhntry .regiments. The San
. 111.111 lltll .11-l.llk "''I' the mmt damaging hr f.1r. The f·th lnLH!,_try.
under 11.1\,k'"' lmt !f• l'~'~lTill id i~".;nwll. The ·I \th wh.id1 htn halknf
. dw l aLtlt:' ""the "''~'tl"nk lnq :!. 1 pe.rn,-111. The 1 f;tll_loq 1•1 pt."H.cnt.
,\.,_;1 l11'-f•1• ll.d l""ll'·l' i-:nn. hn\\·1·\·n,·thnt· \\'ere 11111d1 hloodin ( :i\'il
. \V:n I>.Jttlt--:._ ·\rt11\· l,,,n· there ('\tTI'ded ·lnl't:rl:t·nt. '"
hH'IIl\ l .l':li ..Jt!O'': .11 \.111 111.111 \\'!'rt' lllitiallr J'UI l'llll'>l'J'\';11i\'l'l\' :11
1:; l'l'll ('lit."' .llld111"" in the 1,.,...,, .., .l_t II< :.lilt'\". B~· l: \Cl I'.~L. ho\\'
t'\Tr. three h11ndrnl "'"IIIHinl \p:111i.Hd' h:td been Liken froin the hill
a11d the hc1gl11, '" dH" 1111lit:liT hn.,pit.d i11 Santiago. That was m_orc
th:1n c;o l't'rlellt. ,\d.l•tinn.tll.l'·ti.tlt'"ir' \\'t'IT being brought ino;t~adilr.
Str;n· AnH'rtl.lll l•ulkt' \\'l'l'l' l.tll111g 1111 rite hno;pital-without. hll\\·-~
l'\'l'r, Llll':lll'! ill)lllll'<... .' 1
- -Tlw O,p.llll"h "lldli.·r-:.\\'ere.dt·IIHII';llitxtLTht·Ldid nouhink that
retaining.. ( ·ul>:t"";l'-~l·l'lllt•n\··\\'a'> worth -tlwir--li\'t's ... ln addition,. tlwy ..
resemnl d~t·' ltl\t;rit·, nlfilTI'" '>till cn.jo'·'::d in nlt\11, \Tgerahks, and
KC. Thn· .ll':tlt.llllli'LIIIICt) tneach othn that Americans fon~ht in a
m:HHH'r cnntr:~r,· tn \\'hat tlw,· had hccn tr;lined tt) think tif its aj)prit::
rrra.tc in war. l"urope.llt<;oldin.; fired their. riflec; in 11nim·n and fell
hark t'o rdo;ltl. fh.lt.\\',1\ \\'hat the sp;lni•dt infantrymen usnallr did.
Americ111' ~:etH·r.dk kt'J't ;llkllllin)! wl11k firinR at individn;ll tar·
J.!l't-:. Till'~ 11'1'11 ~hl'lr i·_tfk .. :l~t-IILltel\' :1'> ~llark.,meiL: 11
· ( .etu·r.d I lll.ll ,., h.td not. ;ulcq11:11rh· ·'"l'l'k-lncnted hio; <>p;IJ'>t' dcfcno;n ._11 1·1 ( .tnn. \.111 ln.111lltll. m "rille llill. lie brought t~1 the-.~·
outer ddrn.;c lull''""" .111 e.tghth of tlw o;oldins and sailor-; av.lilahlt'
tn hun Ill .md 1ir.n- the t·it\·. Thi.;. "''"It''" th:ln a sixtt~enth of the .sold-_
in., lw·l"""":"'dcd in th·,. dl\trilt .1nd ln-. than a lwndredth of the
\pan1-:h·'"ldll'r' 111 ( nl•.1. Jlr,pitt' tlw.l\inu1 thattll_;(.. t~;_tined soldin
bt·hmd cl~·, .11i·d ddt·n-:r-:- i.; rqn;ll in fighting power to 'l'\Tn ;liLH-k·
-er". lw h:id .tlln\q·d hi-. lt•rln .11 \,111 ln.lll·f,; he outiwmhncd.fom·
trcnln nJH'.:
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Yet I 11~.m·-: l•l.11nnl hi, lm., nn thr ( ultan rchclo; once ;lgain. lie
A) ll.11111nl t\i.lt rhn: h.td, .tn-:rd hio; rnnn·t·nltunn from ~l:mi:1nill~, to
1
l.11l tn .nri1T 111 tiiJH'. I k did nnt :ll·knn\\Jrd):e that hi'> own di.,po'>i ..
llllll.nl "'ld11" l1.1.l l•tTll l.tlllt\· "' rlut tiH: dft:l·ti\Ttll'"~ of tlic Sp:llt-,,J, 11tl.tnir \ lu,l_l.,-, '' ,,.,J, .. nil•\ tlu· lnn11.tl \1\'k of \·olin· firing. The
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FNIIIN<; TilE CIIARGE
if there had heen hetter c;upport hy Spanish artillery, they might have
held off tlu; Americans despite volley firing. Then malaria and yellow
fever would have ht·n,me the decisive fact<;rs for the si10rt ter.m. 14
The hattie for Santiago was _one of the few times an American army
. routed an enemy of potentially superior strength positioned on a for·
· tilied hill. Although tl1e Americans did not re:-~liz.cit, they already had
won the hattie for Santiago. The Spani:-~rds discovered that the end
had colne when Fl ( :a;1ey was lost to Lawton. Lin~ res had not known
that Santiago's entire supply of fresh w:~ter was piped in from El
<:aney. When that·~~s cut off, or11y the water.in cisterm was left.H
The conclusion of foreign milit:~ry experts was that "Shafter's
n111ductof the campaign was im:ompetem and culpable, and bis ulti·
marl.· sun:cc;s w:~c; undeserved good for'tm1e. No precautions were taken
.. against. r.e.vet:s.ec;. The..d;~ring_of .A.!ner-ic:~n ~f.O,Qps -~~-s e_J(~eed<;~ <.?!lJL. __ :) ·
. hy~~their .extreme ·rashness.~· .Roosevelt and the Rough_Riders__w.eri__
the prize examples of audaCity l:~ced with imprudence.'"
Fi11allyDarkllc.u Fell
When evening c:~me, the situatiori of the American soldiers at San
,lua1i was dangermis and unc<imfortahle. Their lines-were thin. They
were merely. three hurHlred y:~nls from hundreds of rested Spaniards.
j:_xcept fo,r the lirck y few who h:~d shared the meager portions of. the
Spanish dinner, the troopers had not eaten since early morning.Therc
wac; no water. The men \vere so:~ ked with swe:~t. The night was growing cold. Coats and blankets were scarce. 17 .
I kspite the hardships, the soldiers expressed no discontent. There
was onlr a determination to hang <lll to what they h:~d_e:-~rncd. Roose·
velt said he told Wheeler, "We could not ha~e ta_ken the hill if the
Spaniards _hadheld <nit, hut after we got to the top, all the Spaniards
i_11 Sj)a in L:ould not h:~ve moved uc;. ".IR
·
( )ther officers ~~ere no.t as <;rtimistic. Wheeler reported to Shllfter
;lf H:l.o l'.t-1. that "a nmnher~lf officers h:~vc applied to me to have the
line. withdrawr1 and take up a strong position further back, and I
expect they will appe-al to rou. I J1:~ve positively discountenanced'
that .• as it would L·ost Ire; much prestige ... ,Q
Fi11ally it wa-; dark. The 11ight\ respite was wckorned hy the Rough
({idcr". J{omr\'elt shared one optmed Spanish hl:tnket with two
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.l~en·ilk w;t' ;tf tlllet' ,·,·dock the following morning. No hu!!lcs ·
c;ounded. ""' ,·Ill' 'l'i'gcants mo\·cd.·ahout in the darkness among
the huddli:d 1"1111'. sltaking the lllCI.l nut of their blankets. Shortly ..
ilftcr da\'hre;tL (PIInwlllJ.! a breakfast of rancid banm. hardtack.
and hitter roffn·. the _l~ou)!h Riders n11•ved out of Sihoney in a ..
column pf fnurs. As the dense tmdcrbrush dosed in. the t_roopers
were forced In narrnw dm\·n .to two·. and finally io sii1gle file. 1\ ·,
thick :curtain nf _l·atttl<;. ,·incs. and low trees lined both sides <•f ·
the trail. hiding small. secret places covered \vith undulating tall
grass:. Soon. the undcrhrush was so thick that no. tr;i:rc of the
column pf Rq~ularo; nn the right could he seen or heard except ·
for a faini huglc r_all nnw and then. although they were less than
a half mile ;"~·av. ·
·
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· 'li1 Theodore R•u•-;evelt. it seemed. the perfeCt way to gt} to
war.· Riding ncar the head nf ·the rc!!imrni. he 'thoi•ght the ex-.
pcdition mo!c like' a·huniing. trip than the hcg.inningof the conqm•o;t of< ·ut\a /\ttht• nro;t of a hill. he found that the tropic sun
had burned ;1w;" the mnrning mist. allll lw mnincn_tarily reined.
in hi-; hnr-.r I•• l!.;llc ;trrnso; the secmin!!lv pcarrfuh·allcv th;it lay.
beneath"'"' RP\:tl l';tf,it' rcadll'd inlt~lhc o;kv and here and there
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.,.,__ _
(·ROWDEn
HouR"
e
293
he saw trees covered with masses of hrillfant scarlet flowe·rs. "It
seemed ha1_:d to. believe· we were about to go. into a sharp and
bloody liitle fight:· Roosevelt later 'recalled.
.Only the senior officers were mounted, so the men-:-now wryly
callin~ tliemselves "Wood's Weary Walkers"-trudged uphill with
iwavy packs. their nan"nel shirts hlack with sweat. Land crahs .
. snJttlcd about in the jun-gle and vultures wheeled ominously overhead. The trail led over the spur of a·· tow mountain range and
then twisted 'r<)r more than a dozen miles down to ;..the Spanish
stronglu)ld at Sant.iago. Every 'tree might conceal an enemy sniper,
hut the troopers were. according to Roosevelt, '.'filled with eager ·
longing to show their mettle .." In spite of t~e heat and swarms Of
flies and gn;its that swirled about them, they laughed alld joked.
____ .:.'D<t!lJn["_:_ s_hguted QH~- Jropper~amid~_cries ___ o[_approvaL ____
___ "Wouldn'ta.cold glass.oLhecr taste ..good?" __ . ·- ...: ------ --- ---~
. New to the tropics an·d always an enthusiastic naturalist, Roosevelt was fascinated by everything he saw. He peppered Dick
bavis, who. was riding behind him on !l mule and knew the island
well:·with questions ithout unfamiliar birds and _flowers. It looked' .
like good deer-country. he observed. Indeed, it had bee·n. Davis
replied. before being devastated by war. The cooing of a brush
cuckoo caught and .held Roosevelt's attention. Not until later did
. he le;irn that the Spaniards imitated the bird's call to signal the
Americans' approach.
·'· ·
The reginicnt kept up a brisk paceand therc.wcre_few stragglers
even though .the· cowboys were unused to ·marching. Toward late
morning. Captain Capron sent back word he had come upon the
. corpse'mentioned by the guerrillas. Colonel Wood ordered a halt .
~here the trail dropped sharply into a deep ravine, and then
ti•rned upward to a long ridge topped ·by the crumbling ruins of
a large ranch ho-use. The officers dismounted and the men were
ordered to load their carbines.·
Roosevelt was telling Edward Marshall of the New York Journal
a funny story about his employer. William Randolph Hearst, when
. his eye fell on some barbed wire curlih.g out from-a fence on the
left side of the trail. He reached for i strand and looked it over
with the eye of an experienced ranchman. "My God!" he dedared. "This wire has been· cut today.'_'
·~what makes you think so?" asked Marshall.
�e
1()4
TIIHliHIRF. Roost=vrr r
e
"Mv
CROWDED HouR"
e
295
"The end i.; hri~ht. and ·rhere hao; heen enougi1 dew. even since
spout hullets .. Within three minu.tes, nine men lay crumpled in
o;unri-.c. In put a light ru.<;t on it.··
.
the tall grass, among them Edward Marshall. Hit in the spine, it
Sulldcnh. t>fl It• the ri.l!hl the tw•• field ~uns with the H.e~ulars
was 1hough! the wound was fatal but he survived.
.
l>oPmed Pill \\'hcthn intended or not. the-.c two shots were till'
Pinned down hy an invisihiC enemy. Roosevelt and a few officers
sil!_nal for tlw t>peninl! "' a lin·li~lll. Bullets kirked·up the ~roi111d
scarl'hcd the _jungle with field glasses for some trace of the enemy
_at the ket PI the 't;utkd Rou~h Rider" Under lire for the liist
so the. -Rougti Riders· fire ·could he delivered with more effect.
tulle. thn· hc'-ILI!t"d·," the t>pen :·ncp1Pv 1"shoutcd Woi1d. ""Iitke
:S11ddenly. he heard a voice shouting for his attention.
rnve r , ..
"There they arc, Colonel! Look over there! I can sec their hats
. Springlllg tn lilc. the n{cn darted inlt'·lhc dense hush. Thcv
ncar that glade! ..
uo;ed the butt.; t>l their rarl>ir!l'" ,,; hat down frantically the almost
Roosevelt turne.d to sec Dick Davis, glasses to his eyes, pointing
impcnetr;tl>k ~"'"tiL "It was like fon·in!! tiH>walls of a ma7c."
al'ross tl~e ravine. Looking in that direction, he spotted the hats
reported J);t\i' "If e;1d1 trn11pcr had not kept in touch with the
. and pointed them out to three j>r four marksmen, who concen. man illl eithcr-.h;utd. he Wlltild han- hee.ll lllst in·'"t11e thicket. 1\t ·
trated their fire upon the indicated place. At first, there was no
_ ~·n<;_ ~~~!l~cn_lllfc llrHkrl>n.r-;h q·emcd ~"'armin~ with troopers. and
indication of. results, hut after several volleys, the Spaniards
_tll(' n.~~~- r_x_l:~pt~t~,-~;l_~~!!u)l..c~ntf!)lc·l~~,~!~-~~rc~•~i_,1g_._;\i,~fthc I1c:tvv -~---· ---- 1 · ·-~ -~ .
._.__"Js.-:~j)_~-_f!o~!j~~-.l!_n~k!f~~-~~- a~-~~~<:>_ughj_sa.fify-~ls_e_\\!~~-~~~~--:-·.· -·
hrcat hi n~ , •f the mer1. '.,. a, nash as a vine pulled stm\e(,,1(. (10\vn ~- .- ------- · '- --I laving· at last spotted the enemy, the Rough Riders· began to
thnc w;"; nt>t ;r 'il!.n l>f a humai1 he in~ ;mn,·hc.r,c. ··
·
move· forward. The advances were made in quick desperate~
Hnt>sevclt later rcrallcd that he had no time to feel fca:-. hut
rushes-half a troo.p would rise and race. forward and then burrow
cxpnicnred a· tn·mor of .;clf-douht. ·Wt1od ordered him to tnke
deep in the hiJt grass and fire. The heat was intense, and the inen
thrcc·lronp.; to the ri~ht and. ifpossihlc.link up.with theRcgul;irs
(liscarded all their equip!llent except for their carbines, canteens,
11n the i11ain road. "In theory tl1is was excellent.~· h.e recalled:
and cartridge. he Its. They caught only fleeting glfmpses of the
"but a-; the jun~k was very dense the first troop tllill deployed to
Spani;irds and men were killed and wounded by an all--but-invis_the rillhl vanished· forthwith. and I never sa\v it again until the
ihle enemy. ·Roosevelt took cover behind a palm. Just as he stuck
fight wac; 11\'l'r- · havin~ n frightful feeling mean:whilc thnt I might
his head out~"vcry fortunately," he hiter observed-to look
be nlurlmartialed for loo;ing ir.··
around it. a hullct passed through the tree, ~lling his eyes and
The rcnwinin~ men ,\·ere deployed in column to keep them.
cars with tiny splinters.
·
fwm lnsin~ tnuch with each other. "I had an awful time trying
. By th_is time, the line of skir~ishers had reached .the place
_It\ get intll the fight and .trying to do what was,right v.:hen in it:'"
where the regiment's point had been ambushed. The grass and
Roosev~lt rememl>t~red. "All the while I was thinking that I was
·rocks on either side of the trail were spattered with blood, and
tht• only man whn did rwl know what I wns ahout. ... ··
discarded blanket rolls. haversacks, and carbines were strewn all
In a few inim~tl.'". the soldiers hwkr tllll into a small patch of
around. Fifty feet away lay· the body of Captain Capron. Beyond
high grao;s in the 1inderl>rush. Some threw themsel've.s onto the
a turn in the trail; at the farthest point of advance, Roosevelt
ground. while Plht'~" rrn11rhed in the grass desperately lo<1king
found Sergeant Fish, the first man to ·be killed ..
fnr snme "if!ll 11f the enernv. 'i'he Spailish were ':!sing smokeless
The fight had now lasted ahout an hour, and the Rough Riders
powder and ''"C'H' in\·isihle. Ailll they had sighted in the irail~ over
had fought their way into more. ()pen. country, where t~e land ·
whirh the 1\ mnir:m.; wrrr advanring. The only sounds were the
·sloped up toward a ruined farmhouse that was being used as a
deadl\' "·lrit-11·hit ;md slnill ::t'·r-11·11 of 1\·tauser bullets followed
hl<)ckhousc hy the Spaniards. Both Wood and Roosevelt, out of
(1,· :1 j·/111l' if :1 '1111: ·1111 .ht~mr. The rllemv\ fire was heavy. and
c;i~ht of each otherand at opposite ends of the line, decided to
... their :1i111 \\:1'; J,,,, I he tknq· lllltkrl>tmh 11p ahead seemed to
drive the enemy from the building. Roosevelt picked tlp a carbine
:!)"
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l"lll"fliHIIU' Hnn<;I'\TI 1
"Mv
CROWDED
HouR"
e
297
from a wou1Hkd man. :a•Jd joined in. the char~e. The advrince
upon the n_1innl buildirl,e was made in <,~ubhorn. short rushes.
-;nin(·tillll'' 111 .;iknn·. <llld_sPrnelimcs with the troopers firin~ as
thcv ran. Yelling at the tnp of their lrlllJ!S. thev swept up the hill.
1\t alnH"I the ";unc lllllflle.qt. the hrst and !i.-nth re~iments. which
h;rd ahn bc~·n hc;l\ II\· CIH!agcd. inadc l'tllltact with them a11d
joined in the ;ro.,.;a(dt ·:< '(1111e n11 1"' c;houtcd hghtin~ .Inc Whel'lt.·r.
:.\Vc·n· !.!Pl. rhc da11111 '\·;,flkcc\ 11;1 the run•·_:
. 'plucked out the eyes and tore .the faces and the wounds of the
dead Spani;m.ls before we got to them. and even one of our own
men whn lay iri the open."
The Fifth Corps was now tanializingly close to Santiago, only
ahout seven or eight miles away, and from the corps' forward
position on El Pozo. a conical hill nanking the Camino Real, the
red an~l hlue rooftops of the city could be seen .. The troops could ·
also sec men stringing barbed wire and making yellow slashes in
the·ground as ihey dug trenches along· a series of hills known as
Follnwing thi-. -.1..111111'-h. the Hnu~h Riders camped for the next·
the San Juan.lleights. One. San Juan Hill, was topped by a block.,jx d;l\·-, in ;1 pk;~<.;llll ~l;ulc 1111 the l;u side of the ridge thcv had
lu~use with an arrlling roof that looked like a Chinese pagoda,
l·apturcd. l·Jpq· to a dear. c11nl <;frcarn. The rcgirn~nt"s spirits were
more quaint than threatening. There were other blockhouses_
high and mPq IH''''flapno; had )!i\'l'n them rredrt for drrvmg _off
aliuig the Spanish lines and a stone fort at the village of El Caney
1
11
.I
Sp;lllia J,. ;Ill ~ 1111 i~nori ng !he Regulars. Ht)osevclt ' n:uprc.d
____ . ______ --~~lll t}lG_JighL oLthe heights. From -these positions,. the -Spaniards: ·
--a prc1nii "''" t plan·. in~tl.1csc arrountc; .- and he~was·pleased '~rth h_1_"_~-~- __________ .. __ _ __duminatcd the CaminoHcal and the trails leading-out of-the jurigJc--,ierfnrn1:11ul·~·-:-l·k lud ..,JHIWfrrc,olnt·ss·:ufd hr:f\·e--rYiTrfdeThr't' and
into the open ground over which the Americans would have to
h:HI e.-.~ncd th~· rcspcct.of his men. Snme of the newspapers were
advance.
he
mentinninJ! him f11r c ·,~n~rrss nr the govcrnnrship of New .York·
· "\Veil. wiJ:.rll'n;r ninic" I shall f<.~clcnntcnted with havin,l! left the.
Na\'\' lkp:11tmcni ,,; ~tl intnthe armv, .. he wrote l.ndge. 'Tor
c1ur ·re!!irirl·nt Ji:r, 1>\~crl in the first fight on land. :!tHI has done
·
well...
Casualtie" were hcavv for a hrid skirrilish.·howcvcr .. In all. the·.
attack in~ fnrre lost o;i:xt~en killed and fifteen wiltmded: ,,f th-ese. ·
ei,l!ht Rou~h Ridns "were killed and thirty-four were .wounded. _
Regular offirers rhar,ecd that th~ fight had hc~n unncc~~s:uy hec:1usc tlw sp'ani:r.rdc; had already decided It) wrthdrnw. I hey sard.
that the ;unateur soldiers. in their eagerness to press on. hlld hcen ·
flmhushed. Wood ;lnd Ho(,sevelt were irate at this sug,l!estinn a_nd
1
; qwed that it wa.; quite different to he attacked hy an enemy .
knowr~ ti• t"~c 1\·in,e iri wait" and blundering into nn ambush. • · ·
. FoiiPwin,e o;imj'Je rrrenlllniec;, the dead were buried in a trench
beside thr tr;•il \\hnc tht·,· had fallen. Thcrr w11s nothing r<llllflntic.
:rht~ul the aftcrm;rtl!' of the fi~ht. "The \'lllturcs were :vhcelinl!
o\:erhcad "' the hii.IHirl'd" ... Hnosen;lt wimlv reptlrted. "They
.
"In ho< ,;"~"'"' ""'"'" h '" lhr .\'ru· h•ri /l;·,.old. llido~rtl llartlinJ! llavi< Wlf•lc lh~l
rhror h>d l•rrn :on :onol>oo<h ""'·· oOJHinuhlrdh· inllooo·rHTol hv hi< lrirntl< Wood ant! I~PCl<cvdl.
hr :1hrrrtl h•' \lt'-1 \~t'tn l,,t,:r :'rn•unh I•' n't~h"h lh<'ll"' S('(.' fl:-wic;, flu ('ul•an ''''" ,.,,,,,,_
J?,t'n'l ( n"ll''llf''' 1'1'. ll l I l I
3
Through_~HJt thispcriml, -General Shafter remained on theSe~
'-'
~tmmm,
nnd the nriny made no attempt to advance. Despite the
urgii1g or- his commnnders and the open criticism of the corre~
sponden~s. he failed to issue orders to reconnoiter the ground
ahead. to cut additional trails through the brush. in preparation
an attack. or to shell the· trench diggers and wire-stringing
. _ details. Without interference from American artillery, the yellow
sl11shes grew longer and dcepcr.and the wire entanglements more·
complex.
_
.
The miny season began. Every afternoon the skies opened and
rain poured down in torrents for an hour., Some of the men went
ahout nak_ed in an effort to keep their uniforms dry because they
·_had .received no fresh clothing since the landing. The trail back
. to the beachhead at· Siboney was a slippery gutter of mud ori
which· even the pa~k mules had trouble keeping their footing.
Only a trickle of supplies reached the forward positions, and the
men foraged for provisions in the pouches ofdead Spanish mules.
Rumors nf a· stockpile of,supplies on the beach reached Roofilf
·seve It, who took a detnil of thirty or forty men with pack mules
to sec if they could obtain somcJor the regiment. They scrounged
around and found some sacks containing about eleven hun~red
. pounds of beans. htit <l commissary officer refused to ler them
I
.--1
�e
29R
TIIHII)()RI' R;lhSI'VFI I
"Mv CRmvoEo HouR"
haw them. PrPducitlJ.! a wdl-thurnlted hoi1k of rq.!ulntio11s. he
pointed to a ·.,uhsertiorf staiinl! th011 heans·wcre to he issued only
to an offkero: meo;o;_ Hoosevdt went '!"''"'and as he later related·.
" 'o;tudicd 1111 ir' ao; .llr'n Hahhit would o;av and l'ollllC hal·k with
. a reque..r for eleven hundred pomulo; of heans .fnr the offkcrs'
mess. ..
. ....
.,
"Wil\'. ( 'nlt~rH'I. \'llllr offin•ro; t·an't l'at l'lt•\·l·n huruhed pounds
of ht•nn"." th1· lll!in·r.prof!•o;l!•d.
"You d11rd ~n11w what appt•lrtt·s Ill\' ollil't•rs haw ... replied
.J{cioq'wlr a<. he· nrdC'I·t.·d tl~· <.ark<. to hi' l11aded IIJ'IIII the lltllll'S.
The militar v hureaunat insisted that a re-quisition would have
ti1 hl· sent i•ff ,,., Wa,JlinJ!tllll.'l{ntl'\t'n•lt·rl'"Jl;'lltkd ilint hl' didlr'f
rare ao; Inn~ "' lw rnuld takl' the heans hark to his reJ.!iment :•·1\s
ht· si~·tll'd the requio;itrnn amilh\·arni"~" that the cost would prohahlv he dedul·:tcd frnm hi" pav. th~' s;t~k~-~\'l'rt'Jo;ukd on.tlw mules,- -~-
- ··oi1'"\vft;ii ~~-~l~~~~~--~~r l~;~d~ji;!~tlu'~'-'·--"'l' __ elljc,ve(Lit/:. RcHlsevclt-- ~.~-tPlllTti~-fanlil\:·~·~·---:---~
· . ·
·.·
.
/
On the mcirnin~ of· June Jll. (!eneral Shafter, having finally
, come_ ash11rc and hrieflv examined the enemy's positions. summoned his "cnior commanders to lay out his plans .for an attack
Hte next day. :_'There \\·as no strate~y at ·all ... Shafter later rcla_ted,
"<~nd no altempt at ttrrning their flank. It was.simply goin~ straight
at them.". Reports had re,adted him that the Spanish garrison at
Santi<~gn. numherin~ scHlle thirtecn·thousand men~ \vas ;\hout to
he r.einf11n:ed h,· ani'' her eiE!hl I houo;<~nd I roops-actually ahout
. half thr~t nurhbcr- from Manzanillo_. approximately forty-five
miles awav. ;ind he wa" :111xious to strike the enemy hcfore they
:nrivcd.
T~e allarkw;'" tn hc~in at daybreak with·ar1 assault on EJ Caney
·and its st11m' hlnrklllluse by a Regular infantry division under .
Brij!adicr ( iencraJ II. W. Lawton.- supported hy artillery corn-.
manded hv Cartain t\llvn K. C<~pron. Sr .. f;\.ther· of the R1iugh ..
Rider killed ;it l.as <iuasirnas.- In the meantime, a hatterv ·under
the rommanthif ( ·aptain ( leorge ( lr.irncs would shdf en~ my pn·
sit ions llll the San .Juan llci!!hls from 1-:1 l'ow. while the rest of
the inf:mtrv and th"mllunted cavalry tPok up positions in the'
jun!!lc in frllnl ,-,f the San .Juan llcights As <;oon as Lawton's men
had taken Fl Cmn. thrv,,·nul\1 join in ·thr·m;tir.i'fr(,ht;tl attal.'k'i
0
0<)
--
299
on the .ridge. Shafter intended to storm. the San Juan Heights,
r.out the enemy, and capture Santiago all in one fell swoop.
This plan was faulty in several respects. The iidges and hills,
augmented hy the Spanish trenches and· blockhouses that anchored them. were naturally suited for defense. Once past the
liiic·M depnrture, the nttncking troop!i·wnuld be on open ground,
without cover nnd exposed to 11 withering tlrc from modern wenpIIIIN. Admlrnl SumpNon, for.onc, wnN NurpriNcd wlicn Informed ofShafter's irllcntions. BclievinR th;it the hrirhor forts, rnthcr than'
Sariiiago itself, were the principal tlhjectives, he had expe<;tcd
sfli·t;fir:h,·, advance along " rnilnind line thnt rnn ·up the coo~t to
witJ\'in:'fSiir n1ilcs of Morro Castle and then turn inlaml tp litorm
· the.f<Htifications fro'rn the rear.
··
·
.Before the conferen<.·c hroke u~. t~e_r~._\Y_as_pncJurther__bit of
-· "-~·:- - - --litlsir1c-ss.' Scveral-s-cnior:- ofiicers·.~_i[l!;l_u_ding .. Brigadic·r General--::",--~--- ~-:---s:tCY61ing:-t-iad comc--d()wn~ithJever, and Wood was promoted
to brigadier' general and given command of Young's brigade.
Comma~ld of the ·Rough Riders passed to_ Theodore Roosevelt,
and _the regime.nt was Roosevelt's Rough Riders in fact as well as
in the popular imagination. "I was very glad, for such experience
as we had had is a quick ·reacher," he later. noted. "By this- time.
the men and I knew one another; and I felt able _to make them
do themselves justice in march or battle."
By late a(ternoon; the army was on the move. The confusion
that ensued while some twelve thousand men jostled for position
on the narrow, muddy toad leading up to their jumping"off points
. was indescrihable. It took· the Rough Riders nearly eight hoursto cover the three miles to their position near El Pozo. There was
not much talk that night as they bedded down on the muddy
ground on their -ponchos. Like Shakespeare's Hen~y V before
Agincourt, Roosevelt moved among his men, lending encourage~··
men! and checking 'on the sentries. "Above us," reported Dick
Dh'vis'."''thc trilpical moon hung white and clear in the dark purple
sky, pierced with millions of white stars .... ·Before the moon
.
.
rose agai_n. every sixth man who had slept in the mist that night
was either killed or wounded."
.-.···i::::·
i
·;i1i["~t{ l1_mg. as he lived, Theodore Roos·e~elt regarded July I,
IHIJ1("a~('''•th'c gn·nt dny of my life." He was up heforc dayhreak.
�e
TIIHliHlRF
JOO
.
calmly
~h:n-ed.
Roosrvn.t
e
and after h:tving·hre:tkfast-the usual fat h:tcon
hl watdt the l•r i).:adc Ltl..c it" po.,itiniL "II was a very.lnvdy nu'irn·
in~:· he.latcr recalled. ''the sky of cloudless hlue. \vhilc the level
simrnerin~.r:tV<; frpnl.fhe jlf<;f-ti~e.n ~1111 hr011~ht i~to.fine relief the
paltn" which here and there towered over the lmvcr
.
,
.
.
·1!rowth. .. . .
Thic; tevci II' w:tc, brnk.l'lt hy the dull hoom of ('apron\ )!\IllS as.·
tht;v· opetH'tl lire o11 Fl CatH'V. The 11oise sent douds of hirds
c;nt'erhill~ mti• 1he :ur. a11d their nit'" re-.n~tnded anoss fom m-ilt·s
pf. jungle tn t'J J',),;, Captain ( irimcs"s hatlcry was. dircrted to·
rre:tle a divcro;ion hv c,hellin•! the pagndalike hlorkhouc;c on San
.luanlllll I :itrk ~lalll:t~~~· w:l'• dPill' bv tlw Phsolt•sn·nt. Allll'r iran
1111 I llt'l-\'. -IIIII I. I lw hllll'l.. ·I" t\\:c k I. s I i Pl!lit~dJ lw Jlll lllli'JP! \'IT.Ill nl ll!irL:
. ____ .,. ·dt~ll i Ic,-nl- 'ti '' •kl'- I h a 1·-1' 'p••wd- tlw i1- poo;i t.io11o; ·. 1tL rot 111 terhatJt• r v. _--c-: _ -··-·--. __
li~•·. ow·,, .. d '''111111~..-ol 1!.111 lw "''lll'il thnl lot \llft:l\'." 'lll..t··lll'l'flllld
mnw '"' ltet"l" I·t . . nyiH'tt·
Nn '""'"'' ",.,,. tlw'l.' ''"'"' ""' nl h1" 11111111h than "!her,· wa'
a peruhar wht,llitig . .,,j,)!in~ sound in the air. and imnH·dintl'lv
afterward" tlw nniq· of "nmething explodinJ.! owr our. ht•ntlo;,"
Hnnst'\'l'll ne~lt;d. It wao; Spanio;h o;hrapnd. The two officers le-aped·
In tlwir h11r"c" . bul a pil'rl' of me.tal strurk Roosevelt on the wrist.
hardly l;~cakin~ the o;kin vet raio;ing a hump ns hifl, as a hickory
nut. Scwral men wnc killed nr wounded hefnrc he got his regiment under thl'. rPwr nf the thick 11nderbrush.
l.awtnr!'s at_tark nn Fl Caney. which began a·t -7:00 A.M. and
\Vntlld he m·er·within two IHlurs. quicklv hog~ed down in the face
nf a ~tul,born ddt~ll"e hv <;nnll' five hundred Spnnish troops. lhey
rnmcd fusillado pf·M~HIS('r lire into the ranks of the attackin~
1\mniram and held 11ff a fnrce tcr1 timl'~ their .number for eight
hnms without :u tillcrv suppnrt. lnste:td nf hre:tkin1! nff· the en,l!~gr.rncnt ~'r rnntinuin~ with :t sinall fi,r'lT. whill' nwvin,l! the hulk "
nf his di"i'-iPn t1.1 all ad the San .Juan !Ieight~. the main ohjt'ctivc
nf the b;1tllc. I awt11n prr~i<;,ted in :t filii-scale ass:tult o_n (:';u1ey.
and the fnrt w:J<; not taken untiiA:OO r.M.
Shafter. <•,Trrnmc dmin,l! the ni,l!hl hv his physicnl exertions
ilnd go111. dirertrd ··•prriltion-. from his cot three miles in the-rear.
..;... and i'""rd nrdcr-. rhrnuch h1" adjutant. Colonel hlward .1.
~h'( "krn:md Ht·ali1inr. tl.tat I :m·rnn. wa-. nnt goin,l! In take lJ
S,)
e
CROWDED HouR''
)01
.
wa~hetl dnwn :with hi:"H:k l'Pffcc ·-·-joined \Vood on top of Fl l'nzo·
~rlcndid
''Mv
Caney on schedule or withdraw, McCiernand ordered the rest of
the nrmy to get into .position to attack the San Juan Heights' as
·planned. The actual assault awaited direct orders from Shafter.·
McCt'ern.and later recalled giving the order to· prepare for attack
directly to Roosevelt, "which seemed- to please him.".
·
· Infantry and dismounted cavalry plunged into a maze of underhrush and trees with only the Camino Real and a few trails
running through. The Spaniards, entrenched a half mile away on
the slopiri~Z hillS: hnd previoi1sly 'sighted their:gu.ns along the trails
and the border rif the woods. Under merciless artillery and rifle,
fire. the Americans bunched up and the area was soon filled with ·
dcnd and wounded nnd the torn carcasses of horsc!li and mules .
Snipers also took a heavy ·toll of medical corpsmen and surgeons.
____ ·'-'" J!l.~·y _\Ycir_~~_t!_ ,_,vcr Dt~· wounded In nwkc.u~hlft uroNNing NUttlonN. _
--~ .1\Ube ~!!il !lf_nhout n n1rtc ~ t11c-ct'lii-rltry()pcnecfi•r al'ihe--poi'rir --wht·rt: tlw <'mi•ln~t, l{~·~·t" ~~t~(,ij~(.(f il Nlrcl,-rll ~.-riHciltl~o- Slirl-Ji•ilti - Rivrr. I lnvln~ mrulc thrir wny thrmrJth the imdcrhru11h, the Rough
Hidl·ts hnltl·d at the strrnm lo kni.l support to.thc l_kgulnr cnvnlry
reiZim.cnts. They h~ok whatever cover they could flnd and awaited
further ohlers. Directly nhove them wn!l a knoh that became
known ns Kettle Ifill hecause ·of a huge iron kettle found there- ·
thnt was used in refining sugnr._Behind it and to the. left rose San
.Juan Ifill nnd its hlockhouse. Some of the men were deployed ·
along the right side ()f the stream in the tall grass while others
crouched t1nder the bank of the far side.
·A Signal Corps observation balloon was sent aloft to search
·out the·enemy positions and was, in' Dick Davis's angry words,
"an. invitation to kill everything beneath it. And the enemy responded to the invitation." For a long hour and half the troops
endured a trial by fire and intense heat. A battalion of the Seventyfirst New York was caught in an iron hail of shrapnel and, in
actirin for the first time. panicked. The men either ran away or
- ·threw themselves on the ground in terror. Their officers managed
. to prevent the panic from spreading, and other units cursed and
hc<lped ·ridicule .on the New Yorkers as they moved up to the
front.
·
·
a
Roo~evelt moved up and down the line of his regiment making ·
certain the men had as much cover as possible. The heat was
intense ilnd !ll:llly of them were alreildy showing signs of exhaus-
�e
_102
TuuitHlRI' Ronsr:vr:r. r
linn. Ynlkvs from the Spanish trenches "sputtered <md rattled.
<mu the hullers <.an)! nlflr"inlllluslv like tlie wind through the rigging
in a !!ale. shrapnel whined and hwke. and still no order t:amc
·from Shafter.·· na\'is related. "The situation· was desperate. Our
troops co\tld not retreat as the !tail for two miles behind them
was wedJ!ed with men. Thev could not remain where they were
for they were bcin).! o;h,,·t to piet:es .... ··
Casualtico; amPn~ the l{ou!!h l{idns wnc heavy-'- as hcitvy as
if the reJ!iment h:td been on.thc· allack. l{,)oscvelt observed. And
thev could not tctmnthe lire. A West Point cadet named 1-:rnest
llaskell. inC ·11ba to tll>tain combai t•xperiencc during his Sllllllllt'r
vacation. was hit in the stomach '':hile talking with Roosevelt ..
Williah1 Saunders. the n'lonel"s.mdnly. Cllllapsed from the heat.
and Ronsc:wlt tkr"ailcd anPthn trooper to take his pl;lrt•. Sho~tl_y.
after: as 1{,,,1o;cvclt ·dircrtt"ll hihl.lli"j!"(,·hal.:k ;iiHrtin{i!:~c_n_~~;!t~-.:.-_
an~· general-::-:-,,-,-~rt jli:·rniis"Si,-,j,'ti,·att~-rk.tllc rtli;·;, was hit in the
head and kll.d\"111~! :tnt1"" Rnt,~n·elt"' knees. Farthci· down th1·
line. llud;y (!'Neill '-I tolled up and dnwn in front of his trt11•1Wrs
r"almt\· 'n111ktll,1! a u_l!arcttc. lie thott).!ht nflirers should tH'Vl'r take
U1\"t'l· bt;rall'l' 11 't'l a had t'Xamplt• for tht• men ..
"( 'apta111. a h11llcr ·is o;ure to hit vntt 1" one of his St'l").!t'illlts
W;llllnl t1\.t:t tlw d111 ;11 ktllil'.
"Serj.!l':tlll. thl' \l'ant'h bullet j,n·r .mad!' that \\'ill kill IIH' ...
O'Neill tilt ned and '"''"led hack.
.lustao, he ltllllcd Inward lhc rid~t· a~ain. a MmtSl'r h11lkt slrurk
him in ihc mouth and !nrc through the har.k of his hea1i. lk was
dead hcfnrc he hit the _f!round.
By now it was I :IKI I'.M. and Roosevelt was anxious to get his
men in a pno;ition In rctmn the enemy lire. I k was ahout to lake
matters into hi' n\vn hands and ad\'anrc wiihout orders when the
Rou!,'.h Riders were ditTrtcd to support the Regular c.avalry in an
i_tssaullon Kcrrk Ifill. :'The instant I received my orders I sprari~
on Ill\' horo;e itnd then mv 'nowdcd hom' hegan." he recalled.
Back and forth. he galloped down the line. shouting orders to
advance. Secrii1n bv o;cction. the lrllopers rose. rnovcll"forward in
npcn c;,kirlllic;,hingnt~kr. and dropped dtm·n· to fire. Instantly they
were fpiJowed h\' annlltl.•r section.
· Ronc;.n·clr ~pnttrd it trooper lvin,l! on lhe !!round who rdt.tsed
to ad\'anre "1\ rc \·nu afraid til "1:111d IIJ; when I am nn horse-
0
e
· "Mv CROWDED HouR"
e
303
hack?" he shouted. Before the man could move, he fell flat on
his fnce. He had been hit in the head by a bullet that went through
his entire hotly lengthwise.
Soon. Roosevelt had ridden through his line of skirmishers and
·was closing in on the Ninth Cavalry. Finding its senior officers
hesitant to advance without orders. he shouted: "If you don't
want tp go forward. let my men pass!" The regiment's junior
officers and black troopers sprang into line with the Rough Riders.
"I waved my hat and we went up the hill with a rush." Dick Davis
described the assault in graphic terms:
They hall no glitlcring bayonets, they wert; not massed in regular
array. There were a few _l!l_~n.. in _advance bunched together-,and
-" ·----·--- ·-·-ch·e-pirigtip asleep: suimyhi_ll. t_h_e topofwhich roared and Hashed
· ~- --·-wit If tl;'fnfe.-Tnc-nlen lield their guns pressed against their breasts
and stepped heavily as they climbed. Behind these first few, spreadin~ out like a fnn were single lines of men, slipping and scrambling
in .the !illlOOih griiS!i, lllOVinfl forward With difficulty, a~ though·they
were wading waist high through water, moving sl,owly. carefully,
with ~lrenllnll~ effort. It wn~ m11ch more wonderful than any swing- .
inllchnr~e could have ~ccn. They walked to greet death at eyery
~lcp, mnny of them. n~ they ndvftnced, !linking 8Uddenly or pitching
hir wnrd nnd· dl!'lnpprndn~t In the high gru!l!l, hut the others waded
on. !iluhhomly, formin~tn thin blue line lhnt kepi creeping higher
nnd hi!lhcr up the hill. It wns.inevitable as the rising tide. ,It was
a mirnclc of self-sncrifkc, a triumph of bulldog courage, which
.one· watched with hreathlcs~ wonder. ... ·
.Roosevelt was at the forefront of the charge, and the blue polkadot handkerchief _he wore on the back of his hat to keep off the
s~n streamed straight out behind him like a guidon. "By this
time," he said, "we were all in the spirit of the thing and greatly
excited hy the cha~ge, 'the men cheering and running forward
. het ween shots" as Mauser bullets zipped through the air. ·Partway
tip the hill, they encountered a barbed-wire fence, and men frantically raced at it with knives and bayonets. Jumping off his horse,
Roosevelt turned the animal loose and continued to advance on
·root. The Spaniards fired a few last shots at the fast-moving wave
that was sweeping over them and retreated across a wide valley
to the next line of hills. Soon: the crest of Kettle Hill was swarming
�1-
e
· Tlll'OilllRI' H.oost=.vt=t
_W4
with
1
Rou~h
Riders and h.lark troopers. Years later. they were still
there first.
~l(1 the ldt. l{ntl'cwlt saw a line of infantry slowly advancin~
up San Juan II ill in the face of heavy fire from the Spanish treni:hcs
and hlockhou,e. I k directed his men to open rire on the enemy
to help _out the ;,ltat·king force. Suddenlv. he heard .. ;, partkular
drummin~ s11und'' ;1bnn- the ~·ral'king of the Kra~ carbines. "The
Spanish niarhitH' g'"'"t .. nne llf the men cried with a touch of
panic. I istenitl~ .. Rnn-.c\'l'lt dctermiiwd that the firing was rom in~
from the flat grn11ild 111 the left and jumped to his feet. "ft's the
(iatlin~"· mi.:·n. nm tiatling"' .. Cheering spread all alnn!! the line
and with the ~11ppntt of th~ ·marhitie !!lllls. the infantry s\\:ept
f11rward and drnvc the em'm~· from their positions.
. <>'nrc his ·inrn had L'<lll!!ht their wind. Roosevelt dcril!cl!- to_
_ __ --~- _
char!!~' the nn:r li_ne. tif Sri:lt~isl~}r~rr1r.l\~~~~ll_l ;!·_srii_i_i;·r_~;mJuan ______ --- --.-Hill ti1 t he-ffllt11 Mflil;- J((J\i~li-Riders from which steady fire was
c11min!! lklin·111g that the regiment was follllwing him·. he leaped
on'r a h;ubed-wirc frnrc· and ran fllrward into a little valley hdort' ·
the Spani'h 1111"''i"n 1\111 the men either did-not hear or sec him.
Rnn,ewlt had ;Hh'anred ahPut ;, hut\dred vards when he turned
around tn di,rcn·er ,:hat . he ha1i llnlv lin' n;cn with him and that
.
.
.
· huller.; were rippitig thro,·•gh the air: all around them. Ti..'lling the
men 111 take en, cr. lw ran hark and an~rilv shouted and si!!IWI_cd
fllr the re.gimcnt 111 f,lu,n\·. The lrllopns nearest himumkrstood.
"We ilidn"t hear \1111. ( ·tllonel'" thn. shliutcd. "We didn't sec
\'tlll ~~~' lead ""·and "·.l'.ll lt;llnw!"
Tlwv rami' "" \\'ith a ru,h. whih· a11d hlark lflliiJll'ro;, I{IIIIJ.!h
Riders and Ri:gul;"' all mixed 1\Jgctlwt. S\Vl':tl Iiiii down_ their
fal'l'" i'ntP tiH·ir n,., and· the\' l'nllld.nnt <;l't; thl· si~hts of thcit'
.
.
\\l':tl'""'· l>ut thn tr•w ami dttH'l' :thl'ad . .lus't as th.l' Amnirans
kap~·d "''" tl11· l'tH·rm· IH"nt·IH·< '"'"'' nf thl' Spaniard" lkd. hut
two ·men h1111tHkd "I' and-fired at RtHI"l'WII. As they turned til
run. he l'llll'ltnl lu' tc\'lllwr at them. mi,sinJ.! the first mall hut
killinJ.! ihl' "l'llllld. lk "dnubled up .... like a jackrahhir:: the
Colonel tnld a friend.· t lpnn H'aching the crest of the hill. the.
dchatin~- wh11 ~nt
'
---------
--------.- ------
• Rrw><r,TII <;nol thr rn.·nn· trrru he< "rrr frllrtl "with tlr~tl hodir< in lhr li11h1 hhrc ~nol
"hitr ""'''''"' "' lhr 't"'""" trenbr ~rrm
I\ I•"' "' lhr r~llrn h~rl lillie hole< in thrir
hr:uh f••'"' "htt h thru l•r:urn "rrc· ""'inc ·· I hc·rr·tt '-'11H' qur"liun :lbPul th(~ :u:nuarv
-
nf hit Phtrr\·:•1"'"' """··n·r -\nllthr~ \\ilnf'-',
l:-tnnrti11H'JI'
wrrr "" trrnrhr' in lhi~
:lffll
e
"Mv· CRownED HouR''
305
victors drove the yellow silk nags· of the cavalry into the softearth-and unfurled them within sight of Santiago.
The Fifth Corps had the Spaniards backed up against their last
line of fortifications. only seven hundred yards away, but the
American hold on the captured ridges was tenuous. Casualties
had been heavy-205 killed and I,IRO wounded. or about 10
percent of those engaged-and the remainder were disorganized,
hungry. and exhausted. Santiago had also been reinforced by
a hour .l ..'WO men from Manzanillo. ·"We arc within measurable
distance of a terrible military disaster," Roosevelt scribbled to
Lodge two days after the hattie. "Tell President McKinley for
I leavens' sake to send liS every regimcni_Jlnd_ above . all-every,.~
battery possible:"-:--· ··--- ~--~--'--- _____ ·,. ....... --- --- --------A-s-the·'Rc1TI'glf Riacr.~-iillg
he made quick tally. of the regjmenr·s strength. lt'had gone into action with about fourhundred
men: t=ighty-six had hccn killed or wounded, six were missing',
and nearly forty were down with heat prostration. Some troops
. were now commanded hy second lieutenants and sergeants. There
. was no food except for what they found in the blockhouses, the
water was had. and they slept in the rain-soaked, muddy trenches
withoul cover. .
·
·
.
m.
Pers(l;lally. Roosevelt was'jlroud of his own performance under
lire. "I·<H three days I have been at the extreme front of the firing
line.·· he wrole home. "Jfow I escaped I know .not." He was
jtkascd when General \\'heeler rccornl'!'lended him for the Medal
of I fonor. While he very much wnntcd the dccorntinn, ICit lluc!m't
r11akc. much difference," he said. "for nothing can take away the.
fart that f<lr ten great days of its life I commanded the regiment,
and kd if victoriously in n hard foughl huttle. I never expected
to rome throu~h! I ar,n as strong as a hull moose ..... "
In the rneantime. Shafter. shaken by the army's casualties, had
sent ;m urgent message to Admiral Sampson: "Terrible fightyesterday .. : . I urge you lo. make _every effort immediately_ to force
the lharhorJ·entrance to avoid future losses among my men, which .
arc already very heavy. You can operate with Jess Joss of life than
anti
1\'l'tr•
tartlv nb<rn·rrf: "Thr~r lrrnrhr• b~inJl rhrn. imn~tinary. il i~ (air to Hrjlur that they·
lillrrl with irn;iJZin~rv. rlrnd Spnniwl<." Tra<k. Thr War ll'itlr Spain in IH9R, p. 24.l.
�e
_lO(l
Trii'OIHlRI' Roosrvn r
I C<ln."' 'Ii1 Sampson's surprise. the navy W<ls now hcing <1skcd to
come In the rescue of ·the 11rmy. which had nrigin<~lly heen sent
In Cirha In assist the navy .. Farly nn the morning of July J, he
s<1ilcd eastward along the roast of Cuha in his n11gship. the Nr11·
York. to confer with Shafter ahoul the grim realities· of sweeping
mint'S undc~ clu·rm• lire.
·
II wac; a Sundav. o;o the routine of aru.,thcr~lay ;Hl the hlo~·kade
wa" hr11kcn h\· "hipbnard dwrdt <c:rvicco; and_ihc monthly rcadin~
n( the t\ rtirft··, nl. \Var Suddenlv. a guit hrHI!Jlcd out from the
'"".'' ;11ul St~nal.'-'>11 w;l'• hni<;ted: "J:.ncmv Ships ( 'pming ()ut 1"
Adm11 ;II l ,., \l'J a :h:HI been 11rdcrcd In break out of Santia~o hv
the authnrrliL'' in 1-Ll\·:rn:r. whi1 wen· l·nrn'inn:d the l'ity was ahout
In fall. :11111 ,;,ltl him In lr\· rr·,. escape to Cienfuegos or Havana.
The "Prlil' '""" the t\mnican squadron hv surprise; some of its
-;hips "'S rc_ r~~ fJrc.~l_l_l!g_j_tr_(_; !l;rrJtf!J!a n_H 1, a~l::tjliU red hase.a hr HIt. frnl y-~-)i~:<:". _";{ti}~·o;.! ,_, !.ht•, t'1l"L ..:.while nt he,rs. did not.::have -st~anHrp.--'11 ad ( ·cr"cra ni·:uk hi' .d;r.;h l11r freedom al niglit.·he inight have ~nuen
.
.
awav.
The Sj,anic;h (];,~,hip. the /n{mlla Maria frrr.w. smoke belching
from her funncl~and the rrimsi1nand ~~~td nag ·of Sp<~in snapp.ing
· al her ma<;~hcad. kd the w;-rv with three rllher rruisers and two
des! royerc; 'in her wake. Once .out nf 1he .pass<~ge. Cerver<1 's ships
dashed at fuiJ,peed alr'll!! the coast to the west with the. Arneric<~n
squadron in hnt pursuit. The Spanish vessels were in poor rep<~ir.
howe·,·er. and ''"l' hv 11ne. thev came wiihin range of the Americ<~n
guns. Withm .three hPurs. e,·er~· em·rnv·~hip h;-rll heen lkstroyed
or he<lched lw its crC.\V. Cervera <lnd his entire squ<~dron W<IS the
U.S. Na"~··., l~;,irrli· nf Jr;ly present to the nation.
The 'dcc;trurtinn ,,,f Cervera's squ<~drnn mcani th<1t for all practical purpnc;cc; the land ramp;-riJ!n ill Cuha was iwer. hut the siege
of Santia~n dra!!~ed nn for another two weeks. The Spaniards
refused In smrendcr. sa~·ing rnilitiny honor preve1itcd them from
doin!! Sll whil_c thn had the power to resisL Day hy d<1y, Sh11fter
ri~htenrd hi" ·~rip upon Santi<~go. rnipl<~cinjl artillery. making his
lrt·.ndwo; lllllll' frirmidabk. J.!amhlin~ rhut he could win tht.• city
hv o;iq!t' hdPrt' di~r·ao;t' rkrimatt·d his army. Typhoid. malaria.
dvo;entl'l v. and tht· firq r;l\t''i of n-ll11w fl-wr were alrea~fv cxartillJZ
11 ~lcatt·r tnll ;li1JPIII'·''"' bniq•.t'l" than ~lamer hullds. J;lil's nnd
mno;qurtr•r· . . ruadr tf11· nwn\ "''"" ""'t'labli·. tllt·il unifnllll\ werT
---'
9
"Mv CRownEo HouR"
e
. 307
in tatters, and the stench of rotting mule carcasses and half-buried
corpses uncovered hy the persistent rains was everywhere ..
Throughit <~II. Colonel Roosevelt-the rank was now officialhurled jercmi<~ds. at Shafter with his usual fury. "Not since the
campaign of Crassus against the Parthians has there been so criminally incompetent a gcncml as Sh<1ftcr ... , It is hitter to sec the
misery_and suffering. an(J think that nothing but incompetency
·in administering the ·nation's enormous resources caused it." At
the same time. Roos.cvclt worked tirelessly forhis troopers. "He
tried to feed them,_" Stephen Crane wrote later in the W~rld.
"lie helped. huild latrines. lie cursed the quariermasters and the
'dogs' on the tr<~nsports. to get quinine and gruh -for them. Let"
him he a politician if he likes. He was <1 gentleman down there ...
One day. a mud-st<~ined figure <~'ppeared at a Red Cross supply
~ --~---- · .... - · - depot in-_~_ii~<Hl~X~-~~I_I_la·ve ~s<~~Tr~-.s~c~ ~m"~n~\_\'i_~!fifr~gJ'n:i.e_!l~_~h~~ :·:_ .,.~-~-......,--- -----------··do -not ·wrsh to go to the hosp1tal hut arc unable to eat army • .. ·
ratio·ns ... he told a Dr. Gardner. who was in charge. "C~m you
-sl.·llme some:of-the things you <Ire issuing,herc?"
"Not for "(I million dollars.
ncl Roosevelt," Gardner rc-.
plied. recognizing the visitor:.
.
.. . .
·
. ·
·
"But. Doctor. you have the tl ings I need for my men. I think
a great de;tl of my hien. If you will not sell them, how can I get
them?"
' ·
"I suppose you might ask for them. ColoneL"
"Then I ask· for them."
·
"All right. Make out. _list o.f things you··. need and send for
them... ··
·
CZl'
a
"Give me some of. them now. I'll take them myself."
Gardner filled ·a sack with rolled oats, condensed milk; rice,
dried fruit. and (;!her items and Roosevelt tossed it over his shoulder. "Fm proud of !TIY men," he said as he walked back into the
·jungle.
,,....
llonor satisfied, the Spaniards finally gave up on July i7. Shafter formally accepted the surrender in the milin·plaza of Santiago,
and thl' troops on the six.'rnilc ring of entrenchments nhout the
rit y rhecred 11s the ili1Jt of Spain. which hnd non ted over the
( lowrnor's l'nlnre for nearly four ·rt·nrurics, was rqllllred hy
tht· St;"rrs and Stripes. A hurrcry lin·d 11 twenty·onl'-).!1111 salute, 11
/1
�e
:wH
·e
e
TIIHHHlRr:' Roosrvu.r
"Mv
"-
CROWDED
HouR"
309.
hand rrashetl intn ~··j-JI(' ~tar-Span~lcd Banner." .'m~r <m honor
1
accompanied hy an even stronger personal letter from Roosevelt
cuard .;lapped thei1 Kra~" and presented arms. W1thm days. anto Shafter. and hothwere leaked to the press. "To keep us here,"
1
;,tl;cr l'\J•ediri,•nar \· fnrn· was sent to Puerto Ril-o that· quickly
j
Roosevelt wrote. "ii1 the opinion of every officer commanding a
. mnpped uj• th;tt i"L111d\ dckndt·r.; __ · ·
_
divisi<_lll or a brigade will simply involve the dcstruction,of thousands."·
·
.In the m~·;11llimc. l{"""t'n·lt tTl tilit:d l>v the 11~\vspapers a:~
t•nc or tht· ~~ ;11·, her "t'". wao.; i t'l'l'ivin!! pit~ as from New )'ork
McKinley imd Alger were angered 6y the puhlicati<)n of the
Rcpuhlicall' that he ,_,·ttun immediate!~· and run for !t"_vcn_Hlr.
letters___:in fact, the _r~esident only learned·of·the round robin.
"'{ou ;nl' """'lind ... lie rcspnndl'd to one such rommumcatton.
when he read about rt m the newspapers-,-and the War Depart-··
ment emitted veiled threats of.n court-martial for Roosevelt: In
"hut ....1 """'d ""' he. willinJ.! to lcavl'- the reJ!imcnt. while the
011
1 ~rc;tt an office ao.; that of< ioverr)or of .New·
"war i"
''·'' cn-11 ' "
revenge'. Alger saw to it that he never got. the Medal of Honor
· York ... - · .
.
.
·
that he thought he deserved. It was, as Edith wrote later, "one Ne\i.·rtlll'k''· t'H'IIt" kt·pr _him on the frpnt pages. Ctiha had·
of the bitterest disappointments of his life." Undoubtedly one of
hl'en l''''liJlll'tcd. l•ut the hfrh <'mps remained iHl the·,island. its
the n1ntrihutin!! factors .to Alger's ire was that, unkno~n t~t.h~---- _
rank" r;" ;tet·d "' "~;,_li" 'i'c--~~~·rrJ l!:trl_ft!!IUiwusand ntciuvcre OIL.. ---- --- · ·- ---:--- .: -pu hli<.~;-lh<.'- War Department ll;i<:r:Hrcady pl~u1rie~ f(l hriJ!g Jhe __ .. ____ _
~-~';"'·~irk ,-~L-~1~{~~.;_1., 1· Li ..!~;tloJiatnl thatJn,T.Lth;in Jwlf.-' he- si.•c_..: ----- - ---------1 roops -home-and· Jla<.l-(lfilcrcil tl1i'•-til.camp 11e- set up_a_t M-~ntauk
t111111 1rcd H~>11eh i{tdl·,... wt'tn had Llflilcd rnur weeks hef<ire were
Point. <)n the tip of Long Island. to receive them. Thus, ·when
tit r"i ""''- \tl;tftcr implored the ·war Department 1<.1 hrin~ theAlger issued ordcrsthree days later for the Fifth Corps toret~rn
men IHlntc S,\.·,ll't;" \' nr War 1\IJ.!cr. whn liclievcd the troops were
to the United States.Theodore Roo~vclt got the credit for bringing the boys home. .
.
. "- .
·
. .
· ·
infected w1th \'l'IIP\\' kn'r and was afraid tlll'y would hring it home
.
.
.
. .
with them. replied :rh;tl the army must rt'lllctiwin Cuha until the·
~ickne""
h;id run it" c;·,urse.
.
.. stiaftcr called a meeting of his _rctnking officers on August J.
with Ri•n-:-cn·lr. 111;,\-;ttl a~·ring hr igade l·ommander. among them:·
The\· were nn;1nirn"".; i1i ur~ing the withdrawal of.troops from. .
· ( : 11 h.;i
1." ~~·cp tlic men 1111 the island nH1d1 IPnger would (ctuse
thl' death pf th•'"";i11ds Bur havin~ reached .this agreement. ·nn
Pill' \\:t'- rnL1in hn" the. American pcojllc rnuld he informed of
the hfrh < ·~''1''. '-llt1;1tio1i. Shitfter prnpo'>ed "some authoritative
puhlicatilln·wltith '"Pitld make the War Department take action
. hdPrc it w;". '"" tare tn a\'crl the ruin pf the arm~·."· Regular
.Prlkers \\ell' ·d1a1 ,._ '"'"·ever. nr rio;kin!! their careers hy openly
~>Ht·rulin~ I'H'""knr 1\kKinln and ·Scrrt~larv Alger.
·
· Ron<:t.',.clt. wl11• wnuld rcttt.rn tcq·i\'ilian.life and therehy cnuld
free!\' rritic11c the \\'ar lkp;1rtmcnt. was the nhvious dH•ice Ill.
· i<ot..m'. "llrh a "Lttt·nu·nr Ill' agreed to gi\'c an interview to the
prt~""· bur 1 cPnanl \\'npd tl)ouglit it hellcr to _send Shaf·t·~~ a
rn 111 uJ-rPI>"' kth'l ... i~.:nnl br alltho-.c pre<oenl. whrrh slated: I he
pcr~;nn.; ll''l'""'il•lr '"'I'; n··cnting surh a move will he re~;ponsihk
~ fnr I he I Jill It'• i'<..<..;IJ /.\ r. '" I ir. in:ltl\' I """'-and.; nr liveo; .. This wao.;
--
A)
~
The transport Miami, carrying the Rough Riders, cased against
a pier at Montauk on August 15. _1898. The scattered spectators,
many of them members of t~e regime'nt that had been left behind
at. ·nunpa. searched her sides and cheered when they spotted a
hurly. bronzed figure in the' well~worn uniform of a colonel of
cavalry on the bridge with the vessel's captain. The brim of his
campaign hilt was turned up on th~ side and the sun glinted off
his glasses. Roosevelt practically ran down the last few steps of
the gar)gway, wit,hhis pistol joun~ing at·his side. Next came the .
troopers. some limping, some; so weak they had to be helped
along. some on stretchers. "I feel positively ashamed of my ap.:
pcarance when I sec how badly some of my brave fellows are,"
Roosevelt declared. "Oh, hut we have had a bully fight!"
E·:dith had been informed that her Jiusbandwas tO: returti in
rnid~August, hut sl~c did nilt kriow- the exact date_. As soon as he
nn~ld. Roosevelt telephoned Oyster Bay to inform his wife of his
arrrval and asked her to come out to Montauk at once. Sagamore
II ill had no te_lcphone. so the message was relayed fr~m the village
hv a hoy nn a hicvclc' Bv I he I iIll(' Fd iI h reached I he camp. rhe
I
�-'Ill
•
TJtrotHIRI'
Roosr.vn.r
rcf?.iment had been placc.d under a strict. five-day" quarantine: But
Roose,·dt had made o;pccial arrangem_ents In sec her clandestinely.
She \\';1" met lw a \'Ptmg officer. wl1e·, o;n111ggled her hushand out
for the rcndo'n"" I he\' had an hourlnJ!l'lher. and all that Edith
wiHIId sa\ wao; ... lltce~dnre lo11k" \wll htit thin.··
•
I
"My
CROWDED HouR"
•
3I I
could he assured that" 'every thief will be caught and punished,
and every dollar that can he found·will be restored to the public·
treasury.· Then I will follow the colonel leading his Rough Riders
:up San Juan llill and ask the hand to play the The Star Spangled
Banner.· ··
.
-
Three .da\o; brtnre.thc RouJ!h l{ider~ had arrived at Montauk.
Platt saw the point. hut his distaste for Roosevelt had not melthe war with Spain wao; formally d~·rlarcd at an end~lcss than
lowed. _In· addition to an ingrained animosity toward him, he
four rnontho; after it h:ulliegllli. ''It has heen a splcndidlittle war:_·
thought Roosevelt "a little loose'' on the issue of trusts and wanted
John Jim wrPte J{on"t~vclt. <'uha had won its independence. and
:!ssuranccs that once he was in office- he would not "make war"
<iu:11n. l'ut·r rn I{ in;_ and t_hc Philippine" wnc ceded to the United
on the Repuhlicarnnachine. lie was also reluctant to give RooState" '"' J{e~,,...t·n-11. the war had hee11 a \'indication of his physsevclt's career a further him~t. "If he becomes Governor of New
ical t"lllll:trc and t,,, :thilitit'" ao; a ll'ader. and it thrust him int<i
York. sooner or later. with his personality, he will have to be
the nat1e~nal ltnH·h~~hr. I k fi'tiiHI. himo;l'Jf nne nf the most" famous
President of the United Staies," the old man declared. "I am
_ l_ll_t'Jl i_il_!hr_n:tl i_~~~~- :lll~l__t.·,·cp·pne rt!~_l<;~d..t''.:.PllY)~i-~1_1_ h'.'!l~-- _N~~:-s-: .. -~-. _. _ ~~ __ ... ~~ c:J!~ail.l )5~ 5_iar_t t!wt thing going.··_ Nevertheless, Quigg·persuaded·- .. _.papers_ "l't:clllatcd_ah,.'"'- Jus_ (uture .. uu I po_lst.rc.: .11 Jl .Ide.: rs __wu e __ ~ ____ -:-< • ___ -.--- ____ U.ttt. to .1llow hrm to. sound C?Ut-Roos~elt.- ______ . ---· ___ . _ _ _________ _
ar_rractcd 111 1\l,,nrau~ li~c irnn filinJ!s to a ma~nt·t.
·_
·
. . . ·
·
O!rigg wasted no time in asking the Cblonel for "a plain state- .
John .Jav <·hapman. eso;avi..r. poei. fellow Porcdlian. and head
nicnt:' about whether_ or not he was interested in the governorship~ .
_pf the rim· Jndq~cruknr party: wao; the firo;t to make the pilgririlage._
and if elected, would he "make war" on Platt- and his organization.
·Chapman had a d1cam- he bclined that with. Ro(lsevclt at the
Roosevelt's reply was forthright. Indeed; he would like to have
head nf it<; lickct.· the part~· could not (lilly win the ~overnorship.. .
the nomination. and he gave assurances that he would ''nqt make
war on Mr. Platt or anyhody else if war could be avoided." As· a
hut lco;;o;cr q;,tc nffin·s as well. Rono;en-lt's strong ~ense. 11f party.
good Republican he wcnild make every effort to work with the
lnvalt v and l':11im prarr it· alit v inrlin~d him to he noncommittal.
al~nut. Chapm:tn nfkr nf his part v's n(,mination hut- (hnpman
· or~ani.zation ;with "the sincere hope" there might be "harmony ..
was l·nrl\·inccd pf hi' :tpproval b\' lhl· Rt'll!!h Rider's failure to
of opinion nnd purpose.'' He reserved the right to consult with
decline st nuin.cht
·
·
· ·
· anyone he pleased. however. and "to act'.finally as my own judgemcnt nnd conscience directed." Quigg replied that this was the.
. Clln)!rt'S"man I t'llllll'l F . Oui!!~- a prominenr"J{cpuhlicm and
nne nf ·Ji,m l'latt< chid lieutenant". was the next to make an
answer he had expected and would immediately consuJt with Platt
ahout the. next move.
·
. ·
·
. appearantr :11 Rnoo;evelt\ ient. Platt. whn controlled som~· 700:
1
.oftht• 171 dek~alc" tntheo;tate cnnn·ntion scheduled for Sar:lh1ga
· Other visitors came ·to Montauk .as the Rough Ri_9ers recuper- -·
late in Si:ptcmbn. wao; fl:itl~· orr~~~ed to !living Ronsevelt the
ated nnd ·awaited demobilization. Presideilt McKinley reviewed
J!llbcrn;-tt<'rial ~tnmill~llinn. hut he. was ir1 a quaridary.J 1c needed_
the troops; and it w,as n?ted that he got out of his carriage to
""menne rn rt'pl:ttT <;nvcrnnr FrankS. Black. whose administragreet Roosev~lt personally. Edith brought Alice, Ted, and Kermit
ti<'ll had l'l'l'll blarki:nl'd by insurance frauds and scandals ·ir1 the
for an ove.rnight visit. Round-eyed with wonder, the boys listened
rcrnn<;trurtiPn pf thl' hie Canal. and Ouigg empha.sizcd that
to tales told hy the troopers, inspected everything, and slept with
Rtll'"evelt ~,-;,._ the nnl~· Rl'puhlican wlui cnuld win in November.
I heir _father in his tent. Pretty Alice, e·very inch the "Colonel's
~ ('haunrev 1\1 Depew. president of the New York Central and
daughter'' at fourteen nnd a half, was a hit with the younger
:.a kadill)! Hl'publtt ;111 nrator. pur it qsrrinrtly .. If Black were reofficers.
·
.
.
Rooscvl'lt was_writing at his desk on September 1J when several
nninill:lll·d. he !Phi I'Lttt. it wnultl be difficult to deal with the
rorrurtinn i"'lll' ·nur If Cnlnnrl Rnnse\'1'11 were the r"i111didate.
Jlll'n ducked in and asked him lo come; out for a brief ceremony.
he l"PIIItl q , ni1l1 ,,,,n,.lii•n rlt:tl if he ".l·ic rlrl·lrd rlw ,·nrcrs
Bli11ki~1~ in tltl' s11nli).!ltl. he found the regiment drawn r in a
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CH.-\PTER XVI
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-:-HE· .. ROC:\0 ROO!:\" 1.:\CIDE:\rT
T :II:: iir:~t alarm. <)i a:1 epider.1ic ,)f sidkri~ssl in .the
a:-:-:1 :.: ::1 i ~~m t r)f Sa:1 tia~•) reac ht!d ~he d'epartmen t on
· j u::: r jt!L · ft came in· the form •A a td~g~am, which
- ~hus ~e~cl in.. pU;t:
·
::1..'·~;
T:-:c s..:r:•Jus iJO.rt 'Jt ch..: ~ituo.tiori :s th,at ;:hae o.re ruu
:.h~ ·)pi:Uun ui the
:A ::diuw · ft:vt:r i:-t thi:' •:orr.rr..J.r.d, .1:1d
~ur~e0r.s ::; that it will spread rapidly:·•
i·
This a:1nouncement in)ected a new ana most alarm~
in:; facto.r int~ a problem -already diffi.c~lt. In the
Gr::;t place, negotiations for the surre:1der \vere still' in
progres~. and in the next place the existence of yellowfe·:c:r forbade the sending of any portion bf Shafter's ·
armv to Puerto Rico to reinforce Gene~ali MileS. who
was- then at Guantanarno, on the ·tran~~o~ts carrying
part of his expedition.· rt was fair to assume, if . Toral •
·I
.
became aware of an outbreak of yello\y-fFer ·among
uur troops. especially if 'it was attend~: by 'the least
sign of panic and demoralization. he ~·o:uld at. once
I
interrupt negotiations. With disease I fighting his
.
.
,
.
battles fur him. the Spanish general \\·ould soon be
.
• . I
'
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.
• .-\s we have ·alre:ldy seen. Gener:1l Shafter :1nn~unced ·on th_e '9th·
o! July that three cases o! yellow-fever had ~ps)eareu' in ;;_ Michig:m
re~m~n\. This e:,;tract is from General ~tiles's desphtch, quoted in ·
lull on p. ~01.·
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255
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S.:,.y.;.:.: ~ r.:hdra~ fror:: pP::~ximity _to :he iniected tow.ns
anci eno=;:ei 'lO high ground near th<! coast and within easy
:-..a.:h oi .. :..r:~ ~ of suppEes. The cariJps should be well sepa. n:erl, a;:e· a:::y regiment -;ohic!J. remains in such fresh camp
:"or 5.ve -:i2.::-; -T.:..~out ha\·ing a.-:y o._-es of yell•Jw-fever among :he
. :.:')t)95 ::or.:..::i ~ put on a tran.,-;:oor.. if desired, to return home or
s•:) to sv= -J~r ;:>oint ,of'ac:.:·:e oper:Hions. ,If cases oi yellow·
:e\-~ oc::-.1: ::: .1..-:y ~e~?;imer:t ~y :._-eli. :.hey should at once be sent
:o :be' hu:s;t~ es~blished for the reception •)f ·such case's and
. t.~e reg:~e::: s2lould not be ;:>•.:t uF"'n a tr::1nsport until at least
. fi\·e da:f'5 i:.r:--: elapsed since tbe last case of yellow-fever. In
g'e:::er.ll. ::<J ::LSeS of yellow·fe·:er a:1d no suspicious cases of yellow
fe~er should §·J u;:>on the tra~por.s. as .it is extremely important
that thec-e shodd not become i.n!ec:ed. ··
.
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:!-:c .sr:-...a~:~: bi under rr.ig!: t !;a ·:e tr. \'•)l·:ed us in disa.-:;.-=:.
l: ·.,-:!..3 :.:::-.:>~o·:: to. Gc::c~il SC:ai:~~ that, in additi~m
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:a:5c:- ·.:-..a:: :"..lS 0\1.-n. l':·-.·~c::- ::-.e c:rcumstances we had
r.•:i a::c~:-..a:.:-:e ::!;a:1 to ~a~::.:.a:r: t!:c military situation
a.s :t :::<::: s:•'X'<i. · E·;e:; ::-:c :ncasures for checking
:::c 5p~~!~ )1 ~::t! fe.ve:-· l:a=.:! :·J ~c rr:aCt! \\·ith caution.
a::c. :..:.:-..:=: :r.a:1y e:T,::>a::a.::s:-::e:--,::s. The Secretar.•Jf Wa: :-...ac:. on july !3~!:. ad•.-:scd General Sha:tcr by
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:i;..: ;:b. .-\rm'y C•)rps was to_ be put. into ·;car:np ::car
Sar.~ia~0. but above the f~~·er belt.
· · J 1 ··• · · ·. ·· •
. '
. "=:.t;-;er:s here ,3ay t.his·~J.n
T~is is; th:e 5.r'it step :•)
·:;)unJ. ::1d:::.:;ajlt: ~!J ~r:ns· ylj~r
::-:•:p,; .1·...-J.y. :t ·.v:!l 'oe dor:e. .\:ter ·;:Lr·~!-:..:l ;~n'sirl.t:rJ.~!·;n ··li :.he
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1--;r t:-.e ·rmrr.e::t, howeve:-. th~re '-liaS Ao ioption sa\·e
•)i preserving an unbroke:: front._ , 1 •
F0rtunatelv the tension was soon relieved. T:1e
Spar.iards capitulated four. days aiter; the first a:1r.our.ce:neri. t ·of a yellow-fc,:e:- epidcrnici ·. ~nd Ce:1eral ·
Shai:e:- was free to deal with the .
oroble:'n-,-r.ot whoLI\·
:· ~c~. t::ough. for the disa:-med. Spa:1ish 1 piisoners had
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t•) he ~·Jarded. not only to pre•:e:1t them fr0:m escaping,
bu~ to protect them against the Cuba:1s, ;w~•) were now
ex:~emelv warlike; and this doub.le d~lt\· called for
\-i~ilanc~ and no little sho\.,. of force or; G~~neral Shai:er·s pa~:. Indeed. the chief duty oi our j trpops at that
time consisted in guarding the disarmed Spaniards. ·
On the dav of the formal surrender. Gen'eral·Shafter
was notified that
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•
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;• T~t: Secretary oi Wa.r expcc:s that \"I'JU ·.vill ttake the fe\·er ·
qut:Stion into ac:ive consideration. Huw far wiH it ~ possible to
obce :he .:ommand abOve the fe\·er· belt, and ho,~. soon., An e~l~
;~port on the situation is requested."
f
i
Shafter replied (july 18th):· ·
.
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" Troops will be put in good camps as soon as possible. lput
the .:a,·alry division out this A.:\!., but until pri~oners ar'e sent·
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" Th~· :nin.ute the ;:>risor.en .:an .Je disposerf ui will ;:>•it :r•v-,ps
v.v-:nt:; :nd~s i11land •m r::11lroad, anJ .ho~ fur· :mpr•in:mcnt. ··
,
'I
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The •lllarantme authorities in the l'i1itcd Stat~s
were :eluctant to advise that an army infcctl!d with
ydlow-fe\·er be brought to any part of the coui:try.
h .:';1~:. ·.vhen i·t was made known that the d~::,a::tn1ent
p:-orosed to bring this ar:ny to some point on ~r.e :'\ew
E11g-:and coast, several prominent Senators called at
the War Department' to personally protest. against
such a course. .\[oreo•;er, experts -iri ·such .matters
I
had .ex:_pressed the opinion, as ·already ·stated, that
Gene:-al Shafter's corps could be moved· ·[o the mour.i
tai:".ous :-egions about Santiago. above the supp0!;cd
fever belt, where the· t~oops could be. kept unt,il ·the
yellow-fever. \vas eradicated,. in which General \files,
then in Cuba, expressed concurrence: . Then, too, the
government was·· not unmindful of. .the danger of {n-.
fectiryg every transport in its already too limited fleet,
i
i ,. that might ~ used to return the troops in Cuba.
. ~Iilitar'y nee~ssity demanded the presence of the
troops
Santiago to guard the Spanish prisoners;
, prudence and protection of the country against an
epidemic of yellow-fever. prevented their return until
that supposed danger had passed, or its real condition
·was determined-every consideration, in fact, of strat. 'egy and prudence made it imperative .that the, sth
·Corps remain in Cuba. ·Such wa~ the positiqn ~eld ·
I
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258
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:~ "f-S :;.J._:.,;: :) c_;;o;! \..' ::•:::-.:. St.:.l:t..':-i as s•;Gn as ~he ;mi\·a··· ~ ... ., .. , p '\'') 11J ~- ..... ir a~,l a· ~1l0n as'•it·:,~:a.s
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.;a:rid ::.- :::<:! _r.:di(a: a:1J· q·..:a.~a:itln<:! author!ities as
.:a:·-::. ·.\·.:1.:; :-::a·:~ k:w·.\·:-t ·:o Ger.eral Shaiter. ~s already ·
s~...J.:~ . .1..:; ~:::;as }.L:: :.):\ ar:d :-ep~;lted,to!hi~. July .
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·:':.;.:, T::.~ :~:=e is :o ~d;:> ::?u :n: e\·'!:-/ ·.v:~:: !)<!Ssibl~. i A.s .;oon
~ :·J~e .
..,:;:.b sa:~i.y. ':.l :s !;.~·:n:ent:on in-i~g !h<? mt:.re
::or?s .\")'r"~ for' r~s: ::.·,..d ~i?C"-';>eT·.:::on. ·•
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day. j-.::y 2,3d. Ger.eral ShaftF replied,
::T.ve•:e:-. :::a: ·• ~;,e. si::.:.ation is :1ot alarming, .. · but
::-.a: .. i: i ·)•..;.: 0f :he ·1~:.estion to ;-r:~ve a~y more troops .
'..;.:::ii the ;r:&Jne::s a:e s:.a.r:ed for Spain, and tpe rail~0ad is ~e-:a::ed. · ·
On che ;s:~ of July :he Sur:ge6n-General wa:s directe~ ·
:o pr~e-eC ~v :\[ontauk Point, a::d report 'on 'th~ suitability of ~~: place as a camp of rec~perat1ort. The
fa·:orab[e decision of the department, based; U!)On. his
re?Qrt; was comrnunica:ed ·to Shafter on
~8th of
J.:ly. as f·1llows:
1
the
"\\".-\..~ DEP.-\..~7:\IE:-.'T, July
'
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" Gmerc; ;;:u:_:..er c~
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:' Woulrl ~t DDt ~ well ~ encour.age your· co~and b~· telling
them thev ._.;Jl be lD.O\'ed :\orth as 5000 ~the fever casks subside?.
It would~sti:nu!ate th~m·, it . seems.to
and. that fr~1uetitly i; .~
. '
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:•> :.a'-:c: ·h..: ;Ji..!<·~
.'lurrenrler~d
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::·"1~ :·m!:nand,
How :na:1:: ~pa~:J.~':.; 'la·:~
R.. \ . .\:..CE:R.
t0•!atc!
"
Scc:"c~ar::
·lf \\'.1r. ··
On the 27th 0i July General Shafter re::ortcd that.
from 'a pathoio~ical point of ~·ie·...-. it wouid be safe to
•xder the ca·:alry division back to the l":-:i:ed States.
On the rst .l)i Ausust he ~egarded __ the r!:::::a:-y situa- ·
t:f)n so much :-elie•:ed that the cava~:-y di·.-:::·i·m .. could
be spa:-ed. · · Instructions ··•·e:-e. t:-:e:-.ef·)~~ gi ·:e:1 him
on that day ( .-\u~ust Isti
i.
Wheeler's c!isrno~;:-:teci ·:a·::1ir:: )n :he L.r-'I.st'ana
'o ::;ew Y·xk· ·.1·i:e:e t.hc:: ·,t,·i!! ':.e ;:>t;t :n .:a:::;:> a: :'.Ior:tauk Point.
'Great -:a:e ~nou:ci be hac! :hac no :::;an ::".f~ccd wi:h :e\·er ~sent.
0n (he :e~~:t 0i :h:~ 3hi;;r::er:t ~il cie;::~:-:ci :c:::ner .1-:::on :n ::no·.-.
:r:g ::r-ur comr:-:<.1:-.d. Ha·.-e a carei:..:l :::eci:cal ·JE-:er ~orne with
.. to ser:d .;0r::.e 0f
1
!·
'h~m.··
Orders Tor the necessary contracts to prepare :\Ion~
tauk Point were given on the rst of August and approved or. the id. These provisions, ho\ve\·er, were for
a detention camp of but s,ooo, and a ger.eral hospital
of 500, then regarded as more than su fficierH to meet
the demands ofthe sth Corps, which it' was proposed
to ret~rn ·in instalments. There was. however, at
:\fontauk Point ample camping- ground t"or a whole
army.~'
• ..\n arrnr ir{ the field. !s sup~d to be a comp!ete '-I nit in itself;
• and to c.·ui-y with it every nec~ity for propedy feeding and shelterin~ the troops. All'. a'nd a great deal m<:)re, that an army usually does
for itself had to be done hy the War DepartC'lent for Shafter's men .
)lot only were tents erected for them in ·two separate camps (the detention camp and the general camp), but the.se tent3 and the hospitals
were Boo.-ed. See, ho"·ever,.chapter on ·• Camps and Disease.··
.~
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R 1) 3 L\ · [:.; ( [DE { T··
::-:c.: lr;t•)r:'nat:vn m :!:e p<Jsscs.:;••0n'·)i the·
War Department showed, the situation on t,he; Ist of
.\~1:,;:.1.:;t ·.va.:;· as
.\[ilitarv considerati0ns had
!
:~1ar!e it impossible for Shafkr to detach any part of
::is .::ommand, other tha!". the .::avalrv, with a ~-iew' of
:~~cki:'H{ :ht! ~prt!ad <)f ·;ellow- fevt!.r.' In th~ me~·n
·::n~. che WJ.r De~anment had selected :\fontauk Point
1 july .::6thi as J. place in ,every way suitable for the
~-~~~~rn· ')i the troopS: of ·~·hich fact Ge~eraT $hafter
xas informe~ j'.1i:: 28th. Cmtracts f•)r a ca,mp 'suita':J~.: :·or a .5ma~l part ,Ji th~ J..rmy ·,\·ere ordered onithe rst
A .-\ u~ust and let on the 2d.
July 26th' General
,
, .
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r recommended the embarkation of the <tavalrv
.. '
.
n; julv .28th he reoorted it safe for that di,·ision
~c::-:1. and August I~t said that th~t p~.rt of his·.
a:-:-:.y ·~ould be spared. · On the date last nain.e~; Gen-.
::::-a!. \\"heeler's command was orde:-ed backi to· the
l. ni:ed States, while preparations at :\fontauk Point.
·.\·ere rapidly made for its reception.'
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• .\.; a ·.!eta(~rn~nt •)i the rel{ular cavalry J.t Santias•l !1ad been
:ci> .~t Tarr:pa, P•Jrt TJ.mpa. and F'er:1andini\. as ·.veil .:1s on-='~.:Htalion
.,! :he :st \."<Jiunt'e<:r C.H'.:lirv (W•>Od's regiment). and all the !Jorse:s
:··Jr ~th t!-t~ re~ubr J.nu .,oiunteer cavalry organizations, it wa:S de::J~d. A.ui{'.JSt !st. when th~ c::~ valry division ·.vas' ordered to t!'Je L"oited
~[.~ tes. :·) !-Ia \'e these detachments join their coomandsl at' :\funtauk
.,.;:h :h<:ir mounts; ·b~t .the order for this purpose was
~\\'en until
\·.~·,;•.tst Ju. ~~~ncr:1l Sh:.1fter anci General :\fil'es had recommended
:::.n ~!1~ .:a·:.:1tr:: di·:ision be mounted upon its retu·rn to the Cnite.:I
:5>.\:o::s. T!-tcn. too. ~!1e i1ealth oi the cavalrv deta.:hments ih Florida,
·~ T~il :>;; :l:e cunJition of the mounts [or th~ ~ntire .:avalr)· cfi,·ision,
:n.tolc ·th<: ·:han~e ad·:isable. Sioce :\fontauk Point' iafforded eic:ellent fa(ilities for C:IV:Iiry drill, it \VaS ,proposed to establish there
a camp of preparation as well as of recuperation, for the exPedition
:t~;ainst Havana then .itill thought to be oecessary. While I' have·
:10 kno·.liledse or ·even belief that the ordering of these J.~59 officers and men to :\tontaulc Point· was a detriment or that' the send; n~ oi 5.505 horses and mules there caused additional' sickne,s., · vet
:!tt•ir rr~~en.:e in a m~asure incre:Jsl'd the confusion c':Jused b}: the
not
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�.-\::;. a:r;.:ad:> ::,~.t:..:d. L.!pon tr.t.! su(;,;·.:5.~ .,[ :his r::•)>·e~n~~: ~: ·.ras
r.ht: :-·~!1:~.findt!r Q{
. the :,:h ~...· ..~r;)s. · L'p .:,) :his time :::e ·::..:::;>.,·-i:.:<:t:r sittit•J
dt!F~:~d L!1~ return 1)i
ati•Jn was ret,)l)rtt!\i c'mstantly ·' impr0vi:-::;; ... and .. not.
alarming.·· and ~·.-.en as late as J u.ly .2'.)th ··daily re~orts show rapid inc'rease of cases: but at the same
time they are not severe.''
.On the mor:1i:-:g of the 2d of .-\ugust the following
des:.'atch \~·as ~et:ei;·ed from General Shafter:
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" [am :old :h.:lt a: J.ny :!rn~ an ~pi<iemi·~ r:i ::-::!l•)'.\'·:.:•:u i:; :.:able
[ .ld:::~e :::a: :h<! :rt:-ops '::e :no·:~J J.3. ~:l:o!ci!-; a:; c;.)SSibie
·\·h· 1 ~· .:,~ ·,: ~o..n..·•• - • • :. .,:,• •)t_. a· ·-·t·lu·< •··~ '.\·:.;.. ,:..e ·_.e~a·r·ur.e of :'-e
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La.ter that day a conierence was held at the White
. House. the Pres:dent, the· Secretary oi War·. and the
Surgedn-General being prese'nL As a result. of that
c0nfere:1ce, Gene~al Shafter was :-:oti~ed that
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;;rst Iot 0i ?r:sor.e~s. all 'J.ut a br.igac!e ·:an ~"· ar:d' ~ow qyairy
ii':i~ion .:ar. be spare-:.··
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"ait~r iull ,;onsuita:ion with Surgeon-G~r.erai. :( is. deemed best
to have you ffiQ\'1! y0ur command 'up to end 0i railroad, where
yellow-[e\·er is imp-ossibl~. Then we wiil mo\·e then;t north a.~
rapidly as possible. What do you ·advise:"
\Vhen General ·Shafter ....-as informed that it was
proposed to mo\·e. his.. army "up tq the e:1d of the railroad .. , he sent the follo\ving cablegram, dated .-\ugust
Jd, and ret:ei ved th~ same_ day :
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necessity sudJ~nly thrust upon the department of expanding a recuperati,·e omp origirully intended for but.J,'OOO or 4.000 into a camp
for JO,OOO. We were still preparing for war, as it 1\"as known that
at least t3o,ooo Spanish troops; well armed. \\'ere in Cuba.
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T~-: ~:.uir•JaJ :s :1•;<. ::~t·;~p;.L:r!:<l. .tlthough
a 'Nt!ek.· ·[:::i
~:1pa..::ty :~
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-!;1:: ~t ·.;,..:·~.:st. ai-1<1 it wdl ta!<<! un:il th<! ~:;d •1i :.\uJ·~~~t :•; :nake
::--...; X•)·:-:. '!'·en J :h<! ;id< list should not :r.c:rea.oe~ · :\n •.)ffic:er oi
~:: ;t;.L:!'. L:e•J:er.a:1t \L!ey. ·.vho has ivo)i.;ed •J\·er ;h<! 5-0und.
';)',"i ·.n.:lt :t :s :1•)t .1 ;;ooJ. ·~:..tmpm~;·.;~'1t:r:J.
Th.: ·~o~,;r.:r·: is -:o\·er'!':i··.~·:::: ~;3.~5 ~:; h11;h as a. man's head ·...·r:.:n ;:Ji:i;; ~·xs..: ..·and.
· ·..:;J :n :.he ~II.; :here is no ·~.:J.:er, .:1nd :t ·.v:J
:eq·~~~ to ;J~mp·
.v:.~.:<!r ·:.\·'1' ~!es. He .llso states that ::llr.f.:lll :s i:·.vice a.s g:e.:J.t
,,.; :t :s :-.ere ar:d .'!-le soil is a bla~k loam :~at is nutis~,;:t.J.ble for
·~:J.r::;:l!r.~. T:ocps that have been sent :o :::at ~oc::illt~· !-la·.:e been
~ou5e'l :n ':oarracks. I:1 my opinion :here i3 'out on~ co.urse :o take.
:hat is :o immediately transport che jth Corps :.:J.nd the de-.
r•!~i::le.r:ts that came with it to :he 'L'nited States.· Ii it
:.s ::ot done. I bel.ie•:e the. death-rate ·Rill be appallin~.' I am .sus:.ai::ed ~n .this ·:ie·R by ~•ery ·medical officer ?re.seqt. \ I called to- .
;;;ether ·.O....:a)' the general officen and d;e 3enior rpeqical officers
.1d te!<!g::qh you their views. The:~ :s more 7r less yellow.
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.· :e·:·~r :n :l!xost e..-e:-:: reg1rnent: h r<;~,;gnot;t ·• ·:om~a:~:~· ..\ 3 soon
:::e
:u it de·:-:!.1ps they are sent to hospital. 'ot;t new sascs :i.rise. not
·:er:: xan::· it' is :rue, and it is oi a mild :ype. but pe\·enheless
it is here. .-\il :nen taken with it will. oi ~ourse, have to be leit
and have :o take their .:hances. Some ..,·iil undoubtedly be taken
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s1ck on the ships and die. but the loss will be mu ch ;less thari ii
a:1 at:empt' is made to move this army to the interior, which is
:1ow re:J.lly an army ~f convalescents: at lea'st Se\·enty-9\'e per cent.
:oi :he men having had malarial fe\·er. and all so much weakened
~y ·.he ~x;::osure and h~w:lships which they ha\·e und'erg'1ne that
:hey :.~.r~ .:apa'ole no'w of very little exertion. They should be
;:JUt :u once on all the transports in the harbor a~d ~ot crowded
· at all. and this mo\·ement should begin to-morro-1 and be completed before the fifteenth. ..~11 here belie\·e the loss of life by
doing this will be· much .less than if more time is: ta~en. I£1 the
plan is adopted of waiting until the fever is stamped out, there
will be no troops moved from here until the fever season is past,
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-~ · 'e"~ ·.'~~ .{ ::.·l!...i:-..al-:ev~:-. -~hich are quite :ts !~tal a.-; :;cl,. ·!.~·
::-~ :::w.:::.: •lC'::!o..-:!1~ this ar:ny_has :Jeen placed b.:-~ :_:"TlL;.. .:-. .: ·~.::rm; .::a·.-e ::!:e ·Jpt:llons ·of all· com!T'..:~:-.Jin~ •Jificers
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· .: ~ ... ::o ~:;.· agree ,;vith me as to :.he only course.
-: :~ ·'· ~ ;::-~"o::r=:a:ion ·)i this arrny. T::e~·~ ~a:1 b.! no
--~.;~ . :-.= ~~ .it :X·oe. and it seems to rr:e that iniected
·.::.::: :s_ ::.::.::~ :ri. .~il =ome:-:.t.
:3i-iAf"TER,
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· ·.· \fa;cr-General. ·
-:-"::e: =: ~:::aJ.:..:::::
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tb :r.e.::sage contained. ·..,·as a g.~eat
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'~--:::=t~_. _.:,.::..cs .:1a d re;::vrtcu, m t h e . 6 t h
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·~:~:::~<:!d.
::-.a, by moving them tthe troops)
:· -·~- ..::-:~ :.:~ fe~·er rna~· be s:amped.out." Gen"
-:-:. ;:;:; -~:=:- :....:.:· :a~ecl. july 22d. as we have seen.
·_.::.·: ·.~ ·::: · _,...:__-::.:= G.: p:-:soners can be disposed of
... : ~: .· ~·~~ : ,-~n::: :-::i:es inla::.d on :ailroad, and
· ~- ==- -- :...~---~~- ·.- ar:.(..;. as 1atea 1 he -'d of ..""'\. ......
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'ug"st·
•• -~ ~ . • • • :""'l .....
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....... :......
:.::5u;. =-::-..i~:::-al =.ac ex;xessed :he opinion that the
.:·.-~::- :::::.::.._::. ~e s~ped •)Ut by the removal to the high
::: ·.:=:M:: ~·:··:e t:::.--: .!UP?Jsed fe ..·er b~lt. ~Ioreover, up to
,
::.:= .!!i::i.r · -. ·~:. ·.\·he:u General Shafter announced the
. \ · ..:::::_:-· ..-:.3 &e..:.:.=n~ witp a yellow-fever 'epidemic,
· :-..:: ~:-. ~~ from Cuba indicated a constantly
=:.!J:'I.-': :aGE::an. ~d the daily bulletins of sick1 .'
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::::.s -~ :~:.g 10 show that more m'en \~·ere re. _:-:-:~ : · i~ :::an w-ere going on t.he sick-list.
-~~' S'E!::ia:_~·s ".eport of. August rst (received
'='-~.IS: .:..:::1 ~:_.:.d: "Total sick. 4,255; total.fever
· .::2es_ ~~:·.1; ~- ca._<=es of fever, · 653; cases Of fe ..:er
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·:c~=:~ -~ mediately upon the receipt of Gen-.
~..:..i. Siia-:=r·s ~sage describing in de~il the alarm: :cmrii::::-t <'lf -:...: ar.::::1y, he was direeted (August Jd) : .
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T' -r.·1·:-: ·.•> ~.;,~ L' ~te<i States ·;•Jcn .i :he tr~,.,~s· ·ir.de~ :,.,,.~
·:::-:~.,::·i 1 •.. \~'! :-~r.t .re<l·Jir~ :{)r rh.:::.- .1t Sa:--.::a~"-1 Y·)'.l -.:~n
·:'c :0r ·.n.:lt ;:>ur?<J.<;e the ~ans'ports ·now at Sa:--.ti.'l''i0; and ;u..:h
•Hne~:; ·\·:il '::le fu::ushcd y0u as rapidly ::ts OOs.510ie a.; .··:•)U rna\·
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.\·:r·! ~.:l :' "le n.:..:essary How many· tr'Xlps :ri Y'?llr: Ju<.!gmen't.
·dl .· :1!"1 uirc:d to. remain ;:>end in~ the re:no.,..:l! •)( the Soan:.>n
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,-,r:~•>r.e~:;. ar.d ·Nhen rernO\'ed cow :nan;: trr-ops ·J.·i!l 'x :C({uir~
'.{) ~~rr,~r!:: >;::tr":'ison the .distric: wh1ch '.\"::IS surier.Jercd tO Y•)U,
'.'.';, ... m ·fo ..•:0u inte::d to !ea' ·:e in ·:om:rianci' · Ca::::ot :lie ~olorec.
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w.np-; in ::our command be ·3a.ieiy kept at Santiag? _:or. the time
bcir.;;' H0w many of thee ~a·:e you' WJl .;end•immur.es.
•.v~ n.:l',''! to-r.ight ~rde.red Ger.er:J.! :\l!es tO ser.a :J~.e St.:Lou:s and
?.·;:;.!, ·~nich are now at ?0nce. to Sar.t:ag0 :o re~rt,.:o y0i.:..
2:: ;r'ie: .,f :he ·?:esident.
.. ?. .. l.. ;.l..~-G~~· ,,
Secretar7 0t .\ar .
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The letter to General Shafter, signed by pi~ general
officers. referred to in his ,alarming despatch of: .-\ugust
,3d .. ar:d coinmonly known as the "Round !Robin,,"
·.\·as not received until August -lth. It \\;as a_ccoiT.()anied b}· a letter from the chief surgeons of his. command.
Both of these papers were received:a(ter Gen- ,
era! Shafter had been directed to·repatriate! hi's army.
and the \Var Department had given instructions for
additional transports to . report to Santiago, and . hasL
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tened orders for the increased accommodations at 2\Ioni'
tauk Point.
The " Round Robin " is as follows:
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Augu.st J, · ("'1'-'.
" SA.:-.'TL-\GO DE Ct:BA, VI.\
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"(Received August 4;j I89S.)
S. A., Washington..
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.. f·)llowing letter giving the ~iews of the ge'nercil officers of
this command is sent for the consideration of the War Depart·
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·.v!: :h.: •..: nd<!r>'it;n<!d ;~~;era! ')ificer:;, ~nr.~":':ar.cin~ ·;ar:o•Js
Sri:p<.l<!s ..J; ·;is ions. ~t-: .. ·1i :.~<! ·c niteJ Stat~s ar::~;:' ,.,i <Xcupat:uri :n C.u~a . .:i:e of the .•..:::ar..!r::.ous •1pin1•m that :ru.; .:u:ny ::nust
at on<:e :.C ::.:t~~n out oi :h<! :~:a::d •Jt Ci..loa :tr.d sent :o som<! point
rm :hc> :1or•.hcrn 3e:t--:oa.;t ·)t \..' ::i :cd St:ttcs; tiu~ •.his :a:1 be done
·.vith•Jut dan;;cr to th<! ;x:opi<! oi :i':e L. r-,ited States; :hat. there is
no ~pidemic •Ji :.-eUo\V·tc•.-~r :n :..~e a,.:.:ny at. prese::t---0ni:: a few·
3p<Jr:ttiic cases ; th:tt . tl:<! .lr:il:: is disaoled ~y :r.a:ar:al-fever to
:;uch an ~xtent th:tt.its e£5..::.:::.::,- is destP)yed, a::d it :s :n a ·:orir:iition :o '::>.: pra.::icail:: .en•.::'!!:: dcst:oyec ):: the epicemic oi yello'·.v-fe·:~~ 5u:e :o .,:orne ~!1 t:. . ~ :"'.e.J.r :··..::·..!r·~.
',r-! ~:"'.0'·"'' ::-t')m reports
· ·:~.-;m ccm;x:tcm 'ii::~c:s ar.c ::')r.: .;:c:,::c:-:al obse:·.-at:or.s :.hat the
a::n·.<s unable to :::-:o·:e to :.~e::n:er:or. ar.d :."'Jat :.l:e:e are :10 facilities .for such ::r.o•:e, if att~~pted; ar.d ~i!l not :.e ur.tii coo !ate.
:\[oreo\·er. the 'cest :nedical .iutnori;ies :..,, the islar.d say that with
our present ~'...lipmer'.t we couid :10t !i·;e i:1 the interior. during
~he :air.:: seasor. ·.~o·i:hout :csses ::om :r.a!aria!-f~ver almost as
bad!:: 3.s ::om ;;ellow-:<!·;e:. T:-:.is ~:-::1:: ::=ust :.e :r.o>ed at once
or it ·.viii :Jerish. A.s an a::rn- :t ca!1 ~ saielv ::::o•:ed ::ow. Persons :es~nSl:Jle for pr~Ve:'lti~g .SUC~ a ffiO\'~ ·~·::1 be r~sponsibJe
ior the unnecessary loss oi :na:1y thousands of lives. Our opi..'1icns are the result of carei·.1l and personal obser•:atior.s, and are
also based upon the· ur.an::nous opinion of our !:ledical officers.
who are with the arr.w ar.ci understand the sit:.Jation abso!utelv.
(Signed) jos. \'v"heel;r; .\Iajor-General Volunteers; ~muel
Sumn~r. commanding Cavalry Brigade; \\-illiao Ludlow: Brigadier- General, l'. · S. V .. comm~nding rst Brigace. id Di>ision;
Adelbert Ames. Brigadier- General: C. S. V., commanding Jd
Brigade, Ist Di,·ision: Leor.ard Wood. Brigadier-t;e:1eral. l'. S. V.,
commanding city Samiag0; Theodore Roo.se\·e!t. Colonel. commanding 2d Ca,·alry Brigade; ·.J F·)rd Kent . .\fa;or- General
Volunteers, commanding rst Division . .;th Corps; J C. Bates,
~fajor-General Volunteers. commanding Pro~o·isional Division, sth
Corps; H. W. LaWton. :\fajor-General Volunteers·. commanding
2d Division, .;th Corps: ,C. :\fcKibbin, Brigadi~r- General,
t:. S. V., commanding 2d Brigade. 2d Division.'
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·" SH.-l.FTER,: .\[ajor-General."
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"S.:..sTI.-\C.O, .-lusti.:t i~. ;$9$ .
.. .-~·.i:A:r. r'.!-0~e-ro::: a/ the Arm:; .. Washin~ton.
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, ::-: :or.::e-;::.;n ·Ntth :-ny :.:!<!gram ot :n..: jd :nstant ..1ncl .th..:
:..:t:::: -:i :.!:<! s~:l<!r:ll •Jdicers :o. me oi :he sarr.e rl.:lt~. [ ha·:e tho!
h•.r.•.: ·.:>,;.a:: :_;:,.H ;:.n.:c :hen [ ha·:e taLketi··.vith :ht: !di;\sion-.:om::Ja::-:-::; .1::•.! ::-:...::: :rnn ::1c in :;aying that th..: fin[ ;eP,xt: was made'
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::-.-: : :'-.:::.1::•!. :n•:r-! :han ;c•:<!n:y-6·:e ;:-<!r .;e:-:t. oi ·.•;h:.:h ha·:e.
'..:..:~:: ::: -•·:::-:. J. ·:·:::.· ·.\·..:aker.in~ :nal.:lr:al-f~·:cr :a.stini;; :irm-: :our :o
,;;:-c :a::; J.::~ ·.v::;~;,_ \e.:l'.'CS everj =:an :0<) m:.~ch: broke:-\ d•>Wn
··J ·~·if .1r.:_.· .scr·:!.:e . .:1nd· in no condition to :Nithstand a'n <!?idemic
·e::.;·..<ie·:c: ·.v:-:ich ail'regard as irnmir:ent. as :he~e a:e more
:r:s..; :~s in e·:er:: regiment here. F·x strong ahd healthy
~'.!:;::-::c:::.s ·:::>::.ir:g ;,ere now and .:1 litde later. ·.~·ith ;:Jic.~ny.oi t~nt
:1;;:: :c. :::>·:'!: :.':e::: and not subject to a:1y :-:.:1rd.ohip_s and ·.vi:h
~i<!~::: .i not.::i~h:.::g food, the danger. in:ny opinion ~nd -:hat of
•.!-:c .::·.-:.s:cn CO!T'--nant!ers. will ~ reduced :0 .3. minimum. For
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ca·;s :.'::s ;om:na::d !av in trenches ',l,'ithout ;hdter.' ex;>osed to
,~.,;~ a::d :.:1.!:1. ~r.d,
orJv hard bread, bacon. ~nd: coffee. and
::--..:se :-..J.:csnips, :1c:ount for its pre;ent condition .. tJ il.One oi which
w!:l :;:o0ps coming now be subjected .. , ·
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In adding his signature to the "Ro~nd Robin,"
Lawton. with thorough militar~• spirit. and. .
.
I
.
an ir:sight into the true situation \'.;·hidi s,ubsequent
c\·en:s oro . .~ed to have been most remarkable. wrote'.
•
. I
tr..e foUov.-ing endorsement:
Ge~eral
,
I.
th~
" I:i signing the above letter, I do so with
uhdetsU.:nding
it has ~n seen and approved by the commanding general. I
desire to express it as my strong opinion that ' ~he, best medical'
authorities o£ the island' and' all the surgeons of the command'
be aL"' required to sign the paper. At le~st the ~hie£ surgeon
207.
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:.,:::.;·:.~..;! .. ·c·i .:: ·i-:·:· :c~:cr :.; :.-::;JQI;::~- -lr.c
·. :'.f:l :.:r '!.'t::r~.;.,:.;::.'. ·., ·:: . .;..: i:-;!1 ::1.-lu:.~.,r:::: s~r:
r;::.,•. ·.. :: :::.,::•: .. · r·:
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~ni:::.
I.
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··~•n:•Jr:
:h.:1: ::.:.:,h
tr.:: .:-:~.: .
.\ppa:-~ntly. a.-;· a ~esu:: or
t11is recommenda[i0n,
the · c hie:· s u ~~c•)ns ser: t :he
f•Ji-iowing to General
Sn.J.fter:
i
I
'·
· 5.-.::-:-:.v.;;) ::lt:: ::·:3.-\. ·.·:.\ H.-\:T:,
·· .·lci.:t:..::,!:-':;-!•tr!'T'.;!. ·~~ .:) . .·L. :r·:;.7hut~!.J,t.
le•.:.~r ;:·::::~ :!:e 0p1:-.ic;n •)i 'he rnec!ical
:rn:;:r.:.~noi :s ;em :·'"Jr :he ~or.siri·:ra:ion 0i the War
' r·Ji!•J'.\'::1:,:.
. :•i ·.hts
rr.~::::t
.
A!l~ust .J. r3·;.~.
•)if:Cer;
Depan-
· T;!<! A'd·:;tr:n:-'~cnr.-::: ~-~ Ann.:; C?rps.
.. Si::l.-.The
:h:~:·
'i::r:;e.•m ·)i ·,he :;:h ...\.::n.); Cor?S ar.d
t.~e
3:.Jq~or:3 ·Ji <ii•:is:or.3 con3ider it,:o ~e :!:eir imperative dut:;·. alee~
m.lt:.J:e de!ibera:ior:.· to e:tpress· :heir unanimous opi:tion that
:his :lr.:-1:.---!s ::10\V m
·:er:; .::-itical cor.dition. . They ~iieve that
th<! we·;a!~:-:t ::!l.::lbrial-ie·:er wiil ,doubtless ~ont!nue its ra\·a·ges .
. <lt:d th.::lt it3 :nor:aiity '.>ill SoOn ·:r.Gea.se; :hat there is irr:minent
.r:!a::ger :h'"-t the ::e!!oJ·.\·-(e·:e~. :10w :sporadic a:-:d of a :nild type,
· :na:: a:-~y da:: as3umc .l ·::r<.der.t :::pe .and :~c-ome epide!-::ic. T!1ey
unanimously recommend that the only co4rse to purs~e to sa \"e
the Ii ·:es of thousanc!s of o~r soldiers is to transport the ;,..hole
ar:ny to the l'nited States as quickly as possible·. Such transport
they consider pr.::lcticableand reasonably free fror:n danger. The
proposed mo\·e to the pl~lteau of Sa:n Luis they believe dangerous and impracticable. Veiy·respectlu!Iy. V. Ha\·ard, :\Iajor and
.Surgeon. F S . .-\... Chief Surgeon; H. S. Kilbourne, :\!ajor and
Surgeon. Chief~ Surgeon· .:!d Di\-i~ion, 5th Corps; · }l Wood, :
:\bjor and Chici Surgeon rst Division, 5th Corps;_ Frank ].
I ·:es. },fajor and Surgeon ·l·. S. 'i/., Chief Surgeon P:o\·isiooal
Di~·i3ior.: H. S. T. H.1rris. ~Iajor ani:f Surgeon. C. S: \"., Chiei
Surgeon Ca•:alry D1vision.'
' .
'·
SHAFTER,
a
" Major-General."
,.
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:~
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_ ·~~~ •. :\' '::·:<! t:::-:c t•> spr~<1.d
. :- ·.-:-·.•: ~- i: r!:d r;;1)re ~~1an
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...; U1t.:n-
pr•>:..;:-(.':':-i bo..::·.1 ._.-.:!: ·.:·.:: ·_· •. ·_._._: S'...l:cs a:-:d ~pain.
Th<Jst.: n~~·ltia:i•>r:s. !:a•.: · :~:: :::au;;:1ra~~d by Sp,{in
•m the 26th '-'i July. ::::-r:r..:~:: JL (a!!! bon, the ambassador of France. ar.c :-..a~ :-eac::ed ~heir most.ddicak
stage at- the un:e ·,,·he:: :::..: -- R _)~:nd R•)bin,'' 11·ith .1.!1
its su!Sgestions of pani ..: a::<:: c:5~~er. was made public
in the four corners oi ::~c ~:-:~. T::at a satisfactory
·agreement bet,,·een t~-= :·.,··:.. ;;-·-:·:ernments .11·as ·at last
r.eached cannot ~ c:-e-::::~ :•) ::-:.;se who precipitately'
ga\·e out inior'rr.atic·r: ·.;,·:-.: ..::: ::::gh:· ha\·e pre\·cnted
it. .\Ioreover, the . pc:2::..:a:..:•::: · ·Jf ·t:1:s oificial letter
was a gross breach oi a:::::: :-~'.l!ations and military
discipline; and throt.:;~ :~<! a~enc:: of it the enemy
secured informat:on :~a .
ou:- situai.ion when
the gover!'lment \\·as :::·~~: a.:::C:•Jt.:..s ~o conceal the facts
until the accepta::ce -:: :~':! cc=::a::cs of the .L"nited
States could be a5su:CO::.
The matter \\·a."- resa:-:::~ ~') scr:o•.t<·.- t!iitt. afr.er a
conference at the Whi:e ::·~r...:....'<!, :.~e follo\\'ing message
was sent:
..::::g
'·
i.
" \VHrT::: Hot·~-
•. .-_;_s~:::;-c:ro;o.; .•--b~ust
.
~. rS98.
"General Slza!te-r. San!:.c?'J.
" At this time, wh~n pea·.~·:..:; :a:k~ of. it .5eerus ;;trange that
yrm should give out y0ur ..::!.':::e ~~ by your general officers,
conccrninl.{ the .:onditi;m ·X ::·~·= a..-::1::. to ilie Associated Press
. , ..."ithout permission
from th~. War Dera:·.r::e::~. y·:r.; .;::c: ::ot ~·.-en await a reply to
your commumcauon.
·· R. A. ALGER.
" Secretary oi War."
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ilm: ;.: . . L Ai.:~r. :it!c'1'f!!t:ry •Ji :1·.u. T:_;,tn<t•;n.:u. C.
·:·:i~; r·:~,c~r·.' .v:1.' ~i·:·~!\ ·~'.:t. .\..; [ :-:3·.·:
~~:-:· . .: It:.~r~c..:·!. 1 1e~··'f•:
:r. ~'-'·•· ::-,.: :r..:. [ ~alkti t~.: .,:cn..:r;.;i >ifi..:c:r·. ·,..~-:t!:.:r;. t•\ :c:'l :ne::1
·~vh .. ,l [ prrJrJIJ.~...:1i ~tJ dcJ J.r.d t0 cxprc:-:.,:; :f, ~he:;: :ny v.,ic·.\~-~ .. l::c! ~ ... :..:
:i:-.:::1 ·.. , ~~·:..: m..: tht:tr:;. I t•>unJ ·o~•..: all :·..::t ,dik,· .. :-;.·me nr...:
t!t..::t ;x•,!J•I.'i<!d 'h..:y ·Hite ntl! a let:..:r. scttir.~ :.,r:h :h~:r ·::..:w;, ,J::J
r ,.,it[ •.hem [I)·!·· ~ll. .\[c;.;nwhile I WT0te m:; ·.del;{r~:n,: ar:d later
:t ·.,·:t.' it.u:t.id in ..1r.J f•.~r·.\·ar•led, w:t!1 the :er.:a .•Jt ::he ~~rseons
:t::d :he :..:t:..:r .,[ th~:oe •>di..:ers. It ·~:; rl'.:.t •.:r:til •0h:e time aiter
tha' [ !..:.:w-:~·1 their letter had been si \'en :r, :he p:re:;~. . rt was
.:t :··,nbh. :m;;.rt;p.!r thin~ to d0. ar:J [ resr·~t ·:e::; im\:..:h t!1at :,
1
ha ·;e been ver:: -:a ref u l ab<>ut :;: ·:inL; 't•Y :he
anv !r::'0rrnation, and I will comin:1e .to b.! ;0.
·
pre~.;
" \Y. R. SH ..l.F-r;ER,
· · .\Ia;or-General. ··.
t appears from General Shafte:-·s official declara1
tion. thereiore, that the text of the " Rodnd Robin ··
\\·as made known to the press agents before 'the docun:t"nt. it.:;elt' reached him. \Vhen the President read
the ··Round Robin" for the first time U;1 the newspapers he became very much excited and indignant.
Every possible effort was made to ascertain 1th,e·name of
the person responsible for its publication that he might
be called to a proper account for the act. ·qut; in vain.
To counteract the effect of the "Round Robin,,.
the foll•1Wing statement was given to the: press:
"W.~ DEP.~T:\fE~T.
I
:
".-\Djl"T ..\=-:-;T-GE~ERAL'S OFFICE: . .-l.ttgust ~.
1898.
" The Secretary of \Var has· ordered General Shaiter's troops
.
'
".That is, the "Round Robin.''
27£
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·,
:-'!E~·:·:ri :·~··r::: ;;·::t.·r i:.;t·: ::1 ~<\:~~:.:..1s0 .13 :a~~ :t.; ·.::t:~3;:•,r·..:t:.··r.
.J.:: ··A: !"·!'·J·... ::.:,~ . .1::1i ~i':·.: ·.::tr..<·=i ·,,[·Spa:~::.;h ;:·r:.:r~:--.-::-~ ..... -:: 1'~~l~
.,[ :C!!u~:lrJn .,f :h~ ~-1rr: ..;c)n.
Th~:-:4.! ·.v:~l ~a:i :··;r ~-:~~,.,.
\'vik
J.:i
:· ....L.~t ..l.i
~ht:y <.:tn be .
..;r.:,mf(:·r~abi? em~ar!-:·.:!:.
·· T~.: ~est :.t~ :\[cmtauk P0irit ·.dl ()repare th..::;~ ;~::J..;uneJ •:•:0ps
f•Jr :h~ ::.l!r.;:a:..;-:1 ::1~::1inst Ha·:.:u:a, in ·.o;!-l~ch th.::: will pr0f:Ja!:>ly
take ;Jar~. ·: ~~ rir;t ·trJ.::.ip<,rc le:'t Santia~'l ::~st.:rda::. T~e
rr:•J':'e:ner.: is ·:X;J<!·~tcd '.'l ':Jc ·:or::plet~d ;.,y :he 20th •)i the 6or.th.
Fi·:~ l'::..::etl Sta:::3 '>I'Jlur::.:cr regi:n..::1t.s, immune:;, ha·;e been
onie~ · ti'J S..1_:1tias0 :'0r ?;arrison duty. The first has already
arr:·.-ed. the ·Jt!:.e:; :.tr~ ~ir:~ pt:5hed :•JrwJ.:d a3 rJ.;Jidly as ::a:-:3p<ir.a::·m c:t:: be : :.~r :-.:~h::r.i. ·'
As soon as the:! announcement was made that tne
"immune .. r~giments were to be sent to Santiago
many prot~sts were .received against such action. :'\o
att<!ntion, however. could be paid to these communi~
cat:ons. The following indicates ~heir general cha:-actcr:
:· :.L-\COX: GEORGi.-\, A:t~~tst
"General H. C. CoriJin, .-!.dj:ttant-Geiteral
ton. D. C.·
r.:.
s.
r8g.).
S. A., Wash:ng-
" It is' distinctlv ·understood throughout the •shole cour:try
that the .3d Regiment l'nited States Yolunteers, although ca[!cd
imm".lne.· are no more immune from yellow-[e\·er than any other -.olunteer :-esiment. It is composed almost e:tclusively of
c'e<Jri.ans. near!:; all o)i whom are very young men, and many
0i them min0rs. \\'hen enlisted, the gover:unent subjected t!-:em
to a rigid phy~i-:al exa~ination, but no proof wa.'> demnnded •Jr
des~ed as ~o their immunity fr0m yellow-fe\·er. To ::end the~e
y0ur_g men and boys to Santiago at U1is time. v."ith no enemy
fi.sht. is to expose them to the same deadly peril irom yellow·
fe\·er as is now said to confront those who. ha\·ing reaped the honors, are now demanding to be sent to a :\"orthern senside. If more
troops were now needed at Santiago, or if fightin'S were to be done,
then the order for this regiment would be approved by all. but
to
�•,
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.\ "'lle:nn ;c:n:;e •lf m:: .[u::;
:;.l jl:: ::: :""!
·:: .. ·· .. •; ~·::::-.·:-;:-; -~ -r:-: ·::·: ·!.1::~·~~
·::t..:~c ~:-~·.~::..; :::~~ :~;--cls ·:nf!. :..!-:~:-"'!{ ~:--:, ~o req,..!est m:'J . t.:arn~st·
..;t
~·:·.
· :.;._~!.
...
~
,.. .. -
.. ;r,.!er :r:r :.:.:e:r remo\·:d t•J Santial;•l ~
: ·.:::·: ·.:::.; ·.o::b;Jut the ~":o·;,·!edg~ I)[ .Jny ·Jffic:er ·;r man
.:: .:-.ri ·;r ;·::-.<::
::-:..~: :!-.~
::1 ·:-.~·':-·::_;;:::~~·..
-~· '·"'- B.~Ct):O: .
.. l"r.iteJ
3t.lt<!~
Senator .. ,
I: ·.\.•)t:>.i "::>c ir.:;-:•:ssible ~·) -exaggerate the ;n:i.schiev'~-' :t:,•! ·,\-:..::-:t:."d e:T<:!-.::t.s •)f :::e .. R•)ur.d R•>hi:1. ". It
~t:·;::.~:d ~::e ,:o:_;:-t:::-:: ·.\":th a pla~ue of a:--.guish and
.:q;~~~e::e::-:.-;i-::1.
T:--,e::-e are !T'...ar~::rs in all wars. but
•)t these a::-e the· silent,: helpless,
·:o:-•:,h:e;. •)r.es ··.\·!:o stay a: i:ome to weep:ar.d pray·
wait-the mQt!-:er, the sister, wife, and sweetT 0 their natural suspense and suffering
:::e:5c t:Ju~!i.:a::•)r..S added the pangs of i'rnaginary
:c:-:'•)rS. T~ey nad er.du:-ed, through sympathy, the
:)a:::e-ndJ, d:e wast:ng r.a:-d.ships oi the camp. the
~.·ar!lpaign in the tropics, the fever-strick~n trench ..
Tr.t!y migh~ at l~st have bee:1 spared this wanton
t•;r:ure, this impalpable ;~nt! fvr:nless yet o\·erwhelrning blow.
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L. EHRLICH. JR.
Sum~
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W..-HCTON. 0C 21151~
(2021 22!>-3061
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(A10ilJi-7:U2
Qtongress' of tf)e ~niteb
~tates
AS
BEL l>;o.; 1.40 2101A
(A10110&-2511.
~ouse of ~epresentatibes
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BAN lONG ANO FINANC\A~ SERVIC!S
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April 30 1998
AIICO ~101/'T"f' o-onvNI'T'9'
ASSISTANT MAJORI'TY WHIP
1011 0\.D f.Asn.l'l ...... V( .. V(
Es.su.
1.40 21221
(A10)781)-3911
f?u;/k:i;;::w~
.The Honorable William J. Clintori
President of the United States
The \Vhite House
Washington, D.C. 20500
\
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I
.:Dear Mr. President:
I urge you to support the Congress's initicitive to secure the Medal of Honor for President
_ .
Theodore Roo'sevelt. Awarding the Medal of Honor during the centennial 'year of the Spanish
American War enjoys widespread support in both Congress and the nation, and would be"i'.fitlirig <:;: :_ ~
testimonial to the man who led the charges to capture the Santiago Heights on July 1, 1898.
is
Theodore Roosevelt is a one of our Qation's greatest heros and most deserving of this
honor. There is overwhelming documentation of President Roosevelt's valor including several·
letters from his fellow soldiers an:d several books v.rritten by noted historians.
'
!
.
'
.
Please give your support to this worthy effort by insisting that the Department of the
Army review the materials and consider this application in a timely fashion. President Roosevelt
should have received the Medal of Honor nearly one hundred years ago but Secretary of War
Russell Alger prevented that. Now is the right time to ~orrect this injustice.
.
'
(
'
'
Thank you for your consideration in this matter.
Very truly yours,·
~···
Robert L.
Ehrlic~~
Member of Congress
·,
;-
�ROBEfiT L. EHFILICH, JR.
DISTRICT OFFtctS.:
2o DISTRICT, M.ARYLAND
1407 YORK RoAD
Sun'"E 304
LUTHERVILLE, MD 21093
(410) 337-7222
3·:5 CANNON House OFFICE ButlDING
WASHINGTON, DC 20515
(202) 22:;...3061
COMMITIEES
q[ongress of
1998 ttA Y I I Ali II: 2 1
tf)e Wniteb ~tates
45 NORTH MAIN STREET
BEL AIR, MD 21014
!41 0) 838-2517
·, J!}ou~e of l\epre~entatibe~
BUDGET
BANKING AND FINANCIAL SERVICES
SuBCOMMITTEE ON FtNANCLAI. INSTITUTII:)Ns
~a.sbington, j]BQC
GoveRNMENT Bun..04NG
7701 WISE AV'"ENU€
2ND FLOOR
DUNDALK, MD 21222
(410) 2SoH;828
20515-2002
AND CONSUMER CAE OtT .
. SuBCOMMITTEE ON HOUSING
AND COMMUNIT'Y OPPORTUNITY
ASSISTANT MAJORITY WHIP .
April 30, 1998
1011 OLD EASTERN Avt;NUE
Essex, MD 21221
(41 0) 78Q-3911
lAKE SHORE PROFESSIONAl. BLDG.
4231 PosTAL CouRT
SUITE 204
PASADENA, MD 21122
(410) 255-6983
The Honorable William Cohen
Secretary of Defense
1000 Defense Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20301-1000
Dear .Secretary Cohen: ·
I urge you to support the Congress's initiative to secure the Medal of Honor for President
Theodore Roosevelt. Awarding the Medal of Honor during th~ centennial year of the Spanish
American War enjoys widespread support in both Congress and the riation, and would be a fitting
testimonial to the man who led the charges to capture the Santiago Heights on July 1, 1898.
Theodore Roosevelt is a one of our nation's greatest herb's and is most deserving of this
honor. There is overwhelming documentation of President Roosevelt's valor including several .
letters from his fellow soldiers and several books written by noted historians.
Please give your support to this worthy effort by irisi$ting that the Department of the
Army review the materials and consider this application in a timely fashion. President Roosevelt
should have received the Medal of Honor nearly one hundred years ago but Secretary of War
Russell Alger prevented that. Now is the righttime to correct this injustice.
Thank you for your consideration in this matter.
Very truly
you~s,.
~L~~L
Robert L. Ehrlich, Jr.
Member of Congress
~-
\
.!
.J
U08317
PRINTED ON RECYCLED PAPER
/98
135
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BOB BARR
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CONGRESS OF THE
UNTT~n
C'"T'. - ·
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PHONE: 1202) 22S-2931
F.o:: 1202! 22S-2944
JUDICIARY
lntemet: http://www.house.;ov/barr/
May 7,
19~
The Honorable William J. Clinton .
President of the United States
The \V1Ute House
1600 Pennsylvania A venue NW
Washington, D.C. 20500-0005
IN RE: President Theodore Roosevelt
Dear Mr. President:
lam v.-Titing regarding President Theodore Roosevelt receiving the Congressional
Medal of Honor award.
·
· I am a cosponsor to H.R. 2263, which would authozjze the Presiden~ to award the
Congres.sional Medal of Honor posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt for his actions
in the attack of San Juan Heights, Cuba, during the· Spanish-American Wai on July.
1, 1898. ·This was an important part of American history and we·have now an
excellent opportu:nity to recognize one ofthe great leaders of this war.
As the centennial of Roosexelt's actions quickly approaches, I would respectfully
ask that you and Defense Secretary Cohen promptly reviev.~ this request. President
Rooseve!Cs family and admirers have waited far too long for this recognition and it'
would be a grave injustice for them to wait any longer.
With kind regaids, I am,
..
BB:mjh
cc: The Honorable William Cohen, Secretary of Defense
/3-b
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· May-18, 1998
The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500-0005
•\
·Dear Mr. President:
(respectfully request that you support Congressm·an Rick Lazio's initiative to grant the Medal of
Honor to President Theodore Roosevelt. A true American hero, Mr. Roosevelt's honer, valorand spirit make him especially deserving of this tribute. .
July 1, 1998 \\ill mark the centennial anniver:;ary. of the capture of Santiago Heights during the
Spanish-American War. Through his heroic efforts as the leader of the Rough Riders, Lieutenant
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt played an integral part in securing this crucial U. S. victory in Cuba.
Awarding the Medal of Honor to Mr. Roosevelt would be a fitting tribute to his distinguished .
military career, as well as his distinctive pl~ce in American history. I would appreciate your
support in requesting that the Department of the Army expedite their consideration of
Congressman Lazio' application.
.
s
Ed Pa:>to:
Member of Congress ·
EP:mm·
PAL"< TEO ON AECVCLEC
PAP~
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�DISTRICT OFFICES:
.v1cHALE
26 EAST T~tRO
~ 17 CANNON House OHICE BuiLDING
WASHIN~TON, DC 20515-3815
(2021 225--€41 1
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16101 86&-0916
.,.,,sTRICT, PENNSYLVANIA
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<Congress of tbe -mlniteb
COMMinEE.S:
NATIONAL SECURITY
Su•TE 203
HAMIL roN F11•.,AI\jc1AI.. re~TER
·
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ALLE,.TOWN, PA 181C1-2192
16101439-8861
Mlas!Jington, i:.K 20513-3815
1603 lE1-4tG•• Sn~e.er
PA 180<2-3935
16101 258-8J83
EASTO~.
SCIENCE
168 MAtN Sn:aeer
18073-1398
12151541-0614
PEN'<SBUAC, PA
June 19, 1998
r'
The Honorable Robert Wall~er
Acting Secretary of the Army
U.S. Department of the Army
Room 3E700 The Pentagon
Washington DC. 20310 ·
· Dear Mike:
In light of our recent conversation concerning Colonel Roosevelt, I thought the
enclosed article would be of interest. ·
The author, John A. Gable, is the Executive Director of tn_e.Theodore Roose't'elt
Association. As I expressed in .our conversation, I am abs<>lutely convinced that
Theodore Roosevelt displayed unquestioned and extraordinary valor under fire sufficient
to justify the ~edal of Honor, when _judged by the applicable standard of his day, in
conformity of the original recommendation provided immediately after the battle by his
comnuinding officer, General Wood. ,
We're now approaching the tOOth anniversary of the battle (July 1, 1898) and it
is my hope that a timely .announcement might soon be forthcoming. We have the
opportunity to correct a century of injustice. ,I respectfully request your personal
intervention.
·
·
Best personal regards.
Sincerely,
~
1·7 ,
Paul McHale
Member of Congress
cc: Defense Secretary William Cohen
·Rep.· Rick Lazio
Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham
John A. Gable
(
Cosponsors of H.R. 2263 '
THIS MAILING WAS PREPARED."PUBLISf.!ED, AND MAILED AT TAXPAYER EXPENSE
�---,
---------.
.·-:: ..
'Rough Rider'
. Roosevelt's Quest
for the Medal of HonOJ·
BY JOHN A. GABLE
Theodore Roosevelt was the jirst Presideru co bei:ume .a VFH' mmcbe,r. He: ~·ig.•!c:d
up in Pittsburgh on july 26, 1917. A strong supporter of veterans righcs. he is
being reconsidered for the nation_'s highest award for valor.
~.
..
he Theodore Roosevelt
Association, a. historical
society and public service organization with members in
all SO states, and a bipartisan
coalition .in the U.S. House of Representatives, is charging up Capitol Hill. Their
goal: To gain the Medal of Honor (MOH)
for Theodore Roosevelt 100. years after
the 1898 Battle of San Juan Hill.
The movement to secure the MOH
(posthumously) for T.R. began as the nation prepared to observe the centennial of
the Spanish-American War. T.R., of
course, became a national hero after his
celebrated leadership of the famous
"Rough Riders" (lst U.S. Volunteer Cavalry Regiment) on Cuba. Three years later,
he became the 26th President.
· Roosevelt's admirers are carrying on
the MOH fight on threefronts.
First, a bill to award T.R. the MOH,
H.R. 2263, has been introduced in the
House of Representatives by Rep. Paul
McHale (D-Pa.). It's co-sponsored by
some 150 members of the House who are,
according to McHale, "from both sides of
the aisle, representing a· wide range of
political backgrounds and ideologies."
· Second, Rep. Rick Lazio (R-N.Y.) has
filed a formal and official application for
·T.R.'s medal with the Army. That investi"
gation is under way. Moreover, the association is mobilizing public support.
INSPIRING A GENERATION
Two T.R. biographers have endorsed these
efforts. Nathan Miller, author of Theodore
Roosevelt (1992), last October, wrote to
President Bill Clinton: "Eyewitness accounts of the battle make it clear that the
courageous aCtions of then Col. Roosevelt
I
... .
.. . ... . . '. .
..........
Theodore Roosevelt in Pittsburgh, July 26. 19/7-thtt day he joined
tht? VFW in the William Penn Hate/.
at Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill were instrumental in the American victory which
followed. Historians areinagreement that
he was denied the Medal of Honor at the
time only for political reasons."
Ed.mund Morris, who won the Pulitzer
Prize for writing The Rise of Theodore
Roosevelt ( 1979 ), agreed: "I he,reby endorse, without reservation, your effort to
win former Col. Roosevelt a posthumous
, Medal of Honor in recognition of his extraordinary bravery at the Battle of San
Juan Heights on July l, 1898. He led a
charge against almost insuperable tactical
od~ [foot soldiers storming a high re- ·
doubt] and not only succeeded·ir:.
lodging the enemy. bur inspired a w
generation of American youth wit~.
example."
VOICE OF THE TROOPS
After the Spanish surrender in Au·.
T,R. Jngero::d Secret.lry of \Var Russ ..
Alger by sending hiin J tdegram '·
letter strongly ur~ing that U.S. troc,
who were ravago::d by tropical diseJ~
be immediJtelv returned home. (T.F.
contracted ma.luia, which rema.irieJ
him the rest of his life. l
�~--------------------------~-~~~--~--~~--------~------------------------------------------------------------,
h.:;.~rt JttJ~:k
Roo••velt' • MOH
::::) c~..,.,t'9~ ho..., --~ lA
,
...
. ,•
G.:n. WilliJm IC ':lhJr'tc:r. th.:n ~om·
m~nJing 3..:n.:rJl•m \:ub.t. l.::.~k.:.J th.:sc.:
m.:~s.l~.:-; t•1 'tho:: pr..:''· :nr'uri.wn::; both
..\li::.:r .1nJ flr.:,td..-!H .,,;;u •. tm ;...kl-:tn!.::..
)'
.\l~.:r w.t, -ulhc:quc:nd·t tc1r~.:J :o rc:'t~n
c·r<H!l ~h..: • ..Ji>tn..:t trtc:r .an tnv.:sct~.tttn·;
.:ummt,~IIJII ·:~iJ'"..:J ht, tn..:umpt:tc:n..:;: H
tho:: '.V.1r Dc:~'.Jr:mc:nc.
·
:"'onc::hc:l.:''· \lgc:r prc:vc:nc.:J .lWJrd ur·
chc: .\IOH co Ru<lic:'tdt c:v.:n though G.:n ..
'Fi5hcang fo.:" Wh.:dc:r h.1d rc:..:omrr.c:nJ.:J him tor chc: ;nc:J.Jl.
T. R. -;c:.~vc:d do-;.: co his men until th.:
d..tv he: Jic:d. Sust..tinin~ th.: highest ..:J~U·
.1lcy rate: of .1ny unic on Cuba ..:c:mc:ncc:d
that camaraderie:. He: regularly attended
Rough Rider n:unioru, and 40 vets provided an honor guard for his carriage on
Inauguration Day, M~rch 5, 1905.
If the current movement is successful.
T.R. would be the: first and only President
awarded the Medal of Honor. He also
would be the only recipient of the Nobel
Peace Prize co receive the MOH.
Incidentally. his eldest son, Brig. Gen.
Theodore Roo~velt, fr.• was awarded the
:-.tOH posthumously for his service at
Sormandy on D- Day, 1944. He died of a
---------
shurtly Jtt.:r tho:: inv~~ion. ·
Tho:: only oth.:r fath.:r JnJ -;on to re..:.:tv.: the: ~IOH w.:r.: G.:n. Arthur
.\IJ..:.\rthur JnJ hts
Dou~l ..l'i. whu
wJ., J 'militJrv"'i,[u.Jr·: Dc:J!" .JtJ to f.R. tn
th..: 'Shtt..: H.,u,c:.
mn.
regrc:ttc:d his '\;ruwdc:d hour'' -"when the
wolf rises in the hc:art." A.J he latdr told
fri.:nJ,'~It was mv one chance to do somethin~ for mv ..:u~ncry.''
rolf r'unh.:r int'ormation . ..:ontact:
r:,, .• ,,f,,.: R,;u,.·vdc .J.;s,Kiuciun. PO. Box
-t·J. f)'/<C.:r !3<~:·. .\'Y I/.-;'/.
0
a
'SQUARE DEAL' FOR VETS
Hi, ,upp01rt r·ur v.:rc:rJn,-··..:hdJrc:n ·Jr' JOHN A. GABLE :ws U0:0:/1 e':c,:natvo: Jiro:cror
the: dragon\ blwiJ" h.: ~JI!.:d thc:m-wa, · vt' TR.-\ ;tm'<' I <J.-~. H.: is <.~&a •tn •tdjtm~-r proun~qutvo..:al. As PresiJc:nc. he: uriil.lc.:rallv
l~:;;o.Jr vf L".i. h:scor_v "' H4scm L'mvc:rsir;.
in..:reas.:d pensions fur L'nion .~rmy vc:cerJns. \~'h.:n ''bamboo" ve.ts or' ch.: Philipptnc:s wc:r.: ic:t upun. T.R. immc:di..ttdy
..:arne: co th.:ir d.:fensc:. ~!Jny of those:
~am.: mc:n were J..:tive in thc: VF\V.
T.R.'s famous "Square D.:al" do,trinc:· aaK. MIC!'lar::l t& iheodore Roosevelt). The Rough
was J'tually tirst enunciated in referen'e . Riaers. Dallas: Taylor Publishing. 1997.
to veterans who were members of minor· Brands. H.W. TR.: The Lase Romamic.. N.Y.:
BasicBooks. 1997.
ity groups. Speaking to American Indians
Heatley. JeH. Bully'--Colonel Theodore Rooseat the Grand Canyon on May 6, 1.903, and
velc. che Rough Riders and Camp Wikoff. ..
later to black soldiers on guard at
.'vloncauk Paine. N.Y.. 1898. Mantoux HistoriLincoln's Tomb in Springfield, Ill., on
cal Society. 1998.
June 4, President Roo~elt proclaimed: Jeffers. H. Paul. Colonel Roosevelt Theodore
..A man who is good enough to shed his
Roosevelr Goes co War. 1897-1858. N.Y.:.
blood for the country is good enough to
John Wiley & Sons. 1996.
be given a square deal afterward."
. Jones. Virgil C Roosevelc's Rough Riders.
..
· Garden City. NY: Doubleday, 1971.
Perhaps it's time.T.R. got a square deal
with regard to the Medal of Honor. No
matter what, this great American never
..... -· ... .,...
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·· June 22, 1998
The Honorable WUliarn J. Clinton ·
President ofthe United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
i
Dear Mr. President:
I am writing to strongly urge you to award President Theodore Roosevelt the
Congressional Medal ofHonor on July 1, 1998, the centennial ofhis conspicuous valor and
gallantry. in Santiago, Cuba.
·
Several other American heroes of the War with Spain have received their just recognition
for their gallantry including several "Buffalo. Soldiers" who, along with Roosevelt's Rough Riders,
bravely charged the hills around Santiago nearly one hundred years a.go. Despite the
recommendations of both commanding and subordinate officers, Roosevelt was unJustly denied
the Medal of Honor.
·
Now is the time to correct that injustice and award Roosevelt the Medai of Honor. My
September 1997 application for President Roosevelt gives you th~ appropriate legal mechanism
for awardirig him the Medal of Honor. I sincerely hope that you will give every consideration to
making this award on July 1.· ·
.
Thank you for your time and consideration in this matter. If you have any questions or if I
may be of any assistan~. pl~ do not hesita:e to contact me.
'
. With best regards,
RL:kt
'-
,~,
�COUNTY OF SUFFOLK
ROBERT J. GAFFNEY
SUFFOLK COUNTY EXECUTIVE
. MICHAEL R. FRANK
DEPARTMENT OF
PARK~,
RECREATION AND CONSERVATION
COMMISSIONER
AUG 1 4
August 7, 1998
.\
IOoo
:._, ....,:)
The Honorable William J. Clinton
President ofthe United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20500·.
\
Dear Mr. President:
1998 marks the Centennial ofthe Spanish Arriericah War and the triumph of Theodore Roosevelt
and his beloved Rough Riders. Suffolk County has· been commemorating the Centennial
throughout the year. The culminating event will be a reunion of. Spanish-American War
descendants and historic reenactment of Camp Wikoff in Montauk from September 18 to the 20,
1998 as this was very close to the date that Colonel Roosevelt and. his Rough Riders were
mustered out of the Camp.·
0
.
Camp Wikoff was the quarantine camp set up to receive the more than ,25,000 soldiers from
Cu}Ja. Colonel Roosevelt was instrumental in the creation of Camp Wikoff. Many of the
soldiers in. Cuba were suffering from tropical diseases after the fighting ceased. The War
I
.
Department wanted to keep them ·in Cuba so that they would not bring those diseases to the
United States. Coionel Roosevelt was sickened watching the men suffer in Cuba. General
Shafter gathered the officers in charge to strategize as to how to deal with the situation. Since
he was not a career officer and would presumably not suffer the consequences of the War
Department, it was suggested that Colonel Roosevelt hold a press conference.· Instead Roosevelt
penned what has come to be known as the ':Round Robin letter, signed by all the officers to
Secretary Alger. The press got a copy and it appeared in the newspapers before getting to
Secretary Alger. Needless to say, he was quite angry. Many feel that for this reason Colonel
..
Roosevelt was denied the Medal of Honor.
Colonel Roosevelt, for his bravery and leadership at the battle of Kettle Hill. and the San Juan
Heights, was nominated for the Medal of Honor by Colonel Leonard Wood and endorsed by
General Joseph "Fightin Joe" Wheeler, General William Shafter, General Samuel Sumner as
well as several other officers .. According to Brigadier General Henry V. Boynton, "voluminous
papers were submitted to the Army Board of Breyets and Medal of Honor by his
officers and immediate associates."
J.
SUFFOLK
COUNTY
PARKS
MONTAUK HIGHWAY•· P.O. BOX 144
WEST SAYVILLE, NEW YORK 1 1796·0 144
(S 16) 854·4949 FAX: (516) 854·4977
�President William J. Clinton
August 7, 1998
Page Two
A final chapter could be written in the .life of Theodore Roose~elt with the p6sthuh10us award of
the Medal of Honor. This award can be legally based upon Representative Rick Lazio's
September 1997, application to the Department of the Army. It was a deep regret that haunted
.
. him for the remainder of his' life.
It would be fitting to present the medal to Roosevelt'.s descendants at the site of Camp Wikoff in
Montauk, the ~ite of his triumphal return from.Cuba. Roosevelt said of'Montauk, ''I'll mis~ this
place when it's all over." ·As Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Roosevelt was greatly responsible
for the preparations for the· victories in Santiago Harbor as well as Dewey's victory in Manila.
The USS Theodore Roosevelt would be a wonderful stage forthe medal ceremony.
Enclosure
�.·
.
--
S!UNICN W!!KltND
_
S!PT%M~!li !S - ZC, lSSS•·. 10:00-7:00J>M
Friday 9/18
Spanish~Americ:m War Exhibit Open
Gift Shop Open
East 1-Ianipton 350th Committee Lecture Series
Jeff Heatley to speak about his book Dully! Colonel RooseJ•elt
and the Rough Riders Camp Wikoff 1898 a't Montauk School
'.
Suffoll\: County
CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION
of Theodore Roosevelt and the Rough Riders
- Saturday 9/19
Self-guided walking tours of Camp Wikoff sites
-
10:00-5:00 I'M
.
Reenactment, Spanish-American War Exhibit and Pharoah
Museum open; Gift Shop open
11:00 &
1:00 11 M
Oyster 13ay Community 13and - Montauk Green
ll:30AM
Arrival of McKinley via the LIRR
Parade - downtown Montauk
1:30PM
Reenactment of presenta'tion of 13ronco 13uster to Roosevelt
by the Rough Riders, Theodore Roosevelt County Park
3:00PM
Vintage 13aseball Game, Lions Field, Montauk
Victorian Dance Group, Third House
·
Concert of period nius.ic featuring the Gramercy 13rass 13and
with special commentary by Colonel Roosevelt
Sunday 9/20
Reenactment at Theodore Roosevelt County Park
Self-guided walking tours
Spanish~ American War Exhibit & Pharaoh Museum open
.COM! ~! A PAnT OF THIS
HISTClllC C!L!~lUTICN
Gift Shop open
Memorial Dedication & Service at third House
12-2:00 PM
i.-:.
-.I::.
-t
\:
Musical entertainment
Book signing Dully! Colonel Roosevelt & Camp Wikoff 1898
by Jeff Heatley, Third House
Robert J. Ga~fney
County Executive
•
S U f f 0 L I(
COUNTY
PARI<S
Michael R. Frank
Commissioner
�. srANlSH·AM!
AN WAl-i !XHltllT
Third House - Theodore Roosevelt County Park
A curated exhibit of artifacts, photographs, and memorabilia
from the Spanish-American War and Camp Wikoff.
········•···••····················
CAMP WIKOFF
Now·Open to the Public
Hours: Wednesday- Sunday 10:00 a.m.-5:00p.m.
· l-iOUCH· lllD!l:i DAYS
Deep Hollow Ranch, Montauk
September 5 ..... 7, 1998
~::t~!1:iif~;)~~~~-'.,_,..,
•·-". . :-.,·.>~<-·. •I .:rt ~!.>t.• . -,.,.,_, .;.Vlllll
f.. ..
··-·.·
llCUCH !llD!liS ~A!iS!CU!
. & THEATRICAL SHOW
Deep Hollow Ranc1J, Montauk · ·
July 3 - August 30
• Re-creation of Camp Wikoff
· • Wild West Specialty Acts
• Historical Demonstrations
• Brass Band
Call668-2744 for more information
__.
-I::
~-
(Friday- Sun~·ay 5:30- 8:30p.m.)
FOOD & ENTERTAINMENT
Call (516) 668-2744 for tickets and information ..
Cost: $35 adults; $16 children
ron MC11! lN!OliMATlCN ASOUT Tl-t!S! ltV!NTS, CALL (SlS) SS4·4SSS
OU!i Ol!T SHOr LOCATED IN TH!SD HOUS!,· TH!O~OSE. SOCS!V!LT COUNTY PA!iK
�DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY
OFFICE, CHIEF OF LEGISLATIVE LIAISON
CONGRESSIONAL HEARING SUMMARY
SUBJECT: Theodore Roosevelt Medal of Honor
DATEffiME: 28 September 1998, 1400- 1555 hours
COMMITTEE: House Natiomil Security Committee, Subcommittee on Military Personnel ..
WITNESSES:
Panel 1: Congressman McHale (D-PA); Congressman Lazi() CR-NY).
Panel 2: Mr. John Gable, Executive Director, Theodore Roosevelt Association; Mr..
Nathan Miller, Historian; Mr. Tweed Roosevelt, Great-Grandson of Theodore
Roosevelt
'
MEMBERS PRESENT
(MAJORITY): Congressman Buyer (R-IN)
(MINORITY): Congressman Pickett (D- VA); Congressman McHale (D-PA)
'
'
NONCOMMITTEE MEMBERS: Congressman Lazio (R-NY)
Prepared by:' LTC Brockington, 697-2106
DISTRIBUTION:
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�This summary has been neither. coordinated nor cleared by the witnesses or the Co~mittee.
It represents the ~ecollectioli of. the. author and 'may not be fully consist~nt with the
transcript. It is publis~ed in this forin to provide timely. information to the Army's
leadership;
Congressional Heari11g Summary
, Subject': Theodor~ Roosevelt Medal of Honor
Background: The purpose of the hearing ~as to receive testimony on the merits of awarding the
Medal of Honor (MOH) to Theodore Roosevelt (TR) for his actions. on I July I898 during the
Spanish-American War.
Summary of testimony:
\
Opening: Congressman B'uyer indicat~d that he was di~:appointed and frustrated with the Army's
decision-making process on the TR.MOH. He stated that it appeared to hirri.that the MOH was
justified inTR's case and emphasized three poirits: (I) TR's actions were consistent with those
of others who received the MOH during the Spanish-American War, (2) during his actions on I
July 1898, TR voluntarily exposed himself to enemy fire; and (3) TR's actions on I )uly were
conspicuous and. set him apart from the actions of other officers and s.oldiers on that day.
Panel I:
\
Congressman McHale -Issue in Congressman McHale's mind is whether TR displayed the
heroism necessary for award of the MOH. Mr. McHale clearly feels that he did and read several
recommendations and eyewitness accounts ofTR's.actions on 1 July. Mr. McHale criticized the
Ariny for:
·
·
·
Not appreciating the heroism and leadership displayed by TR on 1 July I8.98..
.
Dragging its feet on reconsideration ofTR's MOH; Mr. McHale compared the Army's'
current reconsideration of the TR MOH to,.Secn:tary of War Alger;s original refusal to act on.
the award (Mr. Buyer agreedjokingthat the Army must still have Alger's original letter on.
file).
·
~
·
·
Changing its position on the TR MOH; Mr. McHale stated that Mr. Walker had originally
indicated that he was inclined to disapprove the Board's recomme'ndation and approve the .
. award and Mr~ Caldera had now decided to disapprove the award; Mr. McHale d.id stress that.
he'wasn't personally criticizing Mr. Caldera and that Mr. Caldera had been very accessible
· on the issue.
' ·
·
·
Not keeping Congress informed about the TR MOH ·reconsideration process thus preventing
Congress and other interested inqividuals.from providing additional eviqence supporting the
award.
.
.
.
·.
.
. ·.
In response to a quest.ion from Mr. Buyer, Mr. McHale indicated that there was clearly a bias
again?t the Voluntee·rs (versus the Regular Army) at the time of the Spanish-American War.
Congressman Lazio - Stated that TR MOH award process was tainted in I 898 and that the taint ·
continues. Indicated that he couldn't understand whyhistorians and Congress \v·eren't allowed to
2
l/ 7
�provide additional submissions to the DA Board that reconsidered TR's MOH. Stressea that
TR's heroism compared favorably with that of other.MOH'winners of the time and that the facts
strongly supported the award.
Panel2:
Mr. Gable- Emphasized ·support from veterans' associations and the general public for award of
the MOH to TR. Related a number of facts that, in his mind, justified award:
- TR' s actions on I July were conspicuous and different from that of other. officers present;·
first, he led two charges-one up Kettle Hill'and one up the San Juan Heights; and second, ·
he was the only officer to lead a charge on horseback (thus intentionally exposing himself to
hostile fire).
·
·
Clear pattern of discrimination existed .at that time against TR and his Rough Riders.
TR was wounded (nicked). that day.
Prior to his death, Mr. Langden, last surviving member of Rough Riders, persqnally attested
to TR's heroism to Mr. Gable (Mr: Langden even related that he witnessed TR's glasses
being shot off by friendly fire).
·
Mr. Miller- Read historical account ofTR's actions on 1 July 1898 that, in his mind, clearly
justified award of the MOHto TR.
Mr. Roosevelt- Stressed that ca~ualty rate (-20%) of Rough Riders on I July was higher than·
that of any other unit. Mentioned accounts offoreign observers who were in disbelief at the
manner in whiCh TR and his troops charged (really crept) up Kettle Hill and the' San Juan
Heights. Related TR's impact on his family and his family's storied military history.
Responses to Questions from Mr. Buyer- Panel stated that Alger was biased against TR because,'
.of the letters he signed/wrote attempting to get his troops (who were dying from disease) out of
Cuba after the fighting. Panel agreed that TR's intent in mounting his 'horse was clearly to make
. himself conspicuous and thus to inspire his men. ·Panel also agreed thatmore weight should be·
given to recommendations from former MOH winners·(Wood and Shafter, both of whom
recommended TR for the MOH, were MOH winners themselves) .
. Closing: The heal-ing closed with Mr. Buyer stating that he was b~wildered by the DA Board's
conclusion that TR's vaJor did not rise to a level above that of his contemporaries and stressing
that he gave great weight to the fact that two of the general's who recommended the MOH for
TR were·MOH winners them~elves· (and thus· in th~·best position to apply the "standards of the
day"). : .
·
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.
There was limited print and no TV press coverage.
3
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ON' ARMED SERVICES
WASHINGTON, OC-20510-6050
o.o.voo .s. ~l't.£5. s-r.,~ a••e-:ro" FCI'. n.e ....,..o~rrv
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October 20; 1998
·
1 •
·, t .
The President
The 'White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear !v1r. President
.·
.
We want to share. o~ viei~s with you on H.R. 2263, a bill that authorizes
·.and requests you to award the Medal- of Honor posthumously to Thea,dore
Roose,velt for his actions.in the attack on san·Juan Heights, Cuba.during th~·
Spa.D.ish American War..
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We supporced
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Ws ·legislation :V'.rith the- intent and unsferstanding that:
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prior to reaching a deci~ion on awardirig, the Medal of Honor posthumously to. Theodore Roosevelt pursuant to this
legislation, you \Yill seek the advice of
Secretary of the
the
A-v·
·~.ill../'
.,
b)
Theodore Roosevelt \ViU be copsidered for eligibility for the
!Yfedal of HonQr based on .the, same standard of merit that was
applied to ather members of the aimed forces who receivedthis medal during the Spanis~ .Ar!1;erK:an. ·,War; and: · . ·
c)
.~ll prepare a full a:nd formal
the_.Secretary of the
_record cif Theodore Roosevelt's :valor, in"Yiting public
submissions~ ·\vith emphasis on. the eyewitness and
" '\
contemporane,ous ··acco~ts of Roosevelt's battlefield courage .
. (
Army_
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The President
Page 2
October 20 1998
7
· If an injustice was done to.;Theodcire Roosevelt in Vrithb.olding the Medal
of Honor, we believe it ·should be; corrected.
Sincerely,
c0JL'·
~-on_d_.·_________
Carl Le-vin
Ranking Nfinority Member
Committee on Armed Serv-ices
. United St~tes S'enate
·<!JI
ijjUL-·.
..
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Chairman
..
Coi:nmittee on .Armed Services
.
United. States Senate
.
Ike Skelton
Ranking ?v.fuiority Member
Committee on National Security
U,nited States House of Representatives.
1?
e
n, J.l,
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~~.·.·.·
Chairman
Committee on National Security
United States House of Representatives
(c..
Paul iVIcHale ·
1v1ember
· Com.r:.nittee on National Security
United States1 House of Representatives ·
I .
. cc: Tee Ho~orable Louis Caldera Secretary· o'f the &-my
1
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�Fax :703-614-5493 .
DAF'E -Z/
STATEMENT BY SENATOR STROM THURMOND ON THE FLOOR
OF THE SENATE CONCERNiNCi H.R. 2263, A BILL TO AUTH.ORIZE
THE PRESIDENT TO AWARp··THE:MEDAL OF HONOR TO .
THEODORE ROOSE.VELT FO.R ACTIONS IN THE ATTACK ON SAN
. JUAN HEJ.CHTS IN:CUBA DURIN·Ci· THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR,
OCTOBER 20, 1998.
Mr. Presideti~t~
as the senate·:consjders H.R. 2263, a
bill to autho.rize the President-to award the Medal of
)
Honor to Theodore
Roo~ev.el·t<for
his
~ctions
on san Juan·
Heights. i·n! cuba 'd:urin,g the s·panish-Amerlcan war, I want ·
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to clarify what.we are :d·ofng .. This·bHLdoes not award
the Medal of Honor to Tf1eodore Roosevelt. ··It does
.
authorlz·e the President:toa;ward the Medal of Honor to
. th-en Colonel: Roosevelt..
Colonel. R·oosevelt' -s action.s on san Juan Heights·
-
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====={
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; may wen merit=the awa~d o,f tne___Medal of Honor~
:a:wd:::.
1 t..
ti!il':!f.'ff!t!!£!-!!Zit... :=:u-e:::::::c::::::~
..
However, in ord:er to make such· a-determination, one (
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must carefuHy review tne
.
hlstoiicai record, including any·
.
.
eyewitness accounts. that m·~y be· avaHat>ie, and evaluate
. the recordi against the criteria
for award of
the Medal of
Honor that was applied to other members of· the armed
. lSI
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14:18
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forces who were recommended for the Medal of Honor
during the Spanish~Ametican·War. In my.opit:Jion, this is
. a ~task that can only b:e performed by the mUitary
services ..
In fact, In, th·~ N~tional Defense Authorization Act .
for. Fiscal Year 1996, we· est~bJished a procedure ln Which
.
~he military
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services wo&;.Jd·evar·ua~te recommendations
for awards .for p~st actiqns an'd ·notify the c.ommitte·e on
Armed s·ervi·ces. of those· found to be .meritorious. Each
year, in the National De.fense Autho'riz.ation Act, we
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waive the ti'me· limits for,those a:wards :recommended by
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the. secretaries of t.heMillta:ry Departments· so that the
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award may:be made .. '
Mr. President,.
sen~tor Levin.:and'
myself, as wen as
congressmen spe·n.ce', s-kertQn:a:n_t:t!_M:cHafe have· agreed to
- -·
':'-.
...
and sig,ne'd a: retter to ..the President .regarding this i·ssue.
· This letter mak~s it clear that·we believe the ·President
,l
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should con:sult with the·secretary o.f the .Army, who is
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reviewing the accounts c;>f Colonel Roo~sevelt's actions,
, before decidiri9 to award the~Medal Of Honor to
\
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Theodore Roosevelt.· 1aslcuri:animous consent that this
rett~r be·made a part of *he record following my
remarks. ·
Mr. Presiden·t, this<bifJ should not be seen as a
precedent for congressional~ decisi:ons on military
awards.'
· ---
our legfslation 'rn 1996 established a ,Srocedur~
designed to ensure that -heroic and meritorious actions
dO not go unrecognized SOiely.due to .the passage Of
time. However, the procedure also· Jlreserves the
integrity of the military award-system· which is
(
important to our military· services and the· American .
people.
Mr. Presi:dent, in closf.n~·, r ~~~~~-to commend
Congressman McHale for his:determJ:ned efforts in
.
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bringing this· mat~er to our_ attention. It is m.y fervent
hope that Colonel Roosevelt's actions· will be
( 3
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Oct 21 '98
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appropriately recognize~. while preserving the time
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·honored processes and traditions within our· military
.
)
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services for awarding oqr-Nation's·most hallowed award
>
for valor:, the.M_edal of Honor.
Th_arik ·you,. Mr.· President.
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------------------------------------------------------------------------------"r.'e:d, o::.tober 21. 1993 3 :3ipr.\ (EDT)
Repor~ for the lOSth Congress
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LEGI-S~TE
BILL TEXT Reporc for H.R.J263
.
As passed by the House (Engross.ed}
-------~----~----------------.------------------------------~----------~---------
H.R.2~53
by the Houoe (Engrossed)
As passed
lOSth CONGRESS
2d Session
H.
R.
2263
JoN ACT
To authorize and re'lllest ~he· Preaident. to a.,..ard the COllgreasional Medal o~
Honor posthumously to .Theodore Roosevelt· for his galla..-.t ·and heroic
actions, in t!le attack on San Juan !!eights, cu.ba, dur.ing the Spani::;h. America..'l War.
==============================
Bo it enacted by tl::e Senate and House of Rep!·esencat:ives of the Unit:ed
Stat.e3 of Arr.::::ica .in Congress· assembled, l'hat: ·the President is aut:hori::ed and
reque:et:e:d t:o award t:he t:on;:reasicr.."-1 Medal of Honor poet.humously to Theodore:
Roosevelt:, ol! the Seate of New York, !or.hia act:ions in the at:t:acl< o:: San
.::'uar... .Ke:ight:s, Cuba, during the Spaniah-Arnerican ;.jar on J'uly l, :l.S98. Such an
a·,.,.ard n:ay be made 'Wichou~ regard. to the provisions of section 3 744. o: tit:le:
lO, Unit~d States Code, and ~ay.be made in accordance with award criteria
applicable at the time of· the actions referred to in the first sentence.
Passed the House of Representatives October 8, 1996.
AtteSt::
Clerk.
/
c'
_,
�STATE OFFICES:
JOHN BREAUX
LOUIS!ANA
s..,,,! 2-:30
B.ro' R"'c' LA 708<5
12251 382-2050
'0~£ A... EIII(A'Io P....,cE
MII\:OAITY
CHIEF DE?U_TY ;•iHIP
'Bnitcd ~_tatcs ~c_n.atc
COMM:TTEES:
705
l.AH'I'i~
WASHINGTON. DC 20510-1803
OMMERCE. SCIENCE. AND
TRANSP_ORTAT,ION
.
211 No,.~ ... Jao Sr•ur Ro.,:. ... 1':2A
Mc· .. llc-£ LA 71201
13181 325-3320
SPECIAL COMMITIEE ON AGING
w.s .. ,-.c·: .. Ou·c£
H~u Boc.cs
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TDO 1202i 224-1386
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LA 70501
13181 262-6871
W<lS .. •I\GT: .. S.:::L:ot.Jif A~'\(J 9 • . :··.:.
FINA,.CE
12021 224--1623
T ..[ FE:t•A~ 8 .. !·.:-~.::.
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501
senat'or@brea~..:.:r.senate.gov
October 28,. 1998
h t t p:;/w.H'II\'. se r.a 1e. gOV-'- b·r e au x
Ff:XJIAl 81..''!..:'-'C
M~oc..,.._· .. E s· .. ur Svr!'l 1:.(:15
NE_.. 0-.:. v ... s LA 70130
15041 589-2531
Cr:-.·zv..r.. Lou:s:"~"
13,81 487-8445
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I have been contacted by Mr. Hiram H. Cooke regarding his·
concerns with awarding the Medal of Honor to late President Theodore
Roosevelt.
/Please investigate the enclosed information se.rit to me and provide
me with·a report, within federal guidelines, responding to hisconcerns.
Your reply nuy be forwarded to the attention of Phil Thevenet.
Sincerely,
..
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you for your attention and assistance.
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Dear General Boyd:
JB/pmt
Enclosure·
--.
.,
Maj. Gen .. Morris J. Boyd
Chief of Legislative Liaison
U.S. Department of the Army
The Pentagon, Room 2C631
Was~ington, DC 20310-1600
~ank
-....
.(
�13 OCTOBER 1998
Good t-1o rn i ng,
The enclosed Newspaper articles are self explanatory. As a retired
Mjlitary Veteran and a resid~.1t of the Sta.te of Louisiana I
respectfully ask that you do all within your power to stop and
prevent thii despicable desecra~iori of this nations highest award
that can be besto ....·ed upon .~"Tier~ -:a· s servicemen and se,rvicewomen.
J~ o u i s i8. n a c u r r en t l y has t .,.,. e n t y f o u r ( 2 4 ) o f i t s sons , both B l a c k
and White on the Official Meda1 of Honor rolls. Five of these men
paid the ultimate price for thei~ being recommended and awarded the·
Medal of Honor. Between these t~enty four men they represent every
branch of this Country's Milit~r~. Now to allow this honor to be
aha.rded to an indi·v;idual who in .::;o way has met the crit0ria for the
awa.rd of this medal other than :he fact that he always y~arned t6
have this award hOUld b() an ir.; JJt and disgrace to the memory of
thr)se servicemen fro;;; this st;:."-e who not· only made the supreme
sacrifice, but also shed th=ir :dood and loss of limbs in defe:1sc
of this Country and fDr their ~~llow comrades in arffis.
'
I slricerely hope that you ·,..·i l _. give this rr.atter your immediate
attention and help pre.vent t;:: flagrant abuse of this Natior.s
highest Military Award for ~ho~~ wh·o truly descn.-e this honor. for
their sacrifice and contrib~tic~ iri fighting for this country.
Sincerely,
/~~_J-L-Riram H.
Cooke
·
IE7
�~~--:~··•alf•Wu~f!~.J
Applications for ll~~ lo ·
-~~-1.
Army urged to honor
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1eddy Rooseve\t ·
~Q
aJo
. .
"ll, tlUI. l "'" u•J
ScholarshiP, Fund will
ol
good luck. And so when-li
be ocooptcd until Kpnl 1999, ond " ' _lud• who, th•ough no [null ol_
awards will be announced (rom 8
own,· have been
to·
·lottery April17. _
~msfortune, whether ~rowing UP\
"Most children are good slu- m a war zone In Bosma or home-• .
on the streets of South N-:
donls, but they need to be t.aur:ht ..:
by good toad"" in n good, .. r. ·'· non; o• to .vomly and n donO
WASHINGTON- Saying It Is long overenvironment," said Blassingame, . end educat1on here at home, 1l
due, Republicans and Democrats
45, who used the scholnrshipn to · . hns always struck me as very un·
urged the Army on Monday to grant
. send two of her grandchildren, 6 · fair." _ ·
.
.
Jheodore Roosevelt hn award he had
and 13, to a parochial schooi in
Forstmann said he is pleased
alw.1ys craved: the Medal of Honor for · her W ashinglon, D.C., neighbor- . thnt for the programs in the New
his heroism as leade:· of the Rough ·
hood this fall. "And now they are Orleans area· and Baton Rouge,
Riders In the SpanlsL·Ameirlcan War.
going to get nn excellent educa- that Gov. Fost.er and Sen. John
·Hu has waited long .mou&h for tho
lion .and that's what all of us'. Breaux, D-La., have agreed lo
want for our children."
serve ns honorn~y chairmen.
rec.ognltion he deserved," said Rep.
. In June, Ted Forstinann, a
Breaux said he would encour·
Rick Lazlo, R-N.Y. ·Even one hundred
years later, it Is Important that there· · venture capitalist and philan- age people in Louisiana to con·
. thropist estimated to be worth tribute so even more-can benefit
cord be made complete and correct."
more than $500 million,- joined 1 than the 11250 in the New Or·
Although Roosevelt attained many honwith John Walton, o director of . leans nren and 250 slated {or
ors durin& hls life, Including winning the
Wal-Mnrt Stores, Inc;, to an- scholarships In Baton Rouge.
presidency and the Nobel Peace Prize.
he yearned for the eluslvo medal. So
proud was Roosevelt of his military exploits that after he len the White
House he preferred beln& addressed
as "Colonel Roosevelt" ratherthan
·Mr. President.~
~
Heno back onjob
b~rn
l~ss
Judicial nominee
expect~<l~tqgetQK
: ·· after fainting spell·
. -uJa, · WASHINGTON- Attorney General
'Ja\
0
aso:>.
o~
lh~1r
. Janet Reno returned to wor~ Monday,
· paJad : · a day after her second fainting spell In
; - a year, and promised to take a vaca·
tion soon. Her d•Jctors were re·exam0
~.:loljJo - . lning one of her nedicatlons. One of.·
-as~~ ' the city's leading workaholics, the at~
suM fl · torney general was released from an
aJr · overnight hospi•.al stay and was back
. sua;ur
at her desk by II a.m. after her doctor
'
...
pronounced he~ ·100 percent fit for .
- "091
JO ()1\UA · duty." Although clearly embarrassed ·
uoquJal
by all the atten:ion, Reno, 60, was
U! (111\!ii
bright and chenrful at a morning meet-Jod OM~
In& with reporters, In contrast to her
appearance on a short, televised vl·
../
'1llilU
U! hl!lOf · deotape that showed her bolng lifted
from an ambulance at Georgetown
arn pu·
a41 'suor · University Medical Center on Sunday
·pa!lms
morning. Doctors told her a brief falnt--J;"i;.J lf;fl~
In& spell at a ~uburban church Sunday
·- · '·' •·••· .. ·
.: ... 1 frnrn rlrohvr\rntlon
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th~ Loui~inn~
:·.,Aasocinli?n. ol
Tnnl Lawyers ·of Amencn, J.
.. ·.
. chief buck~r ·.of Democrnt\t
WASHINGTON - New Or- ' causes . and candidates. Mean~
leans lawyer Carl Barbier was · ·:; while, as, thii ·point man for thi
expected to be confiriD;ed by the •: lawyers'':· group,· Barbier was 1
U.S. Scnnte Monday mgbl .to ~ll . thorn in the side of Republicol\1
a vncn,ncy on the U.S. Dl.stpct- and pro-business groups In t~ ·
Court m New Orleans.
, stale Capitol.
Sen. John Breaux, D-Ln., said · In July, the Senate Judiciary
he received nssurunce•J from
Committee :·considered Barbier
Sennle Mnjority Lender Trent · along with several other can&
Lolt, R-Miss.,. that Barbier :·dales and approved his nomi·
. would be one of "n bunch" of fed- ':nation without comment, usunllJ
crnl judicio\ nominees the Senate n signal that the full Senate will
opprovcd before adjourning for do the some.
the day. . '
.
rr--------------"--.-.~
Waahln ton bureau
g
· . __:...-l.-.
·
.• '. ·
Breaux soid the Senote would
confirm "seven or nine" judicial
nominees by unanimous consen~,
.an action reserved for noncontroversial appointees.
When President Clinton nominn ted Tiurbier to the U.S. Dis~n lnrn· .r: .. <,irl t. hr.
. . • ' ..
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�New look at
JJOach allegory
Please allow me to flesh out
.t'hg "Allegory for our time" scena:rio in the Sept. 23 letter from
Mr. Banquer comparing the Cl.intoq-Lewinsky affair to a coach
aiJ~ an of-age cheerleader.
·. ··Suppose this popular and tal-.
ented coach's transgressions were
ex~osed by members of the coachufg staff of a rival school. In fact,
~ group had spent several years
~d millions of dollars from the
team's supporters to bring this
coach down for the ·simple purpose of eliminating the competitiop.
.
.
-ni. I wonder then how many stu. dents, parents, school officials
~
altllLni ·,vccld be ~~-~ c~t·
r9).l~ by the actions of the com~j;jng school's football staff or . ·
Mih the actions of their maligned
I •
ana
.. \.
"''"'""\,&.&..
b:
Vincent Campo
Metairie
9')f
Engineers to
,i~ the rescue?
e·
f)
:II
(~)
During flooding times, under,
passes become impassable ~
cause of high water. A given..
· · ~During the war, the Army, ··
Corps of Engineers (or whoever)
would almost instantly make
flooded areas and rivers passable
cythrowing across flexible .
·
. bridges. Heavy materiel and thou-.
sands of troops were able to ford .
Can't we make it possible for
·cars to get across these deep spots
under the Pontchartrain Expressway railroad overpa.8:!!? People
need j;o get out of the city via Interlrt.ate 10, which we are told is .
the major exit route.
E-MAIL:
1·'
~ ...
TPLETTERS@aol.com
11'
(504)826-3812
..... ·,
FAX:
,:
doesn't merit medal
On Sept. 29, you ran an article
about an attempt by some Republicans and Democrats to urge the
Army to' award the Medal of
Honor to Theodore Roosevelt.·
The article said it was an award
Roosevelt always c~aved, and
Rep. Rick Lazio, R-N.Y'., said
Roosevelt has waited long enough
for the recognition he deserves for
his heroism as leader of the .
Rough Riders during the SpanishAmerican War.
This is a gross insult to every
American serviceman awarded ·
the medal, many of whom made .
the ultimate sacrifice for their
bravery and actions during combat. It is also a slap in the face of
the surviving family members.
There is nothing about the
Spanish-American war that .even
remotely suggests that Roosevelt
accomplished any significant act
of heroism or sacrillce that falls
within the criteria for being rec-.
ommended ior'the Medal of
Honor. He suffered no injuries or
life-threatening wounds and performed no actions that would
qualify him to be recommended
for the highest award this country
can bestow.
Every veteran and all veterans organizations should rise up
against this flagrant abuse of this
nation's highest award for its
service members.
letters should be brief and to the point .To be
for publication. they must irclude
. the writer's address and a daytime telephone
nimiber. Initials and pen names· are not at·
~pte{l. nor are copies and leners addressed
to others. Leners from. the same writer are
not oublished when they follow frequently
co~sidered
THEODOREROOS~T
Don't insult Medal of Honer
tempt to·disgrace the true mean- .
ing_of the Medal.of H_onor and le
the1r rt:pi cs.::,, <.:. ~.·:"s ;;:; Congres>
know how they feel about this
matter. Congress has already
eroded enough of the benefits
what were promised to veterans;
now they want to disgrace the
honor and glo~ that rightfully b,
~ongs to our co~ades in arms
~ho gave and risked their lives
unseLfishly.
I say to those congressmen
who are supporting this injustice
YEnough is enough!"
Hiram H. Cook
It is t:i.r:D.e for every veter'an in
this country to speak out against
this ghastly and repugnant at- ·
MSG. USA(R,
Harv<
School' health clinjc at risk
In 1991, the Lower Ninth
Ward Coalition and the New Or' leans Council for Young Children
·.\'
Mary Gt-aff~gnini ( established a partnership to bring
a school-based health clinic to the
Metairie
Lower Ninth Waid at Alfred
Lawless High School to provide a
5
comprehensive service delivery
e;t(
WRITE:
model in the areas of health, eduLetters to the Editor
cation and social services.
· · 3800 Howard Ave.
New Orleans. !.A 70140
..._
T~ddy
A trailer was donated by
United Meclical Center to house
the clinic. With the assistance of
Sheriff Foti and several others,
the clinic was opened in February
1994.
From inception until1996,
the clinic was operated by the. .
partnership. Since that time, it
has been operated by the Lower
Ninth Ward Coalition and its
snonsor.;.
.the-art facility.
Unfortunately, state Sen. Jo:
Johnson added an amendment t<
the capital outlay bill that states
that the New Orleans Health
Corp. would operate the clinic
· pen ding construction.·
.
.
Sen. Johnson has never \isitc
or participated in any activities
pertaining to the clinic.
In a community where health
·service is crucial, it amazes us
that someone elected to represer
our district would hinder a facilii
that would enhance the health
sebnces of the young people in
the Lower Ninth Ward.
Kathryn Alver:
Coalition PresidE
Willie CalhoL,
�STROM THURMONO. SOl/TH CA.ROUNA. CH.AJAMAN
~~~;~ ~E~~~~~
W. WARNER, VlRGINIA
1.4c0JN, AAIZONA
COATS,INOCANA
..
MASSACHUSETIS
. JEFF BINGAMAN. NEW MEXK:O
SI.41TK. NE'W HAMPSHIRE
[(f1.4PTHOANE. IDAHO
JAMES M,INHOFE. OKL.A.HOMA
RICK SA,...,.ORUM. PENNSYlVANIA
JOHN Gt..ENN, OHIO
ROBERT C. BYRO;W'EST VIACINLA
CHARLES S. ROBS. VIRGINIA.
~~J~~~~~~~(;~_.o~NEcncur
OL VMPIA J. SNOW£. 1.4AJNE
\
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COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES
PAT ROBERTS. KANSAS
LES BROWNLEE. STAJ'F DIRECTOR
WASHINGTON, DC 20510--6050
OA~IO S.lYLES. STAFF 01RECTOR FOR THE MINORI'I'Y
November 24, 1998
Honorable Luis Caldera
Secretary of the Army
101 Army Pentagon
Washington, DC 20310-0101
Dear Mr. Secretary:
\
I want to take this opportunity· to reiterate the Congressional intent in
passing H.R. 2263, a bill that authorizes and requests the President to award the
Medal of I::Ionor posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt for his actions in the
attack on San Juan Heights, Cuba during the Spanish American War.
Military awards and .decorations -- particularly decorations for valor -- are
a hallowed part of the military services' core values and traditions, and are
critical to the morale and esprit of the men and women who serve in our armed
forces. The decision to award a medal of valor is the prerogative of the military
services, not the Congress.
As the enclosed letter to President Clinton makes clear, it was Congress'
intent and understanding that prior to reaching a decision on awarding the medal
of Honor posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt, the President will seek the
advice of the Secretary of the Army; 'Theodore Roosevelt will be considered for
eligibility for the Medal of Honor based· on the same standard of merit that was
· applied to other members of the armed forces who.received this medal during
the Spanish American War; and the Secretary of the Army will prepare a full
and formal record of Theodore Roosevelt's valor, inviting public sub~issions,
with emphasis on the eyewitness and contemporaneous accounts of Roosevelt's
battlefield courage. I. believe that a complete record should be assembled and
the entire issue should be carefully reviewed by the Army, as you pledged in
\
your Octol?er 13 letter to me .and other members of Congress.
l
If an injustice was done to Theodore Roosevelt in withholding the Medal
of Honor, it should be corrected. But H.R. 2263 is advisory and not directive.
Before the President reaches a final decision on whether to award the Medal of
{I ;2,0 0 f1f
/60
�-2-
Honor to Theodore Roosevelt, our letter to the President makes clear the
Congressional intent that he should consult with you and get your best advice.
I look forivard to hearing from you on this matter.
Sincerely,
.
·. M~
Carl Levin
Ranking Minority Member
Attachment
....
J
,,
I
!61
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [4]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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Box 4
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/57e331314d9c292d3cd4e322cdce6f69.pdf
46f61a8cd2a3046ee0b2857ca6101d0e
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [5]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
Row:
48
Section:
~
Shelf:
Position:
(
9
1
Stack:
v
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
Address (Partial)
(I page)
06/28/1996
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Address (Partial)
(I page)
04/20/1997
P6/b(6)
003. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
06/05/1997
P6/b(6)
004. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
03/19/1997
P6/b(6)
005. letter
Address (Partial) (2 pages)
08/05/1997
P6/b(6)
006. letter
Address (Partial)
(I page)
09/06/1997
P6/b(6)
007. letter
Address (Partial) (1 page)
09/16/1997
P6/b(6)
008. letter
Address (Partial); Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
09/19/1997
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA!Box Number: 4021
. FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [5]
2008-0703-F
'm190
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidentia·l Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAl
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
��PLEASE RESPOND TO:
RICKLAZIO ·.
WASHINGTON OFFICE:
2o DISTRICT. NEW-YORK
COMMtrTEES:
'
._
.BANKiNG AND FINANCIAL SERvice's
.
I
.
:: 2444'RAY8U~N HOUSE OFFICE SUILOING
'
WASHINGTON, OC 20515
,·.
~ongrcss ~f the 1.in1tcd·~tatcs _-
~NO CQ,\1MUNITY OF'PORTU:\:ITY
JCOMMITTEE ON CAPtT..i.L ,\1AAKE<S. SECURITIES.
~-NO GOVER.'.:MENT SPONSORED E' :'E"PAtSES
·: ,
.
SUBCOMMITTEE 6N
l=tNANCE .l..~O ~AZJ.ROOUS M.:. iCi1t.:.LS
.
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SUBCOMMtTTCS' ON HEALTH .l.NQ E.'l\:tRC.\iME.~!
2l5~3JJS
.LONG ISLAND OFFICE:
:
,·25
weSr MAtN STREET
. BABYLON ..~V 11702
t5161 893-9010
. ·t1ousc of1.ZgprcscntJtiocs . ·
.1.t1Jshingttm;·BQ: lOili-3101.
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, CHAIRMAN, SUBCOMMtiTEE ON !-lOUSING
CO-MMERCE
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INTERNET:WIO@HR.HOUSE.GOV
'• •
.. ,,
'.,
DEPUTY MAJORITY.'NHIP
September 8; 1997
... Brig. Gen ..Earl·Simms
Adjutant General :
Uni~dd States Army . · ·
200 Stovall Street ·
Hoffman II Building ..
Alexandria, Virginia 22332-0400 ·
<
•
~• •
.;.
:
'l .
,·
......
Dear Brig. Gen. Simms:..
:'I
l am writing to formally request that the HonorableTheodore Roosev~lt be retonsidered
.as
a candidate for the :Wfedal of Honor for his actions during the $panish Americ~n War.·
.
.
.
.
.
.
'
.'
.
'
'
'
.
.
Roosevelt was·unfaiily overlooked for the Meda.l of Honor despite gallant arid heroic
· action during the battle for. the Santiago Heights i'fi Cub~ .. It ·is· important that ·Roosevelt recei~e
his. due ~onsicleration for this, the ry:ighest military :award. It is not only important to. myself and
·· more than a .hundred-·other members of Congress, but.alsci to ~y constituents, and countless
.people nationwide. ·
·
. E~closed please find a, formal derailed argurri~rit contairu~g therequ~red narrative, .
argument, and supporting docume,nts. I would greai!y appreciat(;! if you could'see to it that the.
.
.
.
appropriate officials receive this' information for cons.id~ration.
Thank you fo~ your as~ist~nce in this matter. If'Y9,U have anyque~tions or concerns,
please do not hesirate to contact m~. ·
. With
..
best: regards, ·.
..
-
•·
.
·.
(
· .Rep~esentative in. Congress
· RL:kt
-
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�.
,
'
RECOMMENDATION FOR AWARD
..
For u:e o(this form. sa a Afl 600-8·22:· thg proponer:~t agency is ODCSPER . ·
For
•
valor/heroism/warti~e
J.
.
.
·-
"
and all awards higher than MSM, refer to :special instructions .in Chapter 3, AR
2. FROM
•••
.
u.s.
Adj. Gen. Earl Simms
·
.
600-a-2 2 .
3. DATE
.
Representative Rick Lazio
9-8-97 .,
PART I· SOLDIER DATA
4-.
N.:...v:E
Is.
'
Theodore ·Roosevelt
7. ORGANIZA iiCN
1st
u.s.
N/A.
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Volunteer Calv'ary
10. RECOMMENOEiJ .\WARD.
1 1.
Grl. l'l.qn_trv Above and
RPvnnri
I I YES
1 2b. INTERIM AWAAO
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IF YES, STATE AWARD GIVEN
·.
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Jul v 1
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.13. POSTHUMOUS
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II • RECOMME!'JDEFI DA T ..,_
'
126 .West Main S tr~e t
Babylon, N.Y. 11'702
Reo. Rick l.qzi.o
16. TITLE/POSITION
Jt ~ 1 v 1 1 i1.9.8.
YES
15. AOORESS
14. NAME
P~.=l100 OF AWARD
a. FROM
Cong. Medal of Honor
Army
12. REASON FOR AWARD Braverv and
1 Za. INDICATE ACH, SVC. PCS, ETS OR RET
IT
6. SSN
..
8. PREVIOUS AWARDS
9. eRANCH OF ScnVIC~
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RANK .
Colonel
117.RANl<
Reoresentative
i
13. AEU TiONSHIP TO A WARDE;
119. SIGNATVRJ{;j/
.
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?ART Ill· JUSTIFICATION AND ClTATION O~TA ruse soecific :Julio( 11:r:3mole.s of merirorious ~c:.: ar r<!r~i~el
20. ACHIEVEMENTS
~
,..."'EVEMENT *1
. } e e Formal Argument Submitted
,.
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ACHIEVEMENT :2
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PROPOSED CITAiiON
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)A fORM 638, NOV 94
·'
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-
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6.38-1.
PREVIOUS i!CITIONS CF OA FORM e.:;a ARE
CE!SCL.OT~.
�A Formal Argument for the Award of the
Congressional Medal of Honor posthumously to:
President Theodore Roosevelt
for his uncommon and exceptional valor during, the
Spanish-American War
Respectfully Submitted by:
United States Representative Rick Lazio
2nd Congressional District ofNew York
�~------------------------
Application for the Medal of Honor for Theodore Roosevelt
Contents:
Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1
Narrative ................................................................................................................ 2
Argument:
I. The Case of Lietenant Colonel Roosevelt Warrants
Reconsideration by the Secretary ......................................................................... 6
a. The Secretary of War's Personal Bias Against Roosevelt··
Prevented Roosevelt from Receiving the Medal.. ....................... :............................................. 7
b. Abias Against the Volunteer Regiments May Have Prevented Roosevelt
and others From Receiving the Medal of Honor ....................................................................... 7
c. The Lack of a Report on Roosevelt's Denial or Other Documents Relating to
the Denial Constitutes "Material Error" or an "Inadvertent Loss or Failure to
Act Upon" Warranting Reconsideration by the Secretary ................... ~ ... :............................... 8
II. Standard for Awarding the Medal of Honor ................................................ 9
a. Then Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt's Acts Were Witnessed and
..6..ttested to By Niany ................................................................................................................... 10
b. Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt's Deeds were both Gallant and
Beyond the Call of Duty ............................................................................................................ 10
c. Roosevelt Acted With a Singular Disregard for His Own Welfare ................................... 13
III. Roosevelt's Actions Should be Judged Under the Standards
Used to Evaluate Other Spanish American \Var Recipients ............................ 15
IV. Conclusion ............................................................................................. :....... 17
�Introduction
The IOOth Anniversary ofthe Spanish-American War has raised public interest in this
important segment of American History. The Spanish American \Var is for many a line of
..
demarcation signifying America's emergence as a world power. Inextricably entwined in this
coming of age on the world stage is the history and efforts of President Theodore Roosevelt.
Roosevelt, as the leader of the First Volunteer Calvary Regiment k.nov.n more commonly
as the Rough Riders, played a significant and heroic role in the victory in Cuba. This victory
catapulted both Roosevelt and the United States onto the world· stage and the eventual position of
leadership we enjoy today.
The focus here is not on Theodore Roosevelt as President of the United St~tes, but rather
Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, leader of the Rough Riders and his gallant charges to
secure the San Juan Heights. Theodore Roosevelt was unjustly overlooked for the Congressional
Medal of Honor. His application, when taken in the context for awarding America's highest
military honor at that time, warranted more serious consideration than it was given. Many
attribute this oversight to political squabbles of the times as well as prejudice in favor of the
regular army regiments. The Centennial of this historic effort is an appropriate time to correct
this injustice.
Pg. 1
�Narrative
Theodore Roosevelt's service in the Spanish American War began with an offer of a
commission from Secretary of War Russell Alger as Lieutenant Colonel in a regiment
commanded by Colonel Leonard Wood in April of 1898 after the United States declared war on
Spain retroactive to April 21, 1898. The Regiment was designated the I st United States
Volunteer Calvary. 1 . However, they quickly became more commonly kno...vn as the "Rough ·
2
Riders." The regiment was made of volunteers from all walks oflife and all classes of
Americans. The outfit was considered to be unpolished and undisciplined. Much effort was
required to reform theRough Riders into a quality fighting unit. 3 The Rough Riders were later
sent to Tampa and on June 3, 1898 arrived to be joined with other calvary regiments to form a
division under the command of Major General Joseph Wheeler. 4 The division belonged to the
5th Corps, commanded by Major General William R. Shafter, a Medal of Honor recipient and
veteran of the Civil War. 5
On June 22, 1898, the Rough Riders landed in Cuba on the outskirts of Santiago after
little resistance but a difficult voyage. 6 The unit soon moved out in the campaign to capture
Santiago. Soon after beginning the carnpaign, the regiment encountered resistance from the
Spanish Army. The regiment suffered several casualties including eight killed in a battle to
1
NA TH.A.N MILLER, THEODORE ROOSEVELT, 272-273 (1992)
2
/d. at 276
3
!d. at 277-279.
4
!d. at 282-283.
5 rd "t/80-'~81 "8~
1• . "" -' .;.. .) •
6
/d. at 289-290.
Pg.2
�secure a blockhouse.' By June 30 the planning for the assault on Santiago began in emest. 8
The battle was to begin with an assault on El Caney, a village on the outskirts of the San
Juan Heights and in close proximity to the Camino Real, the principal route to Santiago. 9 The
assault would be made by the regular infantry under the command of Brigadier General H.W.
Lawton and supported by an artillery barrage from a battery under the command of Captain Allyn
K. Capron Sr.
10
The rest of the army would take up positions in the jungle in front of the San
Juan Heights. The plan was to capture El Caney and then directly assault the San Juan Heights. 11
It was at this time that Roosevelt was promoted to full colonel and given command of the
Rough Riders. Several Officers had come down with fever. Colonel Wood was promoted to
Brigadier General and given command of General Young's brigade leading to Roosevelt's
promotion. 12 By the end of the day, the Rough Riders \Vere positioned near El Pozo, a hill
flanking the Camino Real and about seven to eight miles from Santiago. D
On the morning of July 1, 1898, the army began its attack on El Caney. The barrage was
ineffectual and inspired return fire from the Spanish. Several men were killed and many others
wounded, including a mild wound to Colonel Roosevelt. 1* General Shafter, who was also ill,
issued orders through his adjutant, Colonel McClemand for the army to get into position to attack
1
ld at 295-296.
8
ld at 298.
9
ld at 291,298.
nld at 299.
l2Jd
13
14
'd ·,. ?97 ' - •
199
.Jt • ~~-
ld. at 300.
Pg. 3
�the San Juan Heights as planned without \vaiting for El Caney to be captured. 15 The force
deployed as directed and quickly came under fire from the Spanish forces entrenched on the
sloping hills overlooking them. 16 The Rough Riders positioned themselves neru; the San Juan
River at the foot of a hill that later became known as Kettle Hill because of the blockhouse and
sugar refining kettle found there. 17 The regiment and the other units it had moved to support
quickly faced severe enemy artillery fire causing many to panic. Roosevelt walked up and dovvn
the line of Rough Riders to ensure that they were taking cover and receiving as much protection
as possible. The Rough Riders were taking heavy casualties as they waited for orders to engage
the Spanish. 18
After many hours of waiting and taking heavy casualties, Roosevelt fimi.lly received the
order to advance on Kettle Hill in support of the Regular calvary. 19 The Rough Riders soon
reached the Ninth Calvary. The Ninth's senior officers were reluctant to advance so Roosevelt
and the Rough Riders passed them .. Many junior officers and enlisted men of the Ninth then
followed Roosevelt and the Rough Riders up the hill. 20 Roosevelt was at the forefront of the
charge up the hill and through a barbed wire fence to the crest of the hill all while under constant
15
Jd. at 300-301.
16
ld. at 301.
18
Jd. at 301-302. See also Exhibit 16, Roosevelt's post action report to Colonel \Vood, his
immediate superior at the time.
19
Jd. at 302. See also Exhibit 16.
20
Jd at 302-303. See also Exhibit I, (Letter from Adjutant Keyes of the Rough Riders to Adjutant General,
January 17, 1899. Roosevelt "marched his regiment out of a sunken road where he had been ordered earlier in the
day ... in doing so it was necessary to pass through a regular regiment who were lying at the foot of the hill awaiting
orders.").
Pg.4
�fire from the Spanish. 21 After capturing Kettle Hill, Roosevelt turned his attention to San Juan
Hill to the left. 22 -After viewing the approaching infantry under heavy fire from San Juan Hill,
Roosevelt began an assault on San Juan Hill from Kettle Hill. Initially. Roosevelt's Rough
Riders did not hear the order, but later followed after some further urging from R-oosevelt. In: the
charge, Roosevelt personally dispatched a Spaniard with a shot from his revolver. 23 The
Regiment then dug in apd prepared for the siege of Santiago. 24
the
21
Miller at 304. See also Exhibit 2, (Letter from Captain Henze to
Adjutant General, December 17,
1898. "Colonel Roosevelt jumped through the fence and by his enthusiasm, his example and his courage succeeded
in leadingto
crest of the hill a line sufficiently strong to capture it.").
the
22
Exhibit 16.
23
Miller at 304-305. See also Exhibit 3, (Letter from Major M.J. Jenkins to Adjutant General, December
28, 1898. "He was so near the entrenchments on the second hill, that he shot and killed with a revolver one of the
enemy before they broke completely.").
24
Miller at 305.
Pg. 5
�Argument for Presenting the Medal of Honor to Theodore
Roosevelt based on the First-Hand Accounts of his Peers
I. The Case of Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt Warrants
Reconsideration by the Secretary
Under the Depanment of Defense Manual of Military Decorations and Awards, the case
of Theodore Roosevelt clearly fits under either section 3a or 3b of the regulations regarding the
medal of honor.
3a The remaining bases for reconsideration are instances in waidt'a:Semee:Secretary or
the Secretary of Defense determines that there is evidence of material error or impropriety
in the original processing of or decision on a recommendation for award of the Medal of
Honor.
3b All other instances of reconsideration shall be limited to those in which the formal
recommendation was submitted within statutory time limits, the recommendation was lost
or inadverter1tly not acted upon, and when these facts are conclusively established by the
respective Service Secretary or other official delegated appropriate authority. 25
The situation regarding Roosevelt is unclear. It is clear that the first application lacked specific
details.
26
Roosevelt was then made to reapply in more detail. Several letters previously cited
25
U.S. Department of Defense, Assistant Secretary of Defense (FM&P), Manual of
Military Decorations & Awards, July 1990: 2-1 thtough 2-2 as excerpted in a July 1996
Congressional Research Service Report for Congress authored by David Burelli.
26
See Exhibit 4.
Pg.6
�attest to his acts on the field on July I, 1898.
a. The Secretary of '\Var's Personal Bias Against Roosevelt Prevented Roosevelt
from Receiving the Medal
It is clear that Roosevelt was not awarded the medal. Most sources attribute the failure to
award the medal to a political rift between Roosevelt and Secretary of War Russell Alger. The
rift developed after Roosevelt and other officers signed what has become known as the "round
robin letter." The letter was an effort to convince the President and Secretary Alger to bring the
soldiers in Cuba bac~ to the United States. Many soldiers were suffering from Yellow Fever
while in Cuba and it was felt by the command that they would fare better in the United States and
away from the conditions that promote Yellow Fever in Cuba. Roosevelt's concern for his men
throughout the conflict should have only counted toward his gallantry and his leadership.
However, newspaper reports from January of 1899 clearly indicate that even at the time, many
believed that the letter, which was considered embarrassing to Alger, was to blame for
Roosevelt's failure to receive the medal. 27 Roosevelt himself references such a bias in a letter to
General Corbin, the Adjutant General at the time. 28 A personal bias againstRoosevelt would J
constitute an impropriety under the rules for reconsideration. Therefore, the Secretary has the
authority to reconside: Roosevelt on this basis.
b. A Bias Against the Volunteer Regiments May Have Prevented Roosevelt and
Others from Receiving the :Medal of Honor
A second suspected reason for not awarding the medal to Roosevelt is an inherent bias
27
See Exhibit 5. Exhibit 5 consists of several news reports including an article that
appeared in the New York Times on January 7, 1899. See Also: Miller at 309.
23
EX1~ibit 14, Letter ofDecember 7, 1898 to General H.C. Corbin from Theodore
Roosevelt.
Pg.7
�against the volunteers in this war. Only Captain Albert Mills, Assistant Adjutant General, U.S.
Volunteers, received a Medal of Honor and it was not given to him until well after most of the
others that received medals for their actions in the Spanish American War. Mills received the
award for distinguished gallantry and bravery for encouraging those near him even though he had
been severely wounded.
29
\Vhile there is no direct evidence of bias, an inferenc~ may be drawn
by the empirical data derived from the document. If such an inference is drawn, this would /
constitute an impropriety under the rules for reconsideration. The Secretary would clearly have
the authority to reconsider Roosevelt for the Medal of Honor.
~- The Lack of a Report on Roosevelt's Denial or Other Documents Relating to the
V
Denial Constitutes "i'r'Iaterial Error" or "an Inadvertent Loss or Failure to Act
Upon" Warranting Reconsideration by the Secretary
The inability to recover records of the actual consideration of Roosevelt for the Medal of
Honor warrants reconsideration at this time. Many documents attesting to Roosevelt's merit have
been recovered. Diligent efforts on the part of many, including the Congressional Liaison Office,
,/ have failed to produce records of Roosev~lt's consideration. The absence of such records and any
explanation other than some bias against Roosevelt dictate that this case be reviewed and
reconsidered at this time. Tne interests of justice have compelled nearly 160 members of
Congress. to sponsor a bill specific to this case. The bill has been held up due to the analysis by vL1e awards branch that a formal request for reconsideration is most appropriate prior to the
submission of a bill by the House of Representatives. The interests of justice should also provide
29
See Exhibit 6 page 613. Exhibit 6 is a listing of Medal of Honor recipients from the
War with Spain. The list was obtained from the Headquarters of the Military Awards Branch via
fax on June 26, 1997 and is so marked. It is clear that many Rough Riders and other volunteers
exhibited gallantry, but only Mills received the award and he received it in 1902. Despite this
apparent early bias, the United States has developed a tradition of volunteer service which is now
the pride of the American People.
Pg.8
�~--------------------------------
the impetus for an official review by the Secretary. This request is in fact submitted in an effort
to comply with the reasonable request of the Department. 30
II. Standard for A "varding the Medal of Honor
"The Medal of Honor is awarded by the President in the name of Congress to a person who,
while a member of the Army, distinguishes himself or herself conspicuously by gall~try and
intre;idity at the
ri~ofhis or her life above and beyond the call qf duty while engaged in an
action against an enemy of the United States; while engaged in'military operations involving
conflict with an opposing foreign force ... " Furthermore, "The deed performed must have been ~~,..........
one of personal bravery or self-sacrifice so conspicuous as to clearly distinguish the individual
above his comrades and must have involved risk oflife." 31
It is self evident and uncontestable that Theodore Roosevelt was engaged in an action
against an enemy of the United States. Therefore, the remainder ofthis argument will focus on
the first.hand evidence as preserved in the National Archives, the conspicuous and gallant nature
of the act, and the risk to Roosevelt's life.
30
See Exhibit 7. Exhibit 7 is a copy ofH.R. 3966, offered by Rep. McHale authorizing
the Medal of Honor for Roosevelt. The same bill has been offered in 1997 as well. Fallowing
H.R. 3966 is a letter.from the medals branch expressing reservations about the appropiateness of
the bill and establishing the desire of the branch to reconsider the award based on a request by a
Member of Congress.
31
Exhibit 13, AR 600-8-22,25 February 1996.
Pg. 9
�.,
\._
a. Then Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roos.evelt's Acts Were 'Witnessed and
Attested to By Many
Source material regarding this matter can be found in the United States Archives. Copies
of original materials are attached to this document as exhibits for the convenience of the
Department. The required letters attesting to the deed are also part of the exhibits. The number
of letters exceed the two required personal accounts.
Included among the exhibits are letters from Ma'<well Keyes, 1st, Lieutenant and
-Adjutant U.S. Vol~teers (Exhibit 1), Robert Howze, 1st Lieuten~t, 6th U.S. Calvary (Exhibit
2), M.J. Jenkins, Major, 1st U.S. Volunteer Calvary (Exhibit 3); Trooper W.J. McCann, Troop
B, 1st. U.S. Volunteer Calvary (Exhibit 8), Captain C.J. Stevens, 2nd U.S. Calvary (Exhibit 9),
Colonel Leonard Wood, Major General Joseph Wheeler, and Major General William Shafter,
U.S. Volunteers (Exhibit 10), Major General Leonard Wood, U.S. Volunteers (EX,.hibit II) and
Colonel A.L. Mills, Brigade Adjutant General and later Superintendent of the United States
Military Academy at West Point (Exhibit 12).
These documents should provide. an adequate basis for awarding the Medal of Honor to
Theodore Roosevelt. The descriptions are detailed and come from both enlisted personnel and
the highest of officers. A close inspection will reveal that they are both consistent with each
other and are based on first hand knowledge of Roo_sevelt's actions.
b. Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt's Deeds were both Gallant and Beyond the Call of Duty
Captain C.J. Stevens, then a 1st Lieutenant in the 9th Calvary, concisely describes
Roosevelt's actions as he witnessed them. "I witnessed Colonel Roosevelt, 1st Volunteer
Cavalry, U.S.A., mounted, leading his regiment in the charge on San Juan. By his gallantry and
Pg. 10
�strong personality he contributed most materially to the success of the charge of the Calvary
Division up San Juan Hill. Colonel Roosevelt was among the very first to reach the crest of the
hill and his dashing example, his absolute fearlessness and gallant leading rendered his conduct
v
conspicuous and clearly distinguished above other men."n His actions are further elaborated on
by then Colonel Leonard Wood, "Colonel Roosevelt, accompanied by only four or five men, led
a very desperate and extremely gallant charge on San Juan Hill, thereby setting a splendid
example to the troops and encouraging them to pass over open country intervening between their
position and the trenches of the enemy." \Vood continues," the example set a most inspiring one
to the troops in that part of the line, and while it is perfectly true, that everybody finally went up
the hill in good style, yet there is no doubt that the magnificent example set by Colonel Roosevelt
had a very encouraging effect and had great weight in bringing up the troops behind him. During
the assault, Colonel Roosevelt was the first to reach the trenches and killed one of the enemy
with his own hand."D
Clearly, the act of gallantry in this case is founded upon Roosevelt's leadership. "What
makes Roosevelt's actions so deserving of consideration is the context in which they occurred.
The letter of Lav.rrence Keyes points out that on the initial assault on Kettle Hill, Roosevelt and
the Rough Riders passed through a regular a.rmy regiment that appeared to be awaiting orders. 34
This action is confirmed by Major M.J. Jenkins, "Held in support, he brought his regiment, at
exactly the right time, not only up to the line of regulars, but went through them and headed, on
horseback, the charge on Kettle Hill; this being done on his own initiative. The Regulars as well
32
Exhibit 9.
33
Exhibit 11.
34
Exhibit 1.
Pg. 11
�as his ov.m men following." 35 It is clear that many soldiers were in fact reluctant to make the
charge despite the fact that they were already under heavy fire and taking casualties. Roosevelt's
actions broke this hesitation and quite possibly saved many lives. Though men died in the
assault, it appears that even more would have become casualties if they simply remained where
they were. Instead, the advance led by Roosevelt removed the threat from Kettle Hill and
provided a second avenue of attack on San Juan Hill. This served to relieve some pressure on
those making the direct assault on San Juan Hill. j 6
A further indicator of the severity of the situation at the position of the lines prior to the
charge is implied by the twenty Medals of Honor given to Infantrymen for "assisting in the rescue
of the wounded from in front of the lines and under heavy fire." This is a testament to the danger
ofthe situation facing the soldiers while they hesit~ted in their advance. 37
The gallantry and wisdom of Roosevelt's actions are further illuminated w,hen taken in
historical context. Since the charge was successful, one can only speculate as to what the
consequences of inaction would have been. One particular historical example comes to mind and
that is the Union assault ori the heights of Fredericksburg during the Civil War. During that
engagement, many Union Soldiers were killed without ever reaching the Confederate lines at the
35
Exhibit 3.
36
See Exhibit 2, letter from Captain Howze. Howze describes hesitation and the
impediments to the advance up Kettle Hill (he refers to it as "the first hill" the second hill would
be San Juan Hill). Roosevelt broke the hesitatiqn and ultimately led a successful advance on
Kettle Hill.
#-
37
Exhibit 6 -The record of Medals of Honor during the Spanish American War. Most
Army medals went for rescuing the wounded in one situation or another. Only a single medal
went to a U.S. Volunteer- Captain Mills for encouraging those near. him by his bravery and
coolness after being shot through the head and entirely without sight. This medal was not issued
until 1902. The balance of Medals generally went to sailors and Marines for bravery and
coolness during various combat situations.
Pg. 12
�crest of the hill. While the magnitude of the force in the present case is less, the situation is
strongly analogoJ.lS. It is fair to assume that had Kettle Hill not been taken quickly, many would
have died from the continuing barrage from the high ground. Furthermore, there is evidence to
suggest that the Spanish positions were close to being reinforced which could only have
heightened the carnage. This was prevented by Roosevelt's quick action, leadership, and his
gallant example.
Roosevelt's deeds are best summarized by General Sumner, "Col. Roosevelt by his
'
e~ample and fearlessness inspired his men at both Kettle Hill and the ridge known as San Juan,
.
he led his command in person. "38
~Roosevelt Acted with a Singular Disregard for His Own 'Welfare
Then Captain A.L. Mills was in a perfect position to witness Roosevelt's actions during
the battle. He \.\'rites, "During this time, (the assault on Kettle Hill) while under the enemies
artillery fire at El Poso and while on the march from El Poso by the San Juan ford to the_ point
from which his regiment moved to the assault - about two miles, the greater part under fireColonel Roosevelt was co
ve anv others I observed ·
nt in the zealous
i~tal disregard of his personal danger and in his eageriJ.s~s to
performance of duty, ...
-
enemy."
39
meet
tb,t:.
Mills goes on to describe how Roosevelt, despite being grazed by shrapnel, continued
his zealous leadership to the ultimate conclusion of the battle with total disregard to his own
safety.
38
Exhibit 15, Letter from Major General Sumner to the Adjutant General, December 30,
1898.
39
Exhibit 12.
Pg. 13
�Captain Howze's account only augments that of Mills. "(T)he Colonel's life was placed in
extreme jeopardy, owing to the conspicuous position he took in leading the line, and being the
first to reach the crest of that hill, while under heavy fire of the enemy at close range."~ 0
Major Jenkins also recounts the danger involved and the conspicuousness of Roosevelt's
actions. "He was so near the entrenchments on the second hill, that he shot and killed with a
revolver one of the enemy before they broke completely." Jenkins then adds, "His unhesitating
gallantry in taking the initiative against men armed with rapid fire guns certainly won him the
highest consideration and admiration of all who witnessed his conduct throughout the day." 41
W.J. McCann's letter further indicates the gravity of the risk to Roosevelt's
O'NTI
life.
"Regarding the Colonel's action in the charge, I remember hearing his close friend, Colonel (now
General) Leonard Wood give him a good-natured scolding on the next day for his disregard for
his own safety; and in this respect I am confirmed by at least one newspaper correspondent who
wrote in substance, as I recollect it, "I expect to see Roosevelt fall in the next battle if he ta.l(es
the same chances. "42
40
Exhibit 2.
41
Ex...~ibit 3.
42
Exhibit 8.
Pg. 14
�III. Roosevelt's Action Should be Judged Under the Standards used
to Evaluate.Other Spanish American War ReCipients
Today, there are many more avvards given out for valor and gallantry· of different degrees.
Ho\.vever, during the Spanish American War, there were fewer decorations of~onor and the
~uidelines for their distribution were also different.
The bulk of the Medals of Honor awarded during the Spanish American \Var \vere
awarded for three acts. Some were awarded for rrs:uing wounded soldiers in front of the line
while under fire during the battle of July lst.'0 Others were awar:ded for the bravery and coolness
/
during the action to. cut the cable leading from Cienfue~os, Cuba while under heavy fire.~ The
.,..---
'
third broad area of recognition is for coolness and bravery of action in maintaining naval combat
efforts. 45
The lone standout is the award given to Albert L. Mills of the U.S. Volunteers for
distinguished gallantry in encouraging those near him by his bravery and coolness after being
wounded. Mills himself recognizes Roosevelt's similar merit in his letter to the Adjutant General
recommending Roosevelt for the Medal of Honor. "In moving to the assault of San Juan Hill,
Colonel Roosevelt was most conspicuously brave, gallant and indifferent to his
O'Ml
safety. He,
in the open, led his regiment; no officer could have set a more striking example to his men or
displayed greater intrepidity. "~ 6
43
- Exhibit
6.
4
o~Exhibit 6. For Example: Baker, Benjamin F. Rank and Organization: Coxswain, U.S.
Navy. Born: 12 March-1862, Dennisport, Mass. G.O. No.: 521,7 July 1899. Citation: On
board the U.S.S. Nashville during the cutting of the cable leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, 11
May 1898. Facing the heavy fire ofthe enemy, Baker set an example of extraordinary bravery
and coolness throughout this action.
45
Exhibit 6. A significant number received the award for their action during combat on
June 2 during a naval battle in which the U.S.S. Merrimac was sunk.
46
Exhibit 12.
Pg. 15
�Historical perspective is a necessary factor in awarding the Medal ofHonor to
Roosevelt. Much has changed since the Spanish American War. The perfection and proliferation
of automatic weapons, the tank, air power, and numerous other advances
ha~d to different
perceptions of risk and threat. Strategy has also changed in many ways. However, even in a
more recent conflict, action similar to Roosevelt's in significant ways was both necessary and
meritorious.
Finnis McCleery was the Platoon Sergeant for Company A, 1st Battalion, 6th Infantry in
May of 1968 in the Quang Tin Province of the Republic of Vietnam. His force was assigned to
assault well entrenched North Vietnamese Army Regulars on Hill 352, 17 miles west ofT am Ky.
McCleery led his men up the hill and across an open area to close with the enemy when his
platoon and other friendly elements began taking heavy fire. Realizing the damage that could be
inflicted if they halted their advance or waited, McCleery charged and captured an enemy bunker,
his men then followed and he began assaulting the lateral bunkers threatening the other forces
charging the hill. Finally, after a bloody battle, McCleery and the friendly force captured Hill
McCleery faced machine gun fire, grenades, and rocket fire. Roosevelt did not face
modern machine gun fire, grenades, or rockets. The Spanish did have artillery and Mauser rifles.
On the other hand, McCleery also had automatic weapons and grenades as well as a well-armed
/""'
platoon to back him up, Roosevelt had a revolver. Stripped down to the bare essentials and
adjusted for technology;McCleery's charge was in the true soirit of Theodore Roosevelt.
Both men, realizing the danger of holding a position on the low ground under heavy, made
a gallant charge and singlehandedly inspired their men despite an exireme risk to their own lives.
The only thing that separates these two men is the technology of the time. Both acted with
extreme bravery in the true spirit ofUnited States Army. Both men took action at great risk to
47
Exhibit 17.
Pg. 16
�their own lives. Both men displayed gallantry above all else on the field. One man received the
Medal of Honor and the other has yet to. It is time for Theodore Roosevelt to join Sergeant
McCleery at the top of that hill.
IV. Conclusion
The substantial and consistent e~idence retrieved from the National Archives clearly
establishes Theodore Roosevelt's gallantry, intrepidity, singular heroism, and lack of concern for
his own life in his acts of July 1, 1898 in the effort to capture the heights near Santiago, Cuba.
Then Colonel Roosevelt's leadership by example, fearlessness, and gallantry were the key
motivating force in the drive to capture Kettle Hill and open a second line of attack on San Juan
Hill. His spirit and bravery inspired men to overcome their fears and meet risk head first in a
charge against a well armed and well-positioned foe despite reluctance on the part of fellow
officers. \Vhile the action was dangerous and led to many casualties, the ultimate swift
resolution and capture of the heights ended endless pounding from artillery and in the long run
probably served to save lives.
The action was the cornerstone to the ultimate victory in the Spanish American War and a
//prelude to American Military Preeminence that we enjoy to this day. Theodore Roosevelt is truly
deserving of the Medal of Honor.
Pg. 17
�Respectfully Submitted:
Ri · A:. Lazio
Member of Congress
/1
;j/ ;. tf . t·,..
2ndp.D.· York
ew
.....,
. . u_·_
Kenneth R. Trepeta Esq.
District Counsel
Rep. Rick A. Lazio
I
~-~·17
Date
Pg. 18
�EXHIBIT 4
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woulcl not, under the.:rule·s·:,;of_;:··:the··.·.office, ·_entitle you to tnis cons ide rat ion", a.'1d.
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H:r rele.tions.with:-.the :secre:tary~:hq.ye_·been ·intime.te 2...'1(1 your
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l·c.ckinr; in the snecial. features that _wa~~f.D.f..t~:~·:·_-issl.H:~nce ·of
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medals to p.nyons.
·As. y·ou .'l1a~r.e .:vrr.itten .·him~· ·:I· .hone he will be
~
<J.ble to ·set forth
l-
Shou~C. he
do this,
in.~-d·~t1~1 ~·~~.t .w~·i:.-·it·.·~~6.~1i;:~~-'::.·.d:ne.
r'fu~~~.!'~~'-";:.i:?:;~a:r the,i~~c;~t~~;r will sh~re
. . ... · . ·: ·;\ :. upon··. you.
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With kind rec;a::::-ds
.
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P.Z .
EXHIBIT 5
Jeff Heatley·
(Sie) 653-4699
'
-------------
H.L-n cf a Meeal o~ Honer
-----------'!HE ''lO.iND ROEDl'' TO Bl:.AME .
Albany,
Jan.
t.i1a rtn.-:1i..-..g ~l.in.ee to d!scuss t.i-Je
6, --Gcv. Rccsevel t
rep::rt fran Wa!!h.ingtcn
that t,he Scl-twan toard, w't-.1ch ia
. agee
i1'i
rra.ki:ng
rso:::til'i'lei1. ti or.s ! or the eli s tr H::u ticn of me:!al :s of: r.cr-oz
~ with Spain, ..,ill refuse to al.:.!:.rd
--
_ _ ..._
l:
auther.ticity ~t .be do•J.btad it is
· GcV'arr.cr is ccr.vinced t."lat influences
~ to him.
learr.Gd to-ni
h~tile
to hirn
~l
t,·
at
r:c..re.Jer,
1o.0r~ 1n ·
that .the
W~stcn to· p.rsven t his :::ecaiVing the reccgli ti.cn th
~ to h:!.."!l, ar.d that tl-.e failure to l!Wa..-d him a ll'.a!al
f hct:or will be
Sec=-et;..'"Y Alger's ra"~n:;'lil fc:: his
in" t=erfcrtl'a!lCe
part in the ''rour.C
at Sar.t.la,_;o ,
1t :ray t'..:=t."l.er be accep~ee as settled L, aevanc.e
t Gcv. ~"e! t
·.will r.ot ac:ept ~'le Brevet Erigic!ia: Gar..;Qralship_ if
of~
iJS wi t.~ld.
Je.:1. 5. -At':er::'!:icr. :r..as Cee.."'l drawn 'P"""C''C,.. .. ,...
1..-·-~
i.A::-•"';J
d
eor..e by the S>~ial a..
-my b:::a...""d c."iargad with t.~& .,...,..rf'"f"""~hrl.coticn of offic-e.r:s
·---·
'1'1;-.S:-r:U:G:.-...."'i 1
anC!
men in t.'?e
a...'"rn)'
for bre<.-et nmk Md for nwarC:s
gal1a.'1t ar.d heroic services.
. clcse t.'"le act:'tlal state o!
sue.~ state:r.ents as r.a'V'e
tr~ ~:-.: a:X1
t.'":e met..'"'.cds 'tkh1
ls of hone: fer
• rrz.de fail to dis-
h a_-e .bei."'l;' follcwee
--
-CJ
-J
�~~~ ~l '$7
0!:37~M ~~TTITUC~ LI~~-y 516 298 4764
~---~---------------------
'
Fax N 854-4977
August 21, 1997
Di!ar Judy,
~ across t.us article yes~...ay 'w"hiie loo..ki::g fer
t.'-U.'":g alae.
Should d"";;eck the report fran Was.hingtc:n re: "will rktuse to award a JTV:dal
to h..!.m."
Al:llo, Schwan J:::car: records shculd b3 availab e Ba!'lGwi".ara •
.
It 115 int:e.re~ili...g
to ·note the p:-..blems noted· th,.t
had telegrasr.erl Rc6sevelt
exPre.s5L'19'
~tl
·
(C.'1
~ign
k::oard t.1a Tran~t Miami . a~lcgizin.g (or
foc releSsing to the press R's
ba.rd-1~ military office:;:!!, , Si.~ t.1e ~ttee
per
w'Q!J
.ll"erl:::ers ~uld r.ava Ce=-n aware ·of Alger's dislike of R
C:.."1!3eq'~"ltly, :r~ve been incli:-..ed to ·ever leek R' !5 pe:!
field.
Wculd you mir.d faxing t.'lis material
Jcb. . . . Gable.
I
Ccn' t have a fZJX mach1r..e
to
&
costs add up
A
�F;:.GE:
P.3
!:'.i:X: tr.at rnisht te.-.C t.~ belittle th.e.se t:o~s
t.:-.e b:.a..-d
~ rr.a,2.Q ~;=ublic
ot t."l.a
N t.iai.' s g=at.:!.tudQ ·
t.l...e followir.g st: teTent:
· "'The l:oard app:Jinted t.::l r.a.<.e ~r.ea~cns for
bve~, ~le, and certific?..tas c'! rreit ir. tl".Ai! ·
Phillipir.s
~~ ~ met
W'!tt
~iC.aple
h..a a•.;arcting ct
, Puerto Rico, an:
cli!fjiuty on acccunt of
t.'1s xr.ar.r.er in whic.'"t the rep:r....! were ~at!.
f,c!tely
"It must be rerrente...""ed, especially in the c
. ign. 4t Sant:.ac;c, t."u!.i:.
a. g~t ~l ot· s.ickr..e~a p:availee in t.~ a."':':ly 1
a~t t,:,
t.":!e t:attle 1 and t.1e tr:op.s h.!d t,.:, b3 lar.c.ec \lli'thcut
' , O...b, cr papers,
so :t.hat i t: 'loJ3.l; a..lr.x:::s t in q;::cal:5 :.1Jl" to gg ;' a~u ::r:. !:. '== .!."'!ff z:
.ir. =-asa.. t::l t.t....a
-d
.
~ p€:ticr;r..ed cy g~v1~" of ~1 c:::rgar.:.zatiCJ1 iw
ca.:q;a..isn. Tt<S
natu..~ of thg co.:ntry a.r:d t.'le ma."U"..er 1:: ""tlic.'l t.ha · act.icp ~ tco..:.;ht of c::u=!l~
~I"'Cj'l."'e.."lted any c:a.tr..J.r'.dir:g officer tr:m SQeL~ a V'dr'J l~· part or ?"...ls
~~t
at a.e tili.e.
.
"l'M board has .t:::een guieec ir. its ect.icn entirely
~
·
t.1e
r~::::c::w:ar.-
~n lald before it, ar.d t.'-l.e cnly. t -e.g atpli~ haVe
.beer:. t.1~e prescr:U:e:i t:y la'V ~ o~ers. Tne stat:uta ~ti.-::g :l::::nivets
~f1u t.~t t.":.a hcnc::- sl"..all · bi confe.r=ed fer .' d.iat~1she:! ~\:oCt
... rl
2ation.s Wlc::b Mv.
ar.d pul:jl.ic se..-.rl.CG 1n p.re~..ce o!. tr.a ere:t!"J.'
·: 1
''n".e. regul4t:icna .r-=tUi=e t!".at in c:->....a: t:h.:~.t
~ r..or..c:' r.-ay .be ~~.red. Nr."'ice Im:.J~t ·1'-..avo ~ ~!c=::
o:n:9pic-JCU!J c:h.s..."""acte.r a.tS t:o clearly d.ist~M ~'!e r.::
Ccnliire~eion.!!l medal
i."l ac:~!on of' such
·
life. or
t.~e perto~ce o~
t e:::
~llan t...-y ar.d
extnrne jec-~-djr cf
1
extrcudiMrily ha:a.-t:.=ua Q.tty. ~tiOl"W
id::"lp-idl.!:y ab:;v-a hls c.::rr.ra2as-sar.rics
t.'...A~ invol~.
fer: t.1e dacor:ation will be ji:.C.ga:l by this etar.dard o£ elxt...-::~:rdi::'l.a..ry ~dt,
a;.d i.-..o:::n!:~tiohl ~f of perfc..'"7.ar.~ of the ~~1ice ·~ll be e:tae'""--=d~
"SCJ."'-eJ Of ~'a Gl'..!..:n l".O'M
eisplayod
l:att:lo, o.l"" victc::.ia~:~ · cculc r..ot: ha.'VQ
the c:.~acta'istics o!
.'1%!'
b=::::!!..,
nd. se.l!-s.acrit!ce a--:i
soldie.::_, :siX.~ c.
cf distinction as
.t.":.e ce:-~s!onal Il'2dal is ·r.ct to h:l a:~ted a.s t."'.e r~ar:!. e! c:::::".d1.:::'! t."'.at
.
t.'U!t CcE! r..ot cle.arly cli.sti!lg\l!Yl the soldier al:ove
men .....~ bra.v&'}
ar.d c;allant...-y haV& eeen proved 1n battle.
.
. ·.
''P.ec::::rrzx:endaticns for meCa.ls
ac:::unt of 6ervi~ r~~ed i.""l tl-..Q
-y-olur:~ ~~ Ct.!.ri.r.q t..~ la~ ~ 1 ar...:. i.'"'. t.":.e r-::gu.l~ ~ ~.'iou3 tc
J<!:.. l, 1S9~, ·.o~ill, i£ r;::nc-...J.~ab.le, l:s :~ubi~ted. b-.(·'~ ~•en ct,'= .than
t.'-1• p..~ recipient, cne 'ioil':O is p..-aC"..J.cally far.u.li.u: •Jit.h all the facts
· ar.d cL""'CUrultances cl.airr..ad as just:.fyir..; t.'-:e a~-::l, but t:..~ at:Pllca.ticn rnay
l::e maC.e cy tr.a cna claimir.g to havlil ea.~ tr.e eecora
n, in whicb. c:a~
it will l::::.a in t:r.-e form or a oep::::aiticn, recitir..g a r..a= t.iva. Ce.scripticn
o£ t."'le disti:;gu.lsr.ed serv:l.cs -;:erfor:i.ed. It cfficial r-~rds ar~ relied en
<!!! ev~ proving tr~ p:.rsc:'..a:l se.rvic::s, t..'-ls !'~-.4 '7. t.~ ~ion m~;.sl
ea. 3ci::::.i ~t..aC o:: ci t<JC; b~t if ·t~Q r~:-1:3 a=e ~c.'<.i:r. _1 t.1.e ·t~t.i:.::ny mo...:st:
a:-.i::=~c~ t.•.a::: o! c:r.a or'rror:e 'iiJitrieaaes wJ:-.o, un:!er cat."'t,
~iCe ~ifically
t.":e act cr acts they eaw ....n.er~!.n the pencn n ·
o:: a;:plying c:lerly.
.b;ia."'l
ev-er1
¢"1Qd; b\.:t as ccurage
t:'\.::1!
o.,
ot!t
El4
�e::~PM .~TTIT~ L:ERARY 516 258 4754
FUG 21 '51
P •.4
Ccl. Rcoseve.lt'~ ~d/3
dist.!.nguished himself ab:;v~ hljl fellcwa for most dis
..:..i_3hed galla.nt:y
in action.
"
"It i.s hardly p:.asible t."'..at all of t.'1e. acts o bra•.;ery wi'llch shc:uld
te 're'.ll~ .!.....""'!! incl\.X!ed in t.l;ose before t!':e •'bo.ard. rt is ~.Sible tr.at
· sc:r-..e ot t.hc:l• ~--ted 1M¥ oot l:e receiVing_ as mcc..~ u t."'lay ~rve. C1
t~ ot..."le.r har.d i~ tr.ay be tM.t ma.ny 1..i'.o r.ave re<:eived
t."ung lT'ay J:::e j~t
as ~?r"ing as those wr.c have beoar. raCO'TtT'.en:!ed. ! t i beli ev'Qd, r:o...-eVT;:,
t.'--.a t t.l-:a p.±..li ca ti en of t::.e raCCXIlT'ErlC.I ti en a of t.h..i s ~- by tl:e IVar 0!2~t.T.ent o;.;ill reaul.t in brir.gir.g to light a la:-;"Q nur~ of cases whic.,
r...av~ bMn ~ to!ore overlooked by su.b:::lrdina r:e
"It sr..culd be ~red that when a ~Y or regi.m;mt goes into ba~tle
it is di:f!iC'..t.lt for thof!e i::1 ~ut.'iority to diat.ir"..guiah l:ittlo.~Mn rr..an ~-rt:.o are ·
a;:pa_..-ent.ly equaUy ~ave. I~ is i~ssi..ble for a ~- rr~ My di~
~
ti:'.ctic:r-3 ~pt
~..:ed evidanc:e. Wh.an any o!f1 n o: mer: are r..eglected, it is t.l-J.e fat:lt cf t."tose' W'b.cae duty it was to call a::.tanticr. to
:51.!::h cascas. Of. course ~r• SL'?!-t'io.rs were C:::.i:!cl:.led
'M:;Cr.,d., or ci.sease
these under: the'n ;suffa:- in .consecr~c::e, but every e~~ i3 ee:ing r..ede to
l::::'ir..g . all such ca~Q~ to light. ~e board Will r.ot
ete its l,;Qrk fer
1
60i'e time I and 00 retc~S hAVt:l ~t l:El:Gn l"l".aCQ in any cagg_g • I
o::rrrr.an:::ers. .
en
•
NE'I\' ~ l'L'1ES, Saturday, Ja.nt;e.ry
(
7, 1899 •
.
)
•
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er:..J.7'.') ba..:.
t.l!c;: 1:;;! L"i:e c::t.:clr:J o.>':. tl:.a c.·::.:zn
of l:t11.-; or./Ciloo/:tr:.t} Sc::tfc:;o,u:h/Jr>J.ha r;:~c!nad tn ci-:crq::: of all ti-:a
,lf.J.Je;;k~n:; •
.l-!aj.lc:.t3 J:;t U.S. Vol.Ccv'!J.
�;
'
·. ·.
···-.
EXHIBIT 11
~~-'.!::!.qt:u:-~~=-: ::e:~u:-~:::8::~
.o.:.
• :.·
."'
::c:~.:l~.iJ.:'i"a c!a .C:..:.~;.: •
·-....
....
• .• >..J. ••
,•.
·.-:
.'
S.J.:::~:!:;.'J d~ c~1JCJ.:··:.e.c~::ud:-., .. 3G,l~::a .
.··..
·:.:·
_,
,·
..
~
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-· ·-....-
·' .
. ·~.
·· ..
···.
...·
·.·
"·~
--. ·,. -
...
~ ~:.' ts,.,-.9.-.~
f:J l.lo_·:·r:::c
...
.
.··:··.-.
..
'•
,...~~.,
.
... -:·:;.·
... .l.r,. •
·
. ..... ~--::
.... :........-: ..:...':".~- ,_~..:: ....~· ~
--
Culo::ul
180c.
r i:.:-.·:c
:i:
u:-.C:.·~:-::::."'.::(l
~::..:-eud:r ::-::cG:::::()r:c!:d ::-:.:::: o::'!'.!.c:::- f·::r u :.rdd.::ll a.:·
h.:J.:; t:'lo::
t.!.~::.!.•.!tl.:::.!.::,:..:;;o::
::-::: s:-?u::Ll.
:::..:1~
_r.c::c:-,:.·r:-.:..c::,
:!.::::::~:-
::y pr-e·r.!.ou:::
I.
(
::::a:: co::..-::-.13:5
. :. ::; .
Eoc:::u~~l:,ucca:pa::!cd c::ly ~'J rcur- cr- fl?e:::e::,lad .:J._~or-z du:::pe:- 3 :~ a::d
.....
.
····.· :.·
. ..:::;::-.: ..-::;:<
·.':: .. . ~...
:.~·._:_:.:
\'/:.t.:
.
·........ .
...
... -... ·:.; .
... ·
e:~-
,
a~er-y~cd:r
•
thur~
~i:e'Eill.i::
-~!
f!nnll1 we::t U?
........ -.
•
•
'
..
600d ~?Yle,ye:
•
•
•
.
• •
•
i::: no doubt th.:J.t e:-:e J:I:.a~iric=nt ... e:cn.::pl-3 '!:iet:b:r .·caian·!3l ·?.oo~e·;elt
•
:
•
•••
•
-.
•
•
•
•
0
•
•
•
•••••
•
•
•
•
0
•
..
•
..
~.
•
•
had .:J. 'ie:"i ancour-ne;:..nc; e f-"'ec:: and had ere_a t wei.:::':..~ in brin~in~ up the
tr-cor-:::
Ue~1ir.d
hi~...
Dur-i~~
,... o•·":.; . ·:·:.. ~··
the.assault,Colo::el .
Roo3evelt . .
was .the f!r-s: to
. .
'·
·.
.
1'.!.:-:e a::i· k!llerl or:.e o !' .t:-:a
..
.......
�·.
.
HEADQUAP5'ERS LS1' DIVISION 2ND AP.MY aJRPS/
.
CAPT MACKEl!ZIE,G~. ,DEC,SOTH,I898.
AcUutant Garzaral.,
f/r.:!,shinqton,D. C.
.~·.'· :
!··
_,Sir:--
I hew a the honor to · racoTi7.mend Hon. Tf{eoCZo re Roosevelt, lc..ta
Colonel 1st U.S. Vol. Ccvalnj,for a Tltdal of honor, as c reuKzrd for_ conspicl.:cus gallantry at the battle ·of Sen Juan Cuba on July lst,I898.
:·
Ool.flooscvclt by hts exatnple atzd feprlassness tn·sptred
(fi' i a r,;en
b o t h at Ke t i;1 e Hi 11 and
his commm7.d in person.
t iz e r i dq e kn o en
..
~
!: :.
.··.
\·
as San Jucm, he 1 e d
I was an· crJa witness of Col.Roosevalt 's
.
:.·
J·
:·.·.
c.~ct:ion.
.~:·:
.As Col.Roosevelt.has bft the ser.vtcs,a Brevet Cor:zmtsston
1
.
;:··
,·:
:::·.:
is of no particular value 1n 1z i S .case •
'
.
.
Very· ·resp~ctfully; . '
'·
!,'
::.
f·
·,I'
·.•·.
(signed)
· ,
. .. .lv/aj. Gen.~
.
'
\,..
'.·
u.s. V.
:::
,.
;~
..... ·
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..
·'
.... /
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•••
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.
. ··,
. :.. ..
..
• ..
.
.
..
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..· . .:. . ~·~ ~. :,
..· ; :·· ·.
. ..... .' ;.
~~.
: ·. ·.
,..
,
.
�EXHIBIT S:
"Crescent Lodgeu,
lfEW BRIGHTO:H, S TATE1T IS wm·, N.y.
~ebruary
7th, 1899.
· 1~r. President;
· I would most respectfully ask leave to submit to you the
eD.closed meraora..-rJ.dum, in "Hhich I have endeavored to au tline briefly
what I c.onsider two distinct and. specific reasons _'Nhy I thlnk Col.
.,
- - · · - - - - · - - · - · ... - - - - - - - - · · - - · - - - - - - -... -,,. ___·-·-·---·---··-· '•"'"'*'"~,.-·,... ______ ...... (,1-,.-4
.
________ , ____ ..... ·----········~~~ . . ~··--···'--
i
i
I
"'··---···
Eao3evelt ~hould be considered seriouslz for ~h~ Med~l of Honor for
- - ........~---.- .. ---~..--·•1"·--~:.·-•""'-'"'""---·,.. ......, . . _.":~···-·~ ..,.. .,.• _ . _.._·-•":.o·.(IO';':.;J,·~:-:,;...-.·:~ ..~.~····
his .......... ----·----·-·
participation 1~~·~.~~---.t~~t~.-~:e~ll!n_in.,...~.~E-?.:... ~8,~~~~-~-·--t~e...... ·.:::..... ...... :••.• , ... ...., ........ .
Spanish;
.. ··:.·:·••.!'.•':• • .. _.............
.
....
.
,.~.,
,.,~······
~
either ,\:,''I,:.·,~ 'II,"~~ ,,~ .,.~.:•,•:•·· ?. '";;.i~;'.::::-,o•:r• fully~:..•' annreciated 7-'*•'"_. __ ••••~:•• •' I.submit secure
one of which if o,.!","J•::.·.;A.:,•, 1 ;~•~o·-:_~:lloll';'-'"-f"',J.II•• would, ~o,,'),
"'"'~'
, '·•
'
•.
" ..
..
...
r-•
,..:,
.....
o' .... "\ ·•'• •• ,.,,. ...... • \o•
• '"'·" ..,, •• o•' ......... ,; .. ••-: • ' '
, •
him the Medal; ta.~·:say nothing of the general remarks by which they are
·
....... ..... ,
.- :... ·.:.. ..... .
supplemented; although I. apprehend ·that fuller and more defin·i te pa.r-
........ -· . ·. : ....
~.~-.
~
.•:-·.-....~
ticqlars and evidence might be ·re:quired to substantiate the same,
which I can assure you ce.n be readily obtained from the
membe;r-s of his cornrn.a...nd.
I beg leave· in this ~on..-,ectian· to la.J.:. stress
..
upon the fact that this communication·represents·
or..ly one
:\
su~·yiving
-
the oTiinion :·of
.
of his men in thi~ m.a t t er; ~d ·I .d~ubt net ll!.C..!J.y effie ers and
men of Col.Rocsevelt's command could relate other acts of his which
.
.
they would characterize as conspicuous acts of ·c aurage
I
·,
.. ·.·... .I~·,.·
~
belieYe you appreciate personally- ve:-y milch the·
wa:r
Colonel's ~services in the late
and· would 'doubtless'' like ·to see him
·'
.,
receiYe the Medal, but perhaps no one. of his n:ten has thought to lay
before you what they regard. as· positive and marked instances of
unusual courage on his par·t, whi;::e :you:'I!lay have thought it· of doubtful
'.{
.!e
.·.i
:propriety to ask
fa;
the sa!!le, ·.
whi~~·::·.~o~~Ro~seYelt ~msel~ .waul~,·
.
.
.
~
~
.....
.
·.
.
of
.
. ,•1
···!
. '.i
·.·(
,
·.'I
...
:.i
:j
course, never think of singing l?:is··. own :Praises even for a Medal of
Honor.
Therefore, 1 t. occurred
:·t·o .me ... .
that
,··
:
,
.
you.. might· . be williils
.
to
'. ··:
�1..
·.·.... ...
~-
~
.
T .e
:-j··.
·.·~
'-~·r ·
.
what one of his enlisted men has~to say.
Of course,
'·
'•'
_::!
::1 .
reason. to expect that I would wake an:r
:in this direction,·
:r:iOV8
partly
.·.
·•,,
....
'•J
because I preferred nat to risk his disapproval.but . mainl:r.because I
. .
. .'
. .
.
.
'
... ,
. .·
.
',!
' •.... !
did. not think I was called upon to do sa ·and "under . no· . co:mu.ulsian to ask
.
. .·
.
.
.
an 'this
ar:yone's pe;:-::.issicn to ex-press my senti:::.ents
·.·:;
·.· ..
occasi~n.I simply
think he we~t into that campaign to do -not merely 'his bald. duty, hut his
utnast, that he did enough to deserv:-e the.Medal,._and . I. am sur~·his men
.
. . . :.
.....
.
. ··_ ·.
~
. ·..
. :----·.·iould··-lilce to see ·him get it .. "a.nci ..waU:l.d feel.;that··~he .. ·r.egirnent was ..
. _.;
.
. .
.
. ,.·
. .
. . .
.
. . . . •. ... . ...· .: .• . .. . . . .
. . . . .... ·.·
.
~
i r.onored'
tr:er_~by ..
.r--- .. --- .
'
'
.
'•
'
~---~.~~-u-~d- in--~;::-ce
sr:~~-~·~:.i~dulgen~e:·:f·ar
ask. your
.! ·.
.
. ,•
..
.
·
.
::..n:r abru:ptne::;s in my wardins ot this -~etta~ .or· 'th~· a.nne:-ced memora,ndum
' for I realize that possibly I have_a· lit~le ::fe~l~ns 'in this' ma_tter,-
·:·~:.-·hich
..
:may have crept into. my wards;: bu·t I t;1-1s.t; Mr·. Presid.ent, 'you:·
. .' ....... ·. :• .
. . . . ·.
·.. .
. . .. :·. . . ··. .:· ..
·.'fill al·.vays consider me an ad:mirer ·.of:_ yow;-; calm and able· s ta tesrn..anshi n
'·.'
· ··
•
•
.
••
.. •
•
••
....
• ••
-:
:-.~
' ..
•••••••
:·~.·
:··
0
.
• • _·
•
~
..
:.
•
•
:·
:
• • • -:.-.:··
-~ ~~}:·:·· ~--:~ -~
..
•
. ir;, our late trouble with the SpCUJ.iar_d,-·a.nd.:will permit me 'to .·subs.t'l!i.b.e · ..
.
. .
..
... ·. . ; .
.... . . . .... ·.. . . . .
... ' . . ..
-;~:. ·. ,. --~- \ . . . . ' .
~~
·· rn.ysalf,
•.'
'
•
• •• : .
.' • :
·: ... :
• ••
•
•
• •
... -
0
•ith pr_ofaundes_t respect,
:
. :~ :·_: . :;: :. . : ·. ,
..
·,.;
.. ·:
.
Yaur·very obedient servant,
-:·:
....
....
-~··
~
··,·
....
_Late. of· B ,Tra·~iJ ~ ls t • Vol.·CayalXy •
:
: ·(the Rough Riders)··: · · . ·. ·
. . ·.:
··.:·.:
·• ....
:::.;...
·:< '
.· ..
::. .
,
,._:/
.. .
M
,o'
'''
.......
.
. ., ·· ..
··..
. ·....
'
··· ·.
..
.
:. :',
~ ~ '. . . •·
:- ..
�-"'------
•
.....
:. ~ ·:~ . . .·
:··
.
·~
.·
.
·-
Col..Roosevel t
~·:
.:.;.:
,•
... ,
'·
-It is well. known. :that during_ the fisht ·of .·July .3rd
'Ho. l.
-;-:.
. .
~
'
.
.·~
•.
.
... ·
:
·.
; .
.
•
.....
th~~--~ii:~r~o~s ~; ~llowed io:~harge
hotly urged
::.
:·.'
:::
·:;by _ ·.· ..
rushes·: to. tee pas i tion on the ridge of hills the A.r:lerican ... sold,iery
finally took and held until the ·surrender o~ . Santiago; ·t~e successful
:',•
7
~-·-result of v:hich charg·e--i~-:~e~i_·:~nq:lf.P; ::-,wh~l~ ·. :'.t~e:loss .. in his .:r~giment
. :··.:-·:_ :·.... ·. .-·.:·::c:-"'~-.;.,_ ....·.. ···:
:·i .:.. :·· . ... ·-~· .. ·:
. .,
.... :
...... :;_:_. .· .. .'
during that charge was compa~a t i ~-~~~~<·s~ll_··, : ~-,,~ing'. to the· ~~pid~ t~· of
.
·'
-~
.
······
...
.. .
the attack, no-twithstanding the. Sp~ish e..t this· point ... occupied e.. .large
. .
·.·
...
blockhouse ar:.d trenches en the.crest·of the.hill. It.is matter of
in his regiment .tha. t -he· with.. a. few men from B.
.
.
...
.
.
c ammon kna·:rledge
·•,
•,
troop of the Rou5h Riders were; the _first_- .to::ree..Gh ·that :P~.~ .of. the ridg/'
of hills occupied by his regiment;. four.: of :these members· of B troop
.
,·
'
.
.
were killed outright at that .time :bY one volley ·from the ret_iri?g
Spa:·1iards, namely, l?weatnam,Hall,No!.~o.n .and 'Logue. This circum- .
.
.
..
'
sta_TJ.ce can be proved by manjof C"Ol'.Roo.s~velt:s. m~nJ.
.· ...... '· ·.
and
especially
SergRants Uttine and Norton and :privates· _ T.ruman, &wens and othermen
.
.
~.
.
.
: '. . •'
.· . ;•4.: . ::; ::_.· .
!,
:-~
.•
:
•• :..
.
.
,·
•
•
•
of B troop, all of whom came .. ··f~~m·'.southern }..rizona. · ..
.... : : ·. :. :· ~ . .. ::_··..:"' ·:·· .....::' ~-...· .
. ... .
..
~o~-~a.·~n· ~~e _. .--.an·e, : S'°C~~~~ ~..... ~~~ s c."large , Co 1 . . ... 1 .. '- . ~ ~- ..,):..-. ~~ "'-.1:..:..
~ . . . ., uc..;..
~ ~
v..
J..
:·
_
remember hearine; his . close··. f~l'~dd .:_·6~:i,~·ne·l:::...(n~·~./.G~~eral).·Leo~d·
..
.
.
.
.
:·
.
.Wood give him a good-riitured·scolding.on
......
for his o·.vn safety; and in t:"'liS respect . I
am conf'iT";!led. by. at
newspe..per correspondent ~ho. '\Yrote) ···in substance'
.
2.5
least _one
I re.c 0 lle ct- it'
.. . ... ·.....· ·_ . · :. ·~_:·~-~:: ·,. /~:._,. ·->.. . .· ~ ·;:
..
. .·
. .
"I expect to see· P..oosevel t fall in ·.the _ne::ct' battle if' .he takes the ·
·:.·
. •,
sa.'ne chances n.
·.
r.·
1:
r
�i
.
. ...
·: ,.. ....:·..':...'~:. : ·:.. '·::
::~··.
.... . . .. ·· ·.. ·.
·
.l".
. . ~ --~
·· .. ··, .
,'
,.
. . ·.•. ,· . . . :_ !': :._. ·: ~ . . : .. ,: : ..
.,
•,
Wnat must a·
hor..or?
63 at
··-1
. ',1
··
ma.!l
..
:,
...
·do· in- a fight, • ~yhow,. to win a· medal of
single-~d:··~· ...~n · ~ ··b~c·h~ _dis~ble
Must .he kill 27 S:pa.nia=ds
the same time, while he is 3 _I:liles .in adYan~a. of the· ... firs.t :firir:.g
.
. .
..
.
..
.
line, 2.nd continue fighting with. four-teen bullets· ir:. him? ... ·
..
It is kno·.·r.: that ir:. a fight et pretty close quarters the
....
---
. 'J
.·_.;
·_:j.
..
:-:.
Colonel killed one Spaniard, with his revolYer .
.
.. . --····-·-·
..
.
.
What ~r:co1.!:-ae;_~rr-.~r:?.:~.~-·:··:~,~~r.e_:.~~iz:..~::t.o .be _to e. ~o~ndine; ·
.
. .... ·: . . .
.
·
officer- to show exceptional.d.ash:and .. courege_;in. a·.. charge, especially
..
.
.
.
a.'l'l·
uphill one end goint; e.c;ainst th~· eneny in breastnorks, ·if it is to
be t2.ken es a matter of course and. no.t regarded .as "a ,conspicuous act
....•
.a
or bravery"?
. :.
No
. ...
..
From· the 4th of.July until~ few days_after the
.2 •
·~
.
::
bombardment of Santiago by ·the· •land· forces· on:. Sunday; July._ lOth,
.·
. ·. ' .... · .. ·.• ·:-~ .. · ............. ·; .. _\:'::·_ .... :~···,.. \'; .... _ ·~
..
.' :·~·-:··.~: :··. -~·:_;··.·.::-· .·:··: .. ·.
during which time our regiment .occupied a·_:position somewhere... along
. · .... ~ ,\·: .. r. ,...... ·:· ..: .. ·..
.
the centre of the line,
Col~Roos·evelt_was·bus~l
•
,
•
•
;,. \
'
•.·~
.
. .:: ... .
.
•.
.
night·and day·irnproving
·,
·,
•
·•''
•
:::".:·,
:~:
:'
•I
•
and advancin8 the t~enches occupie'd by_.his men' a.."?J.d. streng'tb.ening our
.. ..::· ~. . . .. ....
•.... . .
. .
..
.
.
. . . . ·. . .
.
..
position in var-ious ways. We.·were .then.·only e. few h'undred_yards:·from
'
.
~
;
.. ' .
:·.
......
:::.:.
...
..
.
.
·.
the front ro·.·r of Spanish trenches and ;could. almost discern· the features
• . •.
•
·. .
.
•.
•
,·
..
.
.
' •
.
···:: _~ ·::_·:_. .:. ::i.:.':. :.· : ..:.:_: .: :-~-.:;._"':~-· .
..
~-·~··
. ..
;
•
•.
;
.I
·:--::.::\::-~:-·.::.·:.-:
: -~ ....
.·.
:· .
of the Spanish soldiers ·therein·.:.:.A'small .. ravi~ _s.s'"Darated .. the ,two·
.
...
.··.
-·~---.~. _;]:7·~····./:-~:··. ~->~):·t:.~·
7:...·.:. ··.·.. -~.y::; ... :
.
. ~. ·.. ·.:~·····:::··~ ....~:.:"'·....... ·· ~...:.·: .·
'
a.r-:::J.ies at this :poi!i.t, and it·i~as·~_decid~d.: to·locate·a··shar:pshooters'
pit, wi'th coit•s
Ranid Fir·~·.;u~:''?ir>.:it·,·:_-i~:t·~~:~;·::~~:~·;:.b;~~\~~·f:·the
•
·· ... ·.·
...
..-~ ::
.· ..
nn
nnr
~iriA.
. . ·. : _. -.-.
Tn ;:~~~nr.rnl i~h
~ ~:·'2.·f'\\; .'::.. X:;}!'<::·.'\~·::>· •:;.\: :_·~;::... '· ..·_< .''.::; >~}:·j;:
this ·.ve ·.had to·· C.i;;::
zi~-zo.g
ravine··.
.:. ;_:· . ; :_·,·:·:· . .. .
trenches it
.·.~; _
..
�....
/
;.
e
,.
·.r· . , .
3
:::j
..
···l
·
:'J
..... ,
··:
:'.!
nit:ht to get out there.
Very tall:pines gre\·r.i:J.side the Spa."lish lines
:. . . .
.·'"
·'
.··:
as ·;:ell as out'side, from which·trees the Sp··a:nis_h, ~h.irpshooters did
. ·.'
...
grE=:at havoc during the fit;hting, ·and there·.was besi~es . a const'ant
·_.-;
.··· ..
~
::.·...~
·:·
,"
e :c p e c tat i c n of a last desperate charge. by. the ··.·sp~iards ... to'. esca-oe· and
,
,
'
,
,
•
0
0
':i
o,'l
ooOa
.:
•
0
0
-
..
'o
•,
0
•
,
0
..
'
0
a in General Pando in our re~. · : This . combination 'of· circumstances
·<:
j
. :
kept our men under a constant· strain,·. for the :·line. was .thin, and wore
.
:r-:-(m
.·.1
·:;
ther!i in tiriHl to
.
.··
c
su·~h-.~~~·.~jten:&illl~t ~-C(u·a-ds :.digging ~e
e
. were. cuch inclined. to .ret~r.e,>,to ::the; :c::.ai:q. ~...re.nches:.~n :a?Y-:.'a~~~;. es- .
......
.· ..,..
·I· was. in ·the tna in . trenches
pecially when the moon becam.e brisht •. /
.
'
...
alrncs t every nieht and .helped d~g ·.sqme ~~f ·:these :ziz-zag trenches, .and
·:
.·:
····e
. ·'
·:
'.'·i
.·I
• •
..
,
.·,,
·.'.·.:
· :
...
.· ..
.<;
·:.j
..... f
.:•.' . ' •
•'
.....
'
o
I
'
'o
•
•
..
·:
0
•
:
~
•
... : . : · . ;
:
~
•
:·
•• •
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
·,
:·
•
mo::;t of the time tha. work .referred :.to·_~d .~uzming the gauntlet of
the Spc;nish
.. ,
._
can testify .that Col~P.oosevelt's .;.action )n· :P.ersonally ..superintendi'ng
shar:p~hooters
t~~~.·~P~ke_~·:. .:.~~,::·~~-i·l.···as
in
....
·::
..:·.,
zig-zags
C- ... -.......... ····.~~~-~~)·
...........
.. ·.
·~·,· ·~·· ·,·
soldiers in their trenches, .every
.• :
or two hundred
yqr:q~
.in
._f.
.
.n~gh ~
...... :·:.
~:
,'
-~
:._:
. .... .. . .. - . .
-~·..•
. out·.
:'·.
of the spru:is4
o~<..the
·:··· •.-::···.·: ·.:· ..... · '
.
... .' :. ·:;: ........ .
g~ound ;one
'
.open
':
•.
::
. ·.:.·.. :.:·.~;, :. •· . . •
..
.a.~:f.:~n~e··::pt: . '::ou~ :,~.~~.:··~,~~a··. of. ·trenc.~~.s:, ::·.v.as,
·I·
thin..1<.:, doing c~nsid.~rably.r~q.;e:<·than:."his .. d~ty~;. for the· ~~<ecution
•
.
. :.:·~::·.·. ··;_:·;.......~:~~-.~ .~.~::.~:\:.:·:·. ;:·: .. ~~-~~.: ··.. ·. _< ..• ·. ~ .. ...:.:..
. .
. .. . . . ..... •
.
of the plan might with.p~opristj··.have.been ..left .to' his ·majors or other
..
: .. ·_.,::
~.·:.,. ..... ;·:.,;r.:;.:~·i~-!~·:·.~;\,:: ~· .... ~---·~·. . ~~::·:· ~·
:.
.:.·.· :.... .:.: . ·.
.. . .
officers , I imagine, .w~i~e.::.;~:S.'i.~.:r9.m_;: . ~.~fll:~ ~·:. ~ o~:;.;·,~;~:ffi~·<~n~p e9 ~ed /:\:he
·: . • : .~. ·. :\ . ~ •.
results accorn:plished..
presence and fearless.
>:· ...'·:..._.: .'. _.:·. :.~:/.:· -=·.-: ... ~ .~· .
.:
~. ~ ~; .. -:-t, -::~· ~ ...·....::' ~~ :
The :point·:·:,is
. . . .' ..•
,.··:that:··his·~.continual
0 ••
•
•
. . ·:· ..... ;.,: .
·
• •
personal
ac'tj_'~·i{i"~~d ·:··a'~nl~S·~<·~·:~~U;·i.ng ~ife.~t U~O!l .'the
.
·.
··..
men
·.. ·
.. •.
who ·.vere digging the trericf1~s to the pit; e..nd acted lik~·-·a· sedati,re
.. ·.
.:
on their overstr.ung nerves.
on paper this may ·nat 'see.m:..to a:D.ou~t
·t.a· .ve.ry- m.llch, . and
.. • ·..... .'·: :: ...·· . ,: .:_:,: . ,··~··· ·.. . . '·: ·: ::~· . .·. · ·_.:.- >>·\'.~ .··· :..:·:.·
.'.I
or:.e who was there can
.
.·:i
.....,
..·. ~
.
.fully~a:p:preciat~::'!li:J.at·;it:~.mea!ls',
.
·. .
.. ....
·~. ·~:"::, ·:·:::.:.·.:..... ~: ..:.:
•. :"' :. ~ ..._.< ···.· ·... "/.:' :,
:,
.
·, '
only
• .
.
· an d . I
~·.can
..
say I ad!Iliretl this cold~ blooded.: display ·.of :;nerve' more ·than anything·
... '.·... ·:·.· .. :·: ··~ .. .. ~·:: ... : ..··.·,: .......... · : . . .
.
Col.P.cos eve 1 t did, and '.r '.believ·e::~:~~ch::::~~··~s,\ot·t~n ;·d.e.serve. more . credit
-..
,
;
. . .·' ~·.: :: :\_·.:·: ;-: ;. :·: :-: :, ·:·~ . . . \: . .. .: ;·:::::\:':·_;?... . . . . ..
..
�,
·· ...
.,
....
·:>._. •
....
. ·..
. •·
4
..
. . ..
·.. ·. ··.·
· tha.-rJ. leading a charge in the excitement of.·a battle.
·.
·.
.. ·....
'·'I
.
..
..
General ·-Remarks.
.
.
·..
'.!
Another occasion when he.: possibly ·.did a little: :z:::ore ·than
•1 ••
-
•
'"""
his duty' a~d .p~e fe:-red t
.i
with· s orne
o~. the
~
... · · - · ·
•
"·.·-.
•
take
0
.
1
~..:
:.::~~·.:..;...-:.
.: ••••
~~.th~
_.;::' . . . . . . . . . . . .
•
~
••• ; , . - - ·
•
.
••
. ·. ,., · . .
.
.
.
·.".
.•
• • • • • • ••
.
..
:
•
0
.
.•
·Of. Cuba--to
(weeks after the surrender) to have.: his. men ·moved out
•••
Porto P.ico--anywhere ratsez:- than leave .them .~hera_.._:they ware,. sur.e to
...
.. ·.·;,,,
.:e
.-·.·
·W~shfri:~·i·:~~:, :::::·:~~-~ -~··:~~~·.:~:im~s t :de·~;-~-~~ t_e>·~~peal
.
pe <Jple. at
:
.!
'
'\
·,:ri?k :,of . . s t!"aining his . relations··.
perish of yellow or .typhoid .fever·. {t ·they. z:-emain_ed. ;In my·· o"n-n_ troop
almo·3t every ma.""l or the handf'ul·that.coul~·:re~in at tha"fr._ont had·
...
.:
..
.. :'.·;
'
. .. .
•.·
severe attacks of malarial fever,··.:_whic~·.:.left ;'.them' .. in. su~h:··a.;_~eb.ili ta tei
•
c ond.i tion that they
•
•
could~
.
.
'.0
scarcely
".< ·.
, 0. .
•
• 1 . :
'•
o'
•
•••
•
•
0
·• • •..
',
.·
••
.cl;'a·ul.:!=-bout~~unable. to
01·:::. :·, .. :··0::.·" .··-:0.:·:·.~.· :...... .:·
'
0 :,·:·. · · . :
:-.
....... ,.
.
~·;,'
0
•
•
.: •• ,,·.
•
·:ma.rch ·.2.>:.or
:·:· . :··.:. =:·::.:·. .::~.;.: . .·.· 0 .. .
•.
3 miles, even without anythinG on the·i~ .. ba.cks:; : ir:.. :.this·.· condi.t16n: it ..
.
..
. .. ·
.
...
:
...•
.....·.. . ·..:. . .
··.
,"
;be~ore: yellow· or 'tyuhoid fever
:· . ... : . ·... :· .. ·..···.... :·:. . . . . . . ·.·. :.··~ -· .. ·... .
would brealc out amongst th~~:.':n~::.~-~.~.~~-~:e: ~-~~~-; .._~s the. men -·~ere just~ .. __ ... ,,;_,·.:~;
was only a question of .a 'very short .·time·
;
.
:
ripe for it, with no str.ength-.t~·-:·~-~~~·i·~·-::~·~·dis·.·~as~·,·-·~ great:;~c!'~~ci.ty :o:f
.
.
. : : . ·...:.· ~ ·:~·.
.
.~
. . 1 ,...o ~.sc tl'on ,
me d lc.1.nes, b
~asp i . ~a- P- ...
..
..
. .·
.· .. ·.·.... ... . ..
:· ·; ·: ...
·· ·.·
'
•
•
.
.
·.
.
.
cc 1. F.~ as e·v·~·l t .:~~·u.J:d .. have.· d cn~_nhis·. duty~
•
··..
.
·--:· ::-:
·etc •· ~~. .. : ;:··- .··... ·.... · .. : · ·.· ::
·
,.... ··e"'c·
.
·.
Pass i bly,
~.·· ~.. ; .·.:.::-~:: ·. ~-· ..
•
.'
~
:·::
~
:··
;
••
:
0
....
•
•
:
...
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
:
had .
•
he followed some of tb.e ·suggestions .. email~ tine( from': the ,W~r'i.Department
.
<=-
. . . . · .....
. .... ··
. 'o:: ·.:
.
.. ; .
.·... ;:,.·:.
.
.... , ...... : . . ·
t that time in rs gard to :this ~t t s~; :·::wit~ol:l ~-,.P~ote s t; ~-bu t<i t ·was a
•
•
·.~
; • ' • ·..:-'::· .:::·. • : ( "' ·~.· : ,; .: .
~.
·:. :·
·~o.
:: : •'
. ·,
•
I •• ; . -
.'.
.
.
. ••
.'
.
case where he. felt that his .. duty.wa·s :to:·stand·.-by:b.is·.·.oW'n men:and ·.
. . . .-~.<..:0·~~· . ·... :.. ~ . :..~,~. :.\-:<:::~:t'::: .:-::·=....:~ ...... 0,· ........ >··.-.· .. ·.
make the War Department to. unders ta.nd ~-tlle -:real ~.ar.d·:-des"Oerate · uli ght · o! ·
th:- li!rlerican
....
~r~o:ps,
;~·~::.·:~:;;~·i;~---~~h~;: . w~:~ .--~~· r~·al
with ·.which·,:s fate
..
.. ·'':'
.
. . ,·<: :;' :<;.·.-·.~>.:·. ·,~:; -~{;i·.~--.~·/:'.;~,'~.::~;~;·,~ ·:'}.~·:::.:-.,::. :·_.\:: ·.:. ';;:.:/:-,: :' : .... :\·..... . . .':·.'' : :....::.'
or apparent naces.s it·: ... o ·ccnta:ld !.~"~r.d ;· eye~y :..,..aa"'on=.+o · s:.;oid ·. . His::·:· · ·. : . . · ..
.
. • " ·. · · .' '.''.:'·i; <'~\: :·/ .:· ,: ·: ''.~-~:. ;;r::~y: ·:(Y.' :,,·;~ ~ : ·. · .·. .. ··~ · ·. · .. ~ Y)~· .. .
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action in this respect clfnched ·his men's :admiration for .him ·and con-
.
. :.' .
····!. ·.:: . · <···.;·.-:.:.·::;~.
·!..
,•::.
!:' ::
i:·.:
;·:::
vinced · ther:: l:e was· not out ther~ ..:·for ·his.·~own ..bene.:~t a=!:one. I 1fOUld.
.~<
add. that at
;:;-:..·
t~·is tim~, wh~~'l:is··~en::we~~->.·:.g~~~~~;n~
on the un:1o..:rishing.
·rreaker every da·;··:
cambinE.~·~c~··.:·o··f h~·~~··~;·k~s~~i~·.};~~\ a~d bl~·ck co.f.fee
.:· ..
.. :: .·•.
'
. . .. .
.
...
... ·. ·:._.""':·
-:'.::
.
upon which they had been feedine; ~~o:r. some·:tin:s·:.pre·.::ously, ·he vrent·=into
. . .. . . :.. .
..
.
. ..
. .::.
Sa~tiago a=d ·by "hustling" and s~e~ding~ever~l· h~~d~ed doll~rs of his
. ·.
':.
i}·.
;:. :
·.·
~
....
r
c~ouc;ht ···b aclc ,. .. frcm ·.'Pri..,;~·~··e.~ s ourc.~,s, ·-s cr:.::'thir..g ~~ke. 600 · · ·...:...;., . /: ·~·:
.......
rice, a like ,..a,moun.t~of ·aa~me<J.l," :Potatoes,· and a ~arg'e 'quanti-· (:
o·.,:l money !:c
::·: :·.· .::: ·:
. ' ·:·.
pom:.ds· of
su~~;,
ty of prunes, tom:. toes' in ca.ns,
·. ::
~
..
:;·.·.·:.:
. ·.
etc., which the men appreciated
(~~~
.·.··
...
r··:
1:; .
.
most tichly.
•
I 7rould further add,..that the fact ·that Col.Roosevelt's
well-k:novm enere;y a!:'..d pugnac.i ~Y a.t.trac ted ma.'tly of. the ablest men of
Far West--men who had. lived amidst >the dang.er~
· . : : : .""
..: . . ·. . ·!
·.
:of
·.·:.:··..
frontier life
:. .
- ·..
for years, were goad shots; ~11d. spoiling fcir. a· fight.·
0
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•
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They ex-oected
·,
,
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I,
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'
.
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,
0
Hoes evel t to be what they- call . a . &,ot number", .·and the.ir verdict was
..
.... · .
. . . . ··· .. ::. ·.: .·.. ;
.: . .·:
·.·
.
.
unanimous
Thfs m:~etir.g fully. the dem.a.::ds
11
.of such men
courageous action.
Late Troop 'B,ls.t~Vol.ca.'ralry, ·
( a?.aug.C Riders u) . : ..
.. ;:.:
N e7r Br ic;h ton,
_:.~
..< ~
Staten Island,N.Y.
"The Creseent"
..
.. . .
... · . . . .:. ~:
.-·~ . .:.-.. ·-~::_!::->>·· .·.
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�EXHIBIT 9
..
....
;
·.~~
••
··Hunt sv z'lle 1 Ala., Jan .·4th, I8D9.
·.
/
The i!djutant General, U. S.A7 ur!J,
..
~
...
...
·
:;
:.··1
.,
-·I'
· tr •· -·
~·
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:·j.
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•·
I have the honor to recoTi!liZ~nd that a •oonoro sstoncl Medel of
::·:
:~·:.j
Washtngton, D. C.
/.~~~·
:.;:,:...-..~
·
....
1/on.o r• be
(J i
ven to
;,£Zncz of ilts reqtment tn the charge on San Juan Htll,Cuba~,Tulv 1st,
. .
~
jt cate srwwt711J my personal JmowlecZge of C!ol.Roosevel t
·' s concizict •
very re spectfull!J.,
··j
:··1
•,:j
.
.; .
··In compltance wtt'h G.O .. l35~A .. G..O.I898,I enclose my· certt-
·.,
....
·.~
(late Colonel. Ist ,.Volz...rntear
j
,,
;
I
.::J
.l
The.orl~ re Roo seu~l t
caValr'y) for c!tsttngutshed conduct:ancl conspicuous bravenJ .in cor.z-
·)·898.
. ·.'J
·..
(stoned)
.
c. j.stavens,
..
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•!
!
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0
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,....
qapt'r ,.en~ Oao 'y.
.·.··..
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.,
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.,
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·.
·.
·.,
I hereby certify thc:.t on July
, ..
. ·.:.:
lst,I898~o.t
'··
'.
1:-.
battle oj
Sc:.r; clucn,Cubo.,I wttnessed Colonel ·(then Ltai..tt-Col.) Roosevelt,lst
(·:
!::
~
.. ;
,,;
VolLntccr (}cvc:.lry~U.S.A. ,moz..'7Zted;.leading .hts regiment tn the charge
·:
'
or. Sen c.fi...:c:rz.
J-]y
~-
·..
:·.·
)>.'
h t s gall entry end strong personality he co.ntrt bu- -:)/=,
}:.:.
tee? most mo.tertcl.ly to the success of the charge of t'lza Cau,alry
Division up San Jucn Htll,
1','
,.....
.
Colonel Roosevelt uus c.r.::Jnq· the very jtrst to reach the
crest of the hill and his dc.sl:tr.g excmple,.hts' absolute ferrlassness
e;nd oa.llr:.nt leadtnq rendered hts cor:duct .consptcuou.s and cl.~.arly
disttn(juished above other· men.
" ..
.
C.J.Stevens,
~.::
.
C~pt., 2nd
Cau 'y ..
(late 1st Ltev.t.9th Cav'v.)
·1·::
,..
:·.·:·.
·.:·.
.
~ :-:
·.·.
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�EXRIBIT 12 .
.I
\
·,
.-
..
;J
·Lieut.Colonel W.H.Carter,
Asst~Adjutant
General,U-S-Army,
.Washington ,D.C.
(1;-.
-.J-.1..
In compliance with the req_uest 7 contained in
·•
. ..
.of tl1e 30th ultirn.o;ot tl1e Board. convened.
:::>
letter
YOt.l..l'
consider t;n:e a·.~rarding
_t?
of brewet s ,medals of f1~onor ,&:c · , for the Santiago Campaign., that I
state any facts,within rhy knowledge as Adjutan.t General of the
.
'
Brigade in which Colonel Theodore Roosevelt served,to aid the Board
'
.
·.
.·:
in determining, in connection Witll Colonel Roqse,relt 's application
for a medal o'f honor,whether his conduct at Santiago was:such as
to distigui8h him above others,I have the honor to submit the 'following:..
'
~
My duties on July. 1,1898 ,brought me in constant
of and contact ·with: Colonel Roosevelt.
'f~om.
obse~r.ation
early .. morning
.
;
un~;i.l
.
. ::~~
..
shortly before the clima.:c of ·.the.: assault. qf" the C.a,ialry ..Divd.si.on·.-: ::.;~:/{
.
.
.. .
. . . . ' ......... ::::::'\:.: ..:-.·:: .· ·.: ·~·.)!}{~~
on the San Juan F....ill - t11e so-called Ket~+e Hill·· Dur-1 ng ·this :t; m~" :~j•-'·1/;,
· ··
.
· :..'-; :. ·:
.~-·~~~--~~::··:·:.;_~i··~~:~.~.'~;~--~~~~~r\~l;~~
while wider the enemy's ·a::-till~ry :fire .c:.t. El Paso_. a~d ,,.w·hi:l~~::-:~n·~~:t·h·~i;t;:2tfH
.
.
::
.. .
'·:. ··~· ":·~· :· ~··.···.: . :·.::-~ · ;:·~:~~·.:·:-'~.:·:.>;:":~~ ~~::";~~!!
..
l!le:!:ch from n Poso by the sar1 Juan ford. to tD.epoi~: f:Com' Wiuch :his)n
regiment moved to the assault
UJJ.der fire- Colonel 'Roozevel t'
serred in
J1~s
regiment in
about two miles,the
W?S
.grea.~er>part
·
·.~
.cons:p~uous above ··~71Y. ot:P,ers ! ob-:.·'.,:
the-zealo~s ~erformance
of duty,in_total
disregard·of hi.s persol!-a1·da..'1~er . and .. in_his· eage~ne~s to meet·the
·'
enemy. At El Poso,when the _ep.emy,._opened on that place.with art11lenr·.
....
.· , .
....
'
I,
�wrists. :I'he incider.t c!.ic!. not lessen his hazardous ex-poscre ,but he
·.
continued. so ex-posed. until :r.e had placed his comm.and.ur.d.er cover.
In moving to .. the ass.ault of San
Juan I-8.ll,Colonel
Roose'relt was
rr.ost cons-picuously bra're ,gal~ant and indifferent to his o·rn .~e.i'ety.
Ee,i.n 't11e o-pen,led. his regiment ;no of'fi~er. could. have set a more
striking e:<am.-ple to 11is men or displayed greater intrepidity.
ve~/
res-pectfullY,
Your obedient servant,
_/,
,t.
Colonel,U.G.ATIJY,
Su-perintendent.·
.
-
-.
·~;
·: .. i
.·.·..
.: :.
L.
�EXHIBIT 1
.
~··--
.
-
/ ··.. . .
' .
.
I
'
'
,J.
�r--;---------------------------~-----------------=====:=:::::::::::==::=~
{ :~·;_::·;~.~->:=:· ·.· .' .. ·.: . ~:-.·~:~:.:.·
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....
....
�EXHIBIT 6
-'
)
''rht! Siout l:!!~r:·· is also a ,.;,arm ar:d
kir:d one: affecrion ,dwd!s wi:it da.~
g~r. a/{ rh~ holier ar.d lovelier for
.such .::~rn ~ttYc"rottmer:r. ••
·
Tilornas Carlyle (!832}
(
. B.AKER. BENJAMIN F.
Ra.rJc and orgarti::a.rion: Cc;.;swa..in, U.S. N;rrJ. Born: 12 March 1362,
De:mispcrt, M.J.ss. G.O~ No:: 52.1. 7 July 1399. Cira:ior:: Ori boa:d t.'"le
U.S.S. ,'ia..sf:vill~ during the cu~g of t.1~ c:!ble le.J.ding from Cienfu-::gos, Cuba, t l ~b.y 1898. Facing the heavy fire of the ene:r:y, Baker
sc:t an example of extraordinary brave:-1 a.·H! coolness throughout thi3
action.
~AKER, EDWARD L., JR.
I
••
Rar..lt: and organ.i::a:ion: Serge:nt Major, IO:h U.S. Cavalry. P!ac~ ar:d i J
d.a:e: A: Sa.:::.r:iago, Cu'!::l::1, 1 July 1893. F.nu::-e:d. urlir::: c.J.: - - - . Bini-:: i•Laramie Cou..-lty, Wyo. Da:~ oj i.s.sr.u: 3 July 1902. Ciraricn: Left cover
and, unde: fi::-e, rescu.ed a wounded comr.:~.ce f:am dro,.-o.ing.
/
�:e
t\1>11~1\ 1\..t\ ,) IVIt:Ut\ L 1..11" IIVI\"VI~ IU_:Lli'II:N f.)
I I f\1\" H
Ut\ .. 1lOW, DAVID .IJ.
Ra11k and organiiatlou: Coul l'aucr, U.S. Navy. IJom: 27 Decernuer
I 874, Nl~rfulk, Va. AccuJitttl to: Virgiuin. G.O. No.: 521, 7 July I 899.
Citation: On uourd the U.S.S. Nrii!Jvifle during 1he culling of the cable
lending from Cienfuegos, Cu!Ja, II May I 898. Facing lhe heavy fire of _
the enerny, Ulighl se\ an exa111plc or i:xtraonliuary bravery und coolness throughout this aclion.
.1.; . Uu11k 11,.,, Of!;tllllltllivn:
/' '""' date:
·k
~.
l
'"J;rruiurrion: l'dvulc, Cornp;.rn}' C, l71h U.S. Infantry .. J_ .
AI El Caney, Cuha, I July I !I'JB. E111arcl .!Cfl'icr rrt: \['l
- · - - . Uirth: \'layne County, Ill. Dote of iJJIIC: Unknown. Cilatiorr:
·Gallantly aBislcd in the rescue of lhc wounded from in front uf the
_lines and while u11ucr heavy lire uf the enemy.
flank
1111d
tf11tr.:
IlLUME, IWUEilT
lla11k 1111d orga11iwtion: Scnm:rn, U.S. Na\'y. llum: I 1) Novcrnbcr
18(o!l, l'illsuurgh, l'n. ifccrr.tliterl to: New Jcr~cy. G.O. No.: 521, 7- July
I 8',~- Cit;llimr: On board \he U.S.S. NaJI11·il/~ uuling lhe cullirl(~ of lhc
cable lcarlinr, from Cicnfucgos, Culra, II Mny I 8 1)11. Fa-cing I he heavy
fire of lhr. cncrr•r. Illume sci an example ur exlr:roruir111ry hra\•ery ami
coulnes~
lluoughoutthi.\ aclinn.
IJH.AiJY, GEOilGE F.
flank 11)1'1 orgo11il11tirm: Chid Gunner'~ Male, U.S. Navy. /Jonr: 7
Sc:pteml11.:r 11167, Ireland. tlrcrcrlitctlto: New Yurl<. G.U. No.: 497,_ J
Scptemhc1 I RIJ 1 Citrrti•111: On hu;ud IIll: lurpcdu boat ll'i11J/uw during
J.
. -.
lufanlry.
!'lace and date: At El Caney, Cuba, I July I 898. Entcrecl urvicc a/:
Green Cuunly, Ohio. llirr/r: Uyron, Wis. Dare of issru: 11 June 1899.
Cltatlrm: Gnllnnlly assisted In the rescue of the wounded ftom in frunl
nf the line~ and under heavy lire from tho enemy.
u.s.
Rc111k and organiwtion: Corpornl, Comp:my C, 17th U.S, Infantry. \;.)
PltJct and date: AI El Caney~ Cuba, I July I 11911: Entacd un•ict a/:
- - - . Dlrrll: Armstrong, l'a. IJate of isme: 24 June 1899. Citatio11:
Gall:~nlly assisted in the tcscue of the wounded frurn in f1011l of the
lines nnd unuer heavy lire from the enemy.
CAMPBELL; DANIEL
Rank and orRa11it.atlo11: l'dvnlc, U.S. Marine Curi1.s. Uom: 26 October ·I 87•1, Prince Edward Island·, Canndn. Accrediud .ro: Massachusells. G.O. No.: 521, 7 July 1899, Citation: On hoaru the U.s.s:
MarbleiiCOd during the CIJllinR or I he cnhle lending frorn Clcnfuegus,
Cuba, II May 1898. racing the heavy rirc of the enemy, Ca111phell &el
an exarnpfe
eX\raorcJinar)' bravery and coofnclS tfuoughoul lhis _
nclion.
IJEYt:lt, ALilEllT .
llanli mrd rlrgr11riu11ion: Cuxswain,.U.S. Navy. llom: I) Jupc: I H5 1J,
Hanu\'cr, Germany. l:rrte1r.cl .ter".icc rrt: lloslon, Mau. G.U. No.: 521, 7
-July 1899. Clrntimr: On hounJ the U.S.S. NaJirvillt: during 'I he culling
of lhe cahle lc:•dinc frorn Cienfuegos, Cuha, II Mn)' IB'JU. Fncing lhc
h~a\')'_ lire of lhe c:nc111y, llcycr sci an ex-ample of exlra.urdinary
bravery <~nil t:uufncss lhruughuul lhis aclion.
j
v
..
., YCBUZZAHU, ULYSS~s- 0.
~~~ UEHG, liEOilUE
l'(are,~arrr/
llROOKIN, OSCAH
nank and Of/iDilization: l'rivnte, Compauy C, 17th
_;;
- UENNFIT, JAMES II.
,•
VVJ
-
URIGHT, GEORG~ WASHINGTON
BELL, DENNIS
f?ollk m1d '"li'"'iwtilm: Chief IJonl~wain's Male, U.S. Nuvy. lloTII: II
AuRusl 11177, New Y01k, N.Y. Accrrditctl to: New York. G.O. Na.:
521, 7 July I 899. ·c;ltllion:.On bonru the U.S.S. Mm/J/rlrcnd during lhe
culling uf ·eire cahlc leading from Cicnfucgos, Cuha, I I May I H9B.
Facing lhc hc:avr lire of lhe cnc:11ty, llennell sci an cJlamplc of CJ(Iraor·
dinary llrnvcry :llld coolness lhrOII£houl this uclion. --
01 J\ll·r
the acliuns nt Cardenus, Cuba, II Ma}' 1893. Conspicuuusly gallant
during this period, Dr:1dy, hy his energy in assisting to sustain fue, his
efforts lu repair the steering gc:u and his promptness ill maintaining
wntcrtighl integrity, was largely instrumcntnl in saving the vc~sel.
Rank ond tlrJ:tllliUlliOII." Seaman, U.S. Navy. 1/um: 22 Oclober I fl77,
lleclshuru, N.C. l!"t~trlccl.lrn•icr trl: Norfolk, Va._ C'.O. No.: 5 21, 7 Julr
l 1199. Citation: On hoard lhe U.S.S. NIIJ/1\·illt: Juring the culling of I he
cnhlc lcauing from Cicnfucgo9, Cuha, I I Mar 11198. Facing the heavy
fire of" lhc Cllelll)', Jlnrrow sci an cxarnpfc of CXIraordinary !Jravcry :1111J.
coolnes~ lhroughuul lhis aclion.
l'riv.alc, Troup· II, I01h U.S. Cavalry. /'Iocr
AI Tayahncoa, Cuhn, ]I) June I R'JII, [;'nttrCtl url'irt 11t:
\\'ashinglon, D.C. 1/irtlr: Washinglon, D.C. IJotc of iJJru: 2) Junc1 BY9. Citotion: Vulunlarily went nshurc in lhc lace of lhe ·enemy nntl
niuccl in the rescue of his WOII/lUcll corr11nues; lhis nfler ~evcral prcviou3 allcrnpls :11 rc.\t:ue hnd been fruslralcd.
II U
of
~I~ CANTHELL, CIIAR.LES 1'.
"f"'-
nOllk
and orgrrnizntloll:
-
I' I ivate, Currlpany· F. lOth lJ .S. lnfnrrtry.
11 /trcc and clare:- AI Santiago, Cuha, I July 18911, · Euterctl urvice nr:
N;uhvillc, Tenn. llorn: I) February 187•1, Srnichvillc, Te1111. Date r1f
iurtt: 12 June 1899. Citation: Gallantly nssistcd in the rescue of lhc
woul!uctl from in rr.onl of lhe lines and under heavy lire from the
enemy.
CA RTEit, JOSEf' II E.
Honk a11rl orgn11hation: lllacksmilh, U.S. Nnvy. llorn: 15 August
I R7 5, M :mchcslcr, Englanu. Accrrditcd: North Dakolll. G.O. No.: 52 I,
7 July I 899. Ciratio11: On hoard lhc U.S.S. J\·farblthl'bd during the
operation of culling lhe caulc leadin1~ from Cienfucgos, Cuba, II May
1891l. l'ncing the heavy fire or the CIICilly, Carler set an c:tarnpleof exIt aordin:ny bravery ancJ coulnc6s throughout Ihis action.
···\
vi
�e
0
~
::>
II
• I...._,' • \.,
o"
t\. •.•
'-I I
I 1.1 •
I J
\\' 1\ I< n I I II .) I' 1\ II 'I
ANAUGIJ, TIIOI>I1\S
-~
CHOUSE, WILLIAM ADOLI'IIUS
l<onk and riiJ;nnhrilion: Fi1cman Firs I ClaH, U.S. Navy. /Jort1: I 0
f>l;~)' 11169, Ireland. Accrt:tfiiCd lo: New York. G.o.· No.: .'iUJ, 12
Dec:ernhcr IIIIJII. CilrJiion: On hoard lhe U.S.S. l'otomnc during lhe
paHagc of lhal vessel from Cal bland lo Nassau, 1•1 Nove111hcr 1898.
Volunlecring IIi euler the fireruorn which w:1.\ tilled wilh ste::~rn,
C:Jvanaut;h, aflcr rcpc:tlcu allcrrrpt,, SIH:Cccued in rcachipg .the: nu1.ilinl)" ,·alvc and opening il, llrcrehy relieving lhc ves~cl fr.1111 further
I
I
I
- I
t.lan~:cr.
,
CIIA[)WJCK, LEONAJW
llnrrk, and !lrJ:rlllil•rtillll: Apprenlice Fir~! Class, U.S. N;\\")'. llonr; 24
·Nnvclllbcr Ill"/ H, Middlclowu, Del. Accudit,,J to: IJcluw;JJc. G.U. No.:
521, 7 July I R?'J. CilnliUtl; On board the U.S.S. Mar!Jfrhcod during lhe
urcrnliun of culling lhe cable leaJi"ng from Cienfuegos, Cubn, I l May
IBIJH. Fncing lhc llcaV)' lire of lhe enemy, Chadwick sel nn exarnpfc of
c~lr;torJin:u.y hravcry :lltrl coolness lhroughout lhi., periotl.
-'
l?ank am/ orga11hation: Serp.rnnl, Company
lines nnc.l under henvy fire or cJ.c enemy.
/lank and vrgoirizatiotr: Gu-nner's Male Third CfaH, U.S. Nnvy. !'/act
and clatr: Un uoaru U.S.S. Mmb/dwrd al Cicnfuegos, Cubll, II Mny
I 898. E111rrcd Jcrvice at: New York, N ..Y. llom: 28 Oclobcr I 878,
Germnny. G.O. No.: 511,7 July IB99. Citation: On bouulthe U.S.S.
Murbleltrad, during the operation of culling the cahle leading from
Cienfuego&, Cuba, II !\lay I 89R. Facing the hcnvy fire of the enemy,
Davi3 set an example or ext_ruordinary bravery nnd coolness lhrougl!uul"
this oction.
JAMES llOilll
DEIGNAN, OSUOHN
.
/lallA and orJ:tlllir.rrlirm: A.\..,islnnl Stngcon, lsi U.S. Volunteer Cavalry. r/rJCr 111rd date; i\l La~ llunsimas, Cuha, 24 Jimc I RIJB. £11/crcd Jcrt•icr at: Wasltinglon, D.C. IJirrlJ: Chicago, Ill. IJrJtc vf iJsru: 10 J:1nu:H}'
1906. Ciltrtion: li1 audition to pcrforrning gull:u11ly the dutic~ pcllaining
to his position, voluntnrily and unaiueu ca11icd several 1erioustr
wounded 111e11 from the !Iring line to n scc·ure position in the re<tr, in
each inst:u~t.:t; ucinr,. suhjcclcd to a very hcnvy lire anti grcnt exposure
nnd danger.
mp,r111iUJii1111: Chief Machinisl, u.:s. Navy. IJurn: I R Jul)•
I R.SJ, Wcstporl, Novn Scolia. Ar-r:redilr:rl lo: New Jersey. G.U. Nu.:
·1'17, J Scplr.rnucr lll'Jil. Citation: On uo:ut.l lhe lJ.S. Totpct.fo Uoat
ll'itiJ/uw t.luling I he action at Cnrdena.\, Culra, II May I B9R. Following
the piercing nf the lrniler by an enemy shell, Cooney, by his ga.llanlry
nru.l prnlltJllllc!>~ iu c:w.tingui~hing thr! resulting llamc!>, saved tl1e boiler
lubes [lOIII hurni11g Ulll.
llmrk
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.
lla/Jk am/ orgnniwrirm: Coxswain, U.S. N;JVy. ·nom: 2·1 Feltruary
I B7J, Shear!, Iowa. Ar:r:rctliltd to: Iowa. G.O. No.: 529, 2 Novcrnhcr
I 89?. Citation: In connection with the sinking uf Ihe U.S.S. /1/urimnr
al lhe enlrnncc lo lhe haruor uf Santiolgo de Cuba, 2 June I89H.
Despite heavy lire frolll the Spnnish uatlcrics, Deignan displayed C)(·
lraoruinary hcroisni thruughout this operalion.
DE SWAN,· JOl-IN F.
CLAUSEN, CL/\US 1\IUSTIAN
COONE 'I', TIIOI\1/\S C.
F, I Oih U.S. Infantry.
DAVIS, JOliN·
u.s.s.
Un11h "'"' '"ll<lllizutiotl: Cuxswain, U.S. N:tl')'. flor11: 1} JJ"ccember
I 869, l>cnmark. ticcrr.dircd to: New Yurk. G.O. Nu.: 529, 2. Noycruhcr
I 8 91). CiltllitJII: In. COIIIICCI ion with lite linking ur th"c u.s .S. McrrilllcJC
al lite entrance 111 lhe hnrhor uf S:nlliagu de Cuba, 2 June I RIJR.
Ocspile l.cnv}' fire from the Spanish hatlerics, Clau3c11 Lli~playeLI exlrao~tlin:ur heroism througlwut this opcrotiun.
ANDTl.Ew J.
flact a11d drrlt: AI Santiago, Cuhn, I July IB~H. E11turd urvict a/:
- - - . flirlh: Alexaitdria, luu. Vnte of iJJIIc: 22 June I 899. Cilation:
Oallanlly n-asisled in lhc rescue o( lhc wuunr..lcd rrorn in Cronl of lhe
/lrHJk and "'fltlllizallon: Gunner's ~laic First Cl:ns, U.S. Navy. Entered Jr.n·ir:e trf.· Lowell, Mnu. 1/vm: 6 June 1867, Lowell, MalL G.O:
Nv.: 5"19, 2 -Novem!Jcr 1899. Ciltlliotl: ln•connection with the sinking
or the
Marimoc·at lhc Clllrilllt:e to the harbor of Santiago de
Cu!Ja, 2. June I !I'JR.- Des pile hcnvy fire rrom the Spani1h butt erie~.
Chnrcllc uisplarcd cxtraordi11nry heroi~m tluoughout lhis operation.
j
u-..
Rank and orgrmivl/ion: Wuterlcndcr,. U.S. Navy. /Jom: 22 October
·I 866, Tannellsburg, Pa. Acrrcdilctllo: l'eunsylvania. G.O. No.: 502-, 1•1
Dcce111ber I 898. Citolion: On boanl the U.S.S. Cunr:vrd off Cnvilc,
Maniln Uur, 1'.1., 21 .May I 893. Following the hlowiug out of a lower
lllDIIhole plalc join! 011 ltoilcr B or thai vessel, Crouse haulctl the fires
in the hot, vnpor-lilletl atmosphere which ncccssilnteJ the playing or
water inlo the rircroorn from a ho-'c.
.~-A'~,· CUMMINS,
' '/i.'.:
CIIAilETTE, GEOHUE
'f(Cl i UHCU,
e
.
Runk. Olltl orgnniurtion: l'riv;rlc, Company II, 21;1 U.S. lnfnnlry.
flar:c uuJ dole; At Santia(jo, Cuua, I July IH?R. Enltrttf JUViCf at:
l'hilaLiclphia, I' a. llhtiJ: l'hiladclphia, I' a. Date cif i.r.111t!: 22 June i H9Y.
Ciralion: Gallantly assistcLI in the rescue or the wourulcd from in front
of the lines allll undcr heavy fin: f10111 the crJCllt)'.
J..\//OOIIEH.TY • TIIOM"-S M •
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Houk and orguniwtion: Cmpornl, Cumpauy II, 21st U.S. Infantry.
/'lao: and dare: AI Sunliago, Cubn, I July· I R'JR. Entard Jrn•ict al:
Ncwc;~stle, Maine. LlirriJ: Ireland. Dale of i.rwc: 22 June 1899. Cilalivn: Galla111ly nssisteu i11 the rescue of lhe wountlnl from in fronl of
the lines and while under heavy lire from the cnelll)'.
DOHAN, JOliN J.
/lank and orgoniz.alion: IJoalswain's Male Second Class, U.S. Navy.
!Jom: Mas3achusells. Accrrdit(l/ rv: Masnchusclls_ G.O. Nv.: .'i21, 7
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July Ill')~. Citatio11: On hoilrd I he U.S.S. ,\fllrbl<'h(lltl during llae,a ration of culling lhe cahle lending from Cienfuegos, Cuba, II 1\la.Jt\.
Facing lhe heavy lire of I he enemy, Doran set an example of CKiraoulioary bravery and coolness lhroughnul lhis aclion.
~~· ·~:~{;
FOSS, IIEHIIEJtT LOlliS
-"fla11~ 1111d orgtwiwtioJtt: Scilman, lJ.S. Navy. 1/om: ·12 Ocloher 1871,
~,:::. nelfasl, Maine. ,Jccwlilu(/o: t-.la~IC. G.O. Nu.: 521, 7 July I R1J1). Citn~.~/. tio11: .On hoard the U.S.S. MurMth~llll during lha: operation of culling
5~~~: · -lhc cahle leading fiom CicnfuegoH, Cuba, II t-.lay IIIIJfl. Facinc lhe
H<:·. heavy lire of 1he enemy, Fnu sd an e ~ an1plc: nf c t Ira ordinary bravery
Yi::..· · and coolness throu~:hout Ihis aclinn.
lla11k •111tl orgnuiltllion: lllncksmilh, U.S. N11vy. Durn: 26 November
I Ho7, l'hihHlc:lphia, Pa. Eulu~d JU\'ic~t til: Woodland, ~lo. G.O. No.:
521, 7 July 11!99. Citnrion: On board lhc IJ.S.S. NaJhvillt during lhe
operation· of culling I he cahle lending rrorn Cicnfucgos, Cuha, I I 1\lay
I H'JH. Fucin'c the heavy lire of the enemy, Durney sci an cxnmplc of
exlraurdinary bravc~y and_cuolness throughout this aclion.
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Utlllk Q/11/ orgnllillll/011." fireman Firsl Cla~s. U.S. NUV)'. nnrn: II
May 1117), ICcarncy, Nchr. Accr~tliJed to: Nebraska. G.O. Nu.: 502 1·1
Dccernhcr I HIJH. Citatio11: On bonrd the IJ.S.S. Concon/ off Cavile,
Mnnila nay, Philippine Jglantls, .11 May 18'18. Follnwiog lhc blowing
our of a lower manhole plule joint on boiler II of lhal ve.\.~cl. l!lalc
assisted in hnuling lhe fires in lhc hot, v;apor-lilled altnrl.\pherc which
ncccssilalcll lhe playing of water inlo the firernorn rrorrJ a hose.
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E111CI(SON, NICK.
fla11k 111111 orgn11iwlion: CoKswain, U.S. Navr. llvm: I B July I H70,
Finland. Accmliltd lo: New York. G. 0. No.: 52 l, -1 ~ulr Ill ~f). Cittrtion: On honrd the IJ.S.S. i\farblt'hwd during lhe operalion of culling
lhe cahle leatling from Cicnfuego~. Cuhn, II May lll911. Facing lha:
heavy lire of the cneiny, Erickson set an example of eKtraordinary
hravery ancf coolnc5s throughout tliis action.
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Infantry.~
Plallshurg, N.Y. nirlh: Oome, N.Y. Dati' of i.Jitu:-11 June IH99. Ci/otion: Gallantly usa is led in the rescue of the wounaled from in front of
lhe lines lind while under heavy nrc of the cntmy.
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Rank arntl orgnnlwtiotl: Privare, U.S. t.Jacina; Corp!. nom: 18 June
1870, Buffalo, N.Y. Accredilid /o: New York. G.O. No.: )2 I, 7 July
189 1). CJtation: On hoar;! the U.S.S. Nailu•illr! tluring lhe operation of
culling !he cubic leading from Cienfucgos, Cuhfl, II May I HIJH. Fucing
lhe hcuvy fHc of lhe enemy, Franklin lei 1111 cxnmple of c:xtranrtlinary
hravcry 11nol coolness lhroughoul lhi~ acrinn.
fiA \JOI_IAN, I'll lUI'
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Rtlnk and nrgn11iwtinn: Sergcilnl, U.S. t.IJirine Corps. llout: 17
Murch I RfJ5, llclmullcl, Ireland. Aar(llitrd 1o: l'enruylvania. G.O. Nt(:
511, 7 July 18')1), C/ttJtion: On hoard the U.S.S. NaJIJI•i/1, during the
opt:ralion of Cullin[! lh~ cnble leading from Cienfuegos, Cuhu, II May
I H•JH. _Facinl! _I he heavy rare or the enemy, Gaughan se1 an c~ampl.: of
extraordinary bravery and coulncH lhrouchnlll lhis action.
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llmrk tllld mgnuiwlion: Private, U.S. Marina: Corps. 11om: 17 March
18 73,- Limerick, Ireland. rlrcudited Ill: New York. G.n. 'No.: 'J2. II
December 1910. Citalion: For heroism :1nd callaolr~· in action at
Cuzco, Cuhn, 14 June II!'Jil.
MICIIAI~L
Rnuk wrd (J{glllll.znlioiJ: Oiler, tl'.S. Navy. 11om: lrelatul. rlccflolittd
/o: New York. G.O. No.: .n I, 7 July I K~'J. Citation: On hoard the
lJ.S.S ..NnJIII•illc during the operation of culling the cahle leading from ·
CiL:nfugos, Cuba, II May lllfJ8. Facinc lite heavy lire of the enemy,
Gihhom. ·set un Cl(amplc of cx1r!1orolinar~· ·hravery and coolness
throuchout this action.
·
GILL, FfiEEMAN
/lank ant! or~:wu'zntion: Privare; U.S. Marine Corps. llum: 6 Ocloher
lll7J, Jcrse)' City, NJ. tlccredill't! In: New York.- G.O. No.: 521, ?July
1
1119 1. Citntiou: On hoard the U.S.S. Naslll•il!t during 1hc operation of
cu11in1~ lhc cable lending from CiCnfuegos, Cuh:1 1 II ~Jay III!Jil. Facing
lhc heavy fire of the enemy, f-ield set un .. cxamplc of e~lr:1orllioary
bruvcry and coolness lhroughm•l this nctinn.
FITZG~OALD, JOII~
orgtwicn1i01~:
Plnc~t nud dnle: AI Santiago, Cuba, I July IBIJB. Eniuctl urvict at:
Flf.:Ln, OSCAil WADS\VORTII
n
fltlltk nnd
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EIII~E. JOliN WALTER
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Rauk 1111d organlwtiu11: Scnrnan, U.S. Nuvy. flnm: 17 October 1874,
Finland. Accrrditttl to: New York. G.O. Nn.: 5 21, 7 July I H99. Cit a·
Jio11: On hoard the IJ.S.S. Naihl'i/1~ Juring Ihe opera linn of culling the
r.nlllt: leflding frorn Cienruegos, Cuba, II May I H'JR. Facing the heavy
fire of the enemy, Eglil set an example of extraordinary bravery and
coolness thro1ighou1 this nclion.
Ill
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~f\~f-'OUI1NIA, f'llANK 0.
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HiLJT, JOHN
Ill
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DllfiNEY, AUSTIN. J.
rc:
Wt\1\ \VIlli :·il't\11'1
flank 1111tl orgnuiwtitlll.' Gunner's t-.lnlc Fir~! Clt~H, U.S. Navy. 11om:
5 Seplemher I R51, llnsron, M;,m. Accudltr:d ttJ: ~(aHachusa!lls. G.O.
. No.: 55, I I) July I 1
JOI. C/tatiotr: On hoard the lJ.S.S. hlurb/,httld dur-
..
ing lhe operation of-culling the cnhlc leading from Cien(uego.s, Cuha,
II May IH98. Facing the heavy lire of lht t:nemy •. Gill set un cumple
or extr;JOrdinary bravery and cnolncn throughout this acrion.
·h<.vGilAVES, TI~Ot.IAS 1:
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Ru11k aitd orenniwtianr.; Privar.:,. Cnmpnny C, _17rh U.S. lofnnrry.
l'lac~ nntl tlnle: At El Cuney, C11ha, I July_ I HIJ!l. £11/at.! urvice at.'
Millville, Ind. llirtll: Millon, lnal. [111/e of inue: 22 Juno! 111')9. Citulltm:
tt·
Gollanlly assi!lcd in I he rescue of tlac wollnala:tl from in frnnl of ·the
linc.S and under heavy fHe (roll\ Ihe enemy.
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A'-IAillM \VA Y, DENJAMIN F.
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Fit:>t Lieutenant, 17th !LS. Infantry. I'I•IC~
tllld 1/11/t!.' At El Canq•, Cuba, I July I H9H. Enlai.'J Jcrvicl' at: - - - ;
flirth: llenleyville, Ky. Dnt~ of iHru: 21 June 11199. Citation: G<tllantly'
assisted in the rescue of the wounded from in front of 1h.: linei an•l
under ltc;n;y fire frum the enemy;·
W · Rnnk
~
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IIAHT, \VILUAI-.1
Ra11k and orgnniullion: Machinist First Class, U.S. Navy. nom: 9
June I Bor•• "-lassuc;lwsetts. Accrrdit~d to: h!auachusclls. G.O. No.:
.521, 7 July IBIJIJ. Citation: On hoard lhe U.S.S. Marblehead during_ Inc
operation of cutting the cnble lending from Cienfuegos, Cuha, II May
1119U. Facing the heavy lire of the enemy, Hart set an example of extraordinary bruvery l.lnd Cfllillles.\ throughout this uction.
'f._ IIEAn·n.
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JOliN W.
Ra11k a11d org1111ization: First Lieutenant, 3cl·ll.S. Cavalry. /'/act nnd
date: AI Mouth of Manirn;~ni ltivc:r, west of Bahia llnnda, Cuba, 23
July I 8911. EutereJ urvice at: Mhsissippi. flirth: Mississippi. Date of
{JJJu: 21 June I 899. Citntio,,; Aflcr 2 men h<~d heen shot down hy
Sponiards while trununilling ortlcn to the engin'e-room on the ll'andua, lhc ship having hc:comc disabled, this oflicer took the position
held hy them and personally tn1nsmit1ed the ordt:rs, remaininc al his
post until lhe ship was ciut of dancer.
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IIENOfl.ICKSON, IIENn. Y
Ra11k mrd '"·'='lniwtinu: Seamnn, U.S. Navy. Dom: 12 Ma.rch I Hli2,
Oermanr. G.O. No.: 521, 7 July IBIJ'J. Citatio11: On hoard the U.S.S.
Marblehead during the nperalion or CUlling the cable leading from
Cienfuego1, Cuho, I I Mny IIIIJU. Facin[! the heavy fire of th~ enemy,
llendrickson displayetl extraordinary hravery antl cooln~ss throughout
this aclinn.
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Rank iJml organiwtio11: Pri1•;11e, U.S. Marine Corps. flom.: I) August
I B6<1, II artforrl, Conn. Accredited to; Connect it:u1. G.O. No.: ·52 I, 7
July I !l'J'J. Citation: On hoard I he. U.S.S. Nashville durin{l I he opera-,
tion of cutting the cuhlc leading from Cicnfi1egos, C•1ha, II May _I H98.
Facing the heavy fire of the enemy, Hill &,played extraordinary'
luavc:ry aiul coolness throur,hout this action.
·
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IIOJIAN, TIIOt,JAS
Rm1k llllil Mf.alliWtimJ: Coxswain, U.S. Navy. 11om: II September
IR72, New York, N.Y. Accredited to: New York. G.O. Nv.: 521, 7 July
I 899. Ciwlio11: On hoard the U.S.S_ Nnrhvilfe during 1he oj1eration of
cutting the cahle leailinc from Cienfuegos, Cuhn, l I May lll9H. f;•cing ·
the henvy fire of the enemy, Hoban di:iplayecl e~traordinary hrnvery
and coolncss throughout this action.
WAlt \VITI I :;t',\IN
IJOIISON, IIICII:-.otOND -I'EAHSON
e
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_Un11k ''"'' orgallit<Jiillll.' Licut.:nanl, U.S. Navy. llvur: 11 August
1870, Grecn~huru, Ala. Accrditultv: New York. (t.f~dal presented by
Pre~ideol, 2') April I'J)J.) Cit111iou: In connection with the sin~ing nf
the- U.S.S. Marimac a·t the entrance to the foriili•~d harbor of Santiago
de Cuba,) June I HIJ8. n~spltc persistent fire fmm the enemy Oeel and
fortifications on'' shore, 1.1: llohsun tlistinguishcrl himself by extr:10rdi,
· nnry cmirage and carried out this· opera linn at the risk of llii own per·
sonal safety .
IIIJLL, JAMES, L.
/lank Ulld orgallilatlon: rircman Fiut Cluss, LLS. Navy. norn: 27
November 187], Patoka, Ill. .kcuditcd to: Illinois. G.O. No.: 502, 14
December -1898. Citntiou: On honrd the U.S.S. -Coucord off Cnvite,
Manila !lay, Philippine Island~. 21 May IB'JR. rollowing the hlowing
out of a lower manhole plate joint on huller n of .that ve£sel, llull
assistetl in haulin(l·thc lireli in the hot, vapor-filled atmosphere, which
necessii<Jttd the playint: of walcr inlo the lircrthHl\ from n hose.
ITiliCII, F11 AN?. ANTON
'
.
.
Rn11k aud llfg(Jn/wtloll: Chid Carpenter's Mute, U.S. Navy. flarn: 26
Novcrnher 1853, Gross Kntl, Ciermnny. Aarediullta: Cnlifmnia. G.O.
No.: I 3, · 5 December I ')00. Ci1111ion: On hoarcl the U.S.S. ·£'(/rei,
t.l11nila, Philippine lslnnch, I Mny IIIIJK. Scr~<ing in tht presence ni th~
enemy, llrich displayed her_nhm clurin~; the action.
JARDINE, ALEXANOE£l
Rouk lJIId Mglllliwtiou: Fireman f-irst Cl<~ss, U.S. Navy. llofll: 19
March I !11), Inverness, Scotbnd. Accr(Jitcd lo: Ohio. G.O. No.: 503,
I) December_ I BCJR. Citation: On hoard the U.S.S. l'utomnc during the
Pll,ssage_of that ve~~c\ from· Cnl Island to Nanau, 1·1 November 1898.
Volunteering to .:n-tcr lhe firtroorn which was lillt:tl with sleum, Jardine, after repeated llltCnJfliS, SUCCeeded in reaching tJie ;111xiliury valve
and _opening it, thereby rt:lieving the ves~d from further danger.
JOJIANSON, JOliN P.
flank 1111J orga11izati011: Scaman, U.S. Nuvy. 11om: 22 Janl1ary I 865,
Swl!dcn. rfccrulited /o: Maryland. G.O. No.: 52rJ, ll November 11199.
ElinliOII.' On uoar"tf th~ IJ.S ..S. Morbidwlll thuing the operation o(
culling the cable leading from Cicnfucgos, Cuba, II ~lay 1898. Facing
the heavy fire of the enemy, Johanson set an cxamplc of e~lraordinury
bravery ar11l coolneH throughout thio action.
JOIIANSSON, JOIIAN J.
Ra11k nllll orga11hn1ion: Ordinary Sca111an, U.S. Nilvy. llom: 12 May
1870, Sweden. Accredited 10: New York.(;,(), Nt~.: 521, 7 July IH99.
Citatio11: On hoard the U.S.S. Ntuhvi/1( clurint: the operation .of cutting
the cable lead in[: from Cienfucr,os, Cuba, II May I R98_. Facing the
�...........
heavy lire of the enemy, Jt~hansson ~et an
cxalllplc of cxlraordir.
.Jravery nnd ct)olncss ·throughout this action.
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JOJINSEI{ IIANS
fla11J.. nnt! organization: Chief t-.lachinist, U.S. Navy. Dum: J January
l·!l{iS, Sandncs, Norway. AccucliJ.:t/ to: Pennsylvania. G.O. No.: •197, )
September I UIJH. CiJ,IJion: On board the torpedo hoat ll'inrlow during
the action at_Canlcnus, Cuba, II May 189H. Showing great presence
of mind, Johnsen turned off the steam from the engine which hnd been
wrec\:cd hy a shell bursting in the cylinder.
JOHNSON, PETEn
flank 11111/ orgallizalioll.' Firewon First Class, U.S. Navy. Durn: 29
December IR57, Sumerlancl, I!ngland. AccudiJed Jo: Pennsylvonia.
G.O. No.: 167, 27 August 1904. Ciuuion: On hoord the ll.S.S. Vixm
on the night of 28 May 1898. Following the explosion of the lower
front mnnhnlc gasket of boiler A of the vess::l, Johnson displayed great
coolness und self-pos!cHion in entering the lireJOom.
KEAnl'n:v, MfCIIAEL
er:
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flank ·nnt! organiwtiutr: Private, U.S. t.farine Corps. Dorn: 4 October
I 874, Newmorkct, lrela':Jd.· ,Jccredited to: Mrmachu~lls. G.O. No.:
521, 7 July 1899. C/taJion: On hoard the U.S.S. Na$}o•ille during the
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operation of culling th~ cuhle lt:ading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, IJ·May
' I BIJR. facing the heavy ftre of the enemy, Kearney set an example of
r.:Kiraonlin;lry hravery nnd coolness !hrnughout this action.
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KEErEn, PlfiLIP B.
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lla.llk nnd MKllllizaJion: Coppersmith, u.s. NaV}'. nom: 4 Septemher
I B7j, Washington, D.C. Accredittd to: District of Columbia. G.O. No.:
50 I, 14 Decem her 1898. Cital/orr: On hoard ·r"he U.S.S. loll'a off Santiago de Cuba, 20 July 1898. f-ollowing the blow-out qf a manhole
gasket of that vessel which cause'l the iireroom to Ill! filled with live
steam and the floor plates In he cove·red with boiling water, Kecf<!r
showed courngcous and zealous conduct in hauling tires from 2 furnaces of hoilt:r n.
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WILLIAM
.
fl111rk tmd organiurJio11: Private, Company f-', I Oth U.S" Infantry.
Plnce aiJ(/ dnJc: AI Santiago de Cuhn, I •July I !l 1Jil. Etilaed Itrl'lct: a/:
Buffalo, N.Y. llirt!J: Bun'i1lo, N.Y. D11tt: of ir.rue: 22 June 1899. Cita·
lion: Gallantly 01ssistcd in the rescue of the wollnclccl frorn in front of
the lines arul under heavy fin: nf the enemy.
KELLY, foHANCIS
·
.nank and ·nrgauiwJio11:· Watt:rtender, U.S. Navy. flom: 28 March
I 879, noston,. Mass. Accredlild to: Milasachuseus. G.O. Nu.: 5 29, 2
November I R99. CilaJiotl.: In connection wiih the sinking of the ll.S.S.
Merrimac al lhc entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuha, 2 ·June
I 898. De9pitc henvy lire from the Spnnlsh halteric:s, Kelly t!lsplayccl
ill!lraordiniH}' heroism 'througl.lout thia operation .
I.LY, TIJOt,JAS
•
Ra'nk Ollll orgtllliullion: Private, Comp.;10y II, '2 , U.S.· lnfant1 y.
... /'(act n11d tltJ/c: AI Sarlliagn de CuiJa, I July I R1l8. Elliertd urvicc a/:
New York, N.Y. llirllr: lrcl;w~l. Otll~ of im~c~: 22 Junr: 1899. Ciwrion:·'\
·~;_.(_Jallontly as~isteJ in' the rcs~ue of the wollnd<!d frnrll in front of the.
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:;,. hnes.und wh1le uoder heavy luc fro111 the enemy. ·
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;~·KnAMEI1,
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fRANZ
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.·. gtlllk anti Mgnn/wlion: Seaman, \J.S. Navy. nom: 20 January·! Rb5,
· Germany. C.O. No.: 521, 7 July I HI)IJ, Citatio11: On hoard the U.S.S:
Mnrblelrtucl ouring the operation of culling lhe CJI~Ie Jcudiog from
1
Cit:nfuegns, Culril, II Mny I HJH. Fucing the ht.avy fire of the enemy,
Kromer sel an exornplc of c.tlruoulinnry hruvcry and coolness
throughout this 11clion.
KRAUSE, ErlNEST
/lank llllcl orgalliWiillll.' Cowswtlin, ll.S. Navy. nom: ] July 18/\6,
Germany. Accrtdit~d Jo: New· Yorlc. G.O. No.: 521, 7 July 18 1)1), CiiiJ·
.1io11: On hoard the U.S.S. Ntuhvi/le during the _nperation nf cutiing the
cable ll:arling from Cicnfuegos, Cuha, II May llllJH. f-'acing the heavy
fire of the enemy, Krau~c lli~playcll extraordinary hravcry and coolneu
throughout this action.
·
KUCI!NEISTEH, IIEllf'..IANN WILLIAM
Rank and orgnuizatiou: Private, U.S. 1\farine Cnrps. norn: llamhurg,
. Germany. rlrcredir~d to: New Ynr~. C.O. No.: ~21, ?July 11!9~. ClttJ·
litHI.' On hoard the U.S.S. Marl•lc!IJ(at/ during the operation of cutting
the cahle leading from Cicnfucgns, Cuha, II t-lay IH911. f-acing :;1e
heavy fire of the enemy, Kuclrru:istcr displayed cxtraordinar) hravcr)'
. and coolness thnHJghout this at: lion.
·. '1/.
.... f\ LEE, r-rrz.
0
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. flnuk a11tl urgallizatlnll: Privutc, Troop f'..l, I Oth U.S. Cavalry. fluce
a111/ tlat.:: At Ta)•ahacon, Cuha, JO June 111 1JB. Ellf(red urvict ut: Din·
widdie County, Vn. /lirJIJ: Dinwirldie County, Vii. l>af( of iuut: 2J
June I 8'> 1). Citation: Volunlurily weut ashore in I he fo•cc nf tire enemy
and nidetl in ·rhc r~scuc of ftij wounded comrades; this afler several
previous .all~mpls had hccn fnutr;rletl.
I.EVEftY, WILI.IAM ·
Ra•Jk {]lrtl orga,iwJioti: Apprentice. First Class: U.S. Nuvy. 1/,>rn: J
June I H7 1J, f'~nnsylvania. Acctetlltcdl(i: l'cnmylvanlu. G.O. /'Ju.: 521, 7
July 111 1)\1. Ciltllilllr: On lrounl.the lJ.S.S. !lltJrb/tlr'end during rh~ opcro·
lion. of t:utling I he catrle learlin1: frnrn Cienfucl~os, Cuha, I I May I Ill) II .
F;~dng tire heavy lire or the Cllt:lllY, Lcve-ry displayeJ e~traurdioary
bravery an1l cnolncu lhrnughoirl lhis ac1i11n.
·
1'-.IAr.NEAI., IIAIWY LEWIS
1/ank Dill/ orgallizaJioll: Private, U.S. t.lnrin<! Corps. llom: 22 March
I fl7 5, Philndclphia, Pa. Accmlitttl lo: l'cnosylvaniu. {i.O, No.: J 26, 9
August 1899. Cittlliou: On hoard the U.S.S. lltooklyu eluting oction nt
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llae llLIIllc of Sanli;~~o de Cuhu, ) July lll9ll. n·ravinc lhc lifC··\C:
l!ncmy, MacNeal displaycd.gallanlry lhroughnul lhis aclion.
·
MJ\GEil., GEOfl.GE fftEDEHICI< ·
llauk aut/ nrt:nniwtioll: Apprcnlice Finl ClnH, U.S. Navy. florn: ·2)
Pchruary I R75, Philipsburg, N.J. Accru/itul to.' New Jcr&cy. C.O. No.:
529, '2 November I f!CJ9. Citntinn: On hoau! lhe U.S.S. M01b/tlread dur-
, ing lhe opcru1ion of culling the cabl~ leailing from Cienfuc:gos, Cuba,
·11 1\tay I H9fl. Fncing the heavy fare of lhe enemy, Mager displayed eKtraordinary hravery nnd coolness throughoul lhis action.
MAl lONEY. GEOilfiE
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flonk ami orgta11iwtion: foircrnnn First Class, U.S. Navy .. florn: 15
Jauunry 1865, Worceslcr, M;jH, Accredited to: Penn!ylvania. G.O. No.:
I 67, 27 AIICII5( I ~>0·1. Citotirna: On board the u.s.s. l'ixw on the night
of 28 Muy IBIJB. Following the explosion of lhe lower front manhole
gaskel of boiler A of that vessel, M<\honey displayed great coolness
ond self-possession in enrcdng the flreroom.
1-.fAXWELL, JOliN
lln,'JI, a11t/ orgnniratinr1: Fireman Secon•l Class, U.S. Navy. florn: 21
June I !14 I, Irelan•!. G.O. No.: 521, 1 July 1_!199. Citatiun: On hoard the
U.S.S. Marbftluntl •luring the operation of culling lhe cable leading
frorn Cienfuegm, Cuba, II Mny 11!98. Facing lhc. heovy fire o( the
enemy, l\laxwcll di&plnyed extraordianry hravery and coolness
throughoul this actioil.
MERE 0 IT II, .I A lv1 E.S
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Um1.~ am/organization: Private, U.S. MMinc Corps. (Name changi!al
to Patrick F. Forti, Jr.)' llorn: II April I 1171, Omaha, Nchr. Accmlittd
/o: Virginia. G.O. NtJ.; 521, 7 July 11199. Citation: On hoard the t(S.S.
Marbldiend during the opcralinn of ·culling the ·cable leading f10m
Cienfuegos, Culm, II May JI!IJ8. Facing the heavy fire of the enemy,
Meredith displayed extraordinary bravery and coolness throughour ihis
action.
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MEYEI1; WILLIAM
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flank
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urganilll/i{IIJ: Carpcnler's Male Third Class, ll.S. Nnvy.
to: Illinois. G.O. No.: .'i 21, 7
11om: 2 2 June I H6J, Germany. Accredited
July I BIJ9. Cittlliota: On board rhc U.S.S. Narlaa•il/e during the opera·
of culling rhc cnhle lending from Cienfucgos, Cuha, I I Moy I BCJil.
Facing lhe heavy Cire of the enemy, Meyer displayed exrraordina·ry
. bravery nrul coolness through this aclion.
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MILLEn, IIAilHY IIEHOEfl.T
Ronk tllltl nrganiwtio11: Seaman, U.S. Navy. f'tact: anJ tlate: ·on
bonnl the U.S.S. Na.rlavitle, Cicnfuegos, Cuha, II May I HIJR. Entued
Jtrvict: at: Ma~sachusetls. nom: 4 May 1879, Noel Shore, l!anrs County, Nova Scotia. G.O. No.: 52 I, 7 July I 899. I..'itation: On hoard I he
U.S.S. Nmhvlllt:, during the operation of culling lhe cable leading frnnt
Cienfucgn.1, C'uha, II May III'JII. facing the heavy lire of the enemy,
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1\lil_lcr di1plilyeJ extraordinary ·urav.:ry and cc.wiJA·hrmJ~hout this
sct10n.
MILLEil, \VILLARD
/lank 111aJ nr.'illlll,lll/illtl: Scnrnan, U .5. Navy. 11om: ~ June I BT1; No~L
Shore, Jlanrs County, No.va Seolia, Accrcdiutl to: Ma~sachu£ells. 1..0.
Nll.: 521, 1 July t8 1l'J. Cit11tinn: On hoard lhc U.S.S. Nar/aville during
the operalion of culling the calale lcadinc from Cienfuegos, Cuba, II
May I RIJII. Facing the hcuvy fire of the enemy, Miller ali9played CK·
lraordinary bravery and coolness tlunuclmut this adion.
Mli.Lii, ALIIl!llT L.
flank and orgnnizntion: Coptuin unci Asshlanl Adjutanl Gen.eral, IJ.S.
Volunteers. Plaa and dtlft: Neur San1ingo, Cubu, I July 1898. Entutd
urvict: at: New York, N.Y .. 8/riia: New York, N.Y. Date llj issut: 9
July JIJ02. Cilalion: Distinguish.ed gnllnntry in cncoursging those ncar
him hy his bravery and coolneu aft.:r heing sho\ through the head and
enlirely without sight. ·
MONTAGUE, DANII!I.
Rank atHJ orgnlliwlloll: Chid Masler·llt·Arm&, U.S. Navy. fla111: 12
October. 1867, Wicklow, lrdund. G.O. Na.; 519, 2 Novemher 1899.
Citation: In connection with the sinking nf.lhe U.S.S. Murlmac at the
enlrance IO the harbor or Santillgo tk Cuhl1, 2 June ISIJH. nesvite
heavy lire from the Spanish batteries, 1\lonlague displayed extraordina·
ry heroism throughout this opcrution.
MOrlll-1, WILLIAM 1!.
Ua11k a111i orgonlwtion: Ooatsw<Jin's t.lale Second Class, U.S. Navy.
(;,o. NiJ.: 500, 14 Di!cember I H98. Cilll·
iin11: On hoard the U.S.S. Alarblthead at lhe upproachcs lo Caimaner11,
Guantanamo nay, Cuha, 26 and 27 J11ly IH•JB. Displaying heroism,
Morin took pari in .I he perilous work of sweeping· for anal disabling 27
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conract. rilines durinc this period. ·
Doru: 2) May I 869, Englund.
tdULI.EII. Ffl.EOEHICK
/
RfJnk and organilatintJ: Male, U.S. Navy. /lorn: 2'J Murch 11/61,
Cnpenhagen, Ot:nmark. Aartditt"tlto: Mas&achmelrs. G.O. Na.: 0, JO
April 1901. Cltfllion: On l10ord rhc IJ.S.S.·Il'ump11tuck, Manzanillo,
Cuha, )0 June 11198. Serving undcr,lhe Cire of the enemy, Muller dis·
played heroism nnd callarllry during rhis period.
MUHPIJY,-JOIIN EO\Vt\Jtn.
flank tllld orgalliwrioll: Cox"swain, U.S. Nuvy. llonr: I H6 1J, Ireland.
Acc,..dit.:d to: New York. G.O. No.: ~ 2'.1, '2 Novc!mhcr lll'JIJ. Cirario11:
In connecrion wilh. lhe sioking of the IJ.S.S. Murimoc ar rhc entrance
lo I he! harhor of San1iago de Cuha, 2 June .1 R1JII. Dc1pi1c heavy fare
fcorn rhe Spanish shore barrerics, Murphy displayed exrraonJinary
hcroisrn throughout this opt:ration.
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JA1v1ES J.
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/lank and orga11iwtitn1: l'riV<IIe, Company F, I O!h U.S. Infantry.
Place tllltf tfate: At Sanliago, Cuua, I July I fl')ll. Enta(l( url'ic.: at:
Louisville, Ky: Hirth: Louisville, Ky. Dat~ of irmt:: 2 2 June lll99. Cittl·
tion: Gallanlly as~is!cd in !he rescue of !he wounded from in front of
.'~~~ ;incs .nod
un;1lcr heavy fire from !he enemy.
*NEL, GEOflGL II. _
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\\':\ltWIIIISI',\Ii'l
Rank and argt~~rh'atian: lvtitslcian, Company II, 21st U.S. lnfanlry.
Pinel! arrd date: AI Sanliugo, Cuha, I Ju(y I H?H. F.11ttritl urvict n1:
New York, N.Y. llirtlr: llronklyn, N.Y. J>ate of iHIIe: 22 June 1899.
Citation: Gt1lluri11y nssistetl in the· ~cscuc of the wo11nrlccl from in front
PIIILLIPS, Ol~OnGE
r.-
~OLOND, ALFnrm
I Rank and orgnniwtiun:
J
.,
Private, Company r, I Oth u.s. lnfuntry.
Place and tlatt: At Santiago, Cuhn, I July I 898. Enteut! urvice at:
Lnpcer, Mich. fllrth: L11pecr, Mich.-H/111" of iiJue: 22 June IH91J. Citu·
tion: Gallantly assisted in the rescue of the wount.lcd from in front of
the lines and while under heuvy lire of the enemy.·
Rtwk tlllt/ organicatio11: r.unner's Mate Second Class, U.S. Navy.
.nom: H August I HliO, Colcht!ller, England. ,fccr~!ditt:tl to: New York.
G.O. No.: 521,7 July lll99. Citntion: On board the U.S.S. hfat/Jidlead
during lhe operation of cutting lhe cable ieading from Cienfuegos,
Cuhn, II lday I 898. racing the hea\'y lire of the enemy, Oaklc~· tlispluyed extraordinary bravery and coolness lhroughoill lhis period.
OLSEN, ANTON
QUICK, JOliN IIENn Y
. nank Dlid orgnnizatitm: Serge<llll, \I.S. !\Iarine Corps. 11om: 20 June
1810, Charle6lon, W. Va. Accretliucl to: Pennsylvania, G.O. Nu.: 504,
I) December 1898. Otlur NtJvy awnrtf: Navy Cros~. Citlllion: In nc.:tion
during the ilalllc ofCuzco, Cuha, 14 June IHIJR. Di~tinguishing himself
during ,·his action, Quick ~igllillcd the li.S.S. /)n/tJhin on ) cliff.:rcnl occasioJH while: exposed to a heavy lire frnm the. c:nemy.
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~-QUINN, ALEXANDEit 1\f.
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Rnnk 11111/ orgnnlwtlrm: Ser~.:canl,
Plnce and dnte: AI .Santingo, Cuha,
l'hiladelphin, Pa. llirth: PuHaic, N.J..
tian: Gallantly aasistcd in the rescue
Ccrmpany A, I JllclJ.S. Infantry.
I July 11!911. F.11teutl urvict ot:
natt of iuru: 22 June 1111)'). Cita·
of the wounded from in fronl of
the lines and under heavy fire from tho enemy.
PAflKE!l, POMEROY
Rank and ()rgalliziltion: Fireman first Clilss, U.S. Na\'y. florn: I 0 October 1872, City Point, Va. Accrttlited to: Virginia. G.O. No.: 50 I, 14
1
Dcccmhcr 18 .JH. Citation: On houtl the lJ.S.S. loiVa off Sanliaco de
Cuba, 20 July I 11911. Performing his duly at the ri~k of serious scalding
ill lhc time of the lrlowiilg out of the manhole guskc:t on board the ve~-
\;
Rallk and organ/ration: Machinist First Clnss, U.S. Navy. florn: I)
Mnrch 1864, nasion, Muss. Accrediud to: New York. G.O. No.: 529, 2.
November I 8_99. C/lotioJJ: In connection wirh the &inking ·cif the U.S.S.
klerrimac at the entrance lo the harhor of Sunllago de Cuha, 2 June
11!98. Desplle heavy fire from the Spani&h shore batteries, Phillips displayed exlracudinary herohrn throughout this operation.
NELSON, LAUfilTZ
!rank 11111/ orgm;iz~titlll: l'rivntc, U.-S. Marine Corps. flo,: 17 March
11174, Galcl County, N.C. Accralited to: Nonh Carolina. G.n. No.:
521, 7 July I 899. Citlllion: On honrd the li.S.S. N{IJ/,vil/e duling the
operation of cutring the cable lcllding from Cienfuegos, Ctrha, II May
I !1911. Facing the heavy lire of the enemy, Parker displit}'ed exlr:wrdinary bravery nnd coolness throughout this iiCiion.
PENN, fiOnEnT
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of the lines :rncl under hcuvy lire frorn lhc enemy:
lhe lines and under heavy fire from the enemy.
Rank and. orgnnizatiuu: Ordinary Seaman, U.S. Navy. 11om: 26 April
1867, Norway. Accretlit(t/ to: Massai::husells. G.O. No.: n'J, 2
November I HIJ<J. Citatio11: On board the U.S.S. Marb/ehend during the
oper:tlion of culling the cable leading from Cicnfuegos, Cuba, II May
I H91!. Facing lhc heavy fire nLihe enemy, Olsen displayed exlraorilinary hravcry 111111 coolness throughoul lhis peliod.
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fiSTEilEn, IIEfl~IAN
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llm1k a11tl orglllriratio11: Privntc, Company 11, 21st 'lLS. lnfan!ry.
l'lnrl! (IIIli liatt:: AI Snnliago, Cuba, I July I 1198. Hnt.:rtd urvicl! ut:
llnHnu, 1\fuss. /Jirtlr: flmlon, Mass. Dati! of i.rr11e: 22 June I 899. Cita·
tio11: Gallanlly nuisted in lite rescue of the wounded from in front of
OAKLEY, Wq.. LIAM
·
sci, Penn hauler! lhe lire while slandint.: on a boaru . .-own across a
coul huckel I fool ahovc thi.: huilinr.: wat~r which was $lill blowing
from lhc boiler.
·
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·Rank and nrgn,Jizati(m: Saiimaker's Male, U.S. Navy. 11om: 26
Mnrch 11160, Norway. G.O. No.: 521, 7 July 1899. Citation: On hoard
lhc li.S.S. Nn.rhvllle during lhe operation of culling lhe cable leading
from Cicnfucgos, Cuha, II -May I 11911. Facing the heavy tire of the
enemy, Nelson displayed exlrnordina!Y bravery and coolness
lhroughout 1hb action.
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Rnnk nnd orgo11izatinn: Corporal, Company J), 17th U.S. Infantry.
/'lac~ am/ tfat(: AI El Caney, Cuha, l1 July I 8'-JH. Eutu~d rervice at:
Dnlrnatia, I' a. llirtlr: Dnlmaiia, Pa. Date of iuut:: 21 Aur.:ust I 899. Citntlon: Gallantly auisted in lhe .rescue of lhe wounded from in fcnot of
the lines anti under heavy fire of llu: enemy.
fiiLLEY, JOliN I'IIILUP
Rank and organization: Luulslllan, U.S. Navy. 11om: 22 January
I !171, Allentown, Pa. Accrttlflulto: Massachu~clls. G.O. No.: 521, July
...
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I U99. Ciulli<lll: On l.w:.iul lht: U.S.S.
Na1hvi/J~ during tho: ope ratio.
lilting the cable leading from Cienfua:gos, Cuha, II May 181Jil. f-'ac .
. l h e heavy fire of the enemy, Hilley displayed exlraordinary bravery and
coolncs~ .'~•roughout '!•~s.aclion~.
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llnnk tJ/IJ orglllliltltion: Scr.ond. Lieulcnant, u.s. Army, I'JIIt u.s. ln'fantry. Piau 1111tl chll~: At El Caney, Cuha, I July I BIJ8. Eutued urvice
nt: f-ort· D. A: Russell,_ Wy,,. ·llirtlc: Fort D. A. Hussell, Wyo. Date of
ir.rru: 21 June I H91J. · Citnlloll.' Gallantly auisled in the rescue of the
wounded from in fronl of the lines under heavy fire of the enemy.
RUSSELL, !lENnY P.
Ra11k 11/Jcl organ/zatio11: Landsman, U.S. Nnvy. Born: 10 June 1878,
Quebec, Canada. Accredittd tn: New York. G.O. N'o.: 51 I, 7 July
1899. Citallon: On honrd lhc U.S.S. Marblehentl during the operation
of culling the cnhle leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, II May 181)8.
Facing the heavy lire of the enemy, -nussell displayed extraordinary
· bravery and ·coolness throughout I his ncllon.
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"-ksllEPIIf!HD, WAHrtEN J.
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/lank and Mganiurtion: Corporal, Company
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17th U.S. Infantry.
Ploa and t!tlle.: 1\t El Caney, Cuba, I July llliJK. l:'ntuul un•ict! a/:
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\Vcstover, Pn.
Ri~th:
Cherry Tree, Pa. Date of iwu: 21 August I R99.
Citatio11: Gallantly aHislet.l in the rescue·of the \Vounded from in front
of the lines unrlcr heavy fire from the enemy.
· SPJCEn, \\'ILLIAtv!
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!lank and nrganilaJion: Gunner's Mate first ClaH, IJ.S. Navy. flam:
28 May 186<1, England. Accm!iJtd to: New Yotk. G.O. No.: 500, 14
Occemlu:r 1898, Citntio11: On hoard the U.S.S. Mnrb!theatl at the approaches lo Caiman era, Guantanamo Oay, Cuba, 26 and 21 July I 898.
Displnying hcrnisrn, Spicer took para in the pcrilo1u work of sweeping
for and di~ahling 27 contact mines during this period,
))
of)
N
::>
I'
71
'
·'I
'J
D
D
I •
I
I
I I
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.
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~·
•
, .·,
.
I
lla11k n;1tl orguuiurtio11: Chief Curpentcr's Mate, U~-i-avy. llt•nr: 2f•
Mny IH67, Furland, Hussia. At·cr,.tfit<'tt to: Pcnn1ylvani11: G.O. No.:
~00, I'J Oc:ccmher I R'J8. Ci111tio11: On \ll)arcl the ll.S.S. Hnrhlch<·al·/ at
1he apprn;tchcs to C;iimaneru, Guanlanamo !lay, Cuua, 26 and 27 July.
-I H'JH. Displaying herniSIO, Sundcplisl tnok part in the pt:rilll\11 work or
sweeping for and ,Ji~ahling 21 conlact mines during this period.
SUNDQUIST, GUSTAV A.
· flt111k a111l ~~rgn11izatiun: .Ordinary Staman, U.S. Navy. llum: 4 June
187'J, Sweden. Accredited to: New York. G.O. No.: 52~. 2 November
11!91J .• Citation: On board the lJ.S.S. Ncuhvlllt during 'the oper111ion of
culling the cuhle leading from Cienfuegos, Cuha, II Mlly I !!98. facing
'lhc heovy·firc of the enemy, Sundquist displareu exlraordinnry hmvtry
nnd coolness throughoul this action.
THOMPKINS, WIJ.LIAM lL ·
flank 1111tl mganizaii{Jir:. Private, Troop G, I llth \J.S. Cavalry. /'/act
and tlalt: AI, Taynbacua, Cuba, )0 June I !!IJH. Enterul servia _at:
Dut~
of imu: 1] June 181)1), Cita·-
Jion: Voluntarily wenl nshou: in the face of the enemy and aided in the
flank and nrganizaJinn: Private, U.S. Morine Ccir(lS. llor11: 4 June
11164, no6ton, Mass. Accrtt/iud to: Massncllu8elts. G.O. No.: 521, 7
July I R99. Citlllinn: On· honrcl the U.S.S. Narhvillt during the operalion of cutting I he· cable lencling from Cienfuegos. Cuba, II Mny 1B98:
·Fncing tht~ heavy lire of the enemy, Sco11 displayed extraordinary·
tiraverr and coolness throughout this uction.
;:fl
SlJND()UIST, AXEL
0 I·~
l'alt!rson, N.J. llirtlr: Paterson, N.J.
SCOTT; JOSEPJI FrtANCIS
·<!
,
SULLIVAN, EDWAnD
Rank ant! Mgmlirmion: Privnlc, ti.S. Marine c;-.rps. nom: 16 t-.tuy
I 870, Cork, !(eland. Accredili!d Jo: Massachusells. G.O. No.: 521, 1
July I 899. Cilillio•i: On honrd lhe U.S.S. Marblehead during the opera·
·lion of culling the cable leading from Cienfuc:gos, Cuba, II M~y I 1198.
Facing the heavy lire of the r.ntmy, Sullivan clisplaycd extraordinary.
hravery and coolness throuchoul this nction.
·
rescut: of his W1iunilcd cnmrudes; this after ~evcral previous attempts at
rescue had heen frmtrulcd.
·
TI111'LETT, SAMUEL
Rank. IJIII/ orga11iultit111.'- Ordinary Searnan, U.S. Navy. flnrn: 18
December I R6 1J, Chennkceke, 1\nns. Accrc."tliltd to: New York. C.O.
No.: 500, I •1 Oeccmher I Bl)ll. Ciwria11: On hoard the IJ.S.S. h/arhl.:lat!atl nt the ;~pproachc~ to l.aim<~ncra, fluanwnamo llay, Cuha, 26
aucl '21 July I H•)H. Di~playin1: hc:roism, Tripl1~11 tnok pall iu the
perilous· wnrk of swcepi!•~ for and tlisahlin~ 17 cunlact mines tlurin~;
this.period.
VADAS, AI.OEnT
Ra11k t111tl orgatJizotitm: Scam;1n, U.S. N<~vy. (N~mcd changed ro
Wadas, Albert.) !lorn: 26 Milrch I H76, Austria-llungary. Accrtclittclto:
New Yo1k. G.O. Nt~.: 521, 'J July I 119 11. Citnlit111: On hoard the U.S.S.
Mai'hlthead during the opera lion· nf culling the cable leading from
Cicnfuecos, Cuba, II 1\fuy lll9R. fucing lht! heavy lire of the enemy,
Vadas uisplnyed extraordinary bravery a11d cnolnc:ss thrnughout lhis
period.
VAN ETTEN, lllJOSON
lla11h alit/ orgatJizatirm: Scanwn, li.S. Navy. IILinJ.' 17 May I H74,
Port Jcrvi6, N.J. rlccrtditc."c/ to: Nc:w Jersey. G.O. Nn.: 52 I, 7 July
~ 1!91); CilatimJ: On boarrl the U.S.S. Nashvi/1.: tluring the opc:ration of
cutting the cable learling from Cienfuegns, Cuha, II May 11198. Facing
the heavy fire of. the enemy, Vnn Ellen displayed c:xtraorc.Jinary
htavcry ind coolness throuehout tl1is period.
. ·.
VOLZ, llOOEil_T .
l?a11k 111111 orgunizatiuu: Scarn:lll, U.S. Navy.· /lorn: ]I' January I 875,
San Francisco, Calif. Accrediwl to: Virginia. G.O. Nu.: 521, 7 July
�VUI.:.OI~/
618
tlUVA M1L
A~~S
ER
~OlJ
AMERICA'S MEDAL OF HONOR RECIPIENTS
l 899. Ciratior.: On board the U.S.S. Nc.shvill~ during the operation of
cutting the cable le.<J.ding from Ci:nfuegos:, Cuba, 11 May 1898. Faciog
the he::!.vy fi~e of the enemy, Vo!z diS":Ilav::d extraordinary bravery and
coolness throughout t..l;is period.
· •.
·
·
WANTON, GEORGE H. (First black man to receive Medal of
Honor)
£~and dau: Atorga.ni:.azion.: Private, 30 JuneM,1898. Er:tr:red .rc::rvicr: ar:.
Rank and
Troop
I Oth U.S. C<~vairy. Plac~
Tayab:.coa, Cuba,
n.;TERI:
·i
Paterson, N.J. Birth: Paterson, N.J. Da.re of issue::: 23 June 1899. Cita ·
7
tion: Voluntarily went ashore in the face of the enemy and aided in the
r::s::ue of his 11.1ounde.d comrades; this :.iter scv~;-al previous attempts at
re:;cu-:: had been frustrated.
AHERN. WILLIAM
Rank and orgar:i:.a:ion: V..':a.t:::
·Accr~diccd co: New York. G.O.
On board the U.S.S. Pur:"rar. a•.
crown sheet:; of boiler E of th~
c)oth.s to protect his face an:
crawled over the tops of the bo:
di.sconnccting boiler E and rerr.
'boilers.
·'£_WELBORN, IRA C.
~'
~r
.e .
Ra':'k and organization: Second Lieutenant, 9th U.S. Infantry. Pia:~
ar:d dau:: At Santiago. Cuba, 2 July l 898. Er:tcrcd service at: Mice,
Miss. Bini:: Mice, Mist. Date of u.rue: 21 June 1899. Citcrion: Voluntarily left shelter and went. under fire, to the :J.id of :a pri,·ate of his
company ....·ho was wounded.
~WENDE, BRUNO
Ra~k.
·
,
·
U.S. lnfc?~·
\ ,
I
ANDERSON, WILLIAM
and orgar:i:azion: Private. Company C. 1 7:h
VV
.Place and dare: At El Cnncy, Cuba. 1 July 1 E98. Er.urcd suvict: at:
C~nton, Ohio. Birrh.: 'Germany. Dcu:: of issue: :!2 June 1£99. Citation:
Gallantly :!.55i.ned in :he rescue of the ""Oundcd from i:1 front of the
lines and under heavy fire from ~he enemy.
Rc.nk and organi:.arior:: Coxs·
Accrc::diud ro: Nc-.v York. Cila:,
June 1878. Acting cou:ageot.::-.i:·
H. Moffatt, ftrst elass boy.
WEST, WALTER SCOIT
ATKINS, DANIEL
Rank c;,..d orgar:::.a:ior.: Shi;:o ·
1867 Bn.:ns,•:ick., \'a. Accr"iirc
1898: Cit~riur:: On board the l'.
ing sallant conduct. Atbr:s at~t
Joseph C. Brc:d:c:nridgc:, U.S ..
thnt v::::ssel on this date.
Rank ar.d or;;a,.i::.arior;; Private. U.S. Marice Corp!:. Born: 13 March
1872. B~adford, N.H. Accredited ro: ~ew Ha:npshin:. C.O. No.:521, 7
July 1899. ·Gra:ion: On board the U.S.S. Marbleh.c::.d duri:~g the operation of cutting the cable leading from Ci::nfu::gos, Cuba. 11 M:;y 1898. ·
Facing the he:lvy f1re of th: ·c:::nc:ny, Wc:;t displ:lyed e>:t::~ordinary
br;~vc:;-y ::md coolnes~ throughout this action.
WILKE, JUUUS A. R.
Rank an.d orgcr:i:a!ior:: Boa~s ....·ain 's Mate Fi:-st Cl~. U.S. Navy.
Borr:: 14' Ko'v::mber l86o; Gc:rrr.any. Accredited ro: ~eu.o Yorl:. G.O.
·"'"o.: 521, 7 July I E99. Citacior..: On board the U.S.S. Mc.rblchcad curing the oper:::.tion of c:..~aing t.~e :'able l::acii..:lg from Ci::nfuc:gos. Cuba.
l l May I E98. Facing the heavy f:re of ~he ener:1y, Will::: displ~::c:d ext~aorc!i::ary br:a.ve:-y and coobess tl-.rou:;;hout t.~is actio:~.
·
. WiLLIAMS, FR..e...:•·::t::
Rar:.k cr.d organizaxior.: Se.a:-::a:~, U.S. Nan·. Eo~r..: 19 O::tober 1 Si:?.,
Ge~:nany . .Accrcdi:r:d to: New York. C.O. N~.: 521, i July !"S99. Ci:atior.: On board the U.S.S. Marbic:hc=':i dt.::ing the ope::nicn of :::.mi~;
the c-able ]::ding from Cienfwe[;os, Cuba .. 11 May 1 E98. Fa::ing the
heavy Cm: of the en:::ny, V.'illiams dis?!ay::d c,;traordi::ary br:avery and
coob::ss ~broughout t."lis ;:>c:-ioc.
AUER. JOHN. F.
Rar.J.:. and orgc..r.i:.acior:: Ore.
Borr.: I 866, ]':e ....·. York. Accre::
tbe U.S.S. Lan::c..:ta, M2.:-seill::.
overboard. Auer rescued frcr:1
into the· :sea from a stone pier ;;.:
BARRETT, EDWARD
Rank cr.d or;ar..i:c.:ior.: S ::~:
1855, Philadelphia, ?a. A::crc~::
October 18 84. Ci!a:ioro: On_:,
P~:n:. 14 Se?~e:nber !Sol. r-::
cha~ber, Ba:-rett courage:::l!sly
of that vessel.
BELPITT, W. P. .
. Rcr:.k ar:d orscr:i:.arior.: Ca.,::
1 S59, Sydney, Aust:ali~. (Lc:::
.
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EXHIBIT 7
\
'-./
.·
104TE CONGRESS
2o SEss1o~
H.R.3966
.
'
'
To authorize ar:d request the P;es'ident to award ·the congre!?..Sional ~fedal
of IIo'nor posthumously to
Roosevelt for his galla.:1t and heroic
actions in the atuck on San. Juan Heights, Cuba, during the SpanishAmcric:1n Wa:-.
The<:ldo~
I:\ THE HOUSE OF REPRESE~TATiilES
.A'C'Gt"ST
Mr.
••
..
•
2, 1996
)!c}<~
(for himself, .Mr. Ct.-:-.~"Do"G:EU.Jt, !T!r. SPE:-;cz, ~Ir. S.r::::r;ros,
Mr. BLt:TE, Mr. Kr:-iG, · ?r!r. ABE:~CP.o~u:, ?Y!r. .A~u..'-", Mr.
B.-\CHUS, rr1.r. BAESU:R,. ?r!r. BA.."'C::R oc Caliiornin, ?r!r; B..u.n.J..Ccr, M..:-.
B.utcu, }!r. BJ.B..RE.TI of WJ.SConsin, ?r!r. BEcrruu, ?Yfr. Bo:-.-roa, Mr.
BoR.Slt!, ?Y!r. BR...~~-::t, M.s. BRO~ of' Florida, Mr. Baz..=.a, ?zfr.
CA.R.oc;, M:. C!.E~~'"l', M:-. Cl:.J:NG:C:R, :M:. COBLE, Mr. Con;&::, Mr.
~ Mr. D.!.'VIS, ?,!:!.. DELA.:o:ao, M:-. DEUTSCE:, Mr. DIC:Z::l, Mr.
DooL.c..-.r of California, Mr. DOR.'i'.J..."f, lr!r. DoYLE, Mr. DUNCJ..~, Mr. EnW~s, Mr. E:a::u.rc:a, Mr. ENc-....rs:a: of' P~ Mr. Fa.~ of California, Mr. P..L.~A':::', 17fr. P J.WZLL, M:-. POGI.I:B~ Mr. Pox of Pe:ui~ M.r. F1U..'1KS of New J.er:;f:Y,· ?rfr. FAosr, Mr. Pzn:· GE..~"='N of
Te:::::u, Mr. G~:, M.-. Go-aoou, Mr. G.azz=-i ol Te::a.s, !ttr. E...u.z, of
T~, Mr. ~GS of 'W~~ 11!r. :EU:..-~, M:r. HOL!lC::N' Mr.
Eo&..'t', Mr. Ewrn::&, .J\!s. J'ACASON-I!F"'=: of Te.as, Mr. J'ASOBS,1 Mr.
J'om:s, 'Mr.' K.!.."l.ro::-.s:ri, ~- KnJ:.y, Mr. .K:E~y of RhoCL: Island,
Mr. :E:.l:m:a:, Mr. 'Kr..uG, Mr. LA.P..u.c::, Mr. LJ.UGE.:I..IN, M:-. LAzto ~f New
York, Mr. L-oNGL.:.""Y, .?rfr. MJ...sc.!.p.A, Mr. McD~on, Mr. Mc.E:uc.-a,
Mr. 1fcL~, ~fr. McK.:E:oN, :M:r. MON"rG-m:G:.RT, Mr. Mop~;, Mr. 1-i~ r..
of Mz""'"cht:.Set"...:t, 1Ir. l-!C""'"S" ''-", Mr. Or..~., M:r. O&r.:Z, l:f:.. pA.LI..ONE,
1-fr. Pm., Mr. P.A.STO~ 1fl'. P!c~n, Mr. POMEEOY, Mr. Qu!:NN, Mr.
RE::::n, :M:r. Ro~ Mr. RoSE, M:-. &noN, :Mr. SEA..-vs, Mr. S!srsE::Y,
:Mr. Sor..obioN', Mr. SPru.n, Mr.. S'I'U'M?, 1!r. TALZ..'i'!', Mr. T.un-~ Mr.
T...u:r..o~ ,of Miss-issippi, Mr. ~D.A, Mr. TOf'.xn:.Dsz......-, Mr. ~-l."':''CA...'-"T,
M:. 'VISCL<Jsr.:-, Mr. W.ll'TS of Oklahoma, Mr. WEJ:.Z)ON o~ P~=sj'iva:Ua,
M:-. ~rrc~~. Mr. W!!.SON, 'Mr. Wrsc:, ::L"la ?r1r. Zcr:JG:::t) int::-cduc.ed tb.e
j
fcl1o-.;r.-ing bill;
w~ch
was
~fe!Ted
...
to the
Cornmi~
on National Secu.."itj·
•
�.-
'·\
,__.;---'--- -=:---=-=-
2
A BILL
•
·. To authorize arid request the President to award the co~gres
sional 1Yiedal of Honor posthumously to Theodore Roo-
~e~)elt
for his gallant and heroic actions in the attack
on· San Juan Heights, ·Cuba, during the Spa.I1ish-..6_TD.ez:-ica.71 \Var.
1
Be· it e'-nacted by the SeT.ate a.T.d House of· Represen.ta-
2 . tives oj the United S ta.tes of Amen:ca in Congress assembled,
3 That the President is authorized and requested to a~ard
4 the congressional rriedal of Hon?r 'posthu..rnousiy to Thea- .
5 . dare
RJo~evelt,
of the State c)f New York; for his actions
6 in the attack .·of San Ju·a:n···Heights, Cuba, during. the
\•
7 Spanish-American \Var on July 1, 1898. Such,an award
8 :m.av be. made without regard to the P.rovisions of section
~.
'
9 3744 of title 10 7 United States Code, and may be made
10 in accordaJJce with award criteria applicable at the time
-11 of the actions referred to in the first sentence:
·.· ...
0
.·
·.·
�-..
Honorable Floyd D. Spence
Chairman, Committee on National Security
u.s. House of R~presentativ~s
Washington~ DC
20515
Dear
M~.
Chairman:
This is in response to your request for the views of the
Department of Defense on E.R.3966, l04th Congress, a bill titled
"To authorize and request the President to award the
congressional Medal of Eonar posthumously to Theodore Roosevelt
far his gallant and heroic actions in the attack an san Juan
Height, CUba, during the Spanish-American War."
The Deoart:ment of the Army has been as.signed responsibility
for expressing the view of the Department. of Defense on this
bill.
•
E.R.3966_would permit the President to po::sthWilou~ly award
the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt without regard to the
provisions of the time constraints in section 3744, title 10,
United States Code. Section 3744 requires that t.''le Depart:nent of
the Army records show a person is ~~titled to the award and that
L~e medal be awarded within three years of the act of valor.
The Deoa'rt:ment of the Armv on behalf of the Depar-unent of
Defense is ~pposed to H.R.3966:
Section 526 of t.~e Fiscal Year 1996 National Defense
Authorization Action (FY96 NDAA), signed)into law February 10,
l996, sets fa~~ procedrires for consideration of proposals for
decorations not nreviouslv submitted in a timelv fashion.
This
law stipulates ~;at, upon-re~est of a Member of Congress, the
Secretari concerned shall rev~ew a proposal for the award or
presentatio11 of a decoration (or the upgrading of a decoration)
either for an individual or a unit, that is not otherwise ·
··
authorized to be presented or awarded due to limitations
es"=ablished by law or policy !or ti:mely submission or a .
reco!Jl.i:ile....!1daticn fer such a~.;ard or presenta-tion.
Based upon such
review, the Secretary shall ma..'ice a determination as . to the lD.eri ts
of approving the award or presentation of the decoration and the ,
other determinations necessary to comply wi~~ the statute. ·
••
Upon making a ·determination as to the merits of approving
the award or presentation of the decoration, ~~e Secretary
concerned shall submit to the Committee en ~~ed Ser~ices of the
·senate and the committee on National.Security ot'the Eouse of
Representa~ives and to ~~e requesting member of Congress notice
in writing as·to the eecision of the Secretary and~ statement of
...
�~-
•
-2-
the reasons for the decision. According to the ND~-, it would be
at this time that the Service·· w-ould request personal ·relief for
cases which ~~en require legislation.
A recruest to consider award of the Medal of Eonor to
Theodore Roosevelt has not been referred by a Member of Congress
to the Department of the A-~y for merit review under the
·
provisions set forth in this new law. Therefore, the proposedbill awarding the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt is
·
premature.
Upon. referral of this request to the Depar....ment of
the Army,· a merit review process will be conducted and a
·
determination will be made as to ~~e merits of approving the
a•.;ard, or any -other determination necessary to cocply with the
provisions of the statute.
The ·enactment of the bill wili cause no apparent increase in
the budgetary requirements· of the Department of Defense.
This reoort has been coordinated within the Depa~~ent of
Defense in .a~corda.nce with procedures prescribed by ~~9, secretary
of Defense.
•
The Office of Management and Budget advises that from the
standpoint of the Administration's program, there is no objection
to the presentation of this report for the consideration of the
Comm.ittee.
Sincerely,
....
�E:CIIIB IT lO
~-----···~
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u. :::oc.!a.!. oC ::::::J:- 1 ~o-: d~3:i.;.~·..;:.J::Cci ;_;'.l.'!..:.a:-o.::-y i.~ loa.t.!i=--.;; o. c:-~.:-,;~ 0 ~
::;u or.::-':!nc:--.od h~::..1 :.J :::ll oo...:t. o!'c:~a :p~~:lh ;a:l~:~_or:., i:: ::-.u :l~:·...;.:-:a.c~
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U. S. 'lo:... Ca:r:.il.:-:t,
•c~~o.:--.d ~r.~ Z::d CiJ.•t
·:-:~uc!::;·.:a.::-:o:-:l
5:-i;':i:!O." ·
Co:u.1.:!.::-:,r. 0 ~·ti3~0r.,
."3o(0:'9"Sa~:ia.;o do Cuba., Jul:r 9, :!.318 •
.. :..... ;1.1 ~-::~c: :·..:..!.1;~-·ro r~ :.;-.:itJd:: ~ .t...e~o.:.':'.~·'"jU~·~ :_-;"' ~ll~o.=a..!.:, ·;.s t_=.~~~:·.Co~?• ,..:..,ao..-~~ ~ ::!..·l·····
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U ...... Vo!.·..:.:-.:~~:-3, C~::-.'7..:..-.d.~::e.•
5:::-, A...--::-.i·
G-J::-~3,
"Ca.~?· r.~u.:- Sa:".:~s.go,
·~.t.:J';ec:~·..:.!.l:-· Cor-.·r,~:--:iuci ..... ::~o Aij~.:.:~r;c G~::e:-e.l. o~ c::~-.i._--::.:,
-·
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a;::~::-o·:~C. •
. ~ ..· · ~-ti;.:. R. Sha: :!.! ::-,
~:aja~
G':lr:.u::-2!., U.S. 11o:..:::._ 1 C-::7.=.:::.=.:.:-. .:;.•
··-·-·-:-i•:,,;,'· ·-~ - · · · - - · -.. - - .
.·. ,..... : :.. ~_,.:,::~;·:. -~~~·;:~~i~~i;:~~~\:~:;~i}~~,~;h~~:{~.i)'!L~i0.<:<i;.;:~~~:~:~~,~~;:~~~;iii~~
�established'criteria for some deccirations authorizes awards tci i>ersonn~l in other ~tegories. The follo~ing additionlil instructions ap~,
ply:
....
.
.·
· a. ·Reserve Components. The Secretary of the Army may award
specific decorations to meniber5 ·or the 'Reserve Components of the·
Army not in active Federal service. This would be to recognize exceptionally meritorious service or singular acts of ·heroism or
achievement directly'rdated to performance duty a member
such Reserve Components. The Secretary may also at his or her discretion award an appropriate decor~tion during occasional periods.
of active military service. To qualify, these acts, achievements, or
services must not be related directly to membership in the Reserve
Component. They must clearly be of significant benefit to.the mis~
sion accomplishment·ofthe Army.
b. U.S. civilians. Specific decorations may be awarded to U.S. citizen civilian personnel who are determined to be "serving ~~th':\~e
U.S. Army in' a combat zone. The Purple Heart; subject to the criteria in paragraph 2-8, can be awarded by the Secretary <?qq~ ~!1DY.
to civilians wounded or killed in international terrorists incidents.
c; .Foreign niilitary :'Personne( Specific decoratio~s "may be .
awarded to foreign 'personnel for acts or senrices deemed to be bene~
fidatto the u.s, Government. (Sc!e AR. 672;7(C).) .' · · ·
Deceased personnel.' A wards of medals may l>e made foll~wing
the death of the person being honored . .: :...
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34. ~pe~c~tlm~~\vard' appro~al B.uthorl~·: ··:'_'·':- .;,; .·:.·;:~/- ';
.a.. Awards for.. pea~time se~vice are made by ~he President.:the
Secretary of Defense, and the Secretary of the Army. When peace~
~e cljteria_apply, authority to award decora~iQ~~ is aJltgmaticaJly
delegated as shown in table 3-:2 at. the -~~d Qfthis Chapter; . ·, .: .. -. ;_
· .•. b. .Approval authorities must b:e in command or serving a,§ head.
of a principal HQDA agericy. This authqrity may not be _delegated
to subordinate officials. (that is, executive officer, chief of s~. 4ep;:
uty commander,. 1111d so. fo!1h) .. In ins.tances where .the incumbeni
commander is. not available to act 0 n recommendations. (hospitalization, extended temporary duty or leav~) t.he:acting commander,
regardless of grade, may take final action prov~ded an fo~al official
assurnp_tion o( command has taken place. In such
the.acting
commander will sign documents ,using the. title ''Acting_ Commander.",..
...·.
.
.. -,, ., ·" ..........::.· ...
.c.. The delegation. of military awardapproval authority to certain
senior civilian leade~ i~ gov_erned by· memorandum_ from. the _Ad~
ministrative ·Assistant to the Secretary of the Army.. ·: . : , .
..d. Commandel'll having authority to approve an award may delegate disapproval authority. to.. their immediate subordinate ,com~
manders, provided those subordinate commanders have authority
to approve the n~.:xt lower award. This delegation must be in ~riting
and should be accomplished with each change of command. Commanders reporting directly to HQ, PERSCOM and officials reporting direc~ly t~ a p$cipal HQPA agen.cy are gel,egat~ .di!!llpprqya!
au~hority. for. cur~ent. re~m~endations. for award of the. Pistinguished Flying Cre>Ss, Soldier's Medal, and AirMed.al. ~uc~ com-.
manders and HQDA officials may also disapproye se,rvice and o~her
achievement award recommendations, provided thc:y ~ave ~uihor
ity to approve the next lower award. This. disapprova,I aut~ority includes awards for non-Army personnel.
._ i .·;
· e. The authority to disapprove a recommengation to _a~ard a
general officer the Distinguished ~rvice Medal.rests solely with the
· Chief of Staff, Army and the Vice Chief of Staff, Army.lbis does
not preclude a commander or head of principal Ailny agency from
recommending disapproval of the Distingu!shed Service Medal 'for a
general officer.
, ., .
·
f Award approval authori~y·applies equally to Army element
commanders in joint, unified and. ·c~mbine_d co.m~ands. in accordance with the grade of the ArmY. element commander and applies
only within the headquarters concerned for approval of.Army
awards to Army personnel assigned to that headquarters. If an individual is recommended for an award higher t~an the AnnY ~lement
commander may approve, the recommendation will be processed
through joint command channels tci the Commander; PERSCOM;
ATTN: T APC-PDA, 200 Stovall Street~ Alexandria, V 1\
cases
18
:
22332-0471, or to an interm~diate joint h~dquarters 'lri which'the
senior U.S. commander is a U.S. Army general officer With the'rciquisite approval· authority, for final action, In those cases wherethe
Army element commander is not the senior .United States com"
mander in the h~dquarters, concurrence of that senior commander,
regardless of branch of Armed Forces, will be obtained prior to approval of the award. Army awards approval authority does not a~·
ply within the Office of SecretarY of Defense (OSD) or the.Organiza-:
tion of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (OJCS) but does include Defense
OJCS Activities. Where an Army element commander has not been
formally designated, the senior. Army. genera}officer:''wiihin the.
headquarters will exercise. awards approval authority commensu~
ra:te Wit~ ~is 0~ h~r gra·~e. · ; . ·... :~· .: .'. ·- .. -- .:·. ~-.<-~· -:~:·:~- :.: ;·:.~. . ~< .. , "~:I
.
..
g. Major-Army commanders and CONUS armies, with awards
approval authority, are authorized to award applicable decorations
to u11it ancl non unit Reserve _Comjx>ne!lt personnel under their com-.
mand in accordance with the a,uthorized grade of the commanders
conce~iied.,.For attached Ind\vid!.!al Mobilization Augmentees
(IMA) or nontinit Reserve_persoiinel attached to U.S. Army Re:·
serve or act~ve J\nny unitS fCir aciive duty for training (ADT), active
duty for special work (ADS\V), i~a,eti":e duty training (IDT), or in .
Active Guard Reserve (AGR) status, whose records are maintained
by ARPERCEN~ ,the unit of attachment will. obtain concurrence
. from. Commander, ARPERCEN, ATTN: DARP-MSR-I, St.
Louis,
63132-5200, and any pr_evious awards, proper oak leaf
duster, period of ~'Yard, derogat~!Y i,nformation, flagging action,
arid or other applica}:)le information .frqm personnel files. A copy of
the permanent order gr~ting' the award will be provided the Commander, ARPERCEN', A TIN: DARP-RSR:; for ;nclusion in the
M:o
indi,v,~duiil's o~J?~:,,:•. ,;;··.:~·:,. '· .:~,;;, _.
· ·'· · ··· :':_;:·:·::~
··'
h. State adjutants general and com.manders of Army National
Guard alid u.s. Army Ri:Se.rVe coili'inand!imay'aw~rd· applicable
dec'orations to personnel under their"command, including active
component and f'!ll ~ime AGR i)ersoiu~el performing full time duty
under their eommimd. . ,;, • ,• : ., :• . : .:
,,,.,I
3-5. ·Wartime conditions· award' approval authority
a.' The Medal.of. Honor i~ awarde~fonly by the President. Other
deeoiatio~s are awarded by the.Pre5ident, the Secretary of Defense~
and't~e. secre~ of the ArinY,:\When· wartime condition,s erupt, au~
thority to further delega:te.'deeota:tions app~oval authority will be re- ·
quested from the Secretary ofthe Army'. Initial delegation will be requested consistent with the award. approval-authority outlined in
table 3-3, at the end.of this 'Ciiapter.' Iniiial delegatior{~~ihority is·
not absoiute, but is p'rovideci for contingency planning purposes
only._ Delegation o(av...~rcis.approval authority will be reviewed at 30
day intervals after:~ombat commences to determine if further dele.
gation would be expedient and justified.
b. Chapter 12..··contains additional mobilization instructions.
; . .
:
;:· : ·,...... ' . ' ..· ' .
"''
•..
Section
it·...
,.....
::::-··.·.:,\·· ..... ::i.',
...... ;_:.
Aut~-~rl:~.and Crlterla-~·~lJ.~; ~rmy Individual Decorations
3-6. Medal of Honor..
"':. :.:. - . .. .
..........
a. The'Medal o'r:Honor,:secticin374t'~' title''io, U~it~d State~
Code (10 USC 3'741); .~as established by Joint Resolution of Con.12 July 1862 (amended by'acts'9 July 1918 and 25 July 1963).
b. The Medai o(· Ho~or is ~warded by the President in the name
gress,
ofCongress.to a person who, while a member of the Army, distinguishes himself or herself conspicuously by gallantry and intrepidity
at the risk of his'or her life above and beyond the call of duty while
engaged in an action against an enemy of the United States; while
engaged in military operations involving conflict with an opposing
foreign force; or while serving with friendly foreign forces engaged
in an armed conflict against an opposing armed force in which the United States is not ·a belligerent part}r. The deed performed must
have been one cif personal bravery or self-sacrifice so conspicuous as
to dearly distinguish'the indi~dual above his comrades and must
have involved risk of life. Incontestable proof of the performance of
the service will be exacted and each recommendation for the award
�'
'
of this decoration will.be considered on the standard. of extraordinary merit.
3-7. Distinguished Service Cross
;;.
a. The Distinguished Service Cross, seetion 3742, title' 10, United
States Code (10 USC 3742), was established by Act of Congress 9
July.1918 (amended by act of)S July 1963).
b. The Distinguished Service Cross is awarded to a person who,
while serving in any capacity with the Army, distinguished himself
or herself by extraordinary herois'm not justifying the award of a
Medal of Honor; while engaged in an action against an enemy of the
United States; while engaged in military operations involving conflict with an opposing or foreign force; or while serving with friendly
foreign forces engaged in an armed conflict against an opposing
Armed Force in'which the United States is.not a belligerent party.
The act or acts of heroism· must have been so notable and have hivalved risk of life so extraordinary as to set the· individual apart
from his or her comrades. · ·
'. '
· 3-8. Distinguished SerVIce Medal
.a:
·. ·· ··.
..
The Distinguished Service M!!dal; section 37'43, titl((10,
United States Code (10 USC 3743), was established by 'Act of Congress 9 July 1918. ·
' '
··
· . ··
· ·
· b. The Distinguished Service Medai is awarded to any person
who, while serving in any capacity with the U.S. Army, has distinguished himself or herseif by exceptionally meritorious service to
'the Government in a duty of great responsibility: The perforrnance
musi ~ such'as to merit recognition for Service which is clearly
ceptional. Exceptional performance of normal duty will not alorte
justify an award of this decoration. ' . .• : .. . . . . . '
' .; .
. c. For service not related to.iictiull war, the term "duty'of great
responsibility" applies to a narrower range of positions thari in time
of war and requires evidence'of conspicuously significantachievement. However, justification of the award may· accrue by virtue of
exceptionally meritorious service in a succession'.ofhigh positions of .
great imix>i:timce. · · · · · . ·
· .
. . :: · . .
. d. Awards .may be made to persons ot~er th1i'n mem~ers of th.e
Armed Forces of the United States for wartime services only, and
then only undt!r exc~ptional cir9unistances ,with the express'
proval of the President iri each .<;ase .. ·
.·
·
... .· .•.· · ,. , :, .... ·:·
:·
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ex-
ap-
a:.s. Sliver Star
. . . .'
........ ·~· ;
a. The Silver Star, section 3746: title 10; ·united States Cod~ (io
USC 3746), was established by Act of Congress 9 July 1918
(amended by act of25 July 1963). .
.
.
.
. .
b. .The Silver Star. is awarded to a. person who, while serving in
any capacity with the
Army, is cited for gallantry in actiqn
against an enemy of the United States while e11gaged in military operations involving conflict with an opposing foreign force, or while
serving with friendly foreign forces engaged in armed conflict
against an opposing.armed force in which the United States is not a
.belligerent par:ty. The requirep gall.antry, while of a lesser degree
tha:" that required for the Distinguished Service Cross,'mu~(J1eve~theless have been performed with marked distinCtion. ·
·
c. It is awarded upon letter application to Commander, PERSCOM, ATTN: TAPC-PDA, Alexandria, VA 22332-0471, to
those individuals who, while serving in any capacity ,with the ~.S.
Army, received a citation for gallantry in action in World Wafl
published in orders issued by a h~dqu11rters commanded by a general officer. .
·
·
·· ·
··· ·
u.s:
.. :,:., ..
a-:.1 o. Leg Iori of Merit
·a. The Legion of Merit, section 1121, title ·10,.United States Code ·
(10 USC 1121), was established by Act 9fCongress 20 July 1942.
b. ·The Legion of Merit is awarded to any member of the Armed
Forces of the Unitt::d States or a friendlyforeign nation who has distinguished. himself or herself by exceptionally meritorious conduct
in the performance of outstanding services and achievements.
c. Criteria for' members of the Armed Forces of the United States
are as follows:
.
.
(l) The performance must have been such as to merit recognition
of key individuals for service rendered in a clearly exceptional manner. Perfonnance.of duties normal to the grade, branch, specialty, or
assignment, and experience of an individual is not an adequate basis
for this award. '
'
, ·
(2) For service not related to actual war, the term ~'key indiVidu~
als" applies to a narrower range of positions than in time of war and
requires evidence of significant achievement. In peacetime, service
.should be in the·nature of a special requirement or of an extremely
difficult du~y performed in an unprecedented and clearly excep. tional manner. However, justification of the· award may accrue by
virtue of exceptionally meritorious service in a.succession of important positions.
·
'(.3) Award will be made without reference to degree.
d. Criteria for member of Armed Forces of foreign nations is iri
um~~
·
...
·3-1.1. Distinguished Flying Cross
· a. .The Distinguished Flying Cross, section 3749, title 10, United
State's Code (iO USC 3749),. was established by Act of Congress 2.
July 1926.
,
· · .·
b. The Distinguished Flying Cross is awarded to any person who,
while serving in any capacity with the Army of the United States;
· distinguished himself or herself by heroism or extraordinary.
achievement while participating in aerial flight. The performance of
the act of~eroism must be evidenced by voluntary action above and
bciyond. tlie ca1l of duty. The extraordinary achievement must have
resulted in an accomplishment·so exceptional and outstanding as to
. clearly set the individual apart from his or her comrades or from
other persons in similar circumstanceS. Awards will be made only to
recognize single acts of heroism or extraordinary achievement and
will not be made in recognition of sustained operational activities
against an armed enemy.
..
.. ,
3-12. Soldier's Medal
,
a. The Soldier's Medal, section 3750, title 10, United Siates Code
.(10 USC 3750) was established by Act ofCongress 2 July 1926..· ·
. b. The Soldier's Medal is awarded to any person of the Armed
Forces of the United States or of a friendly foreign nation .who,
while serving in any capacity with the Army of the United States,
distinguished himself or herself by heroism not involving actual
conflict with an enemy. The same degree of heroism· is required as
for. the award of the Distinguished Flying Cross. The performance
must have involved personal hazard or danger and the. voluntary
risk oflife under conditions not involving conflict with an armed enemy. Awards .will not be made solely. on the basis of having saved a
• life.
·
3-13. Bronze Star Medal
a. The Bronze Star Medal was established by Executive Order
9419, 4 February l944 (superseded by Executive Order 11046, 24.
. August 1962).
·
b. The Bronze Star Medal is awarded to any person who, while
serving in any capacity in or with the Army of the United States after 6 December 1941, distinguished himself or herself by heroic or
meritorious achievement'or service, not involving participation in.
aerial flight, in connection with military operations against an
armed enemy; or while engaged in military operations involving
conflict with an opposing armed force in which the United States is
not a belligerent party.
· c. Awards may be made for acts of heroism, performed under cir. cumstances deScribed above, which are of lesser degree than re·
.
·
quired for the award of the Silver Star.
d. The Bronze Star Medal may be awarded for meritorious
.achievement or meritorious service according to the following:
.
( l) Awards may be made to recognize single acts of merit or meritorious service. The lesser degree than that required for the award
.of the Legion of Merit must nevertheless have been meritorious and
accomplished with distinction.
·
(2) Award may be made by letter application to Commander,
ARPERCEN; ATTN: DARP-VSE-A, 9700 Page Boulevard, St ..
AR 600-8-22 • 25 February 1995
19
�: ·:
.
.
.
My de.J.r Gen0.ral Corbin:-.·
·'
·.
. ·
--·-··-J ·h:::--:c·-'ju::lt .. received-you.:- letter ...
····-·-···--.·
.m.G
.
P8r:nit ..... -
. .:;
to th2nk you for l:t _ve·ry he.:.rtilY; and;
r;:j;f
de2.r Ge_neral·, let me
<:tlso s:J.Y J appreciate the u..n.iform coar~es:r ~·;itr. whlch you ha.ve beh.:.vocl to me.
•
ave t•
Do you recollect how you a.:1d I c:. .'ld \'iaG.ner went all
the whole militc.ry si.tuation·as early 'as last JJ.nuary?
. .
Secre-
tary Alger had said J was not ·entitled to th~ -rr~edal or: honor •.
.
..·
!
have .writ't8n to Gener2~ Wood to get him to put more at· length why:he
! .don'~ w~t it if J ac
--
recomrne~:ded the Medal .odl Honor for !l".a.
-
not entitled to it, but it is
:r
2,.., honor that
very !.-<:eenlY desire
.
.
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J 2..rn entitled to it.
...... .
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Gen. H. C. Corbin,
Adjutant Gene rc.t..l, . \'{-=7shinr;t on, D •.C.
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�EXHIBIT 17
.
and organization: Corporal, U,S, Mmne Corps, Compan·y D, 1st Battalion, 4th·Marin~s 3d
Division (Rein), FMF. place and date: Cam Lo District, Quang Tri province, Republi~ of
tnam, 2 February 1968. Entered service at: Los Angeles, Calif. Born: 9 January 1948, Glendale,
calif: Citation: For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call '
r• ~uty while serving as afire team leader with Company D. The Cam Lo District Headquarters CJme
;r extremely heavy rocket, artillery, mortar, and recoilless rifle fire from a nwnerically superior
e my force, destroying a portion of the defensive perimeter. Cpl. Maxam, observing the enemv.
massing for an assault into the compound across the remaining defensive wire, instructed his as.sistanc.
fire team leader to ta..l(e charge of the fire team, and unhesitatingly proceeded to the \Veakened. section of
the perimeter. Completely exposed to the concentrated enemy fire; he sustain_e~ multiple fragmentation
.
wounds from exploding grenades as he ran to an abandoned machmegun posrt10n. Reaching the
emolacernent, he grasoed the rnachiriegun and commenced to deliver effective fire on the advancina ·
ene"rnv. As the enemy-directed ma'<irnllin firepower against the determined· marine, Cpl. Maxam's =
positi~n received a direct hit from a rocketpropelled grenade, knocking him backwards and inflicting .
severe fragmentation wounds to his face and right eye. Although momentarily stunned and in intense
pain, Cpl. Maxam courageously resumed his firing position and s1,1bsequently was struck again bv ·
.
small:.arrns fire. With resolute determination, he gallantly continued to deliver intense machine!?:~n fire
c:J.using the enemy to retreat through the defensive viire to· positions, of cover. In a-desperate attempt to'.
silence his weapon, the North Vietnamese threw hand grenades and directed .recoilless ·rifle fire against
him inflicting 2 additional wounds. Too weak to reload his michinegun, Cpl. Ma'<am fell to a prone
position and valiantly continued to deliver effective fire with his rifle. After 11/2 hours, during .which he
was hit repeatedly by fragments from exploding grenades and concentrated small-:arrns fire, he ·· ·
succumbed to his wounds, having successfully defended nearly half of the perimeter single-handedly.
Cpl. Maxam's aggressive fighting spirit, inspiring valor an~ selfless d~:rotion to duty reflected great · ·
credit upon himself and the Marine Corps and upheld the hrghest trad1t10ns of the U.S. Naval Service ..
He gallantly gave his life for his country.
· ·
l
McCLEERY, FINNIS D.
I:
Rank and organization: platoon Sergeant, u:s; Army, Co~pany A, 1st Battalion, 6th U.s: .Infantry. place
;...:late: Quang Tin province, Rep~blic ofVie~na.r:n, 14 May 19~8. Entered service at; San ~~ge~o, Tex.
··. .1: 25 December 1927, Stephenville, Tex. C1tat10n: For consprcuous gallantry and mtreprd1cy m
.
action at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty. p/Sgt. McCleery, U.S. Army, -..
·
distinguished himself while serving as platoon leader of the 1st platoon of Company A.· A combined
force was assigned the mission of assaulting a reinforced company of North Vietnamese Army regulars,
well eimenched on Hill 352, 17 miles west·ofTam Ky. As p/Sgt. McCleery led his men uo the hill and
across an open area to close with the enemy, his platoon and other. friendly elements wer{pinned down
by tremendously heavy fire corning from the fortified enemy positions. Realizing the severe damage that
the enemy could inflict on the combined force in the event that their attack was completely halted, p/Sgt.
McCleery rose from his sheltered position and began a l-rnan a.Ssault .on .the bunker complex. With
· .·
extraordinary courage; he moved across 60 meters of open ground as bullets struck all around him and
rockets and grenades literally exploded at his feet. As he came within 30 meters of the key enemy
bunker, p/Sgt. McCleery began firing furiously from the hip and thio'vving hand grenades. At this point
in his assault, he was painfully wounded by shrapnel, but, v.-ith complete disreg_ard.for his wound, he
continued his advance on the key bunker and killed all of its occupants. Having successfully and
single-h2..n.dedly bre::.ched the enemy perimeter, he climbed to the top of. the bunker he had just captured
and, in full view of the enemy, shouted encouragement to his men to follow his assault. As the friendly
-forces moved forward, p/Sgt. McCleerybegan a lateral assault on the enemy bunker line. He continued
to expose himself to the intense enemy fire a:s he moved from bunker to bunker, destroying each in turn.
He was wounded a second time by shrapnel as he-destroyed and routed the enemy from the hilL p/Sgt.
McCleery is personally credited with eliminating several key enemy positions and inspiring the assault
that resulted in gaining control of Hill 352. His extraordinary heroism at the risk of his life, above and.
beyond the call of duty, was in keeping v.-itl,. u1e highest standards of the milita.y se:-vice; and reflects
great credit on him, the America! Division, and the U.S._Army .
•
-~
DONALD, PHILLG ...
: 915197 12:34 PM
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�-----------------
RECONSTRUCTION OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENT
•
R.& P.528.474.
September 17, 1898.
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt
Oyster Bay, Long Island,
New York.
My dear Sir:
In reply to your letter of recent date relative to an
application for the award of a medal of hon6r to you,
I beg to
say that such an application, made by Colonel Leonard Wood, 1st
U.S. Volunteer Cavalry, and recommended by General's Wheeler and
Shafter, is on file in the Department.
Owing to the pressure of
current work.the Department is unable to give consideration to
cases of this class at the present.time, but the application made
in ·your behalf will receive careful attention as soon as it is
found practicable to take up these cases.
Very respectfully,
Acting Secretary of War
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�·c aoiJ
Senator Mike Dewine
234 N. Summit Street
Toledo, Ohio 43624
Dear Senator Dewine;
July 1, 1998 will be the one hundredth anniversary offellow republican Theodore
Roosevelt's famous charge up first Kettle Hill then San Juan Hill. On that date in 1898,
Roosevelt, on horsebuck, led his force:: ofRotigh Rider;; (on foot) o~.:er open &'found, uphill,
against the entrenched Spanish. Correspondent Richard Davis for the Herald wrote ''No one
·:y.rho saw Roosevelt take that ride expected he would finish it alive.". The Rough Riders lost
eighty-nine men, a larger proportion than any other unit involved in the battle. ·"I would rather
have led that charge ... than served three terms in the U.S. Senate." Fo~ his gallantry, he was
recommended for the Congressional Medal ofHonor, our nations highest military honor, by his
brigade, division, and corps commanders.
"Colonel Roosevelt . . . led a very desperate and extremely gallant charge on San Juan
Hill, thereby setting a splendid example to the troops and encouraging them to pass over
the open country intervening between their position and the trenches of the enemy. In
leading this charge, he started offfirst, as he supposed, with quite a following ojmen,
but soon discovered that he was alone. He then returned and gathered up ajew men and
led them to the charge ... . An extremely gallant one, and the example set a most
inspiring one to the troops in that part of the line [and] had a very encouraging effect
and had great weight in bringing up the troops behind him. "
Major·General Leonard Wood
On about July 30 ofthat same year, the commanding general of the American forces in
Cuba called a meeting of his officers. The Spanish had surrendered, and the American army was
suffering horribly from both yellow fever and malaria. All agreed at the meeting that the health
situation was critical and that the War Departments apparent refusal to move the Army was
reprehensible. Something had to been done and done quickly. They decided that someone should
write a formal letter to the War Department, with the realization that the letter was sure to anger
both President McKinley and Secretary Alger and ruin the career of the author.
Roosevelt Mote a "round robin" and followed it up with a longer letter signed only by
himself.
"This army must be movedat once, or perish. As the army can be safely moved now, the
persons responsible for preventing such a move will be responsible for the unnecessary
loss of many thousands of lives"
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....
. ·)
The letters succeeded on both counts. The army was ·moved back to the States and
Roosevelt was denied the Medal of Honor. Both McKinley an·d Alger were outraged at .the
audacity of Roosevelt. It is generally agreed now that this was the reason he was not awarded the'
Medal'ofHonor. It was accord.ing to his wife "one of the bitterest disappointments of his life.'~
I will now get to the'point of my letter. I b~lieve that Roosevelt deserved the Medal and
did not get it because of political reasons. I feel.that you have.it within your power to. reopen the
case and have the medal awarded post humorously .. This would not only right a great wrong, but
would be a victory for not only republicans ·but all Americans. I urge you to use your influence to ·
get ~his done.
Sincerely yours,
, ..
.
~
Captain JeffreyS: Hennessy
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�· ·. Theodore Roosevelt Association ·. ·
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Box 719~ OysterB~y, New York 11771 ,
Phone: 516-921-6319
. FAX: 516-921-6481
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�Senator Mike Dewine
234 N. Summit Street
Toledo, Ohio 43624
Dear Senator Dewine,;
I wrote you in June oflast year and again in October, but hilVe· not received a reply. This
will be my third and last letter. ·If you are not interested, I would at least expect the courtesy of a
reply from your office. If I do not hear from you soon, I will try someone else.··
Sincerely yours,
/
·i
• Captain JeffreyS. Hennessy
·•
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�...
i
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\
June 5, 1997
President William Jefferson Clinton
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20012
Dear President Clinton,
I recentl read that you admired Theodore Roosevelt. As you probably know, Roosevelt
w n · ted for the Congressional Medal o ono for his actions in the Spanish American .
War. For political reasons (see attached) he was enied this justly deserved award.' I would like
to rectify this disgrace if possible.
····:·
I have written Senator .Mike Dewine three-times concerning this issue and have not had
·
the courtesy· of a reply. Perhaps you could help.
srvly?;t ·_
lf]O
encl.
.
J
Captain Jeffrey S. Hennessy
5
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Address (Partial) (I page)
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�..·
I 0
E. Schoenberg, Chair
r,-
\
\
.
;l'_;\
Mr. Bill Clinton
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, DC
Dear Honorable Mr. Clinton:
You have stated that you admire Theodore Roosevelt.
I hope
you can help to correct an injusti~e done to your distinguished
predecessor of the oval office.
Following th~ reading of a book
by H. Paul Jeffers on Theodore Roosevelt's heroic actions during
the Spani~h-American War, I wanted get him the medal of honor.
Two generals recommended bim for the honor. The Secretary of War
denied the final recommendation because he had dared to criticize
the military.
Since'then, I have succeeded in getting the Association of
Teachers of Soc ia:l Studies to endorse m:· proposal:
''Be it
resolved that Theodore Roosevelt deserves the Congressional Medal
of Ron•Jr for heroic ac::ior.s performed during the Spanish-.C...m-=ri=>".n
War.
A committee to be chaired by Philip E. Schoenberg and cochaired by John Witkowski will head a committee to correct this
·injustice." ·
I would appreciate if it were possible for you to endorse
the propo~al to give TR a Congressional Medal of Honor. Thank
you for your consideration.
Philip E. Schoenberg
·6
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�.-----------------------------------------------
FROM: •
AUG "'"'7
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August S,
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~esident
Bill Clinton
President Of The United States Of America
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue 1 NW
Washington DC 20500 .
Dear President Clinton
1
The Congressional Medal Of Honor (CMH) is the highest
military award for heroism • It can be issued posthumously
and a great many years after the incident for which it was
earned
• I want to clearly emphasize that the passage of
time has no bearing regarding eligibility for this medal as
evidenced by your recent issuance of the Congressional Medal
Of Honor to several World War Two veterans
I
As Lt. Colonel in charge of the famous "Rough 'Riders" 1
Teddy Roosevelt has long been famous for his outstanding courage
and conspicuous leadership at the battle of San Juan Hill •
The American forces were very brave that day and Lt. Colonel
Theodore Roosevelt was most outstanding because he was. riding
horseback in a leadership role and thus exposing himself to
greater danger than his subordinate afoot infantry as he led
and engineered the charge • It is crucial to realize that Lt.
Colonel Roosevelt allowed himself to be positioned and hence
exposed to a greater degree of danger than others under his ,
command by elevating himself above all others on horseback
This factor of being astride a horse made him a more tempting
target and distinguishes Teddy Roosevelt for ~he CMH
I believe that his not previously receiving the Congiessional
Medal Of Hon6r was an oversight • This oversight can be
rectified immediately by the swiftness of a "Presidential
Executive Order" which awards the Congressional Medal Of Honor
( · continued on another ,Page-----more) ·
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PAGE·TWO
AUGUST 5, 1997
PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Television network "TNT" recently broadcasted a movie made
in 1997 entitled "Rough Riders" which centered around Lt.
Colonel Theodore Roosevelt and his bravery in the SpanishAmerican War • I highly recommend seeing this excellent
movie to further learn of Teddy Roosevelt's wartime heroism
No u.s. Presiderit has ever received the Congressional
Medal Of Honor (CMH) • President Theodo~e Roosevelt would be
the first and only President should you award the CMH to him
If President Theodore Roosevelt were to .be awarded the
CMH , I believe that the glory would overflow onto the image
and profile of the Presidential Office where all other Presidents
would also be favorably affected by virtue of being in and a
member of " The Presidential Club" ••••• That very special and
exclusive ''League Of Presid~nts"··~····You , President Clinton ,
would certainly be c~edited for the kindness , ~1truism and
benevolence of remembering the gallantry of Theodore Roosevelt ••••••
This medal could.be presented in an elaborate ceremony ••••••
It would be a sensational day fo'r your presiden·cy with its
exciting publicity ••••••• It would be a day to bask in the
glow o~ honor bestow~d ••••••• ~.Its protocol would be a ritual
permeated with and blessed by sacred honor ••••••••
·
There. is no doubt nor controversy a~f to the gallant degree
of heroism that was magi·ficently exhibit~d by Lt. Colonel
Theodore Roosevelt __ _:_TeddyRoosevelt is synonymous .with
courage "above and beyond the call of duty "· ••••• He definitely
deserves the CMH andthis is entirely substantiated by the
merits of his deeds •••••• Therefore , it is my pleasure to
nominate Lt. Colonel and 26th u.s. President Theodore Roosevelt
for the posthtimous awarding of the·Congressi~nal Medal Of Hono'r
Next year marks the 100th year anniversary of the Battle Of
San Juan Hill
I hope that this medal is ~warded by anniversary
date
I ·thank you very much for your considera-tion and trust that
The White House staff will proceed with due p~ocess of this letter •
With kind regards ,
~
Very truly Y'5~r~ , . ~ /\ ')
AJ~L. i?~..--.·
DONALD L. SKINNER
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97
THE HONORABLE WILLilll1 J CLINTON, PRESIDENT
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON, DC 20500
DEAR MR PRESIDENT;
As a lifelong admir~r of Theodore R~osevelt, I would like
·you to consider the possibility of a Medal of Honor for him
ari.sing from his gallant actions at the battle of San Juan Hill.
According to the 4 September 1997 i~sue of the Oyster Bay
Enterprise-Pilot,
the Medal of Honor may have been wit~~eld
im.medi.:~tely following th.:: battle because of po1i tics arising from
Theodore Roosevelt's concern for his men's perhaps unnecessary
exposure to tropical diseases.
Thank you for your consideration in this matter.
Sincerely,
9
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P2
P3
P4
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an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA]
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purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion 'of
personal privacy l(a)(6) ·of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�----------------------
[Connection Information]
CLIENT:
BROWSER:
URL:
ligea.sc.intel.com[l43.183.152.11]
Mozilla/3 .01 (Win95; I)
http :1lwww. whitehouse. gciv/WH/MaiVhtml/Mail_President. html
[Sender Information]
PERSONAL-NAME:
James W. McCall
EMAIL-ADDRESS:
j asmccall@aol. com
ORGAl"'TZATION:
Theodore Roosevelt Association
RELATIONSHIP:
STREET
CITY:
STATE-PRO
ZIP-CODE:
COUNTRY:
USA
(Message Information]
·---
PURPOSE:
Offer neutral commentary, advice, or a suggestion
.
TOPIC:
Defense ..
· ..--,.-~
AFFILIATION:
Citizen
·.
SUBJECT:
Congressional Medal ofHonor for Theodore Roosevelt
~····-·Private_
[Message]
____
.·
~
\:
:
__;___~-----·-·
,,ave read that .the Secretary of Defense and your are
considering awarding the Congressional Medal of Honor to
Theodore Roosevelt I would urge that you do this. I have come
to be a strong admirer of his career, and I believe what he
did at the Battle of San Juan Hill was extremely brave, as
well as decisive in an important U.S. victc,ry. He made a huge
difference, and if politics of the times prevented it from
happening, I think it should be righted now ..
I believe he should be awarded the Congressional Medal of
Honor, and I would strongly urge that you do this.
Jim McCall
1-;).
�.. \.'
Department of History
j
5 :J997'
CANISIUS COLLEGE
2001 MAIN STREET • .BUFFALO.. NEW YORK 14208-1098
September 19, 1997
William Jefferson Clinton
1
Preside_nt ofthe United States .
Tqe White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
•••
I hav.e recently learned thatthe Theodore Roosevelt Association ofOyster Bay,
Long Island, New York, has l~unched a-c~~paign.to·~;_,~4.tiie_M~diJ..:0{ljgg_QI·t~ thls
greatest ofAmerican Presidents for his heroic exploits d~ring the Spanish-American War,
specifically for the charges he led against the entrenched enemy occupyingKettle and
San Juan Hill. I-heartily.support.this.mostappcopriate endeavor.
As an historian ofthirty-eightyears of experience, teaching American History that
is, I know that his would right a terrible injustice which has endured throughout all of
these decades. Thef!~9l9.11el..S.9Q.S.evelt was victimized by jealous U.S. Army regulars and
an incompetentSecretary ofWar.. Asthe author of a book about Roosevelt, I have personally investigated this matter;. only to learn that certain important pap,ers have just
· "disappeared" over the years. However,· you, Mr. President, can c.orrectthis grave historical
injustice, and I urge you to do so now. ·
·
.
.
·
·
Thank you for your support in this most important endeavor.
J. David Valaik, Ph.D.·
'Professor ofHist6ry
••
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·
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�.·Department of History
CANIS IUS COLLEGE .·
-\,.,o 7 c· .
,. i
2001 MAIN STREET • BUFFALO, NEW YORK 14208-1098
''J I
- '1
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,-,• .. -~· ;)•
o
_.,
September.19, 1997
The Hoh. William S. Cohen
Secretary ofDefense
The Pentagon
Vhshington, !D.C. 20350
(
Dear :Mr. Secretary:
'
•
..
I have recently learned that the Theodore Roosevelt Association of Oyster Bay,
Long Island, New York, has launched a: campaign to award the Medal of Honor to this
greatest of American Presidents for hi~ heroic exploits during the Spanish-American War,
specifically for the. charges he led against the entrenched enemy occupying Kettle and
San Juan Hill. I heartily support this most appropriate endeavor.
As an historian of thirty-eight years of experience, teaching American History that
is, I know that his would right a terribie.injustice which has endured throughout all of·
. these decades: Then Colonel Roosevelt was victimized by jealous U.S. Army regulars and
an incompetent Secretary ()fWar. As ~he author of a book about Roosevelt~ I have personally investigated this matter, only to learn that certain: important papers have just
"disappeared" over the. years. However, you, Mr. Secretary, can correct this grave historical
injustice, and I urge you to do so now .. · .
·
.
Thank you for your support in this most important endeavor.
.
'
'
. ~~~JJ.0t.,H&-:
J. David Valaik, Ph.D .
.Professor ofHistory
U. 16 7 50
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
008. letter
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
Address (Partial); Phone No. (Partial) (1 page)
09/19/1997
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
··/ ;····
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [5]
2008-0703-F
'ml90
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J ·
Freedom of Information Act.- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)l
Pl
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personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(S) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAI
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Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy j(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�. -· ... --··-··--· .... ·-·--··· - - - - - - ..~: ·. 1
,:
I 5 1997
.c ·:;. .\"
C~···
.
September 19, 1997
t) '
President William J. Clinton
THE WHITE HOUSE
Washington, D.C. 20500
____
Ref: Theodore Roosevelt deserves his Medal of Honor.
?v1r. President:
---------:-----:...._
Ninety~nine
~~--·-----
years ago this past summer, an arrogant government bureaw:rat mad'.:' ~ caprici~::<:
and vile decision that needs to be corrected. The secretary of the US War Department, prevented·
Theodore Roosevelt's heroic and gallant actions while fighting against enemy troops in Cl.JBA during
the Spanish-A.merican war, not to be awarded his rightfully earned Medal of Honor.
In volunteering to the US Army and going to CUBA to fight for the poor oppressed peoples of
that country, at the risk of his own life, Theodore Roosevelt was, is and will be forever, one of the finest
examples of what American values truly are. It is shameful that envy and the pursuit of personal political
gain denied T. R., a well deserved public recognition by stealing from him the Medal of Honor.
July of 1998, less than a year from now, will mark the Centenary of Theodore Roosevelt and his
US Army regiment- The Rough Riders and the battle for San Juan Hill. The Theodore Roosevelt
Association, based in Oyster Bay, N.Y., has activities planned to commemorate the occasion. Mr.
President, awarding Theodore Roosevelt the Medal of Honor during these activities, is the right thing to
do .. I urge you to do your part so this is done. Thank you for your attention.
·
Yours:
Guillermo Bernardini.
GJB\T4600C
WORDPRO\W95
A:\G0vl\WHITEHOUSEI.LWP(97)
E-MAIL:
BBA@IBM:~ET
l5.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [5]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 4
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-005-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/55c2b04779d5b06efde67867ee283daa.pdf
b3acf1a92c7b93895c27df8608def3d2
PDF Text
Text
CaseNumber: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.. ·
Folder Title:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
9
1
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Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
09/22/1997
P6/b(6)
002. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
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Address (Partial) (I page)
09/29/1997
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Address (Partial) (I page)
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· P6/b(6)
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Address (Partial) (I page)
10/01/1997
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P6/b(6)
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Address (Partial) (I page)
10/2111997
P6/b(6)
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Address (Partial) (I page)
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P6/b(6)
010. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
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P6/b(6)
011. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
10/23/1997
P6/b(6)
012. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
I 0/23/1997
P6/b(6)
013. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
10/27/1997
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
·m191
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- )44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- )5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
PJ
P4
National Security Classified Information )(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office )(a)(2) of the PRA)
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b(l)
b(2)
.
b(J)
b(4)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
b(8)
b(6)
b(7)
b(9)
National security classified information )(b)(l) of the FOIA)
Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
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Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information )(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes )(b)(7) of the FOIA)
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
RESTRICTION
014. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
12/1311997
P6/b(6)
015. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
01/02/1998
P6/b(6)
016. letter
Address (Partial) (I page)
02/03/1998
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
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FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
'ml91
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b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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National Security Classified Information )(a)(l) of the PRA)
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P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
��Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. letter
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Address (Partial) (I page)
09/22/1997
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
'ml91
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Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
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Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
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P2
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2201(3).
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�·.:.
. ... .
..
;
'
17
��Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. letter
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
Address (Partial) (1 page)
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RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA!Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F .
·ml91
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Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- ]5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
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�(
. [ood]
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. letter
DATE
SUBJECTrriTLE
Address (Partial) (1 page)
09/29/1997
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6].
2008-0703-F
'ml91
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
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b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute j(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells j(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information j(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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MICHAEL D. BROWN
ATTORNEY AT LAW•
POST OFFICE BOX 936
·e
LYONS, COLORADO S0540
Telephone: (303) 823-9077
' Facsimile: (303) 823-9078
e-mail: Mll54@aol.com
• Admiucd Colorado & Oklahoma
September 30,. 1997
The Honorable WilliamS. Cohen
S~cretary ofDefense
The Pentagon
Washington, DC 20350
. R'e:
Theodore Roosevelt; Medal of Honor
·Pear Secretary Cohen:
As a trustee ofthe Theodore Roosevelt Association, I encourage you to take whatever .
. steps are ne~~ss<;trY to encourage.the Army to recommend aw~ding President Roosevelt the ·
C?.-n.gress!onal Medal ofHonor in 1998, the centennial ofthe Spanish-American War and the
·) Battle of San Juan HilL'
·
President Roosevelt's.historic charges up Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill on July); 1898,
constitute one ofthemost famous battle scenes in American history. He was denied the medal
solely for political reasons and the time has come to' award him the Medal of Ho~or. .
Very truly yours,
.·
,
..
....
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...
.
;
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Michael D. Brown
MDB/
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. :.iCHAEL D. BROWN,
._.
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ATTORNEY AT LAW·.;.··.
POST OFFICE BOX 936
·LYONS, COLORADO 80540
Telephone: (303) 823-9077
Facsimile: (303) 823-9078
·e:mail: Mll54@aol.com
"Admitted Colorado & Oklahoma
September 30, 1997
,.,J).
\
President William J. Clinton
The White House
.
Washington, DC 20500·
-----~---,-,-..~---~'-"""''':::~-~Re: CTheo.dore Roosevelt; Medal ofHonor )
.
_____
...
,._ _.:..------:--~-----
C'
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_,.,.,·
Dear Mr. President:
As a trustee of the Theodore Roos;eveli A~sociation, rencourage you to take whatever
steps are necessary to encourage the Army' to recommend awarding President Roosevelt the,
Congressional Medal of Honor in 1998, the centennial of the Spanish-American War and the·
· Battle of San Juan Hill.
· Preside~! Roosevelt's historic charges up Kettle. Hill and San Juan Hill on July 1, 1898,
constitute one of the most famous battle scenes in American history. He was d~rued the medal
the Medal of Honor.
solely for political reasoris and the time has come to award
rum
Very truly yours,
I.
·'
.I
...-·
Michael D .. BroWn
MDB/
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�.------------------------,-------------~----------------
···-r
Sept 30,1997 .
THE HON.WILLIAM S. COHN
SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
THE PENTAGON
.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20350
Dear Mr. Secretary,
I strongly support the campaign to award Ex-President Theodore
Roosevelt the NIEDAL OF HONOR for his exploits in.Spanish-American war at the battle
of San Juan Hill on July 1,1898. I believe he was denied this honor because of political
reason. I urge you to right this wrong by support this campaign. Thank You for your
kind consideration in this matter.
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�·-""':
·-·
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f
PAUL WHITNEY PARCELLS
-·
.··
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Virginia Beach
October 1st 1997
President William J. Clinton
The \Vhite House ·
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear ivfr. President;
--
·. Tills letter is .-...Ti.tten in support of the recent campaign to posthumously
.-~
·./
th~eaJ[?t'Honor to !tti£~'E:i~2S.f~fqr.~~. ~QP;~lle~d.·_·:-:--..
J~adersbip and braver:y.inJhe Spanish-..l.merican ..... . His historic charges· up
War.
..............
Kettle Hill and San Jwm Hill ori July 1st 1898 constitute one of the most
.
.
famous battle scenes in American history. Theodore Roosevelt. scholars and
historians substantiate that his personal actions warrant the award and that it
was denied only because of the political vicissitudes of the time .
. As the first Commanding Officer of the USS THEODORE .ROOSEVELT
.
.
( C'\/N-71 ), I became a student and devotee of the man and the legacy he left
for all of America. Based on my readings, his actions in the sununer of 1898
clearly justify his being awarded the Medal of Honor.
Thank you_ in advance for your consideration in this matter.
Rear Admiral, U.S. Navy(Ret.)
.~ . , - I
L' /"")_!
.(.
I I...- c \.../(~
L
OCT - 5 ::;;s·{
). s .
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
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·
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�!=AUL WHITN!::Y F=' .
.C,RCELL5
,·
·:- ·:-' ... ·:
. '.
Virginia Beach
October 1st 1997
The Hon. William S. Cohen
Secretary of Defense
The Pentagon
\Vashington, D.C. 20350
Dear rv1r. Secretary:
This letter is written in support of the recent campaign to posthumously
award the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt for his unparalleled
leadership and bravery in the Spanish-.-:\merican War. His historic charges up
Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill on July 1st 1898 constitute one of the most
famous battle scenes in American history. Theodore Roosevelt scholars and
historians substantiate that his personal actions warrant the award and that it
>vas denied only because of the political·v'icissitudes of the time.
As the first Commanding Officer of the USS THEODORE.ROOSEVELT
(CVN-71), I became a student and devotee of the man and the legacy he left
for all of America. Based on my readings, his actions in the summer of 1898
clearly justify his being a>varded the Medal of Honor.
Thank you in advance for your consideration in this matter.
Rear AdmiraL U.S. Navy(Ret)
U17075
I 97
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Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
'ml91
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PI
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National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.. '
October 2.1, 1997
The Hon. William S. Cohen
Secretary of Defense
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20350
Dear Mr. Secretary:
As the author of Theodore Roosevelt: A Life, I would like to add
my voice to those requesting that the nation's twenty-sixth
president be awarded [posthumously] the Medal of Honor for his
actions on July 1, 1898 at the Battle of San Juan Hill during the
Spanish-American War.
Eyewitness accounts of the battle make it clear that the courageous actions of then Colonel Roosevelt at Kettle Hill and San
Juan Hill were instrum~ntal in the American victory which followed. Historians are in agreement that he was denied the Medal
of Honor at that time only because of political reasons.
I hope that you wil.l use the opportunity afforded by the coming
centennial of the battle to right an old w~ong and to see that
President Roosevelt's.bravery--well beyond the call of duty--is
at last recognized.
Sincerely yours,
~c·t--t--~
_kc..t!/.)
Nathan Miller
[ oo7]
U
18137 I ?7
Q..9
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National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
'ml91
RESTRICTION CODES
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Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRA!
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOlAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules a lid practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA]
PI
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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�- ·-··' ..·.. ~
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October 21, 1997
The Hon. William S. Cohen
Secretary of Defense
The Pentagon
\Vashington, D.C. 20350
Dear Secretary Cohen:
I am \vriting to ask your assistance in procuring the Medal of Honor posthwnously for Theodore
Roosevelt. l understand. that the necessary docwnentation has been prepared and presented and it would be
most fitting if this were to be accomplished in the coming year - the 1OOth anniversary of the SpanishAmerican War. As I am sure you are aware, it was only through some political maneuveii.ngs many years
· ago .by some Administration officials who, mistakenly, thought they had been slighted by the future
President, that this was not done.
As a member of the Research Committee at the Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural National Historic
Site in Buffalo, NY, I have re:1d about and discussed Theodore Roosevelt's contribution to American
Military history in this war. He and his Volunteer Regiment were indeed heroic in battle at San Juan
(Kettle) Hill and he certainly does deserve this honor.
It is time now to correct this wrong and I urge your support in this matter. Thank you very much
for your consideration.
·Very truly yours,
Shirley P Hudders
Ulf3 ;13 /97
20
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2008-0703-F
'm191
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PI
P2
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information )(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy )(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes )(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions )(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells )(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information )(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office )(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute )(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information )(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors )a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy )(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
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DEC _I 12 .-
October 2 2, · 1997
President William Clinton
The l'lhi te P.ouse
1600 Pennsylvannia Avenue
Washington, D.C.
20500
1'\<.
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Dear Mr. President,
I am a student of history, particularly American
history. Although I find so~ething unique and admirable in
everyone who ascends to th~ Presidericy, I am especially an
admirer of our 26th President. Theodore Roosev~lt's life
was full of glory, achievement and tragedy.
Next year marks the one hundredth anniversary of the
Spanish-American War. As~ student of American history, a
veteran of the Armed Services and as a p~triot, I
respectfully request that you con.§_tde,~o..g_ former
President Theodore Roosevelt the:··Medal of. Honor1for his
courageos part in that conflict.~
Certainly, many historians consider that war
controversial. Manipulating events, behind the scenes, were
sugar interests and imperial expansionists; most likely.
Although there may be some validity to these accusations,
they are irrelevant to the fact that men e~hibited courage
and some gave their lives in the jungle of Cuba.
P.istorical documentation and eyewitness accounts
support the story of Colonel Rooseve~t's actions on 1 July
189S.
He was an exceptional· leader, demonstrating
unwavering courage in the face of danger. ~ century of
historical studies has not found a reason to question
Roosevelt's bravery as above and beyond the call of duty.
By leading an assault on Kettle Hill, and later San Juan
Hill, he and his soldiers sealed the eventual defeat of
Spain;
The politics of his day stole from Roosevelt this
honor.
I sincerely hope you will correct history's error
and grant on this genuine American hero the recognition he
deserved in life. The ideal mom~nt to post-humously a0ard
the Medal of Honor to former President Roosevelt, should
your---·scF.e'du·J:-e···perm.it·,- ivould be on the centennial date next
year in Buffalo, New York, where he was inaugurated as
President. Please right this wrong, Mr. President, and
close this chapter in history.
Sincerely.,
"" .
'L_ \
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2008-0703-F
'ml91
RESTRICTION CODES
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financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ia)(S) of the PRA)
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
012. letter
DATE
SUBJECT!fiTLE
Address (Partial) (1 page)
10/23/1997
RESTRICTION
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
'm191
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(I) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAl
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRAl
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAl
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an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
. b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
PI
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Theodore Roosevelt A.ssociatio1z
••
Box 71 Y, Oystf!r Bay, New York ll771
Phone: 516-921-6319
FAX: 516-921-6481
E~MAIL: TRA@spryneLcom .
Oc~ober
The Hon. Togo D. West; Jr.
Secretary of the Army
The Pentagon
Washingto~, DC 20350
27~
1997
Dear Mr. Secretary West:
The Theodore Roosevelt Association tespectfully urge~ you
to recommend that Theodore Roosevelt be awarded the Medil of
Honor for his heroic l~adership in Cub~ op July 1, 1898 in
the fighting on San Juari H~ights near~Santiago.
··
It would be most ·approp~iat~ to honor Theodore Roosevelt
as we celebrate t~e 6enterinial of .the Spanish-American War
in 1998 ·Since I first wrote to you on this matter, bn August 3,
1997, two noted historians and biographers of Theodore
Roosevelt have publicly endorsed the efforts to secure the Medal
.of Honor for TR, Edmund Morris a0d Nathan Miller.
Edmund Morris·,_ winner· of th.e Pulitzer Prize in 1980 for·
his biography of Theodore Roosevelt, wrote to Congressman Ri6k
Laz'io, on October 4, 1997: "I hereby endorse without reservation
your effort to win the former Col. Ropsevelt·a posth~mous
Congressional Medal of Honor,· in recongition of his extraordinary
bravery at ·the battle of San .Juan Heights on July 1, 1898.
He led_ a charg~ against almost insuperabl~ ta6tfca1 odds (fodt
soldiers storming a high redoubt) and not only .succie~ded 1~
dislodging the enemy; :but inspired a ·whole generation of American
youth with his example."
·
•
1
•
'
. N~than Miller, author of a history of the'Navy and a"
'biography of FDR as well as. one of TR, wrote t'o President.·
Clinton, on October ~1, 1997: "As the ·author of Theodore
Roosevelt: A Life, I ~ould like to add -my voice to those
requesting that the nation's twenty-sixth president be awarded
. (.posthumously)· the Medal of Honor for his actions on July _1,
1898 at the Battle of San Juan Hill during the Spanish-American
'.War:Eyewitness accounts of the battle make. clear that the
·
courage~us actions of ·then Colonel Roosevelt at Kettle Hill
and San Juan Hill were instrumental in the American victory
which followed."
Chartered by an Act of Congress !920
U ~ 8- 7 2. 0
I 97
35
�~----
--
. -2..:..
Congressman ~aul McHa~e of Pann~ylvania h~s
· '
introduced a bill (H.R. ·2263-)· to authorize the award of the
Congressional Medal bf Honor to·_Theodore Roos·~~elt. That_
bill has 153 co~sponsors. ~·;
On a daily basis, we are rec~iving ·{ndicatioris of support
. for· our efforts from all over the nation.
In short, the widespread and. strong support for: TR ·
is now evid~nt. ·
As I told you i~ my letter of Augus~ 3, the Board of Trustees
of ~he Theodore ~oosevelt Association, an organization with
members in all fifty stat~s, unani~ously.passed a resolution
on on July 19, 1997 asking that_TR be award~d the Medal of
Honor.·
· We hope to hear a positive response
•
fro~
you soon, sir.
, Ph.D .
. Dir~ctor ·
',
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The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear President Clinton:
Theodore Roosevelt's heroic charges of Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill on
July 1, 1898, are certainly one of the most famous military encounters in
~ American Hist~ry. ·
·
·
·. (' .
It is· my hope that the nation's failure to award Theodore ·Roosevelt the
Medal of Honor will be corrected.
Sincerely,
//JVL~~~
~e H. Stievater
Research Committee
· Theodore Roosevelt'Inaugural Site
�.<
..
Jane Hutton Stieva~r:~r ·
•
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October 27, 1997
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- ..................
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·The lion. William C.. Cohen
Secretary of Defens'e
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20350
Dear Secretary Cohen:
·)
: : ~.
I would like to urge you to support ·the effort to award Theodore
Roosevelt the Medal of Honor in 1998, the centennial of the SpanishAmerican War and the Battle of San Juan Hill.
Theodore Roosevelt's heroic charges of Kettle Hill and' San Juan Hill on
.
July 1, 1898, are certainly one of the most famous military encounters in
·American History.
' .
It is my hope that fu.e . nation'.s failure to a'ijard Theodore .Roosevelt the
Medal of Honor will be corrected.
Sincerely,
..
··~~·'1/#~---m
Jane H. Sttevater :,
·
.
Research Committee
Theodore Roosevelt LJ.a.ugurr..l Site·
\
)
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COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
·ml91
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA[
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA[
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAl
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA[
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA[
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA[
·
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information !(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA[
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�October 27, 1997
The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
l\1 . ~.
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·Dear Mr. President:
I urge
yo~. to_s.~~
the initiative of Congressman Rick Lazio of New York's efforts to
secure th~edal ofHon'?_rfor President Theodore Roosevelt. Awarding the Medal ofHonor
during the centennial year of the Spanish American War would be a fitting testimonial to the man
who led the charges to capture the Santiago Heights on July 1, 1898.
Theodore Roosevelt is a treasured hero to New York State and Long Island and he is
most deserving of this honor. There is overwhelming documentation of Roosevelt's valor
including several letters from his fellow soldiers and several books written by noted historians.
Please give your support to this worthy effort by insisting that the Department of the
Anny review the materials and consider Congressman Lazio's application in a timely fashion.
Roosevelt should have received the Medal ofHonor nearly one hundred years ago but Secretary
of War Russell AJger prevented that. No\.v is the right time to correct this injustice.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
Sincerely,
/..~
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T.
WILLIAMS
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P.O. B.OX 180 ·
3106 FAr.c;oN HEIGHTS
BIG CANOE, GEORGIA 30143
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November 5, 1997
Hon. WilliamS. Cohen·
Secretary of Defense
· ·· · · . The Per:ttagon
Washington, D.C. 20350
..
·
Dear Mr. Cohen:
As an enthusiastic follower of ·Theodore Roosevelt, and an active member of The Theodore
· Roosevelt Association, I am· asking for your assistance and support I ~ould like to see the
Congressional Medal of Honor secured for former Colonel Roosevelt's actions during the Battle of
San Juan Heights, July 1, 1898, in Cuba.
.
.
I understand the statute oflimitation on medals was recently repealed. I've also beeninformed that
there are 153 cosponsors from both. sides of the aisle. · Thank you for your consideration and
assistance in this matter.
Sincerely,
&--)ltdU?~
;
Mr. James T. Williams
cc:
John A. Gable, Ph.D.
Theodore Roosevelt Association
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November 5, 1997
President William J. Clinton
·The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. · President Clinton:
As. an enthusiastic follower of Theodore Roosevelt, and an active 'member of The Theodore
Roosevelt ..AssociatiollJ am asking for your assistance and support. I would like to see the
-·----.
~;:congressional Medal of Honor secured for .former Colonel Roosevelt's actions during the Battle of
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I understand the statute of.limitation on medals was. recently repealed. I've also been informed that
there are 153. cosponsors from both .sides· of the aisle. Thank you for yolir consideration' and
assistance in this matter.
·sincerely,
.9!-·,_,_. ). fkt_~
Mr. James T. Williams
cc:
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John A ..Gable, Ph.D. ·
Theodore Roosevelt Association
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••
November 5, 1997
Hon. Togo D. West, Jt. · ·
Secretary of the Army
The Pentagon
'
· · Washington, D.C. 20350
t'
Dear Mr. West:
an
As an enth~siastic follower o{ Theodore Roosevelt, and
active ·member of The Theodore
Roosevelt Association, I an1 asking. for your assistance and support. I would like to. see the
Congressional Medal of Honor secured for former Colonel Roosevelt's actions during the Battle of · ·
San Juan Heights, July 1, 1898, in Cuba.
·. (understand the statute of limitation on medals ·was recently repealed .. I've also been informed that
there are 153 cosponsors from both sides of the aisle. Thank yo~ for your consideration and
assistance in this matter.
Sincerely,
··
· '. .
~v_._)./~
Mr. James T. William's
· cc:
...
John A. Gable, Ph.D.
Theodore Roosevelt Association
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Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
2008-0703-F
'ml91
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�Coll~ge
of Arts ;~nd Si:icnccs
Depanment of Political Sciences
University of Missouri-Kansas City
203 Haag Hall
Rl6 235-1326
. Fax Hl6
c;=
R~khill Road
235-55"·~
..-:clrF
Ti~:~.,.-c:
Kansas Citv. Missouri 64\10~~99.- :· ·: :-<\-··: •·''c.r: ~ .. ~_. . . _ . . .
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5100
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\991 CC 2)
Cf\ 2: ~s
r
13 December 1997
The Hon. William S. Cohen
Secretary of Defense
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20350
Dear Secretary Cohen:
Teaching graduate and undergraduate classes on the presidency has
naturally led me to consideration of the more outstanding figures who have held
the office. It also has brought to my attention a grave injustice to one of the most
outstanding of those figures, Theodore Roosevelt.
·
Among eyewitnesses to his courage at Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill in
Cuba on the first of July, 1898 during the Spanish-American War, and among
objective military scholars, there can be no doubt that Col. Roosevelt's valor
and personal accomplishments at almost 40 y~ars of age contributed.
significantly to the American victory that followed. Moreover, his example of self
sacrifice made him a role model to the American people long before he brought
his vigor and integrity to the presidency.
·
There also can be little doubt that he was denied the Medal of Honor--for
which he had been enthusiastically recommended by his commanders--solely
for political (if not petty) reasons. Now that there no longer is a statute of
limitation on such awards, I urge you to lend your support to the current effort in
the House of Representatives (H.R. 2263), to grant this honor posthumously to
one of America's outstanding militarj heroes.
Since~~ours, ·.
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Max J. Skidmore
[ ot4} ·'
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an r.:qu:ai''PJ'l'onunity institUiinn
J 2 '·3 7 7
I 97
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Dear Sirs:
On reading the reGent. spat~ of news about ·retroactively_ awarding ·a Medal of
Honor to former .President Theodore Roosevelt, I was reminded t.hat my grandfather,
Major Get:teral William H. Carter; sat'on the board'which onginally denied the Medal to'
President Roosevelt. Some of his paper.s in this regard are attached - I have copies: they
are yours to keep.
My grandfather had a distinguished.career.including a major role as Secretary of
· War Elihu Root's point"man in the creation of the General Staff legislation. He was
· hiniself a Medal of J:Ionor winner for an action in the Indian Wars. He started his career
as a12 year old mounted messenger in the Union Cavalry during the Civil War before
going on the graduate from West Point in 1873.
I hope these ·papers are of some interest to you.
·e
Yours truly,
·woodbury Carter
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THJS_PLAINDEALE~ • NATIONA~~HU~DAY.AUGUS!_28.. 199'1
New battle being waged for San Juan Hill
*l~A
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medal to Rooseyelt family memment · that ended the Russo-. men, led a very desperate and ex·~,
bers at centennial events planned
Ja1'>anesc War.
tremely gallant charge on S;t(i
'OYSTER BAY, N.Y.- Nearly , for September 1998 in, Montauk,
A week afte.r the Spanish- .J~ml Hill, thereby setting a splep5100 years.after the last shots were on the eastern tip of Long Isl~nd, .
American . wm· began· in April dJd _cxami?lc to the troops . . ·\:· ~fired, admirers of Theodore where the Rough Riders were
1898, Roosevelt resigned as as- Dunng tl~e assault, Col. Rooscv~It- .
Roosevelt are gearing
to fight discharged from the Army at the sistant Navy secretary and . ~as ~he ftrst to rcac~1 the tren~hqs. ·
end of the war.
·
a new battle of San Juan HilL
'teamed up with his friend Leon- Ill Ius part of the lm~ and_ k•lle~l.
Whatever the Army's ti-uc rcaIf they l\'in, Roosevelt will fj-.
ard Wood to form the First u.s .. one 0.~ the enemy With Ius own'
nally get the Medal of Honor he son for ·denying Roosevelt the
Volunteer Cavalry, so-on to be hand .. · . .
.
. . ,. •.
was denied after his _Rough Rid- medal, he clearly offended many
popularly known . us the Rough
Shun Lawrence, spokcswoma!l:
ers helped capt1ire the Cuban hill irnp01tant people in Washington.
Riders
. for the U.S: Tot'!l Army Personnel
and ttirned the volunteer officer
·
Command, which reviews medal.
First, he signed, with· top rcgu·Tlie regiment was ln\•olved in requests, said the requests frohl
into a national hero.
lar Army officers, a letter· to .the
two battles in Cuba. Aficr a skir- the Roosevelt· As~nciation ·have
· Roo.scveit's commanding offi- secretary of ·war urp,ing the
mish atLas-Guasimas on .June 24, .not been fm·warded to the unh cers nominated him for the na- troops be evacuated after the batthe troops moved to a larger hat- yet. .
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tion's highest military horior soon tle because they were being decilie July 1 on the outskirts of Sail"It would go to a review hoard
after the Spanish-Ameri~an War, mated by mularia and other tropi,
tiago.
and if it's recommended, it wouid
but the Army balked. Some say it cal diseases. The letter was given
· Roosevelt' was now in command go forward to the secretary ofthe
was. hec~use his gallantry wasn't to the prc~s - Roosevelt denied
because
Wood·
had . been Army, the secretary of defense
extraordinary enough. Others at- he was the conduit - and it empr:omotcd. Roosevelt Icc:! dis- and to the president." She said .a
barrassed the .McKinley administribute jt to poliiics.
. mounted Rmigh Riders and Army study takes at lea'st several
tration. · ·
·
·
Now some of those in the latter
regulars up Kettle Hill and then months. "Once a recommenda"
camp hope to right the perceived
Hts second offense was orcllesjoined the larger assault on. San lion comes in, we don'tcommcnt
slight in time for the centennial of trating what detractors felt was
ASSOCIIITW I'RI·S.<;
Juan Hill. He was niclccd in the on it until it's completed.
the battle.
an unseemly · campaign for the
elbow by a Spanish bJillet, and his
"It's pretty rare," she· said of
Theodore Roosevelt: His
·The Oyster Bay,based The- medal.glasses were shot off.,
requests coming in decades after
backers seek a posthumous
a battle.
··
odore Roosevelt Association and
"We wish to sec TR get the Medal of Honor for him
After the battle, Roosevelt's suRep. Rick. Lazio, Republican of Medal of Honor because he
Lazio's counsel, Ken Trcpci:a,
periors nominated him for tl1e
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New York, arc asking the Army to .earned it and because he wanted
medal. When it became clear that snid a uill had been introduced in
reevaluate its 99-year-old deci- it," said John A. Gable, exe~.:utive · TR the only president to have the the Army opposed granting him· Congress last year to give Roose,
sion.· ·
director of the Theodore Roose-' Medal of Honor, and TR would the honor, Roosev~lt solicited let- velt the medal. Action was withheld after the Army said that it
The association also has written · velt Association.
then have b.oth Medal of Honor ters from other officers.
-. would be better to go through the
to the president and secretary of
"It's a fitting way lli observe the· and the ·Nobel . Peace, Prize."
In one ofthem, Wood wrote the nomwl Army review procedure··
defense, with the hope that Presi- centennial
of. the
Spanish- Roosevelt got that honor· in 1906'
dent Clinton could present the American War. This would make· · for brokering the peace settle- Army to say: "Col. Roosevelt~ ac- . because the. legislation would
companied only by Jour or. five denigrate the award.
. llyBILL ~-~YER
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NF.\I'Sl.\AY
up
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TELEGRA11 •.
EXECUTIVE
1~TSION,
WASHINGTON,
October
24~h,l898
•
. Sena~or Lodge, who is no'\9'. in the sun Office, New YQrk;
has just talked with me and
wisbe~
me. to say to the President
th.at if the medal of. honor for bravery on .the battlefield
be awarded to'Colonel Roosevelt this week it would
c~Uld
gr~atly
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help in the campaign •. The( Senator adds that th.e medal has
be·en recommended e.J.ready by GEtn• . Wheeler. and o.f course would,
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in due. time, be presented, but he strongly urges that the
presentation .·be made novr for the reasons named.
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T HE 0 D 0 R E R 0 0· S·E VB L T,
IAte t1eutenant-Colon$l lst Uri~ ted Statea Volunteer ·Qavelry.
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AP?L!OMION FOR A :MEDAL OP H01iOR.
Hdqrs. 2d Cavalry ·Briga.d~,
Trencho~a:
in
front
or
Santiago de Cuba, cuba,
July 6th,l898.
•••
To the Adjutant G&ne'ral 1 ·
·'
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u.s .Army, llashingto.."'l,D.a.
( Thro t lU 1~ tary Channel e ) •
·Sir:
..
I have the honor to recon"~.mand !~ieut .e_ol. ~hecxfor.e Rooseve~t,
·.· . ).at u.s .Vol,,,.,Ca.valry, tor a medal ot honor, for d1stingt~1sh,e<t ~:~
.· : ;;-.:>'i ,. ,1.-t.ey, i-n leading a c·harg.e on .one ot the entrenoha4.·ht.lft:·:~...;:;~:> ..., ~~.''.i
~-. · east of the Spanish position in the subu~ba of Santiago de Cuba .•
July 1st,l898.
·
.
.
Very respeet:f't.tlly,
Leonarj Wood*
Colonel,l~t
.~ ·
,
u.a. Vol.OaYal:r;v:t.
. Comde. 2d C&Y. Brigade.
lst Indorsement. .
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H•adqua,:r"tars · Oa..valr~· Di v5. s ion
Before Santiago de UublitJuly 9. 1 1898~.
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Respectfully tor-warded to the Adjutant General, . 5th An~.y
Oorpa, earnestly reoommended .•
Jo$. Wheeler,
Kaj or- General ,u .a. Voluntee~•,
· Oommanding. • .
2d Indorsement.
•••
. . ' ., . .
HC~Jadquarte.rs ·5th
Army ·Oorp~,
·.·. ~~J)~iit~~~i~jt 0~:~&:. ·.
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Resp&cttuily forwarded to the AdJutant General_ o.r the· Army,
approved.
Wni.. R; Shafter,
u .... ~n ... n. ........... _.,, n
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. RECORD. AND PENSION 'OPFIOE, . '
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WAR. D:BiPARTMmrr, · Wash~neton, Sept .l7 ,~898.
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Rt)ep.&ott~tlly 1Ubm1 ttod · t$ the- Hono~-le, thEJ Socrotcu•y Q.t war.,
with report enaloa.s.4"
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lir.c .Ainstrorth; ·
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One inolos ur& •
Oolonel,U .s.A. ,Chi at of Of.t'ioe"
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PersonB.l.
Camp Wikoff, Montauk PQint ,L .I .. ,·
September 14 1 1898 •
. Assista.~t Secretary o:r War,
Wa:r Dept., Waahingten,D.Q.
My dear. Ml". l!tt1kleJ ohn:
.
.
. ·
Will· you do me a personal .tavor-? I WMt to
t1nd Qtt t abo,ut the medal or honor for which Generals Wood, Wh.'aler ·
and Shafter recommended me.·
. ·· . · · .
.
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· . Are the reoommendat.toua on til~ in the Department? And when
1 s 1 t likely any aati on wi J.l be taken?
·· ·
· .· · ·
P&.i thfttlly ·yours~
.
Theodore Rooseivel t .. ·
WA.~
DEP.ARTltENT,.
W~h1·ntr~on, September- l7,l898 •
. Coloriel Th~odore R<>Q&ev~l t, ·
· Oyste.:r Bay, !.Qng Island, ·
Iiew York.
il.y
.dear· Si:r:
.
. In _reply to your l'etter of reoent 4atet MJlative ·to an
appl1c~tien fer the-ward of a ·medal or ho:nor to you, I be-g to say .
that such an appl1<i.ation·, made by Colonel Leonard Tiood_, lat U.s.}
Volunteer Oavalr)t, and reoo~nded ·by Gen~t'&l.• 'Yfh!!l•let' and Sh~tter.,·.
1s Q-ll file 1 n t.be Department.. Owing to the IH~eas.ura or ourrent
work the Department is unable to give· eon:liderution to oases or
this olaas at the present time, but the o.pplicat1on made in. you,ro ·.·
. · · ·:'tfea.ble.W:'i,~l take Up the4e a&s.et.
~~-~t to ~-e.e1ve. eare'rul ~~te~ti.on a.s soon · a~~· 1·t 1e :fo~:cP.-.~.'
,...,.,,,
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Very respeottully,_
G .D.MeikleJQhn.
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Ai,ttine Se.-6retary ot War •
. Oont1d$E;tial ..
EXEOUTIVE
Y~fSION,
Washington,Oatobe~ .24 1 la9s.
lly d.oar Sir:r
,.
.
· Tho President direo:ts m$
send you the enclosed
memorandum, and, .,to. ai!Jk Whether a board ~ltl.S yet been appointed tor
me daJ. awards •
··
to
.Very reapeet:f'ully,
· J •.,..Porter,
s~cretary
to
the President.
o.
Hon~~.A.Alger•
:'/ Seore t~ of War.
• ·. ~C!~~·~iit. / .\. \> .
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TELEGRAM , .
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EXEoUT IVE. MAns l'CM; ·
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Waahingtcn,October 24~1696 ..
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�·to
\Jt;la··~~ ~~rJtea -wl tl'l lfla ~a wished me
S6Y to the. Preaid&nt that i t
the medal ot h«lQJ' fQr brav~ry on the. battle-field c'ould be a.wardecl '
·to Ool.Rooa~v$lt this week it would sreatly help in the :o~unp~ign.
· .. The Senatcr e.dda that the medal ha.a b"n .reo.omme~decf already t.y
Gen •. Wheeler"• and ot course ~ould, in Q..ue · t1me 1 b• preaente4, but· .
he stronsJ.Y· urg9a that the Pr'$sentat1on b$ ma.de ntnr tor the reasons.
named.
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Unsiened.
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EXEOUTIVE MANSION•
· Waahingten, OCtober 2.5.1896.
Y·:r ·dear
Si'r-:
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..... · Colonel Theodorq Roosevelt has been raoommended by
Gene;rala lharter) Wh~ele.r and Woo4 to-r the. medal or bol',or·, ancl
the Prtaident direets. me to ~~Y thu.t he vti:Ll b~ slad. to talk \vi tll
you concerning this matter when you are next at the Executive
l!ans.ton.
·
·
· Very. t1••nly youl"'l·s
.. J .A.Portel"',
Secretary to ·the ?reaident.
c.
Hon .• R.A.Alge:r,
.
Seoretary q.t War- •.
REPUBLICAN STATE COMMIT'l'D,
F!FrH AVENUE HOTE!"' New York,
nov .l7th,l898 •.
lfy dear G&ne.ral qo:rbin:
· .
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·
I taw the other cla:r a atat~ment that a
Board had been convened, to d.e~ with awarding medal$ ott~._onor. You
may possibly kl1ow .that I was recommended by Generals· wa
and
.Wheeler •. Oan you .give me a.."'l ide~ \fhether or not it is likely to.
be s~atlted,. and if eo, at what. time~ I should like ~w.tully to
wear the medru when. I. am inaugu~ated Governor, that is, .of course;
. it I -~ thought worthY to recei va it.
·
·
l"ai thf'.1lly :lours,.
·
T •.
Gen,H .c .oo.rbin,
· AdJutant
·
Roo~evelt,
Gen~ral,
Washington;D.Q... ·
REPUBI~lCAH. STATE OOMUITTD.,.
.
FI~TH AVENUE NOTEt, :t!e'rt.York,
ltov. 22tl89B.
'My· donr Geno-r·al i
and
Gene~al
I know only what General Wood, General Wheeler
Shatter told me and what Mr- :M~iklejohn wrote ma, namaly,
that .General Wood had. rec.omend€-d me for a. medal of ho~or, th~t
...
General Wh&~ler- had endor·aed it and rorwtutded 1 t . to Genel'"al Shatter,
and that ~oneral ShaftE~r had also f&-vorably endor&ed 1 t and for. warded 1 t to the Department., 0a..Yld Ur•. MeikleJohn. told me this rrecommendatie:n was on til«t. . Rtf" wrote, me on Sept_. l. 7th last; so ~EJ
e:
.zp.ust have the re-commendation on hand.. ·
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!ifow., my dear ~n~U'$l,. don•.t bother ;(ourself in the matter,.·
.. .b~t -~r •
·r:o~.a_f:OXl_ ~.tuil -~~-~ ·r_9tDlAit·. throu_. 6h Mr •. Ke.~_kle_J o_hn .whetn~r th~a
· · 1.&· :ou: f11~ ·'l· :•~-~1· be· S~Jl.t:lr · •bl~.. . G~ne~~ YotQ1g· .... ·~t·.: 4.-l:l
..
. aomman<l o:r 'th'lJ ~saM. at the t~m.-. aa aoner'al YoOit ha4 ·~•o:eefle4
him.. l.n Wood•~·· f'epo:r-t he espec:ially mentions me tor •Qons:picttou&
gallP..ntcy·• in leading one of the Qharge•, but this repo~t tfD.8 n~t ·
hi's rec:onnnendation ~n the- eu bj eat, which was separate and. apeqifi•
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_)?e.i th:t'ully your8 1
.
Gen. H.O .• corb1n 1
•
. Adjutant
.
The·odore Roosevelt •.
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General,
'faahineton,D.O •
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My dear Governor:
.
ADJUT.AJ-TT GE!nn:tAL'S 0F1l!O.E,
Wiuihington; De<)ember 3,1698.
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I ha.vQ your letter o! Novem'l)e;r a2d .• · :t :tind,.tter
diligent search; the re~ol'!l,1':1cndn. t1 on ot Oolonel Wood, General Whtlele:r
· and aensral Sha!ter~ conmvsnding .you tor a mttdal ot hQnor-~ It w~ ·
·
reae1vod in due SEH~•on, but UndGr an old· rul(l that applioa.tiona for .
me_d~a of hcm.<rr-. tor volm;1te~_.a ~hould it d1r~<r:t tEJ .the Re4.v4 ~-·
Pona!on Qtt1oeJ it was sent.to Colonel Ainsworth, where .t; ditcovered
. it today. ·~ se11c1 you a copy ot the reoo.Ill!!lendation, along With the
resulationa {SOverning the award ot meda.J.s. .Also aopy of the order
convening the- board to exa~nin~ all suoh r.ec~ndationa, It will
give me grea;t pJ.•••u~ to know that General Wo.od•s recommendat:ton
r: '
reae1 vos ta vorable cons:iderat:t on.
· With kind ·r~gards,
·
.
Sin"~r~ly y()tirS;
Henry
Hono1-a.ble The odors. Roosevelt,
.. · Gt,>vernor ot liew York, ·
·.
Oyster Bay, Long !sland.
a.
Corbin. , .·
enelosures ..
,.
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• The copy Qf re.c.Qm.mendation "refe1·red to- l!'a~J the letter ot
General Wood, 4a.teci·Jqly 5 1 1B98, (with a~dorsement& thereon), which
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Oil page UO •. ). Of thi$ CO_rrespondence •
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\V.l\..tt DEP ART!i:El!T,
Subject: Racow~len4a.t1on
.V/ASHINGTOlf., December 5tl8~8.
· ror Me.dt:U ot· Honor,".
M~
dear Gover'itor:
.
.
· .· ·. · · · · . .&sreaably tci t.he wishes of se.nator Lodge, I tak:<t
pleasure in transmittine to ~ron herrevrith COPl~ or Department :reo.orde
shoWing .tho rec()lill.nenda.t:ton of Colonel Wood, indorsed by· Generals
Wheeler and Shafter, that a ma·dal of honor be granted· to you.
on
"for. distingn1$h0~ 'gallantry in leading a eharse
one ct:
the. entrEmohad hills. to the east ot tha Span1~h position~
in th~ suburba or ·santiago <to Cuba: July lst,l89.8~ •
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Als·o t copy of Spel1at Grde l-i$ convening a b.oard
or
ott1<JtU'a t(Jr
:
the purpou ot mak1ng.reaommenda.t1cma·tor bt"evet promotiona, th&.ili.ai~d~ ~:f':'\fueda.Is~': of,::n6n.6j~•,an(! cert1.r1a:ates of mel"i t tor the ott1oer"S
l!ii1f"'etil.~fstea men whp p-art.ioipated in the ·of'..mpa.igna ot Santiago. the
Philippines • and Porto Rie:o. ·
Very reapectfully,
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Ho~~ ·•ihe~do1'~~,·~~··i~~it.• ·
·
Oy~ter
G.D.l!e1.l4,~jQJ:u.lt
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··"Aqt~~'Seo~~:~. ~1: ~* .· .
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Bay, lif.Y.,
(In.closure: Oopy f'rom the. reo·or?-s , referred to) •
53
�REPUBLICAN STATE OOlil!ITTEE,.
JIFTH AVP!mJE HOlf.BL,. N~· York Defo ._ 7tl'i,l898.
l£y dec:.r Genaral.·o~rb1n:
.
·X have just reoe1yect·your lettor.: Ponn.it.
ms to thank yott f'br 1t -v~ry htu~~ly; a.nd, my dear General, let ma
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-ttalso aa¥ I appreoia.te the. Wlif"orm GOUrt~ll' nth- which JOU have behave(t .:
to me. Do you -re40ll~ot hQW you and I and. Wagner WEJnt all over· \he.
,.
whole mili ta:ry s1 tuati~n as early d laa.t lanua.J7t
. • l waa a soQd dtt«P,l ·surprised. and ~hagritlad tq h~&~r that Se.o- ·
reta.ry Alger hM •aid I •as not entitled t·o tho meclaJ. or lt.o~or" J
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WY'1fTt-n "f"P
yc.-,c-,-~· w(?,ul
-to 'JL·,.}tt',.-
·e,t;,
/"vt.
""'Prt: ,._..,..
k4"jr-;,
"';.'t·
he re(i0trol%l'lended tho medal Qf honor ror m~ ~ l aon• t wa.xn; 'l.li. l.X" ~
am not entitled to it, but it is an ho.nor th~t l vary. keell1¥ dftsirt.
i t I am ent:!. tled to it.
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~pa.i thi'ully yours;
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The oclore Roosevol t •
Gen.
H.O~Oorb1nt.
MJ\ttant Ge.ners.J. Jwasbinst.on~D.u.
W.iul . DEP .ARTb!rlNr,
.
. ADJ.UTJJTT GFJiT.ERlJ:,:t s OFPIQE, ' .
waahingtQn,
Dear
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l)e~nmbe:r-
I
10;1696.
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Governor:
,
.
Thanks tor your note ot neoember 7·th ~ · One word ae:
to the_ l"6POl·tad rmnark of tho Searetaty of war that ttyO'tl w~re ne:\
entitled te> a m.ctdal of hQnor~ ~ l am fully persuade<l that the Sea·retary nev~r ma~~ any a-ttch sta.tGment to any onG. My. relatima with.
the S(~()~Ot a:ry have b~etl intimate and' YOUl"' name. has 1/:e~n ,t"re-qtt~n1;ly
mcnti oned an.d there <\ias never a stlgges.t1on fr~m l~m th~t \~. n((t ··
. full. of. kindly rogard and arp:reoi&ti<m~ Wht\t he p1·o.bably dit;. py
wa$ "thG · oase a~ presented by General' Wood wottl.d no:t, under tho. .
rules: o'f the off'loe, entitle'. you· to this oonsiderut:J.oni't, and you
.
must acree that Wood's rGOOl!li•lendation was lacki:ug in· .the speo:I:al. :.
·
features t.h~t w,arrant th& iss.uan.ce. of medals t.o any Qne.. As you
__:. . ,-:.,,;;,':'~
: .'.'yj\~· ,_;,"'• • .i.:~,f!t:tten :bl_m .. I ho.,..e. he Will b~ able: to set tort.b.·~-··in.:,atu~:~;>:;i;;:;:,';:.~;<'::·~·;·:.· •:
·, · ;Juit:--Why i't ahotti<i be. done. •. ·Should he do thist I. ·un48118.ka;·j,J.~-·''':';-'··· · \
••
·the Seoretal"'~ 1f1ll. shar~ With m~ the pleasure-
honor upon you..
,
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' . 1'1 th kind
ot
bestowing th:ll
·
regard::~,
.fU.noeraly youra 1
Henry o •. aorbin •. ,
Theodore Ro(Ysevelt;
Oyster BaytLong Island.
Y.a.iled
Deo~lO.l898.
REOUBLIOJill STATE CO}u.UTTBI
. ..
FIP.TH AVIDIDE HOTEL, i~ew ¥ork, Dee. l'~~th,l898~
!>f':/ dear General Corbin:
.
·it to Gen&~ 11'o-od.:,
W:ho
wQ;J
'!.
tha~Jlc you for
Q~t~n Stevena. of
I
you:r let tel.... I. h~ve a.e!'lt
the. 9th, Oa:J;)t~J.n Stee~~ .., .
<m· General 'lhee.1.er.*:a.:a:tatt •. 'G~ftt'~:L: tt~rl·~~lit.p.~~;;;Jt.~.i ·
.
;yho wns also en the sta.:t:f'~ l!t~jor J'enk1nlf l~ tb.S ~e •. VQlttnta,Giif.:..~..
Cavalry, L:teut .. ·Fergn:son of the lst Volunt~,,~ Cavalry, I.il3ut; .• Carr
of' ·the s~q r.e.:eiment, e:nd· I. thin.~ Lieut~ (7oo.cl:c-ich 7 togG:ther •vitb ~
ntunbex- or troeypers - notably my ordGrly, Henry Dal"'dsha,r1 wo~.u·~ with
me chtr-:tng most of the eneaeement. · Would ycm like m~ to get le ttera
from them?. I. wo,1ld, ot courae, have gotte.n ·th$lll b~fore, but !
had supposed that the re~ommendatio11 and endorsament of my. three
aommandine; offio·&:rs, who w-ere all in· a.ot,ion ~t th~ time e.nd were
either' eye-witno·a~Jea, or got their• 1mpr~stl1onG trmn reports to them
ot other ayo-wi tneatut•, would be ~m:tt:J.~#;~nt.
·
.
ve.ry si:ttc~rely your"S,.,
.
Theodore Rooaev~lt.
I havo qo&n .in oor-r~spond€;noa ·Tii th the Depal"tment 1"or thre:*' .· .
. months Qn this matter; and this is· the tirs.i hint I h4ve reoeive-4
that thar, _Wa$ t:r•oubl('f. due to Wo.od '.s let t.er net l).Et{ng ap·ecit'l¢ •
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�vys"!ier :say, .«err x·or.x:~
My dear Govarnor;
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I really think it would be well tor you to ·got a
ate.tement :f'rom the officers nsmad in your letter of the 13th instant ..
npeci:rying the reae<ms why· a medaJ. o:r. honor _should issue in ¥'~1u.r·
case. This w·ould :put the !!'.a.tte:r in better sna.p-e o.nd 't7ottld e~ va
better assurance ·or. suocess.
As you rr.ill.y hu.ve noticed from .thEJ
.
)
oxtraet of the "Lqws anct. Regulations" alreacly . . seut y~u. , I®dnl.s: of·
honor are not .1 Gsueci tor ~ mara aot of gallantrt al~nG·; thfl:re must
. noceaear1ly be som~extrao1•d:J.nary reason. An aq·~; ot gallantry
will b·e met 1:n all .oaees, by conferring .(\ bl·evet, ~he medals of
honor will b$ made only h.t extrao:rrdj.nary aervicea,. ·that is t tor
some seMi" 1)\rg r o.nd abnve the Ol..diuo.r-;~ a.ot;s or s~lant QOnduq t.
t"·Jatit is not ola.~r thrtt I ha.v~ made matters .understood, but. I
thbikAyou ~e.n d1 vine .what I am dr"l. vil:1_g at - that. I want your. ce..se
made p~tiottla.rly strong and the evidence to· marlt fc:worable aQtion
ot· th6 De~tmen t. So far,. there ha"• not b~en granted ·a single
medal ot h~no~, and al.l ~n a.utJ:lority are part.i~ula.rly.anxicms that
they ~hap only be e;iver1 in re~lly me~ torioua o&aea:,.. and l: am· su"-'
that no •• Will approve lll.Q~S heartiljf· Of thS;$ O·ourae than -:f~\ll'&~lf •
· No dohbt, G~n$.ral Wood ~Gant that tha medal . o:t ·.honor should
be {Jrs:rite·l\ 031 bi$ m>ownend.ati:On; but yOU L"'U.$- see tp~t it 1.S: l10t
:$P&e i.f i.e · enough._ and· I have no ~onbt · ll,e. wi.J.l· gi V$ $~a.Q t r•410QI
whr it should be done.,w.h&n it is brought .to his attal'tton.
.
Very cordially yottrt .•
H.C .Corbin, ·
Adj utu::.1t General·.
· :Z.l:o.iled. D<>c.40,l~9.6~:/,;~;A-\
. •, ·.~·-. _:. -~-~~-~?-\.i~.~-~·-\-/\~~:._\:~_-_·._=_-~ ~-.: ·: :'". ·. .
· .J.fy dear Genoral Corbin:.
.
I foal rather ash&lecl of myself· to vrri to to
o!fic&r$ to tes.t·i~y as· to my good conduct J I had supposed thtl.t
what my sup·erl.~r offieers .saJd *went"~ X havQ rrri tten to two· or
three, and the. fintt man t ·wrote tO: wi.\B Qa.ptain Hovrze ~f ·the- ·re~~
l. e.r army, then on Gener&l. Sumnarts staff. l timc.lose you his l'ett er
~d o~rtifioat.a·. Will y-ou tell me about hQw many you want? · Only.
two, or more?·
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Fn.i thfully you~s! ·
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Theodora Roo-e~vel t.
~ae~. H:~a~o.orbin,
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~li,t~t Q~Ul6~J,W~hington, D .,C.
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Wes.t Point, !L Y.,
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Do<:l. l7, 1890..
. Tho Adjutant oen~~l,TJ ~s.A'!,
wash1ngtw,
n.o·.
SiP~
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· . I have ·the honor to reoommend that a ~C.<milrGssfenal M&de.l
. ~t.Hquo..r•· b& given 'tQ ThGOdQ,.-e Rooseveltt (lat~l) Co!'onal~ lrittlt ·
.
VJluntee!* eavalry, 'l'or distinguished oQndU~t~ and e~1:ls.p1ou()ua b~c:\;'Tory,
'While in ecmmand or his re~iment end in lea.d.ing :1. t 1n the ohu.rga on
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-·7s~ Ju~ Hill,Cuba, July fil"'st,l89S.
Iz1 complianCJe With G.O.l35,
la9a,·
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I eneloae
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0(7rtifia.ata,
s-CJ
�. Vary· r'03Jl15tq.t:f'ttllyt
RQh1i. K. Hovu,
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Capt. and As.Gt.Ad.j. Genil,U.S.iV.
(1st 1~iout. .. -o~h U.S .Ct~:Vall'"y).
We at ?o:tnt,. H .. Y
«,
De<}. 17 ,ln~Ja.
·. I h~:r-eby. cert:t~y that on July fira:t·;J.n98; Colonel (then
Li&utenant -Oolonel} Theodore Roo$eval t, Firat Volm1t ear caval~;,
di stinguisho·d himself throttghout the ~tcti<>i'l, and on two ocoasi ous
during the battle i7htHl I was- an eye·-w5. 'tue§Ss, his. oondt:tc t \7a.s zilost ·
cons?1;uon$ and cle.a~ly d~tinguished above other .men - as .follows_:
l. !t the ba$6 of tha Scm Juan, or. !irst hill, . there was a
.str()tlg Vire fenoe;or entar15lem.t)nt:.· at whioh th& line hesitated under
a galling t'1.l"e,and where the losses ··~ere sev:eref Colonel Roosevelt
jumped through the :t"en.oe &rJ_(l by his enthusiasm, his exf.llnplc:} and '
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courage ~UCQ.etded in lea.dine ·to the ore-at ·of the hill a line •tl!1"i.Q1el1.tly. st:rone .to enptttre it. In thia ohar~e the Oavalry Div.1aion
su:tfered 1 ts great~&t loss,. and the Qolonsl t:J li.fe. wai · pla.oed :lta,
•~treuu• J·e~&rdy, ·owing to th~ con~p#.<rno\1& p.osition ho tock in .
l.••r;t1ns the .line, ~d being the> fix·st to r~~qh the are.st of that..
hill, While under bt~avy fire or the 6ll6llli~ at close range ~
· 11. At the· extt-erne advanced positiorr occup1ed by cu=-- l:fr.ies,
·colonel Roosevelt found himself· the-; ~e;:-:t.ior a.z~d unde:C" L1st.r~•cticns
tro:m General Sulime~.to hold that position. He displayed the
·: ....
· ··"Si,.,.......... :.b:~'IJ'81'7 end. P.la.<>ed his life: in· e~trGme Jeop~;t -b;lf ~~··. ;;· ' . ··
v-oid~ble expo-sure to se-vere fire. while adjust1ug .t\nd strengtheT1.llig ·
the line, plaoine; the .men in positions v;hich attordad beat protect,1 on. C'cc .&c, Hj_ a conduct and ·example s teadj.ed the men and. Ol1 one .
oo·:eas1on b~r ·severe., hn.1; necessary znaasur~s: :prev·eJ.1.tacl e. snulll detachment .from s-tanp6'dine; to tho ·rear.
. Ha dis:pl.ayod the m-ost <:.On3picttous • Gall an try • couruge and.
coolnss s. in pe~:t"ormine ext:r·~.ol""dinalf.ly hp.z~rd.ous duty. .
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Ro:h t • K ~ How-ze ,
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Ca.p1H(.in r;; ·A.A.G. ;U .S.V •t
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r..ieut.
$th u.s.oa.valry) .•
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. =·;."..•. :
_Heal~quarters Depurtm~nt. of sa.ntj figo de ,Cuba,
Santiago de Cuba,. Decembe:r ZO-.lOOG •. ·.
To. the A4Jutant Genenu,u .. s.Army,
Washtngton,:n .c.
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.':fi ~s m~n, l.&d e. very de.eperate and extr-emely gallant chatgo on. ·
san Juan Hill,. thereby •.etting a. spland1d ex.c~;s to the tl"oops ·
and *':1couragins them to pass over tho ope:tl coun,;ry intt)rvening
between their position and th~ trenches of the ttnem.y: •. ln leading.
this charge, he •tarted off first, as he suyposed·, with ·quite a.
following .at InGilt but &OOl'l dis·c·overed that h$ was alone·. He then
returned anr.l ga.th~~d up· a tew men and led tl1Gm to the aharge .a.e
ab-ove stated. '.rile charge in i tsell' 'qa:J ;.~rt e~tr~el:r gallant on•,
a.Yld the $XanJP.lO s~t. a most inBlJirins one to t.hc tr·oops in tha.t .Pa.l't
ot the line, and while it is. pe~i"aotly true that everybody f'+~·J.t .
~ut. up the Hill in good style, yet there is no clo\Jbt that the . ·
magnificent e~le oet by Colonel Roocevel t had a.. very .eno ouraglng
e:f'i'eqt arid had srf;)at weight i·n ·prine;ing up the troops behind hlln.
Du'ing the a.ss®lt, Colonel Roosevelt was tha first to reach -the
trenche# in his part. of the· line a.p.d. killed one cf the enomy w~th
his mm hand.
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I. earne•tl:r reo~end that the mad~ be eonforred ur>on
eolcmel Rooaey~lt, tor·I·believe.
that
he in ev~ry wa.y deserves it,
and "Chut hiEI senl·Gf)• ..Qn tba day in qt1:esti9ll were of great value
and or a. most dtsti,u~~lshed ~haracter.
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.Very
ret~pec.t!ull~,,.
Leonard .woo~
Yaj or (J.en~raa; u
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. Comdg.
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•S:. V. , ..· ·
Dept. of Santiago de
~uba. •
. 1 •
. h'EADQUARTJ~HS ~.T D:tVISIOJi, 2D· AIDN· ()OR?S,
Camp Maor.~~nz:t~, Ga., Dea~ 30th;lf396.
~-\p<~;;•·«·~"·'·~lf!ali·~
· · Wa.shint$t.OnS.:l.r;
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. I. l"~v~ t.he. ~o-n<>r · to reeomr;:s nd' Hon .•. Theodo-re Roosevelt, l&.to
· :Co~O:n~l l:•t;J1',.$·~·V(J;.:O..Y~l7; ·f'or a ,Ii1-eda.1 or honor, all a :t'&YPd $'0~
.
Obn$lli(iu~a:::efJ¢l~trt at the· battle o:f· san Juan,Ouba., on Jua;y.·l•l•
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· o~;!i<mel Ro.9f,l~rvel. t · by· his ~Xtm'l.Pl~. and rearlassrussa inspired
189$ •.. · :'': :' ·..·.... ; · ~ " .•
;m~n. a,r~d/ b.9th: a:t; ··K~~ttle Hill aYid the ridge known as
Jut\1'1,. ·
ho led. .his o~·t\ in person • r wr~s t:.n eya-wi tness of Col. Roese•
val t 1 s- e.~tion:. · :
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A,(]• e6lcixiea: .Roosevelt has loft the nervioe, a breve:t conlii11&sion is of no p'articu.lar 7~luo in.li.iG ca~e. ·
·em
·hifi
"(ery l"OSpec.tf'PJ.ly,
Samuel S.. Sm:mar,
H~\j or Genaral, U.s. V.
t.
STATE OF :tffi'·.7 YOPK:
·;:;·Yi.llr'UTIV:F' (!u~J~. ~a
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I hac'l not inten<.h~<l sanding yott fol" the
.&n.v<.let'ter..s from· men in my o·'in.'l r~~eimant ~ ., .. """ ~- ........ .-...... "-'nG
.but th(') Major cf
'{
b
�.. e:nclpsed~ na,lne· nat~.:rrJ.
;s-e~t~-m(~~tM
(,lL'-9
.t·t"··~v-no ........ ~ .... w~., ....... ·--~. -····~-
medal 1 ~'Pd.: l ae.nd .1t a.l.ons"
.
·
D:l..:d you ren&1.va th& lett"r I sm1.t you front Cnptdn liowze9
· 1~r.r~.~ I· ask yo'U to toil ma it' those t:t'IO lettorG, m:~e enoJifhf
.As I sa1d 1 I· am not <tVi te Gortai;n· who did sea me o.nd who
· did not.... Soroe eaw -one inoiden·~ and some another.
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I dislike troubl1nl YW;· but may I not have oop1es
the
.or the ot:her Cavairy roeg1men'liJ at San Juan.? I ought to ·
have them -.t c:m.o•• 1n or.ter .to ocmpl~te. my .art1o.le 1ri. time. You
may remember ~~ t·wr-o~e you abo~~_ this before..
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~.eport.a.
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�To the
Adjutant Genera.l1 · .'
· · Washington, D.o~ .·
To :tha MJutcu1t Gen~:ral, ,u ~sf.A.,
S1rz .
Waath1nston,D.o.
.
BeliE!Vins;; that information relating to superior eonduc.t on
.
the part of a.n1 ot the higher offiosra ·Who participated in the ·.
·
Spani:sh Ameri~um 'fl~ (~d ·which information may ~ot··haw. been e;1ven:)
would be epprsciated by t}le Department .over whiah you preside • I
have the honor to o:all 'your attention to the. part t~oi--ile: by Ool.
Theodore Roos&'Te.lt of the late 1st U "S.Vol.Cav'y, in the battle ~f
. J.uly 1st, las.t. I <to. this .not cm.J.y l)ecauJ~$ ·I think y()u. 01,tght to ..
know,, but beoaut• his J"(tgiment u atW!{Q'le w.ere very proud. of hi$
.sp~end.id aotiota that day and belie'fe'" i'hey c.al.l for thatmost coveted
distinetion of the Amerior.Ul otficer., the ma.daJ. of hon<!}r.. Held in
support,.he b:rought.his regiment, at exaot:;.y tha r-ight t:!me;·n.ot
o11ly up to. th& l.1ne ·or :regulal"8, but wemt through them &:tH\ headed,
on horse-baak, the charge on 'Kettlo 'Hill.; this be:itle done on I1is Olm
initiative. fhe MlguJ.a.rs a.s weJ..l a& nis own m~:q following. He then. ~-.''•''
, . :<:-·, ,:;~·~·;,~e. eb&l-e;~. on the next hill, bi:>th tte·stJl,aN anct· tb• J.st . u~s, ....
Vol ~ Oay ty i'"oll owins ,. . He wa.s s~ U$!U• the ~ntrenobmeJt·\S en ; th• · ·
ae.oond hill that he. ahot and· killed 9.'1 th a; Jt'$1fOlve~ one of th&
· enentY beto~ they broke. completely. He then led the cavalry on the
chain of' hilla oirerlookine santiago. \there he remained in eharse
~:r....~l the cavalry that ·was at the extra~: front fo.r. tho rest o.t
... th8:tctay and night. W.S: tmhe·~itat1~ go.ll~ntry 1n taking the ini t1'"!'
&.tiT-. ag&inst t..!ltranahmenja lina~ by men ~- lfith r~pid tire guns
oe~ta~nJ.y won, bim tha hig!l$..st COlla14er~tt~ Md ~mirrat1on ot all whf} .
w1tn:ess.e4 his ~~duet throughout that day.
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What I hore ·an, te I cq b~ wi tneas to flo om personally
having seen.
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Very reapeqttully•
·
H .J .Jenkins,,
MaJrtlat~
lst. tJ.S.Vol.Oavty •
. . . Ji~.~~'~;,;,:~~~~l·t~::. .·~~-.l·8ti.~ ...
The Adjutant
Sir~
.
GenerEU ~u .s.Anny,
was~1ngton,D.O.
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I have the honor to reoDz:mnond that a WOonsressional Medal
o:t Honor• be given to· Theodare.R9oaevolt, '(late <lolonel lat Vol ..
O~yull"'Yt) for d1st1n6{11Sh8d 'cu;mducst and COUGpi~c.-a~;qu·s bravery in .-oommand or h~s regiment in th~ ~harge. on san Juan Hill ;Cub~, July lst,
1898~
_;
tn <lomplill.nte w:1 tb· G.Q.lH,A.G-~0 • .,ie9a, I enoloee· my oe~tlf'
·io:ate .ah'Qwi.ng my pe~,_,t)naJ. kn-a)7lftdge ot Col. Roosevelt•·s conduct•
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·Very ~epe:ctfully-,
· o ,.J .s·te·v.ens•
Oapt. ,2d aa.val:ry.
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· I .oert1ty (certify\ that on Jttlf lst-.le~e, . f\.t tha battle o:f
Jua1-QOuba, I Wi tnea:!'ed Colonel (then L1e'l.tt .Ool--l ~heo:.• Rot.f.SA.vel t,
let VQll.mt~ro Ca.valn.u..s • .A. ... MOYtl.ted. l§'a.ding his reJZiment in _
�-
~~~----~~~------------------~--~--~~~~--~
h~~ cr~t~tb~·iedc.irt:at"maf~~·~~ir~ 1~"'£~t~:~~({;;~~ (i'·~~J~j{EWBG
oavalry Division up -sa:n ·a-u~ Hil.J..
.
. .·· . · · . .
the
'. Ool.Gnel Rooaevel t· \Vl\S _e.m.Gng the very t:tr~-t to ~•oh the
.
ore~t o1: the bill an-d h.:l8 dashing &xamp:\.e, his S.beolute :t'&al*lOSIJn&ss
r.~gall~t. leading 'l"endered his conduct oo._ns}'>1t:uous and clearly
· inguiahec$ above o.the~ man.
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a.J .st•v€1Illh .·
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· ~ capt .. 1 94 Oa¥~'1•····: . . . . .:· . -·' ..· ·
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e.
9t
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{lat• +at L:l,eut.,9th O·~.}-
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STA~E OF NEW YOJU<,
· ·F.JOJCU'i'IVE :mmr:B:l!lf{,
Albany,. ·Jan1. 9th,1899~
To· tha Mj u,t&.n$ General , · · ·
· ~ .·
War Department, Wu.ahine;ton,D.O•
/
Sir: .
.
. I herewith furnish the certifica-te of Captain St~vens of·. the
9th oa.vulry, ~l eya-wj.tne•.s, in refe:rs~;Q() to th~ medal Qf ho.no:r,' '
for which I wq re4·~nded by my :brigadl; 4iv1s1on and crorpe c:om•
manders. ·
·
·
·
I hav~ ·al:re~y :rur1iished you the e~ti:r i•at-e of Gaptain
. Ho~, anQthar :~ye•wi tnes&, both Oapta.in .~-...·...l Hofi.$ and ~apta1n · ·
StevG.na 'Qe1ne; of the regular army; ~net the letters of two other
eye-wi'tnesses also r~ool!unendina me· for the medal 1 vi.z{: l{aj or General
. Sumner who waa on the d.ay in quo$tion · commancUng· the cavalry D1vt.,. '
...... .a '1'1! "
-~
' a-;4
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.. :.··,~~i:·'~--~c.Jor 41$:t1k·· ' ·• ·,;;;,a.. ' YM th'.e S'f!JO~v. l .t-'1 4~~tt~;~. ~.1':\Jl~::·,_.· ··,'
..,1;1·a wuO ' ' . ·•
· · HSftlitJnt~--: .· . ···· . · ·
· · .· . ·
e
'Very r
.
.. . ·
y~~"'-
. .... · · . ·.·. · . ·. ·. _.;_;:::. ,;- ·
elfP~Gttu:u.y
yGurw; ·.
Theodore Rpo;:>ev~lt •
· ··
William G.·. Havens •.
Counselor at
7
.Dear Si ri
L~w,
Beelcm~ s t
w
·
I Jl.Otio-e ~ statement in a morning pll.per .t_hat the question
or present1ns a m&da1 or honG~ to Col .•.Theodore Roosevelt ha4 not
b~en oon41cler$4 br_ the Boat"d ate~· which. rou p~s1doi.' ~e.Q.ause· no11• .
ot
hi&
ii;ik>ld~ ~"~~~~"fl~m~nt~~::f~#;· .·
at~· an American ci ti~en I .":2m p~oud of his war rs•o.va., and respe•ttully
, s_uggeat !\.Dd requeat that, i:f' cP.IPatibl.e .w1th the purposes, rule•
' and regulations of r<rttr- Honoratlle notu•d, Ool. Bo~qvsl t· be p.re:.
sen t~d with .a medal o.t honor.
·
·
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Ver-.; respe~t:tullmycura t
-w • G,. Ha.v!nal
!L'o. Adj. t .Gen. OoJ"'b:t~;
Pr~ s. -Boal"d ot Reward•,
. ,.
Washington • . D .Q.
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�Personal •.. ·
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ID!;rectJT I VE ltAUS I ON;
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· WashiWSton, January
1/.'.f .do~ Sir t
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l3,l8~9 •.
.The. ~n~lo&~Hl: pap~t'"s, ~eeommending th•. avra.r-d· of . ..
a lM<lal ot honor t.o tol~n~l Theoch}r~ R()osa~elt ,. are tonrarded to
you by direotion o·t tho Pnt·si'dent, w.ho d&sins to talk with you·
about th1 s c&.se.
Very raspeqtfu1ly, .
J .A.PO~'l,ER:l ."
S~eretary tp the P·reaJ.dent ~.
.0~
~;
~djutal·lt
General. ·H.O .. aor'biri ,u.s .A .• ,.
War Dopartinen t •
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Enol osurea •
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··b7'
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nTATE OF lir.W YO?-t.C,
·:P:X:mOUtrTE CHAMBER,
.
�TQ
the Adjutant
Sir:
G~neral,
War nepartment 1
-•
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"ftashineton,n.o.
··
. I have th0 honor in ac~ordanee '\?fi th the suggestion contained
in yGUr' neaenibe:r letter to torwa:r"d ~erawi th th(J ~.ertificiate ot" the.
Adjutant or my res1ment _in the matter ot tho reo.ommanda.tions ot. . . ..
Generale Wood, Whee~el" and Shatter th&t I b(S s~.,eu ~-~l. ·D·f·-t.~n~r~
Aa I am not. aware. wheth~r or not .you have :rc&·4-~1ved tl:te van~ua .other- ·
letters sent by me to you ~nolosing the othel_" (lertiticu~te•, I will
again state that I have na torYardGd thG lettera -or cert1fi8ate•
of eye-witno•aei as· tollowa:
·
.
From General SW!lner, who was in aommmd of' the a·avaJ.ry· div1-
th~ time;
·
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From llis A14~~ Oaptain Howze;
Fl~om aaptaLVJ. St~vens o:r the 9th oave.lry;
.
·Fl"'om uaj or. Jenkins and Adjutant Ke1es of my o\m regimont.
! hE-ve aJ.so been furnished by G&l".ora.t. .Wood with a. copy of
his statement in tull li&nt to. tho war' nt')pS.rtment to lay b-efore .
.the Committee. ·I preoume all thQse cotm:lUnioatiQns u.re now before
the. committee • ·
f1on at
Very :respGGti\tlly you.1•s;.
· ..
·Th.oodor<t' Roosevelt.
Fort Sam Houston,
·. 9
·
· SU..'"l Ar~tonia.Taxas,Jan.: 17,lH9t.
· · ··. ··;ej·tita.nt
&.ene~ ,u~ s .1.".
.: .....:·'··
•:
Washington •. D.C.·
Sir: ·
I ha.ve the honor to certify that I a<tcompaniod c·olonql Thoodore
Roosevelt during th.e engage-l!lents of our troop$ with the Spanlards
at Las Gunsimas and at San ·Juan Hill.
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At sa.n ·Juan. Hil~ July l3t ,l.e~e,- Ctol.C)nel Rooaevel t · (mtd .-.~ ·
·
. ·ma.l.. ohed his :regi~nt out ot a. sunken road, Where he ha.d been ordered
earlier in the day• tovarda the _hill •.. In dai.ns so it was necessary
to pua throueh a .regul~ regiment who 'fore ly~pg D.t tho !cot of the
hill a.wa.:l.tir.g order& •. Arriving there Ool..one:l }\()OSeVelt, upw his
·cnm 1n1 tiatift, one red. and led the chnrge up tho .hill, He then
oolleete.d as ~u14klt a.s p·oasible a.s muny men aa he ooul<l;. irrespective ot resb.l•J3.ta, ~d. ~~d and won the tinal chargE!. · ··
DUring -the- night attaak of July ad, Colonel Roosevelt showed
oon&p1<:uous bra.v-ery in· :Wt\lkine; up and down the linG ~t tranche:•,
cacmm~d~ ll.nd o.auti~;tg his men under e. moat 'Sall~ -t1~• and in
s~•t »~ril.· of hla l~.ft.:,.,·..
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·: Ve rv f.esp~ o't(fully;
Your obedient servant,
llaxw&ll. Ks)'~S ,
.
La~e lat · I1t. t\,i1d ·Ac;tjuta:nt.
l$t u.s.vol. cavalry.,
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li:(J·tie:scunt Lodge":,
Ne:-::V· BriP-:htori_.. _Staten
.Ts:ta.nr~.
u ~ v._ ~
IV
�Mr~ P~ea1.dant!
:- ...... ··-...,.'/=.e.l~,"';-~jg~q.
! would ·most· .re'spaotfully e,sk le~ve to. submit to
,
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you
the. enclotJed mer.1ore.ndum, in ·:;h1ch I have ende-avored. to outline
briefiy what I consider two distinct and spaoil":to reasons· t:rrhy I
think Col. Roosevelt should be oons1de:red seriously for the medal
o! honor tor his participation in the late ca.mpaie;n in Ouba against
the Spanish; ~ither one ·Qf which; it i"'nlly appreoi·nted, ..,ouldt I
.
:aubmi t secmJ-e him the medal; to. say no thins of the~ :reL'lt~,i':ks
by whioh they are supplemented; althQue;n· I al)prehend-'tha.~ .tull•r
and more definite particulars and evidenoa might be .re,<lui"~d t()
substantiate the same, which I oan assu1"'-e· you aan be, readily ()btained
f rQm the su:rv1v1ng ~embers ~f hi a .coinmL\lld·. X beg leave .in· thi$
oonne~tion to lay $t~es:s upon the fact that this cor:nnuniqation rep•
resents the opinion of on)y ..9E!. of his men in this matter, and I
doubt not many ()f:fiq~rs a:nd men· I! Ool: .• R.oos-~val t 's aommand could
r~late other aqta or h:f.s whioh ti1ey wotlld. characf;eri~e as conspie..; ·
uous acts ~f ·courage~
··
·
·
· Ij bali eve. you appreciate per.~ona.lly vary much the. Oolonol 's
services in the la.te war and would doubtless like to sao him receive.
the medal, but perho.ps no one ·~of hio men has. thoueht to lo.y before
you what. they r.egard ·as posi tto and marked 1ns tcu1oes ot un\\S\\al·
oou:r·age on h:l $ part, wh!la you may have. thought it or doubt:t.'ul prGpriety to ask tor tha a~, whil-&' Ool ~ RoQ~&:~Glt himtfel.f would,: or.
(loursG,. never think of singing his own pra.1see· even i'or a medal ot
··honor. Therefore·,. it oc.currod to me that y-\">tl mieht be willing to
hear what one of his anli .gtod mGn hd. to· say·;,
·. ·" .
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. Of CCUl"s~, I havo. not e1ven <:ol •. R:oosa.v.elt the faintest
reason to expect· thn.t I WO\tld make any move, in this direction,par·cl:r
because :r preferred not to risk hj.s disap1~1--u.va.1., but .r.1a.inly because .
I, g;.a. :tJ.qt thiJlk X was ~a.lle~ upon to d.o so and m1¢e~ no aompulsion
. "t.~}~~~f;~Yj p~~ssion to. ex.p~e.~s. ray sentin~a:ng· P.n. thil O.ct0&4i.-. . ..
.;
I simply thirik he ·w&nt into that ¢tlm.p.aign tc dO' n(')t m~n•el·y 1d.;a llal ·
duty, but h1s utmost, that he did .enosuh ·to desG~e tha medal, arid.·
I am sure his ·men would like to sae.·him got :tt a..lld would f'ael t!lat
the· regiment was honore-d there:'by-, - .
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. I would· in advancG ask your graqiqus 1ndulgen'oe for· any .
abr-u.ptnOB$ in my _'WO~ding Of th:f.a letter. or the- ann&Xe-d .memorandum,
,r or. I realize. that poe,s1bly- I have C\ little :reeling in this rnattcsr,
"h:l ch may have a rapt into my- wortta; but I tl'1t.tt Mr. President. • you
vr$1~ always e>onsider- ms .an ad:tn.114'er of-:· youl"' cu.\lt:t 11 a.nQ. ablo s t,.atosmanship in our- l~te troub~e With the Spa.nia~ . and will permit ·me to ·
SUbSOl"ib9 1llYS(Jlt 1
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'f1:1 th Pr'Ofmmd ~ spect.
Your· very obedient servant,
·
Tl~J
.M<>Oo.nn ·
· · lats
o.r'n
Troop, 1st Vol.aa.v'y.
{Th<"! Rouen Riders).
·
J..!FJ-fOR.A11Dm.J! aa to el1.o1bili t
. l s t Vol.Ca.vy., (Rou
Ri
aata ot brav•ry in qhe
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Y of Oo.L. ~.Roosevelt,.. c OI!.l..""!allding
:Po:J~ht~~~dial Of honor>,
·
- .not.Ul:ill" q an War •
p
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for eonspiouotta
II
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�I.
1n his reei!llent durir1g. that c~1;-~.:re;e was. oomparativaly small, O\!iUS
to the rapidity of' the· attack) notwi.ths·~andip.g th$ Spanish at this
point occupied.. a larg0 blo~.l<"..l1ous~;~ . r~~i tr-:nches on .1;he ~rest of the . .
hill. It 1s matte!' of aol!mlon kno,~ledee 1n his regioonv tha.t..he with·
a· rew men tront B troop of ·the Rough .Riders were th~ !il"st to reaah
that part Of the r1:dge o:r hills OCCUliiod. by. his r-egiment• foUl" Of
•
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1
these nembers of n troor> were killed outrie;..11t. at t.ha.t time by one
volley from the retiri~. S~nial"ds, namely~ Swea.:~nam, Hall• H9r~on · ·
and r.oe;u~, This ci:rcums tano~ can be pr.ov~d by many et.Jl~~ •· :Ro9§e.-.
velt's men,· and especially sergas.nts Utti11..g and Norton· ancl privates
, Tnunan, Owens and other men of B troop, a~l of whom cams f:rom
southH rn · Ariaona.
.
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Reeard~n6 the Colonel 1 s action in 'this charge, I ramh~er
'·
hearing his olose f'riend.Qolonsl (no-::t. General) M;)o:nard Wood give
him a good-natured scolding on the n~xt day for h1s diarGgard for
his own safety; ·and in this r$SJ?G4t I am. conri.nned by at le.a.at on•
newspaper oorrespondont who m-o.te, in &Ub$ta.noe, as I . recollect 1 t,
"I expeot to sea Roo:o~velt fall in the next b-attle if he takes the
aarne oha.noes".
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Ylhat must· a m.an. do ·1 n a fight, anyhow, to· win a medal of
honor? 1tust he ltill 27 Spa-Yl1ards- singl·e.-handed in a btma.h, di sabl•
Go at tlf,f.' same .time, while he is 3 n1iles hi tl.dvance of the ·fil"st
firing line,. and COlltlnUa :riehting With fourteen btillGtS in him?
It is lmo'W'n that in .~ fieht at lH"etty olose qttru"'tera the
Colonel killed one Span1arct'·w:tth his ,rwvolver.
·_
· What encotl ragemt1nt iri tht11~ e c:tnt;S to be to a cor.'ll'llatld.i~
oi"fiot;r to show axo:ep ti otlal ·clash, and oom.. a,ea in e~ ·charge ,es-pe~ially
.~ .uphill ·one· &"ld go.ing agalnst the ~n~m~~ in brea.stworks, i i' ·it is
to be taken as a matter· -of .cou'rsa ·an<l not reea.rded as ua o onsp 1cu ous
act of' bl•avar-y"'?
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Fr~· the 4 ~h o! .;.uly until ·~-few days after the
~X~~~~;~-z;~'IOOnf""~f':~antHtgo by·· tho l~.nd toree.q , on
•
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sv.nd.:.\7. •
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:t·ot~~,-~. . . · ~: .... · ·
during which time onr regiment. occu.piacl a posj_ ti on
e where along
t;htJ centro of the linGe Ccl.Roosevcl t v1as busy n.: t and day im.. proyi_ng''and advana1ng the trel'lchos ooc,~rlied b__;r-1li~; me:::l &1d strength-.
· .·enfng our ·poai_tion in. ;ral'"ioua w0.ys.. We we_;~ then only a· t&vl h~clrec.\
yar¢8 from t.he ·-rr.~nt row ·Ot Spanis~hcl1es and could ·ulmost dfs• ,
tr. e
ce.m the featnret Qf', the Spanish sol ·. rs thar~in. A sxnall ~avine
. se!)a.;ra,tect the two arri'L"1~:s. at t1~1s:J · nt C-4'1d .it .wa~ decided t.o.
. . ·
1Qeate a sharpaho·oters''p:t. .t, wt• C6lt~~ !M.~..,:id Fire· Gu.'>'ls i:r~ ito
.
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on th.e. Vr?'lry brow. or the rav~
on our s :ule. . To a.a;complish -this 'i!S
had to· dig z.ig$0.£ trenche
t l~V,1t to· get. out there. Very hill·
p1n$B erew inside the ,
t3 h lines as weJ.l as outsidG, from which
t·~&es the Spanish shft;
shooten did'"~at hnvoc during the fighting,
and there was b'e-etd~a a constant ·e.xpectat~on or a last despe:r-a.te
·.
oharge by th& 'paniards to esoapo and join'G.eneral PandC,tin our
·
. rear. This .)l'Ombination of ciroumstances l~e1)t~ur men under a eon. stant et~il, for the line was thin, .and. wore on~em in time to
suo h a9,.-extent tha-.t the squads figging the zig-zags'--wsra muoh in. clin,e:d to retire to the main trenches (w:here the~r h~~d'iQtt thair
· ~~) on any alarm, especially when t.he moon bocW:l1e br1e;ht. · I was
~-:he main trenches ~most every night ·an·tl helped d1S SQ~t
th~,.~ ·zj,.s~.~ tpenah~s' ~~d _can tl;l~t:tty·that Col.Roosevelt'a &Qtion
in pel'.scmally s.upe~i11te.ndJ.n,g moat o.f th~ time the wo~ t'e:'sJ!Ire4 to .
Gnd rttnn1ng the gauntlet of· th~ Spanish sh&rSNihO:Oten in tb&: pi-11&8
as well as at the Spanish soldier~ in their- tronchei!S, ·every nigh·t · --r'\
ou t on the open grotmd, one ·or two hundred y<:\rds in advance of our •· lo-
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..:t.a. ....
a",
"f1"
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+""~"'
�a.
... ow .wou
...
r~J.L(l
o t;ruop oJ; tine JtoHsn t<1a,ers were the
:r1ret to rea.ah
that part of the ·ridc;e oi" hills cccu1)1c1d by_ hJ.s regimen!-; four ot
these :cem'bel"'s of B troop were Idlled outrie;.nt at .tha.~ t1me by ono
volley' from the retir-ing Sp.ani~\J4Cls 1 namel.}", Swea;tnam,' Hall, Norton
and r.oe;tte. This ·Cil.. at::mst.?.nce Ca..'rl b<3 proved by m_c:n:r orr Co.l. ~oose
vel t' s men, and espaai ally Sereeallts Utting and .t·Jorton and privates
Trtunp.n, Owens and other men o~ B tr.oop, t:OJ.l of v.rho~ c.::mts .tr·om
southern Ariz.ona.
.
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ReeardinB the Colonel's action in t]J.is Q}1a:rgej .· :t rom'S'der
heal'"'ine his olosa 'friend Qol onel (no'\7 Gener:;q) Leonar~ Wood give
.him a e;ood-natured scolding on the ne.xt day for h13. dlsrGgard fo.r
his own saf'Gty; and in this respe<Jt l am eon1"1·nned b~F at le~st ono
newspapol' oorraspondont who r.n-ote, in substanc~, as I reaolleet.. it,
"I expect to see Roosevelt fall in the next.~attle if.he. takes ths
same ahanoas".
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Whe.t m:nst a m.an do in a fight~ anyhow, to win ·aa. r.1eda..l of
honor? J.inst .he k:i.ll 21. Spania,.-(ls sirigle-handed ir1 a btmch, di ae.ble
o3 at t h,~. same· t1l'le, whila h·3 :1 s 3 miles in advancc.i of the f'i rs t
firing line, and contini.te fir;ht1ng vri th .fourteen bullets in him?
. . It is knom1 that in a ficht at lH"atty clo:1e qtw.l•tera the
Colonel kilied one Apan1nrd'.'1.rr:!.th hio r0volve:r,
· ..
What eneou raeement is the 1'"A g c5.ns to be to a c onuna.nd.ing
·
.
o:f'f:taer to ShoW a:xoaptiotlal dL)Sh. @d com·aee i!l· a oha,tige,espeoi.ally
.an uphill one·a.-·ld going agalnat the enam~~ in brt:w.atwo:t•ks, if'.it is
to be takon as a ·matter or COtU''$0 and not rse~rded ti.S tt·a. COl1Si;1cuoua
act or bravery"?
.
.
1'To.2. From· th0 4th of Jul:;.r nntll a fe""' days. a:rter the bom-..
bardmcnt of santiago by tho land force~ on. Su.nday.· July· lOth,
. du rinB wh1 ch time our reg;tment ooonp1ad· ~ pos.i ti on some where a.lon,g
~.E:Lr:e.nt~e of· the line., Col ~Rocsovo1 t Vfas ~usy n:i.r;ht ~d day im~ · . ·
· P:.rt:tiv:tng and adv\ane1.1ng the ti'$nchos· oocnpi~d by bia -n :s.n.4 &:t't-~~··
en1ne ou:r position.. in var:touo wc<.y-s. Vle we1·e thep. only a taw hundred
yards from the fl~ont row or .Spanish t:renches end oottld almost discern tho featnl"e$ of the Spanish s old.ie.rs therein. ·A small· ravine
sepa.ra.ted the· two ann.1&s at this pointJ lUld i.t vn~s decided to
looate a sharpa'ho·otG:ra 1 t>1t,.·with Colt''s Rfl.1?id :Fire Guns irtit,
on the very brow ot the ravlne on our ~ide. To a~Xoom~'lish this v,re
had .to dig zig~ag .trenches ~t night to get mrt there.~ ver'"j tall
:Pines grew inside the Spe.nish line.a a.s vrell lts outside, from wh1ch
trees the Spanish shaprshoote~ did great havoc during thG fighting,
and the!"e was b&s1d$1 a consta!!t expectation or a last dosper-ate ·
char5e by the. Spaniards· to esoapo and Join General :Pando ,.,ill our
rear. This combination of cb·oumsta.."leos kept Nu· men under a oonst.ant Gtra1n,. ror the line waa thin and wore on them in time to
. auc h an ext~nt that the squads figglng ths z1g~zag·s were muoh · i:a- ·
olined to retire .to the main trenoh~s. (wher~ the~r hi:\d. loft the:i r
arms) em s.ny al;atmt $Speej.ally when t,.lle moQn bG.~an1o b~1e;ht. · l was
in the main t.re.n()he• ~-t .~,-.~~ ~t· •d l+tlp!t<\ dis a~ ~.r .
thaae zig-~g trench•~:~, am ·can tes·t:t·:r;;:···tnttt. &ol,.Roo:aevei t '• aotion
in pers~nally- sttpe:rintend1ng most of. til<? time the wo1•k referrt:td to
and :n.mning the gauntlet of the Spanish sharpshooters in tho pines
as well as of the Spa.~ish .sold! erG in thtir t:rernches, every night
out on·. the open ·srottnd, one or two hundl"ed ·ynrds in advanca ot our·
main line· of trenches, was, I think, doiv.g considerably mo.r& tha.~
"his duty•; for the exeoution of the plan D'J:eht with PrQJlriety ha.va
been lett to his maSon or othe~ otfioers, I imagine; wh;lle he. ·from
time to time 1nspeoted the results acoomplished. The point is t ·
that. his continual pel"'so;na.l presence an{l fearless activity had a
most assuring effect Upon tho mGn who were diggins th• · trenoh•·• .
to the pit; a.nci Mtad lilts • s,;.a.dat1Ye Ol'l th~ir ~veratM.ms ~•M'e$.
Qn
pa.p~r this may not seQm to amott..'lt to v~ry m~Qh, and ohly
�-lfi-.
...
,·
Qnc who ifaa the.re can :r'ttlly a.pp~ciatE(what it- meau.s, and I can
aa.y I ad.ll'.d.r':Gd thi·s col<l-blo(Xlod diaplay Qi' ·nerve more . thau .any-·
· thi11g Col. ~oosevo~t did; ·o.oo. I bQl.ieve suc-h Q.Qt& ottwn de.serve
mo·rc c:r-edit than l.ead.J.ng a ·charge i'n .the e~itEilJllant ct a battle• ·
Geno~al-Remarks.
, ·'·'·
· j~'
'''~·· ~
..
. .
...
little
.
;\nothar occasion Wh(;ln hG possibly did mQre. th~ ht«S 4tltt; ·
and pre:f~r1~.e<1:. to. tak-e th& r114.k ot st~a.tlli!ls ~;:a relat*-~~ ntb· .•.
aome of thP:·l.'·~cpl'!.~ at waehlne;tO!l, ._. hia almoat d.fl.aporate appeal
· (1teeks atte.:r. ··the surrender) to ha"te. his men m.ov~d ·out ot' Cuba. to Porto ni·co -. anyvhe.l""B rathG~ tha.n le-ave ·.th~ where, th~;Jy· were
sure to peri·sh of yollO'Vf or typho:l.d rever ·if' tho:t· remained. In my
·own troop almoe,$ eveey Jnan pf the hand:fu~. the\ t oould ·r6r:'lc·dn. at ·
the front had severe at tac~s of malari~ f'e-ver, W.llich lei' t them
in such a debtl1 tn.ted oonditi on that they eo.nld. s·carcely crD.1fl About une~ble to· ~roh 2 or 3 miles, .eve.n .without _anything on their backs:
·in this, oond).tion it was onl:t a caue.ation of a nro;.ahort time be:to~e
·yellow or typhoi,d f~ver would ·break· o~t. amongs-t them· and decimate.
them, as the men were jttst ripe· for it; vri th no strength to resist
"diaet~.ae-, a. great sear<Ji-ty of medici.nes·, ·h03pita1 protection~etc.otc ..
. ?oaaibly Col. Roosev(.~l t "{toulct hu·;e done. "his duty" had .he
:f'oll0\1ed .soma t~ f the suggestions emanating f'r.om the War Depart:meilt
at that t1;ma in ~eard to_this.matter-,_without.proteat; bt~t it was-a
case where· he tal t that -h:f.s dl.tty was to stand by his own· man and
n:JL\ke the War Department t() undarat~Jld the real and desperate .
pl"ir:;ht of the . .Arnerice..n troops, .with which stci.tF.t of affairs there
was no re~. or apparent necGssi ty to contend and every· reason ..l.io
. ·avoid. Hd.a aot:ton in this respect .olinch&d his men's adiclil..at:i.on .for
him and ~ebnv"inoed them he was. not .out ther"e foro hi ·own benet1 t
alone,. :t' w¢u1d add that :at this
,;het1 hie men were getting .
1
•
....•. -.
time,
a
1
0
·--~~~:~~~~'6t1e·~~~r-~~&;~hi~Y;h:~ -~~£ ~e:~i~~f~~!:~~~?.'
t.i.TtJo prev.t ously, he went into Sarrti aeo cmd by tth-us tli:ng" and spe;a<iine severnJ. hundred dollc~S ·Qt his own money he brought. back, :trom
pri vnta· so~troe.s, somethi.nr; like 6()0 pounds of r1oe, a like amount
0.1' oa.tmeaJ.., ·l)·o:ta:t.oes, and a la.ree quzmti ty .of prune•, tomato~$ in
oana, g~ga:r.-, eta •• which the men a.ppx-e~iatti.HI m~t highly,
·I would ftt~ther add, that the t'aQt. that Ool .• Roos.evelt's · ·
well-1~Ilmm ene~:r and ·pugnacity attraott9d many of. the. abl~Bt men
· of· f[it Wr~nt--m.en who hud lived nmj.dst ·the dangers\ of frontier lif& ·
for yan.rd, were t)Ood 3hots, and spoiling for. a f1gh t. They ex:peeteci
. RoosevGl t to be w'he.t they call a "hot hul!lber•, and their verdict
'W'C.S. unt'l:."1imous th,at 0 Teddy wa.s ttl.rieht" •. T.his· meeting fully- Aile
d~imds ot such non
I suegeat is WQrthy of s.'Cim-ct ·considera.ti.on u . ,.
suppor·ting my t.vro statoments· of whe.t. I wottld regard instances o:r
. not eviOrthy aou:~ageous aeti011."
••
RespectfUlly_ 3u0n:Q. tt-ed, ·
· W. J. Mtr:O~It
.
.
·
. TJ~te. TrOoP '.B, 1st Vol-Oa.va.l~J, ·
. . .
· · ( "Ro.~te;h ·Ri der1l" )
· New Brighton~
.
.
st(itGn :ta:ta.nrt:t:W;,;y.•
"The ·crescent o • . .
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�'--...__--/
.~· ....
·.
January 2, 1 998
The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the Unit.ed States
The White House
Washington, DC 20600
Dear Mr. President:
I u~ou .~9-~~~~J!...ttu~JDitiative of ~q_Qgressman Rick Lazio. o. f New York's efforts to secure
tor f:r~.sWen_tl.h~~o3s~ Awarding the Medal of Honor during the
the
dal of
7
centennial year of the Spanish American ~ ar would be a fitting testimonial to the.man who led
the charges to capture the Santiago Heights on July 1, 1898.
Theodore Roosevelt is a treasured hero to New York State and Long Island and he is most
deserving of this honor. There is overwhelming documentation of Roosevelt's valor; including
several letters from his fellow soldiers and several books written by noted historians.
Please give your support to this worthy effort by ins_isting that the Department of the Army
review the materials and consider Congressman Lazio's application in a timely fashion.
.
Roosevelt should have received the Medal of H~nor nearly one hundred years ago but Secretary
of War Russell Alger prevented that. Now is the right time to correct this injustice.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
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�FEB -3 1998
___ .... ,-·
.
January 13, 1998
President William J. Clinton
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20350
Dear Mr. President
I am writing this letter to your q_f.fice -to·--urge your -supp.ort
for the effort to award the (Congressional Me~al__
of Hon~
posthumously to Colonel Theodore Roosevelt for his bravery and
·valor.during the Battle of San Juan Hill on July 1, 1898 during the
Spanish American War.
Colonel Roosevelt was nominated for this award ih 1898 most
notably by Major General Samuel s. sumner and Major General Leonard
Wood.
However, it was denied him due to political reasons.
To
deny Colonel Roosevelt this honor again would-be a grave injustice
to both the Colonel and those brave Americans who have received the
award as well.
He was a man with no military background who
resigned his· comfortable position as Assiitant Secretary of the
Navy in order to fight for his Country. As to the battle itself,
Colonel Roosevelt's actions are legendary.
He did not simplY order his troops up the hill whose name he
made famous; but he led them to the top. While the.majority of his
soldiers were·on,foot during the charge, the Colonel remained on
horseback, leaving himself an open and attractive target for the
Spanish soldiers; As always, he practiced what he preached and led
by example. Not only did he receive the adoration and respect of
the brave men he commanded, but of his Country as well.
There
would have never been a ''Piesident Theodore Roosevelt" had there
not been a "Colonel Theodore Roosevelt".
Respected historian Edmund Morris recently noted, "He led a
charge against almost insuperable tactical odds and not only
succeeded in dislodging the enemy, but inspired a whole generation
of. American youth with his example."·
Generations later, his·
example is still an inspiration for Americans. If ever there was
a soldier worthy of the Congressional Medal of Honor, it was
Theodore Roosevelt.
�••
·I have noticed over the past several years that many elected
officials evoke Theodore Roosevelt for one or more of his virtuous
attributes. Now 1 our elected officials can right a wrong committed
aimost one hundred years .ago~
July 1 1 1998 will mark the 10Dth.
anniversary of.the Battle of Sa~_Juan Hill~ ~here could not be~
more fitting· tribute to. Theodore Roosevelt· than· for him to be
awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor on· July 1 1 1998.
I
respectfully ask _that yo~ support his application.
?!4Z
ANTHONY MARINO
I
.·.
:
•,'
e·77
�'·:.
The Theodore Roosevelt Association Police Award
for.Nashville and Middle Tennessee
·
, C
·· Acklen Station, Box 120735
··Nashville, Tennessee 37212
(615) 780-2972
;'.
,....
~.··.
/'~
v
(
· January 16, 1998
President William J. Clinton .
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
Will you please support the bipartisan measure pending in Congress (H.R. 2263)
to· ~ward the Congressional Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt? · .
There can b;no doubt, based o~-tl:ie hlstoricalrecord, that Colonel Roosevelt
distinguished himself with incredible bravery in the charge on Kettle Hill and the.
San Juan Heights; July 1, 1898. He commanded, and led with utter disregard for
l).imself in the· face of deadly Mauser fire, the foot soldiers who dislodged the enemy.
The action of him and these Rough Riders helped put American forces in positio~ to
lay seige to Santiago a_nd ultimately force its surrender.
·
.
·
I know from recent press accounts that you consider TR a president whom you
emulate and whose memory you honor. May I suggest that you read Edmund
Morris's accOUJ!.t of this episode in The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt, pp. 650-661? I
believe you will be convinc.ed by this distinguished historian of the justice of mak- ·
.. "ing this award and righting the great wrong of this omission.
There's no better time_ than the present, this being the centenar-Y year of the Span. ish-American War. Won't you please join with all Americans who wish to do your
distinguished predecessor this honor?
·
James' Summerville·
e.
. A community service project of
The Theodore Roosevelt Association,
a national, nonprofit organization chart_ered by Congress in .1 ~20
..,
I'
.,
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [6]
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Box 4
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-006-2014
7585792
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Text
.-------------~--------------------~--------------------
.case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
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Folder Title:
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Original OAIID Number:
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~
9
1
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COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
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COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [7]
2008-0703-F
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
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2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�----~~
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January 25, 1998
President William J. Clinton
The White House
Washin~on, DC 20500
·Award of the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt
Dear President Clinton:
As a life long student of Theodore Roosevelt I support ~-;;d~;Me&u--;,{_~
. to him. I feel from the research and readings I have done that in the actions at the battle of San Juan Hill on July
1, 1898 Colonel Roosevelt displayed extraordinary bravery and led to an American victory over the enemy. His
bravery became an example for future generations. Therefore he should be awarded America's highest distinction
• the Medal of Honor.
To aid us in this task I ask that you support the bill introduced in Congress, and the application made to the
·
Secretary of the Anny.
I also would like to request copies of these documents to help us in our efforts to secure this award.
Sincerely yours,
~·
Robert T. Tegart
.79
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National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [7]
2008-0703-F
'ml92
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information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA).
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
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�President William J. Clinton
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President
_ !~~rt the campaign
C.~!.~-~~.s>r in 1998 .
·-"--·-·-:---------:_____
to~Theodore Roosevelt th~_c!atJ
·
.
·
He did more to win the Spanish American War than most of his
peers and his bravery and leadership at the Battle of San Juan Hill
in the charges up San Juan and Kettle Hill warrant his receipt of
this award.
He should be awarded this medal in 1998, the centennial of his
brave act which turned the tide in that war and won America control
and protection in the Caribbean.
Yours truly,
Ufl~(~
· Walter Hobbs
�,.;· /··-~
: NSHA Rough Ride.rs
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,Dr.
I
a Allison
President
(5l6) 261-4915
C.William Uhlinger
President Emeritus
(516) 364-1869
February 1, 1998
. '.
President Bill Clinton
The White House
Washington D: C. 20500 ·
.. ,.. ·.
. ,.,
~
Dear Mr. President, .
~
purpo~;in
.· . .
.,
'requ;~t your''~upp~~ ~; ~e
Our
writ.lng is io
Congressional
initiative in petitio
Department oflhe..Deferise..ili reconunend the · .
posthumous award of th~al crf}fo";or to Theodore R~ _Awarding
the MedalofHonor dl}@g the centennial.ye·iif.'ofthe'"Spanisn:~·erican War
would_Be'afitting recogriidon of the courage displayed by this re~arkable.
American,:·who led the charges up Kettle·and SanJuan Hills, securing the
San~fago·treights.
·
· . ..
·
.. _. ;
··. ' ··Th~odore Roosevelt is a trea5ured hero to Long Island, New York State
and. the-nation.· We feel h:eis_most deserving of this honor. There is .. · _:; ·..
overwhelming documentai1on ofRoosevdts valor in both personal attestatiqns
by fellow soldiers and histohcal research.. . .
.
.
.We would appreCiate your assistance in makirig'6\lr opinio~ known to
the Department of Defense. If this effort is.not successful through the .
Department, we would still support Congressional action in awarding the
Medal of Horior. Thank you for. your efforts in this worthy cause.:
rung the
. ~espectfully,·
_.f
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C. William Uhlinger
Troop Comm~der
/.
.... - · - · -
--
·
CC: Congressman Rick Lazio
.Ms. Judith A. Gordon
•••
·~=.
Nassau-Suffolk Horsemen's AssoCiation, Inc.
2 Carll Ct. • Northport, New York 11768
Life Mem'
�/~·
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NASSAU ·su'FFolK HORSEMEN'S ASSOCIATION, INC:
2 Carll Court. Northport. New York 11768 (516) 261-49.15 Fax (516) 754-3164
.
,.
c, r;
·.
c./ .
.
OFFICERS·
Presid'ent
Cyla Allison. PhD
President Bill Clinton
The Whit~ House
WashingtonD.C. 20500
First Vice President
Marvin Glassmann. EdD .
...
(
Dear Mr. President,
Second Vice President
Ted Nussbaum. MFH
Third Vi'ce President
Linda Jones
Treasurer
Valentina Coviello·
•
I
Recording Direcior
Judy Perlman
~rresponding Director
.1eila Bugdin Eichinger
Executive Director
Trlcia Rother
DIRECTORS
Joan Andors ·
Lisa Cassano
Linda Force. DVM
Scott Gilbert
Bud K.indermann
Sharon Kle'in
Stahley Officina
Arthur ~odwall, PhD
Sam Uliano
Honorary Director
Virginia Uhling~r .
Presidents Emeriti
Len Meiselman (Deceased)
Joel Serota
C. William Uhlinger. Esq
February 1, 1998
Our purpose in writing is to request your support of the Congressi<;>nal
initiative in petitioning the DePi,rtm.e%.QfJP._e.J)~f~n~~-.t9.~commend the·
·· ·
posthumous award pfthe.Meda(oi.HQ.~or to Theodore Rooseve"'Il'.f..warding the·
Medl:il of Honor during the centennialyearofthe-~pariisn~Amenc.~n War · .·
wouJd be a fitting recognition ofthe courage displayed by this remarkable
American, who led the charges up Kettle and San Juan Hills, securing the
Santiago H~ights.
Theodore Roosevelt is a treasured hero to Long Island, New York State
and the nation. We feel he is most deserving of this honor. There is
.overwhelming documentation ofRooseveits valor in both personal attestations
by fellow soldiers and historical research. · '
.
· We would appreciate your assistance in making our opinion known to
the Department.OfDefense. If this effort is n?t successful through the
Department, we would still support Congressional action in awarding the ·
.
· Medal of Honor. Thank you for your efforts in this worthy cause.
.
'
'
'
llison .
· k
CC: Congressman R1c Lazio
· Ms. Judith A. Gordon
A publicly supported f~dera.ily taX' eXempt organization formed Under the New York State not for profit law
�.FEB:·\ 9 . 1998-
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. I
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THEODORE ROOSEVELT INAUGURAL·. SITE . 'FOUNDATION
. ..
.
~~ 641 DELAWARE AVENUE, BU~FALO, NEW YORK 14202 • (716) 884-0095. FAX884-033?
'
e.
.
.
(
February 2, 1998
President William J. Clinton
The White House
Washington, D.C. 205.00
Lawrence D. Seymour.
Pr.sidmt
Mrs. Jack L. Sanders
VicePmidmt
John G. Pumam:Jr.
Secretary .
Hugh C. McLean
Treasurer
Trustees
Dear President Clinton,
At the direction of the Board of trustees of the Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural
Site Foundation, I write to y9u to~(;; that President Theodore Roosevelt be .
a_:varded th6ession~~_LfQr his heroic leadership of the
1st Volunteer Calvary regiment during the Spanish-Ameri~an War. Such
commendation is long overdue.
charg~
.e
Cindy Abbott-Letro · ·
up Kettle Hill made the· charge against
·As you know, his death-defying
Florence E. Baugh
San Juan Hill possible and victorious, and soon thereafter the Spanish col!liiland
Louis L. Berger, Jr.
Kevin E. Cottrell
surrendered and brought the war to an end. ·He had gone willingly in "harms
Mark]. Crawford, Ed.D.
way," exposing. himself to the terrible violence of combat and .enduring. a minor .
Donald L Dussing, Jr.
wound. Ahnost all of his contemporaries ackllowledgeci his singular bravery,
Hon. Leslie G. Foschio
Peter Thomas Grimm
while few angry and envious funCtionaries did not.
Patricia Hain
Sheila Montfort Hess
Ari awards board did meet after the war, and the citation of Colonel Roosevelt
James R How
Stanton H. Hudson, Jr.
wa:S formerly considered, only to be rejected. For his public criticism of the
Mrs.· Eber C. Inman·
Secretary of War and because of jealousy within some corners of the regular
William F. King
army, Roosevelt was refused the award he·fully deserved and greatly·desired.
Michael J. McDermid
Maureen T; Oaklan
Jane P. Plakias
Karen Gaughan Scott, Esq. .· Sir, the time has come to right this .injustice and grant Colonel Roosevelt his
J. David Valaik, Ph.D.
Trustees Emeritus
Frank D. Leavers ·
L. Carl Ostrander ·
J. Warren Perry, Ph.D.
Molly Q!ackenbush
Executive Director
proper place in our nation's history. If ever the young people ofAmerica needed
. a. true hero to emulate, the time is now and Theodore Roosevelt; who would. go on
· to bec~me the 26th President of the United States of America; is that man.
Congress was correct some· years ago. to award his fir~t son, Theodore Jr.,. for his
courageous deeds during the Normandy invasion of June 6, 1994, with the Medal
of Honor. The Trustees of the Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural Site Foundation
urge that today's members of congress act in a similar manner on behalf of the
father of that brave soldier.
Sincerely; .
.~~''-'~10 ' i"i'"~,,,-Lawrence D. Seymour
President, Board of Trustees
·
·
�,
-~
..
THEODORE· ROOSEV.ELT INAUGURAL SIT-E-- FO-UN·DATION
641' DELAWARE AVENUE, BUFFALO, NEW YORK 14202'f6£i:6i' 8~4:iio9 S;:FA'J(884-03 30
!000 r:.-:; _ 0
·liJiJ
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February 2, 1998
Lawrence D. Seymour
Pruidmt
Mrs. Jack L. Sanders
' Vice P'midmt
John G. Pumam, Jr,
Sm·(tarj
Hugh C. McLean
Tr(asur"
The Honorable William S: Cohen
· · Secretary of Defense .The Pentagon
·
Washington, D.C. 20350
Trust us
Dear Honorable Cohen,
Atthe direction of the Bo~d of Trustees of the Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural'
·site Foundation, I wnte to you to urge that President Thepdore Roosevelt be .
·.awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor for his heroic leadership.ofthe
lst Volunteer.Calva..ry regiment dlhring the Spanish-..1\.'TI.erica.'l War.' Such
commendation is long overdue.
·
· -
Cindy Abbott-Letro
Florence E. Baugh
Louis L. Berger, Jr.
Kevin E. Cottrell
MarkJ. Crawford, Ed.D:
Donald I. Dussing,Jr.
Hon: Lesl\e G. Foschio - '
Peter Thomas Grimm
Patricia Hain
Sheila Montfort Hess
James R. How
Stanton H. Hudson, Jr.
Mrs. Eber C. Inman
William F. King
Michael}- McDermid
Maureen T. Oaklan ·
Jane P _Plakias .
Karen c'aughan Scott, Esq.
J. David Valaik, Ph.D.
As you lmo\v, his death-d~fying charge up. Kettle Hill made the charge against
.
San Juan Hill possible and victorious, and soon thereafter the Spanish command
·surrendered and brought the war to an end,. He had gone willingly in ''harms
way," exposing himself to the terrible' violence of combat and enduring a minor:
wound. Almost all of his contemporaries aclmowledged his singular bni.vecy,
while few angry and.envious functionaries· did not.
An awards board did meet after the war, and the citation of Colonel Roosevelt
was formerly considered, only to be rejected. For his public criticism of the
Secretary of War and becauseofjealousy within some comers of the r.egular
army, Roosevelt was refused the award he fully ~e.served and greatly_ des_ired ..
Sir, the time has come to. right this injustice and grant Colonel Roosevelt his
proper place in our nation's history. If ever the' young people of America needed
a true hero to emulate, the time is now and Theodore Roosevelt, who would go on
to become the 26th President of the, United States ofAmerica,'is that man. : .
Trusf((S Em(f"itus
I
Frank D. Leavers
L. Carl Ostrander
J. Warren Perry, Ph.D.
Molly Qyackenbush ·
Eimutiv( Dir(ctor ·
Congress was correct some years ago to award his first son, Theodore Jr., for his
courageous deeds during the Normandy invasion of June 6, 1994, with the Medal
of 'Honor. The Trustees of the Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural Site Fotindation
urge that today' s memb~rs of congre'ss act in a similar manner on behalf of the
·
··
·
·
father of that brave soldier.
Sincerely,
••
·Lawrence D. Seymour .
President, Board of Trustees
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THEODORE· RQOSEVELT INAUGURAL SITE FOUNDATION
641 DELAWARE AVENUE, .BUFFALO, NEW YORK 14202 • (716) 884-0095. FAX.8R4-0330
Mro 2 .j
r
.
. ,;
. Lawrence D. Seymour
Pmidmt
Mrs. Jack L. Sanders
V"r.ce President
·John G. Putnam, Jr.
Set:retary
Hugh C:McLean
Treasuri!T ·
~c-IT
'-- 0
March 12, 1998
Dear President Clinton;
The twenty-four Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural Site FoU!!d.atioiLYO.!unteers whose
signa~~e attached suppo~ the.effort:to ~ward heodore Roosevelt~
c_~m 19?8, th~ c~ntenmal of the Sparush Amen can
. . ooseve t ~·
·
courage and leadership m the war eff<:>rt by all counts-were exemplary; He IS most
deserving of this prestigious award.
·
.
Thank you for your consideratibn ofthis request.
Since~ely,
)~u
Trustees Emi!Titus
Frank D. Leavers
L Carl Ostrander
J..Warren Perry, Ph.D.
Molly Qyackenbush
Executive Director
•
l/
President Williain J. Clinton
The White House .
Washington, DC 20500
Trustees
Cindy Abbott-Letro
F1orence E. Baugh
Louis L. Berger, Jr.
Kevin E. Cottrell
Mark]. Crawford, Ed.D.
Donald I. Dussing, Jr.
· Hon. Leslie G. Foschio
Peter Tl}omas Grimm
Patricia Hain
Sheila Montfort Hess
James R How
Stanton H. Hudson, Jr.
Mrs. Eber C. Inman
William F. King
Michael]. McDermid
Maureen T. Oaklan
Jane P. PWcias
Karen Gaughan Scott, Esq.
J. David Valai!<;ph.D.
·' l
1 Q ~._L<4._~- ,t__;
Molly Qua<:;kenbush
Executive Director
.
\
\.
�.------------------------------:-----------------------c-----c--~-----c-----;--.--------;--------.
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. list
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Addresses (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [7]
2008-0703-F
'ml92
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. SS2(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAl
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAl
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(li)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAl
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAl
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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�The ~heodore Roo~evalt Inaugural National
; Historic Site ·
.
· 641 Delaware Avenue
~uffalo, New York 14202
(716) 884-0095,._ -·· .. ··- --··--·-····
'.
The
unders~gned,
volu~teers
of the above
lis~~d
institution
�NSHA Rough Riders
Dr. Cyla Allison
President
(516) 261-4915
.·e·
C. William Uhlinger
President Emeritus
(516) 364-1869
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, The President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500,,.,_,£;~:>.
Dear Pre~4~~::\~;(;r,
Mr.
~:~:~P""
. .:;:r,:
We urge yoi./to .support.the'imtiative ofCongressman.RickLazio to .... •· •• _,... ,_,.,,. ......,., ..,Medal of
secure"the .,....,-- '"'JQ'-- .
"
'
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Honor for President Theodore Roosevelt.
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.
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Awaid4tgtli~ Medal ~f~orio;'~duringtb~::~ntenial year ofthe Spanish-American War:;;
wouic'fhe a:.;fitting testimonial to 'the courage of this remarkable American who led'the\.::·..
.chaiges~to'.capture Santiago,Heights ·on}uly 1st, 1898. ·
' ~ ·-·~·-· .>·:.~::...~. ,<·:~~-~ .·. ·.:
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Theodore Roosevelt is a treasured. hero· to :L.ong Island, New York State and the nation.·.
We feel he is most deservirig\)filiis hor10r:·:· Therejs'overwheln:iinfdqcunientation of
·Roosevelt's valor ii{ both private pape.r:sby felloW.::S6ldiers and historicafr~cords.
·.
·
. ,_.Fi:'. · .:.~--~-_\t·~ .·.· . '· \\ ·
.·
Please give your support to this worthy.·e±fort by_ encqura.'gingthe D_epartment.ofDefense
to review their records and considef..Congr'essrrian La:zio' s appiicationjn a timely. fashion.
.
.
. .. .. .
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C:· William Uhlinger
President Emeritus
Nassau-Suffolk Horsemen's Association, Inc.
2 Carll Ct.~ Northport,NewYork.l1768
STATE
HO~SE
COUNCil. MEMBER
Th•
l'•u.., ,, ....
"'"'"''""
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Life Member
.
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�CLIENT:
BROWSER:
URL:
'WW-ta05.proxy.aol.com[152.163.205. l05J
Mozilla/2.0 (compatible; MSIE 2.1; AOL 3.0; Mac_68K)
·http://www. whitehouse.gov/WH/Mai1'html/Mail_President.html
[Sender Information]
.::RSONAL-:NAME:
EMAIL-ADDRESS:
ORGANIZATION:
RELATIONSHIP:
STREET -ADDRESS:
CITY:
STATE-PROVINC
ZIP-CODE:
COUNTRY:
Ernest Lefebvre
ecl2000@aol.com
[Message Information]
PURPOSE:
Seek assistance from the White House
TOPIC:
Legislation
-·~ ...
AFFILIATION:
Private Citizen
SUBJECT: rconiresSio-~-Medal ofHonor award· ..
[Message]
~t:r.
President; I respectfully request your support for the
current efforts in Congress to award the Congressional Medal
"Honor to Col. Theodore Roosevelt for his acts ofbravery
during the battles of San Jan Heights in Cuba in July, 1898.
Your appreciation of Col. Roosevelt is well known and I am
sure you are aware of the political circumstances that
prevented his being awarded this honor 100 years ago.
I feel we now, more than ever, we need to recognize the heroic
actions of men such as Col..Roosevelt in order to inspire our
fellow countrymen in this age of anti-heros.
Please do all within your power to support Congress in this
matter.
Highest Regards,
J·
Lefebvre
PS. On a personal note--Don't let the bastards wear you down!
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�.-..
/, - 0/
0Sv;;
· . N~~'-
President
- /
William J.~
The White House
Washington D.C. 20500
April 3 1998 ·
· Monika Devi
To: President William J Clinton,
Hello, I am writing this letter in regard to our late President
Theodore Roosevelt. I· feel that Mr. Roosevelt should be awarded the
0§ngressiOnaT~MedarorHoric>rJ\~He is very worth of this medal. Hid
rahilly-wOUid feel very honorect-:--Above all he does deserve it. His
contributions in the Battle of San Juan Hill ·was unbelievable, because Mr.
Roosevelt brought troops home early.
The only reason he wanted our troops . to come back home was
because they would have died there, without a cure . and how are the
troops suppose to fight a war while fighting a disease? His intentions
favored our people. But we should all look at the fact that he made some
of the biggest changes in our society. In my eyes there hasn't been
another President· like Theodore Roosevelt, and we should acknowledge
him for that his efforts in the Battle of 1898 were tremendous, and led our
country to a unforgettable victory.
The accomplishments and attributes of Theodore Roosevelt should
not go unrecognized. He deserves the honor not just from us people but
also from the government.
Please take my letter into consideration and hopefully I will get a
reply from you soon. Thank you for your time. I highly appreciate it.
Sincerely,
Monika V. Devi
JU~!
.3
,
.:
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2008-0703-F
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�~--------------~--------------------------------------------------------------~--------
DOUBLEDAY BABCOCK
.
61 EAST MAIN STREET
• OYSTER BAY. N.Y. 11771
SENIOR CENTER,INC.
(51 6! 922-1 770
Thursday, April 09, 1998
We the undersigned, members of the Poubleday Babcock Senior Center of Oyster
Bay, New York, strongly endorse awarding the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt in
1998, the Centermial of the Spanish-American War and the Battle of San Juan Hill.
Name
~United way
This prugram i.r trUJtU possib/.4 widrfunding from tlre NaSJaU Caun1y Departmenl ofSe:rUor Cil.i;en Affairs, tJu N~ York Stale
Offu:efor the Aging, tlre Administration on Aging, TOBA Y, Uniud Way of U anti the Oyw:r Bay Community Found4tion
~or Long 1Siii.:1CS
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Pr:Sid~~t Wiilii)ro ~nt/on
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washingto.n~
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. ~1 April 1998
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Dear .Mr. President, · .· ·.·
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I. am_ a l;listory t~,acher at Parsippany High School in M~rris
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CoUiitY_~ New Jersey. Set)eral_years ~_go I wro_t_e to yo~ regarding th:e' .
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dedicati~ri·ofParsippany High's u·eterans' Monument, and you ·,:
encouragement~
graciously responded with a signed letter of
· '·:·
heritage_:.J~JEng.ou~ntue'• '•m~ue to au,_~r,~eo•i'~~;-R~o~e~:
7- '·-•••-•"\ -· • ••••••••' ,·,,, • :
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concerns our Hmeri~an: ·
a matterthat
· today, I write regarding
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C!:~~J..-~!~[.o_nJlrAor his _conspicuous galla.l)try and intrepidity during·.
-th~--s~'tile o.f san Juan Heights. in Cub~:. on 1 _Ju.ly .1898.
.
•
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. As I am· sure you are aware, ~.B. 2263 is ·currently be·fore the ·
~ouse of Representatiues; and ~as strong ~i-spartisan support~ _T~~s
bill ,would award the
Med~l.of Honor fo.JR ·ror his· ~Htraordl_nary
· herois'm during the . Spanish-Aineric(l,nl.J)ar. In· addition, the formal ..
.
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··.
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application for the awar:-d has _been tirtd:er'reuiem'· .by the Department
\. .
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. of Defemse for the past .seuen months.· ·lllith the centetuiial of the
.
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Battle of San Juan Heights le.ss. ~han thre-e. rno.nths ·allJay~ i,t· is
.
.
.,,
.
-
,·
··'·'
..
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eHtremely .i·tn.portanfthat .the. a·ward proces·s·be completed·.in time for
. the anniL•ers~ry .ofTR's h~roi~rri in c·uba:... . . . '
. .
..
.. · ,
Th~re .i·~ no
doubt
that Th-eodore Roos~uelt
earned the Medal of
Honor in 1898.· His actions clearly were ·aboLie and b.eyond the callo.f
..
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,
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duty, as testified to in numerous contemp_orary ey~~itness.~ccounts.
.
re-asons~ 'TR's
.
Though he.w.as denied the Medal of .Honof fo'r political
..
'
..
brauery inspired and tontinues to iri'spire.'millionsof Amer.icans., :· :
. Mr. Pr.esident;· 1. respectfuily urge you .to. support the
'
I
.awa~d 6f ·
~
.
.the Medal o,f Honor to Theodore Rooseuelt by ordering ·the. nepartm,ent
.
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of· Defense to eHpedite the reuiew process for the award application.
.
.
.•
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Rs President, you haue the
.
'
po~er to right an historicalinjusHce by:_
.
honoring a true American hero. let our nation honorTheodore
Roosevelt's memory in a u•ay tha.t h.e would· haue been·so proud of. -·
j
•
· Please contact·me if I may be of additional assistance in this
.
.
.
. . ·.
· matter.
.
. \
Ronald F. Foreso
Social Studies_ Dept.
Par~ippany High School
309 Baldwin Road ·
. Parsippany, NJ 07054
.(973)' 263-7001
.'
.
·-
•
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�.
.
se'cretary of Defense William Cohen
The Pentagon ...
Washington, DC 20350
21 April 1998
Dear Secretary Cohen,
The Department
of Defense iS: currently reulewihg a formal
application to award Theodore Rooseuelt the Medal of Honor for his
•
'
I
•
-
conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity during the Battle of San Juan
Heights in Cuba on 1 July 1898.
' 1-arn writing in support of this application,· and io respectfully
urge you to. eHpedite the reL•iew ptoces.s that has been going on for .
seiJen months.· ·
.
.
There is little doubt that ·colonel Roos.euelt's actions were
------
. deseruing of the Medal.of ·Honor. Eyewitnes's accounts and
•
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contemporary endorsements aboun~, but the award was denied for .
petty political reasons.
As Secretary of Defense, yoli haue the opportunity to help to
right an historical injustice, and to do so in time for the 1OOth . · ·
.
.
anniuersary of TR's act o.f eHtraordinary heroism. Surely, it is not too
late to giue Colonel Rooseu.elt's heroic action the. offic'ial recognition it
deserues .
. · Please contact me if I may be of additional assistance in tl)is
matter.
s·
cerely,
i,--e __ .
Foreso\J~
'Ronald F.
Social Studies Dept ..
. Parsippany High S·chool
309 Baldwin Road :
Parsippany, NJ 07054
(973) 263-7001
·.
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Theodore E.,o.oseveltAssociation
Box 719, Oyster Bay, New York 11771
Phone: 516-921-.6319
fAJ(: 516-921-6481
E-MAIL: TRA@sprynet.com.
..
.
. May 13, 1998
The Hqn~ ~illiam J. Clinton
The White· House
Washington,· DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
You have .been frequently quoted as ~tating that you are
.
an ...admirer· of President Theodore Roosevelt; and you once showed
me the bust of TR that sits o·n your d.esk. As it happens, ·you
now have the opportunity to honor Theodore Roosev~lt and to
hold up his example to this generation of Ameticans.
e·
On behalf. of the officers of ihe Theodore Roosevelt ..
Association, and 'our members :l.n'·all fifty states, I write t'o
ask you· ·to act :avorably on the application .that has beer1 madA
_::to the::AIJI!i ario_tb.?.' De(~se Dapa..rue__~o-.:u.;ar£l The~_t.fo..r.:e
___:_£t.£..<?.s ~ye J_ t __ t.he .. J.i.e.d4l.. ~o_LJloiu~r.-{ p.o..s.tllll.m..OJ.ls.ly)_f..QK. ·hi s~[l~r _gj._c,.--;-·--'
_---4.§..9-~1:'11-hip_qn,_JJJ-l.Y.. _ J_ 1_J..?..9-S. in. j,he .B§.');._t~_QJ ._,.§..?:D _;[~?:~-ti.§..i_gJ1.t.s
·-· in Cuba during tne Spanish-American W?-r .. _,.
--------
. • . . . • . . · · · - . · · - -..- -..,.,-
-
.. ·
,
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-
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Such ac~iori on your part, sir, would be ·a fitting way to
mark the.cent~nnial of the Spanish~America~ War, the Rough
Rider regiment~,.and the'historic charges .. up Kettle Hill and
San Juan Hill.
·
· The effo~ts to secure the Medal of Honor for TR have been
~ndorsea by the N~vy League of the Uriited States, TR biogiaphers'
Edmund Mor~is and Nathan Miller, and some 161 members of the
US House of Representatives •. Fo.rmal application was submitted
last year, together with eye-witness accounts and supporting
brief,. by Congressman .Rick Lazio. ·
·
.
..
I wrdte to you earlier on this matter, but no~ that ~e
are close to the centennial of the battle I:w~ite agaih ·to urge
you to. give this cause your consideration. If you .award the
Medal·of Honor to TR, your name will forever be linked to
Theodor~ Roosevelt's name and reputation.
·
God bless
, Chartered by an Act of Congress 1920.
�.• - 4 : ;
... ··-·
Theodore Roo·sevelt Association·
.\ Box 719, .OysterBay, New York 11771
.
Phone:· 516-921-6319 .
FAX: 516-921-6481
.E-MA.IL: TRA@sprynet.com
The.Hon. Robert M. Walker
Acting Secretary of the,Army
The Pentagon
·
Washington, . DC · 20310
May 13, 1998
_·,near. Secretary Walk.er:
~he. officers and m~mbers of the Theodoie Roosevelt
A~sociation
respectfully urge you to act favorably on~the
a'i3p1ica tion to award Theodore Roosevelt. the Medal of Honor
(posthumously} for his heroic actions and leadershi~ on
. July 1, 1898 i~ the Battle of San Juan Heights, near
Santiago, Cuba, during the Spanish-American War._
. It would be most appropriate to award Theodore
Roosevelt. the -Medal of Honor this. year du.ring the
centennial of the Spanish-American War •
. A formal application _for the Medal of Honor was
submitted in 1997 by Congre~sman Rick tazio .(Second
Congressional District, New York State). Said_application
-~ncluded num~rotis contemporary eye-witness accounts of ~he· events
·.of July 1, _1898 . ~swell as a supporting brier~·.
.
.
The. Board o~ Trustees of the The.odore Roosevelt Association,
meeting at Federal Hall ii Manhattan on July 19, 1997,
unanimously passed a resolution.te~u~sting that 1heodore
Roosevelt be awarded the Medal of Honor. Our cause has been
endprsed by 161 members ·or the us· House of Repr~sentatives;
·by TR's biographers Edmund M6rris and Nathan Miller; by the
Navy League of the Uni~ed States; and by citizens from all
over the nation, including out TR Ass~ciation me~bers in all
fifty states.
To hon6r TR at this· time will refle9t favorably on this
~eneration of Americans and w{ll hold Up TR's example for_
future generations.
We look forward to hearing from you.
ours,
•
· Clzartered·by an Act of Congress 1920
97
�--------- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
--------------------~------~------------;----:---,-,------------.
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DOCUMENT NO.
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SUBJECTrfiTLE
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05/13/1998
RESTRICTION
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Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4021
FOLDER TITLE:
Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [7]
2008-0703-F
'm192
RESTRICTION CODES
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P4
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an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA[
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information [(b)(4) of the FOIAI
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personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
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purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
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financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U:S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.-------------------------
----------
u
[ool~
The Hon. William J. CJ.i.J.iton
The \Vhite House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington, DC 20500 ·
May 13, .1998
Dear President Clinton:
.
I am writing you this letter during the cente1mial of the ~ishAmerican._War, to respectfully ask for your su~ghting a gre~ong.
11_1eodore Roosevelt,_ aside from being a great Pre~dent, was the founder of
the modern Navy and a great statesman, who understood, perhaps better than
any otl1er-~dent, the value of the balance of power. He was
unquestionably one of our greatest warrior presidents, although he also
received the Noble ~(ig~rize·for facilitating the settlement of the Russo·
Japanese War~His exploits in the battle for San Juan Hill and ultimately Santiago are
legendary and well documented. The raising of the First Volunteer Cavalry
was largely possible through TR's great popularity out Wes( It is commonly
understood that he was d((nied the Med.al of Honor because he had authored
the famous ''Round R:obml...letter, in order to impress upon the War ·
Department the need to bring home our troops from Cuba before yellow fever
and malaria would accomplish what Mauser bullets couldn't do, namely the
destruction of our brave young men. This authorship was in itself an act of
conspicuous bravery. So for that matter was his clarion call for preparedness
before we entered the First World War; he was for a time almost a voice
crying out in the wilderness.
He was not a p~rt:ect.Er.esident;-he acted unwisely after the Brownsville
Riot, for example. But he was always Ipotivated by what h_e felt was right,
and not what rnight_}lqye_ been political!)' _expedient-He -wasa-true- · --- ·
progressive, and much of~h.aihe-staod for became part of the Democratic
platfonns of Wilson and FDR.
�I
<
.
',
Page Two · • What better time than now to right a gteat wrong? B[ip_g .P.~!Ilocrats and g~Ql:lbl.ic.~_s...t<?.g~W.~r in_r~~ing one of America's great heroes, in
...granting TR the m~dal he so richly deserved, but was deniecrforpoiTfi.c..at.:
reasons w_hich are now lost in the dust of history anmils. The legend lives on,
it is. there for all America to glory in, because in honoring TR, we honor our . heritage· of ~The Honora~le _Rick ~-~~o, of the itia_cCongr~ssional
District of NY, made application last September to the De:(en~~Q~p~ent
for a posthumous Medal of Hono:r toJ>e awarded _to The~9_9re Roosevelt: I ;.
· __ · -_______,____-· -~:-~ ·· · ·
beseech you to support this applicatioi:t'. · .
May God bless you and your family, as you complete the work of the
Presidency in this century, work which was begun s() nobly by a man-whose
memory should by honored. ~y a Medal of Hop.or~
',,·
Sincerely and Respectfully Yours,
-_
'~-!-
,' '
L
\1{ I{'·~- ,., f)'
'""'~-? r ~ "·
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'
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resK. Weber, M.D.
-
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'
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.
.
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•. j ·,
'
The· Hon. Robert M. Walker
Acting Secretary of the Army
_The Pentagon .
Washington, DC 20310·
· .· ·
·May 13., 1998.
Dear Secretary Walker: ·
.--I am writing you in support of the appli.cation made last September by .
the Hon. Rick Lazio, of the 2nd Congression~ District of NY, on· behalf of
Colonel Theodore Roose.yelt, late President of the United States, for the·
,__ Medal ofHonor.
,.
,·
· ·
.I
:·
As you know this great warrior-statesni~ was never so honored in his
e
,.
'
lifetime, although his military record evinced conspicuous bravery at the' )'.' '
Battle of San Juan_ Hill. Certainly he was. also Jargely responsible _for the
recruitment ~d training of the First Volunteer Cavalry; His sons all fought
with great bravery in World War One; he himself would have given anything·
to have been able to join the fight. '' .
.'
;
My reading of the situation is that he would have been honored; were it
not for the "Round Robin" letter, which he felt obliged tp author in order that
our tr9ops be brought home from cuba, where.they were succumbing in large
numbers to malaria and yellow fever. This letter, I gather, angered the
·.
Secretary of War. Roosevelt had meant no disre~pect; he feared for the lives
of our brave me~, who had accomplished their; mission· and were no longer
needed in Cuba. The writing of this letter was -in· itself, an act ofconspicuous
bravery.
·
· ·
· · This·is the centeiilli~ year ofthe libera~oil of Cuba and the Philippines;it is most appropriate that the last adrniitistratiori of this century should honor
its first President with the award he so richly deserved.
Please-'support the. application. Aillerica:will thank you for yolir efforts.
.
.
.
.
'
'
Sinc~re~;Y
,,.,
arid Res ctfully 1o~·s, _· ··· . ·
1. r V'...,- ~~
""" ~ V'·
. Weber, M.D: .
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financial information l(a)(4) of the PRA]
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and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�c S'A
. . ~~J\!
f
B
}S~·s,
c: ;\1\.o H
May 14, 1998
The Hon. William J. Clinton
The White House
Washington, D.C.
20500
Dear Mr.
President,
I am reliably informed by U. S. Representative Rick Lazio that th.e
Department of Defense is considering favorable action on his application
to award Colonel Theodore Roosevelt the C_9.!!!!res.s.ionaL-~1edaL_o..L.B.CUJ..Q.L_
Colonel Roosevelt surely merits this distinction for his
extraordinary bravery on July 1, 1898, in leading the First U. S. Volunteer
Caavalry--better known to the world as the Rough Riders--in an attacked
on emplaced enemy positions on Kettle Hill 'and the ·san Juan Heights
overlooking Santiago.
This officer rode through deadly fire, rallied the
men under his command,. and helped break the defenses of the city.
A
splendid account of this action, and Roosevelt's leadership of it, is given
in Edmund Morris's biography, The Rise of ·Theodore Roosevelt (pp. 650- ·
61).
By all accounts, Colond Roosevelt was judged by fair-minded
contemporaries to unquestionably deserve the nation's highest military
decoration, but he . was denied it due to machinations in the War '
Department.
What better time to right this' wrong than this centennial
year?
Will you take favorable action today toward approving
Congressma·n Lazio 's application?
Thank you for this act of leadership, and
Best wishes.
CL-- ~~~; 1\C-
IDl
�--------------
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�.:;.
. May 14, 1998
The Hon. Robert M. Walker
Acting Secretary of the Army
The Pentagon
,... washington, D.C. · 20310
Dear Mr.
Secretary,
I am reliably informed by U. S. Representative Rick Lazio that the
Department of Defense is considering favorable action on his application
to award Colonel Theodore Roosevelt the Congressional Medal of Honor.
Colonel Roosevelt surely merits this distinction for his
extraordinary bravery on July 1, 1898, "in leading the First . U. S. Volunteer
Caavalry~-better known to the world as the :Rough Riders--in an attacked
on emplaced enemy positions on Kettle Hill and the San Juan Heights
overlooking Santiago. · This officer rode through deadly fire, rallied the
men under his command, and helped break the defenses of the city.
A
splendid account of this action, and Roosevelt's leadership of it, is given
·in .Edmund Morris's biography, The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (pp. 6506 1).
By all accounts, Colonel Roosevelt was judged by fair-minded
contemporaries to unques.tionably deserve the nation's highest military
decoration, but he was· denied it due to machinations in the War
Department.
What better time to right' this wrong than this centennial
year?
Can· you take favorable action today toward approving
Congressman Lazio's application?
Thank .you for this act of leadership, and
U~.1;11L
......
�·
.e·
..
_.._.-,: ...., . Franklin &
t~anor
ru~-- ROOSEVELT·
711 Fifth .Avenue, Suite 900
New York, Ne1.1-• York 10022
Phone 212-339-25?9 • Fax 212-832-1175
UINSTITUTE
. .
·.
Irene- R.~·ch ,.4,nlm
R \\'•.-.rrtC'
)o .. l.nuDS...ITo•·.Jr.
}YM B·n~N.m
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Arthur Schl~in'-""· Jr.
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.
May 19, 1998
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Ch=r. EUC\lO\'t Commtncr
, Oaruc-1 8. Bn·• UC'f, Jr.
D.~ ..... P.r1nLin·
Ourkt F. Sro•C'f I\'
R."'OC.~ C. Srnw.-n. Jr.
U•Tm.:rH.B.,Jnc-r
· R.U.Ctt L. ~ncr
R.obnt L Sc-•r
Fredria S. Ccw:\:tnun
F. Ft»"'"rn Chur.::h ~
Marr.. IT1 Truman Ooll\1rl
E,·an ~-
Oill•·•~
\t',llwmJ. Dean
~.IC'IJc.C._,J..,.,,~,J,:
1-r.IIC'~·.[\mbr
Ebftl•r lrl: .. nnn· F..r~uhar
Louu HurD ·
•· RavmonJ A.l..amontacnc
Anne Rco.e,·rh
Mn.F:-a......~IU'i.O. ~,t:ft.Jr.
V&er Prni#n:l
The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
·Washington, DC 20500
Slotholu L l.uJm"'on
s..."""
~w•n;ton
}uo.t in ~- FdJnun
Eli«n F1nlrtlf'r -"• • •
Hrnn H. f,•v:IC'r
Ftr.kncL r. F~.~tth :
R. u,·,n.nt
TrtiU~l"'
DearMr. President:
John lt:C'nnr!h G.•IM.uch
}cohn J. G.mbN. lr.
R..~F.c .. ,,"
Our country has a wonderful opportunity to remember one. of its great
~:::~~:""~,.~ .•." ··presidents iri a very special way. On July 1, we will be celebrating the Battle of San
Thto~''" L. Cih""~
,..,... ~,,,.,,.c.""
Juan Heights during the Spanish-American War. The hero of that ·memorable
~:~~;::~::'!'·'" episode was, of course, Theodore Roosevelt. As the· centUry began, he transformed
C'\
·~~:~H~~~~.
the presidency into not only a bully pulpit but
instrument of social concern and
~.,.,, R."'"'" h<lonJ social justice. I know that you are as familiar as anyone with his' accomplishments. ·
L•lt.lml• j-.:-io,,n
~~~~~';7;..~.::
I send this letter to register the strong recommendation of the Franklin and Eleanor
EbiMR.j,,nt"'
· Roosev:elt Institute that the Congression~l Medal of Honor be:.~~¥ded to 'ft~gsl_qfL
Carlo~
•
an
H.~~,·JC'n
S..rt-.o~u
Ha~·J.:.-hn
~:.~~ ~:h~.....
.
H'"~ L K,m,lm•n
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Cc-..'fl=~ l. Kn~x
P~rcr Jr.:,,der
Roo~~,::~!t, S9.IDW~n.19.~~ting_l}!~~E~q_I),i3:~Jl-~r..<?is~jA}· .S.~~gle -~~t ~?reJ~~-st~&~.9-
America'S pOSition in the WOrld.
_ _ _ _ _ _ , _ _ _.--..... -.-~ ...,__...!.•·~.-::--··:;·• ·-· ... ~.
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Ur.,l R. Luhn.
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-.-'f.A/illiam J. vandeh Heuvel ·
Pres! dent
Oan•d Pamd M,I\TIIh.\n
Drnnn J. Murr.n ·
Vrmt' U·: SC''Il'1Nt •
~~~C'-rrll
R•ch...rJ 1\.nit:h
Om.aiJ H. Rn·k•n
J•ma!',.,.,(.,... J:.Jr.
Uun. D. R.~~·rh
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Jr:rornt J. ShMUic:l
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~tnna \'anJrr. H"u' rl
R.ch:nJ C. \t·AJ,.
Crotn~· C. \lhnJ
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Paul C. ~·am'C'
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JD.3
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b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
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PI
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�:·
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oairyc@gstwor!dnet Moo May 25 23:17:26 1998
..ie: Mon, 25 May 1998 20:15:50 -0700 •
·
D.
croft" <b
~orldnet>&..:::=----from: "B
Subjec:: upport the .Congressional Medal of Honor for Teddy~
Sender. b
~0:-gstworld:net:----:,....-------To: presidertt@WhiteHouse.GOV
·
Message-id: <356A33E6. 75BAB3DF@gstworldnet>
Organization: GST Telecom
.
•,
Contertt-transfer-ertcoding: ?BIT
Comrhertts: This message scanned by SCAN version 0.1 jrns/960226
tvfr. Presidertt,
I would like to express my support for the Congressional Medal of Honor
for Presidertt Theodore Roosevelt. Please publically speak out and
express your support to Congress for awarding the Medal to him Although·
I'm a hard core Democrat, rve always been a very big fan of President
Roosevelt and I feel it's high time he is honored for his leadership and
valor during the Spanish American War.
Besides, it's good PR for you. Never hurts.
Don't take any crap from the other side ofthe fertce. You are doing a
·ne job. Keep it up.
Best Wishes,
[ o/o]
Barry D. Chalcroft I N5NWI
Lead Network Specialist·
barryc@gstworldnet
Alt: barryc@gstis.net
GST Telecom a
. 4317 NE Thurston -w'dy
. Vancouver, WA
98662
IO~
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financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
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and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(5) of the PRAI
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of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�[ 0 !1]
Fax: 415.882.7372
e-mail: JamesMStrock@MSN.com
May27, 1998
Honorable Robert M. Walker
Acting Secretary ofthe Anny
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 203 I 0
Dear Secretary Walker:
This letter is written in strong support of your consideration of a posthumous grant of the Medal
of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt. As you know President Roosevelt is widely agreed to have
been highly deserving of this award, which was withheld, perhaps in decisive part, by the
machinations of petty politics.
With the IOOth armiversary ofTR's service in Cuba coming upon us, one hopes that you will take.
whatever steps you can to make this a reality.
Thank you for your attention to this request.
Cordially,
·---::;;-~
~ofoo!7'-1/
105
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2008-0703-F
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�v/s/f/'7 rn y d au.yh fc~. a.hj .S~i]-117.
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1
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read in f~e _l}elttwa.re (ou•ff
[h,e..s. "f'ece-. abtJu.f Ieddy /foose.:ve.ll. Jam erJc/tJ.s;ny
I
fhc f'cce.
/(":ow
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t1n(01e. ca ;z ~·elf.
youi 11r., Prest tfehfi are. fAa.. f. fcr~on; · i_4,//jt7u?
I'm. Wrtf(flj On4.Nrifl~ha..l ParK ca.rd.;n A/s hondr.
T!r C<-YI K
you.
fo r
a_ n
y
he I
p yu
tJ
c a. fJ
J, ve .
·-···- -·-·
.. -· -·· -- -. -·--·--·· -·-·. . . :· ..
~~dal of ~~pushed for~
.
I ·
,..~-
...
11 WASHINGTON _:_
~.
In his extraordinary life. Theodore
I Roosevelt attained manyhonors. incl!Jding Jhe presidency
. and. the.him: the Peace Prize. But fqr his h.eroism as leader
Nobel
one that he yearned for
eluded
Medal of Honor·
·I of the Rough Riders in the Spanish-American War. : ·. . . · .
., Now. as the natiori 'approaches the I
·.anniyersary of
OO~h
. the battle.'for San Juan Hill in Cuba:. a move is under way·
to give Roosevelt that,lorig-delayed honor:-:-- ·: .. · ·. ·.. .
·. ~o proud was Roosevelt o(his mili~ary exploitS that after .
he left. the presidency he preferred being addressed as
"Colonel Roosevelt" ra~er than MMr. President." ·
·
C-od b / t:. S5
p.s.~~-~.
y~u.
0.. fld
f:c{o-77i? 2ij
yQ u r {a m; I j .1
fJ;z.tV~ ~J.J~
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_,
To· The Honorable President William Jefferson Clinton,
Dear Mr. President,
My letter pertains to one of your predecessors, Theodore Roosevelt the twentysixth President of the United States. I encourage you to award the Congressional Medal
of Honor to President Roosevelt for his heroic actions during the Spanish American War.
Due to Colonel Roosevelt actions at San Juan Hill, General Wheeler recommended
Colonel Roosevelt for the Congressional Medal of Honor. After the hostilities in Cuba,
the Fifth Corps was being decimated by malaria, Colonel Roosevelt and other officers
wanted their troops withdrawn from Cuba. During this time Colonel Roosevelt had one of
his letters leaked to the press, criticizing Secretary of War Alger's decision to keep our
troops on Cuba. The release of Colonel Roosevelt's letter to the public upset both
Secretary Alger, and then President McKinley. Secretary· Alger made sure Colonel
Roosevelt never received the Medal of Honor, which he rightfully deserved.
I find it very unsettling that Secretary of War Alger, out of political embarrassment,
would deprive Colonel Roosevelt of the Congressional Medal of Honor. I believe that
1998 being the centennial of the Spanish -American War, that you could set things right
for the memory of a great American like Theodore Roosevelt by posthumously awarding
the Congressional Medal of Honor to President Roosevelt.
Thank you for your consideration.
1~"~~ {LIUvJ. PoJ JJ1r~
9,9 Gt25q "L Gu
I o7
�:
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::
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�October 5, 1998
To The Honorable Secretary of Defense William Cohen,
Dear Mr. Secretary,
My letter pertains to Theodore Roosevelt the twenty- sixth President of the United
States. I encourage you to award the Congressional Medal of Honor to President
Roosevelt for his heroic actions during the Spanish Americah War. Due,to Colonel
.
.
Roosevelt actions at San Juan Hill, General Wheeler recommended Colonel Roosevelt
for the Congressional Medal of Honor. After the hostilities in Cuba,· the Fifth Corps was
being decimated by malaria; Colonel Roosevelt and other officers wanted their troops
withdrawn from Cuba. During this time Colonel Roosevelt had one of his letters leaked
to the press, critiCizing Secretary of War Alger's decision to keep our troops on Cuba.
The release of Colonel Roosevelt 's letter to the public upset both Secretary Alger, and
then President
Mc~inley.
Secretary Alger made sure Colonel Roosevelt never received
the Medal of Honor, which he rightfully deserved.
I find it very unsettling that Secretary of War Alger, out of political embarrassment,
would deprive Colonel Roosevelt of the Congressional Medal of Honor. I believe that
1998 being the centennial of the Spanish -American War, that you could set things right
for the memory of a great American like Theodore Roosevelt by posthumously awarding
the Congressional Medal of Honor to President Roosevelt.
Thank you for'your consideration;
y
[thw- (aj dJt>L
Andrew Paul lrber
�''
..,
'~
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Pr~e Citizen
. ····-. .
·-··(-r:;!'e-dal o'f"Horior ... _ Theodore Rooseve-fE) ·
.....
- - - ·--- -·- ~----. -·····~ .. - . . -
___
The Senate & House have passed legislation recommending the
President award the Medal of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt.
P~case make this award. It would be especial~y timely if you
could do so on the event of his birthday, next week,
Thank You
l 09
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s.enior.-Ci·t i zen
····
[i'·le ssage l
Because the Congress
-·-~~
........ ~---
Medal of Honor for Colonel Theodore Roosevelt -"\
complete~
action today on a resolution
~ ~,
-
~--
T"'' - - -
........ _ ,
....
and because President Roosevelt's birthday is~ week from
today, we urge you to· awar-d the Medal of Honor to President
Theodore Roosevelt on his birthday.
::-~egards,
Chuck and Phyllis Kirkpatrick
Bloomfield Hills, MI
�Theodore Roosevelt Association·
.
.,,_(" r (..
5 ' a.··'.
i
I.
·.
~ v
, ~v':.
\·
,\i
(~
J
.t
,;fI
'
Box719,
1
Phone: 516-921-6319
FAX: 516-921-6481
E-M.~IL:. TRA@sprynet.com
' \. . /
j :'.. l
OysterBay,NewYo,~kli77l
_,
U'J·
I,
The Hen. William.Jefferson'Clinton
The White House
1
Washington, DC 20500
October 22,· 1998 ·
Dear President Clinton:
·,'
On behalf of th~ member~ of th~ Theodore Roosevelt'
Association, arid the Roosevelt family, I write to a~s_k~
..._ you to award :fE~_od~~oos~.;::!r.lt" ..tJ:lEL!:i~.qal .. <?f.,HanOJ::~i..Q:£.,._....
_
h~s excep~~-~~a).,. J).!7r:Q.ism .. _on. Ju.,.l:f ___1 c_} ~~9~Jn_ JI:_e battle. to
capt:ufe-~San Juan Heights· in Cuba .. during tne Spanish-American
~-:-nre--"Me"da·i ··11a·s · ri'o'woee·n.'·_-a:U.t!lo.iized:· iJy .. bofh riouses· -;r---·---.:..
Congress, . backed by a large bipatis·ian coalition, and without
·a dissenting vote in gither: the Ho~se or ihe Senate.
of
•
Knowing
your often-express~d admiraii6n for Theodore
Roosevelt, we are indeed hopeful that you will proceed
with the authorization for the Medal of Honor. This would
·make Theodore ~oo~ev~lt th~ only~~resident to re~ei~e the
Medal of Hanoi, arid he would also be th~ only recipient of
the Nobel Peace Prize with the Medal of Honor ..
Theodore Roosevel~'s admirers, and .TR's gra~dchildien·
and great grandchildren, as well as the members· of congress,
think the time has come to complete the. historical record
by awarding TR the M~dal of Honor (posthumously)
for what
was 6ne of the most famous episode~ in Am~rica~ military ·
history.
·
·
'
Our office stands ready to .discuss this matter wit,h_ your
staff.
..
The officers of the-Theodore Roosevelt Association, and
the Roosevelt family·, join me in send,tng you and Mrs. Clinton
very b~st wishes and assure you of ,'our prayers. for your success
in bringing peace to the t~oubl~d corners of the world.
Chartered by an Act of Congress 1920
·\
�.
.~.998'
11=24
JOHN
F.
615 322'8236.
f<ENNEDY c;TR.
p.01
Theodore Roosevelt Assocititian .
Tennessee Chapter ·
Acklcn Station, Box 120735
Nashville, Tennessee 37212
(615) 780-2972··
,f'
October 22, 1998.
Honorable William ]. ·clinton ·
The White House .
by fax to (202)' 456-2'461
.
'
Dear Mr .. President: .
r:[
· Yesterday afternoon the Senate un:animousJx_ g~ssed a ___ _
r~solutiof1 ~l1thorizi.p~- and requesting you to ~-thc:__~~i~
(§1onal Medal of Honor..:to Colonel Theodore RooseviliTor liis
.
herolc-actlons on July 1,1898 in leading American forces
against enemy troops entrenched at Kettle Hill and San Juan
Heights outside Santiago, Cuba. The House has taken like action
on the resolution.
From beginning to end of thls successful attack, the future
president displayed ext'raordinary valor under deadly condi-.
tions. Careless of his own life, he rallied the Rough Riders and
took decisive command~ Together he and his men performed
crucial tactical maneuvers that led r:o·ihe-routing of the Spaniards.
·
·· .
Eyewitness accounts indicate that Colonel Roosev,elt perform~d with the kind ·of bravery for which other'soldiers received the-Medal in this conflict, and he was recommended for it.
by his super~or offiCer, Cqlqriel Leonard Wood. But Secretary of
War Russell A. Alger rejected the·· award, some say because· of··
Roos·evelt',s criticism ofAlger s hancping of the war.
If you have a moment to read one account of Roos~velt's,
actions that july day; ·may I ·suggest Edmund Morris's, in. The
Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (pp. 650-661). l believe yo11 will be
.
.
-.
7
'
\
'
A community service project of ~ ·
The Theodore Roosevelt Association,
a national, nonprofit organization chartered by Congress in !920.
\'
~·
�J.<:=l98
11=24
p. 02
615 322 8236 -
JOHN F. KENNEDY CTR. ·
Han. William ]. Clinton
October 22, 1998
·page two
convinced 'by this .distinguished historian~s. account of the justice
of this award and righting this great wrong.
· ··
Theodore Roosevelt once said thaf "a man who is good .
. enough to shed blood for his -country is good enough to be given a
square deal afterwards." Next Tuesday,·october 27, is the 140th
anniversary of Theodore Roosevelrs birth .. Wo-qld that not be
·fine occasion for you to announce that the Colonel has finally
gotten his "square deai"?
·· '
With.our very best wishes to you and your family,.
a
Sincerely,·
.
"C'""'.
.
Gl-~I~I·lt__
..
I
1ames Summerville
for the Tennessee Chapter . ·
Theodore Roosevelt Associat1on .·
I
e·
.
;•.
TOTRL P.02
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRAI
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Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information J(a)(4) of the PRAI
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LIPSCOMB, JR.
(l~~TTORNEYATLAW
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October 22, 1998
Hon. William Jefferson Clinton
President, United States of America
The "~dhite House
1600Pennsvlvania Avenue
washington: D.c. 2 002 5
Re: Theodore Roosevelt Medal of honor
Dear Mr President;
I 1-iould strongly urge you not to approve the Award of the Medal
of Honor to Theodore Roosevelt,except, with the hereafter-mentioned
qualifications.
Firstly, as an Af.rican-American soldier of Horld Har II
I am prejudiced against the egotistical Theodore Roosevelt,
responsible for, and, permitted, the hanging of a large number of
African-American U~S. Soldiers stationed in Brownsville, Texas,who
were prgtecting, and, defending, themselvesita2'gA~st the racial
1
charactStics of the t·Jhite, or, Caucasian, c
of Brmvnsville,Texas •
....
Secondly, around 1924, when I· -vras a young boy, my father's elderly
friend, and, client, a u.s. Postal employee, and, a Spc.nish-American Har
Veteran, informed my late father,and, I, about how Teddy Roosevelt's
Rough Riders were being defeated at the Battle of San Juan Hill, were
it not for the African-American Calvary, who saved the day for America.
Just a few months ago, there appeared a ne1vspaper article about
how the African-;-American.Calvary soldiers saved the day, for the Rough
Riders. Also, Mr Ellis, a neighbor, and, a Brooklyn Navy Yard employee,
living up the block from our house, in the •2o•s,was a Spanish-American
\iar Veteran, also related the same facts.
The natural propensity of Teddy Roosevelt was to use public relations
methods to blmv-up, and, glorify, himself, with a disregard,as to its
veritv.
·
I would advise, and, request you, not to sign the Senate Bill,unless,
the u.s. African-American sold:(.er .rescuers, also receive rec6gnition,for
their bravery, and, heroism. I believe it was either the 2nd, or, 9th
u.s. Calvary.
Copies to:
General Colin Po-'lvell
Hajor General Cunningham Bryant(Retired)
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President William J. Clinton //__. .... _
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Dear Mr. President,
·
, ~n-aptil.ronceming_lb.e.proJ!9~~d award of the Medal of Honor
,.
·--------:----,·-··--------~
..
·'
to former Presi~ent Theodore R()~~el.ielt .for his ~-o~spi~uous gallantry during the
.
.
- . . ·····-··.-----·
·-······ ···-·.·.·---..
... -····--·------------------ ----- .............
_Sp_anl$h. - American War of 1898. I am pleased to inform you that legislation to ·
~
.
···--~-
~-
this. effect has recently passed both the House and Senate.
You now haue the ability to right an historical injustice by signing this _
legislation. Mr. President, as an historian with a lifelong interest in Theodore
.
.
.
Roo_seuelt, I humbly urge you to sigl) this bill into law on.D.c1ob.er27tb~.!!!!L~ 40th .
r
•
.
anniuersary of Pres. Rooseuelt's
birth~
The former President's.rnany thousands of . ·
admirers· would cert~inly apprec.iate this action ori your part. I know that I would!
..
-:
.
'
•.
.
.
.
.
'
.
'
Mr. President, 1 haue recently been selected as Ne.w Jersey's Teacher of the
Year for 1998 - 99.·: I haue been told that .I
----·-·-··
.·
.
.
will haue the d·istinct honor of meeting
.
· you in Washington in the spring. ·1 ea~estly hope that by that time President ·
. _ Rooseuelt's Medal of Honor will haue become a reality, and that I will haue the
priuilege of thanking you·in person.
Thank: you for taking the time to read this request, and congratulations on
the Mideast peace ·agreement.
<(·
J"
Ronald F. Fore so
Social Studies Dept.
Parsippany High School
· 309 Baldwin Road
Parsippany, NJ 07054.
(973) 263-7001
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Nov. 13, 1998
-~·
--Bill Clinton
President of the United
Washington, D.C.
[ol<i}
Stat~s
Dear Mr. President,
I've been following the move to posthumously ~ward
the Congressional Medal of Honor to Theodor~ Roosevelt. He
coveted this high no:-lor'-alln"1's-life and acb.vely. campaigned
for it, much to the chagrin of his many supporters. At the
time he wrote, "I am entitled to the Medal of Honor, and I
want· it. 11
Roosevelt felt so because of his service during the
Spanish American. War, specifically his "charge" up San Juan
Hill.
First, the Medal of Honor is a distinction that no one
can pursue. The actions of its recipients are unselfish,
unscripted, unselfconscious acts of bravery in combat. It
isn't the same as becoming an Eagle Scout - a distinction
that can be attained by drive and determination.
Secondly, while reading "Big Trouble,n by J. Anthony
Lukas, the late historian, I carne upon this:
• ... In the June 24 skirmish at Las Guasirnas,
[in Cuba] 16 Rough Riders were killeq and more
might have lost their lives had the lOth Cavalry
[a black unit] not ridden to their support ... "
Likewise, the inflated accounts of Richard Harding
Davis, a reporter for the New York Herald and Scribner's,
made Roosevelt and the Rough Riders the heroes of San Juan
· Hill in his colorful action-packed stories that read like
Westerns. In fact, Rbosevelt cultivated and fed many ot these
self-aggrandizing accounts t6 Davis. Who was it that said
"Never let the facts get_in the way of a good_story"?
In reality, the hill was already secured by the
infantry, including the black 24th regiment. It was noted in
the diary of the white commanding officer's wife " ... the
Colored 24th is the real hero of San Juan Hill, not T.
Roosevelt and the Rough Riders."
The black troops' conduct in battle was so cons~icuous
it was acknowledged on the floor of Congress by John F.
'17
�Fitzgerald (JFK's grandfather). He cited the lOth Ca~alry for
·"(rushing) to the assistance of the Rough Riders ..• "
The 1st Voluntary cavalry, (aka Rough Riders), was
comprised, by and large, of poorly trained ~anhattan
socialites. TR's uniform was custom tailored at Brooks
Brothers.
After. the w'ar on his way to the Presidency, Roosevelt
continued to embellish his own legend while down-playing the
black troops' heroiris. In time, he even declared they
retreated (an untruth).
If there is some modicum of justice, it. would be right
and long overdue to acknowledge the heroics of the black
troops during the Spanish American War. 'The· Congressional
Medal of Honor is no trinket. It i~ too grand an award to go
to a self-made legend - dead or living. If there is tribute
to be paid, it is ~o the heroic but forgott~n black troops
who served with valor and distinction.
I encourage you to conduct research into the military
archives t'or the true account. To award this medal in such a
manner would_be a grave diminution of its sanctity. The medal
should not become another trophy for TR's myth, much the way
in life he collected big-game trophy heads for his den walls.
His descendants and the politicians who are trying to
push this through should be made aware of these historical
facts. one man's "glory" should not come at.the price of
another's obscurity. I respectfully urge you Mr~
President
not to award this medal.
Thank you for your time.
M.G. "N'ikki" Finch
PS - I voted for you twice and have no
reg~ets!
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·
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�November 18, 1998
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The President
The \Vl1ite House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
~
....
___..._.
........
~~:""__::·;::-_
''""~--~
-,
.
Enclosed is a cop~-~~~per article regarding.lj.dd~ Roosev~~.~~ and
consideration to award toe Metal ofHon~.to him for his part in the Spariish"A'.ffierican War.
'----------.-·-·
.
.
.
\vould like to submit for your attent10n the enclosed mformatron regardmg the charge up San
Juan Hill by my great-grarrdfather, Charles Morton- not Teddy Roosevelt. Morton descendants
have tried to right this wTong, but the response was that written history, though not accurate, is
difficult to charrge.
Although Teddy Roosevelt may have waited 100 years for this award, more so has my
great-grandfather, Charles Morton, who does truly deserve and is entitled to recognition for this
historic charge. Hopefully this information will be considered to correctly record a part of
history for future generations.
The Metal of Honor is a distinction with great integrity and should be bestowed only after
careful scrutiny. Teddy Roosevelt should be remembered for other accomplishments whi.ch he
achieved, of which .there are many.
A response regarding your final decision \vould be very much appreciated. Thank you
for taking time to consider this information.
Respectfully submitted;
--';"····
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�Roosevelt could get.·
Medal of Honor·
.
...
WASHINGTON ~ A century after he led his Rough Riders
·in battle at Cuba's Sari Juan
Heights, Theodore Roosevelt
moved a step closer Thursday to .
.a long-denied tribute, the Medal
of Honor.
. President Clinton signed legislation asking him to award
Roosevelt the ·medal · posthu-.
mously, but the nation~s highest·
. military. decoration, which
Roosevelt ·actively sought, . was .
not ye;t in the late president's
·
·.
·
grasp.'·
.
Clinton delayed a fina( decision on awarding the ·medal Uiitil
Army experts complete one more
review of Roosevelt's · qualifica- ·
tions for.it. .
.
· . . .·
"The army is. reviewing this
proposal and will make a recommendation to the president in the
future," White House spokesman
Barry Toiv said.· "The .president
is looking · forward to receiving
that recommendation. He is hoping for a recomm'endation.soon."
Roosevelt ·repeatedly made ·
· clear in his private letters and in
official papers he felt he deserved
the Medal of Honor for his ac- ·
tioris under fire July '1,_1898, in
an action that became known as
·the battle of Sari Juan Hill.
.
-:-·From wire reports
. \
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.liaj~r- 'Chnrles l\Iortoi;; of. the Fourth ':i
; I lie Lt'd the ClJnr::c. at San Juan II ill
;I
on July 2nd Lnst···Thirtr·
;l, ?" ~; '! };~~~~a:s.:n ~?~y,c,~1,
. I :Major Chns. !lforton arrh·eci at \\'aiia :.;':''
.. ,.Walla on 'l'u.esday night iJ.Dd bas as- 1\·.
: : sumed command
the fort. Tb~ m.i.- :·. :·~
, , jor. has been in the sen· ice 36 y.ears and · ·;
' is e\·ery iticb a soldier, and a l\fls~ou- !: }.l
1 riau by birth .. He entered the volun- ':·:1·~
' teer service in 1861 nnd was honorably ,:~.:"
discharged in 1864, commended for his ! '.
1
soldierly .qualities, and was recom_- c.:~
mended for a Medal of Honor for gal· :.. .).
1 ·lantry at Shiloh.
He was presented :·~:·~r
; with a revolver in 1863 by his division
commander for leading a charge on a · i"j
guerilla cajllp. After discharge he or· • .~ ·~·
ganized the militia in .his neighbor- :.-~·
1 hood to repel the in\·asion of his stafe.: '··~.'
· by G~neral Price and was presei?ted,by ',;.;
', the district commander with a ~revolyer . ·--~~
found on the body of ·:Bill·Anderson, ,-~,
1
the rebel 'leader who was slair{!n t!:le· .~&.
action.:. ·
.:. · .. ·~.~ ..·~~ 4? .~ t .~
He-was appointed to· West ..'I'oint io •
1S65, graduated iii 1869, and appo.inted \"1
1 a lieutenant of· the Third cavalry, a >:~,·
particularly active regiment;· for the. ~-:i'
nezt · 25 years; eervio·g-· .. jri"·Arizooa : ··~
where the citizens presented him with ' ;
two revolvers for gallantry in a series' \.<~i
of engagements .with the·Apachcs,an~ ·· :
for which be was complimented in .:·:):J
gen~ral orders by. thA departrnl>ot :;':f'i
c'ommander and brevetted. He was
recomme'nded for · promo~ion by the :: .}j
c?mmaoder of the cavalry forces for ·':~:1
his·conduct at the battie·ot the Roee·
:.J.
bud in 1S76, ao<i he com.maoded the ·:.;,}
cavalry t.hat.drove the enemy from its -~·~
, line· of intrenchments at San Juan, .<·::4
; 'July l, 1808, acd seized nod held the : ·:J
,, most advanced lice of ·the position, "......:i
:'·and protested agaicst the propqeltioo :< :r)
' . to a baed on it. ·The Asscclated Press.! ..';·;.;
; dispatches se11t from before Santlngo, :·-~'~
, July 18, spenks of him as fellows:
·:'
; .. "Capt::.ic Chas. :\lorton, command· ' ·-' ·:
i~g a battalion ·or the. ·rhird cavalry, : .',., ~
at
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.when he finally·
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--
nppronch~d
the opeo
,·
space
acrose
which ·the·.. da•h
was made . for' . the right . of. the
Sao Juan position, found himself sur·
; rounded 'by in eo oftwo or three dif·
tereot regiments, m~stly, however, 'cir
his owri. He clid oct heal: nle. it was
not a momect lor hesita.tio.ri:. UI~user
bullets ·aud shrapnel \vere fiyillg th.ick
and . fast through tho· air and 'men
were falling oo every aide .. Morton
pat all the men near_ 'bim .. lci'o Jiqe,
und gave ttie order to cbarg'e,"j~d- the
· forward mo\'emeut and ·.qU:ickfy .t.ook
. the most ad'vaoc~d posicio~. on~ the
' right, d'riviog the Spai{!li.ri!a' ·fir{' ·
' h3cieoda; whicii:bo found there;·back
. upon a battery of theirs ·do.Wn·, tinder
I the walls of. Sao juan .barracks..·
; held this positi~o against: au'p:er'ior
odds for a lo.og time before ,relie! .~as
1
. , cent biro. Had. he waited to_ separat~.
; his men !rom those of other regiroE!nte
• who had become mi:s:ed op with' th~~·
; .in the. acrainbie through .the' 'tirosli,
: this mov~meo t' might have be~ii,
. Ieee successful, as every moment ·,of
; delay in the _nd v.1nce meant lo~s.'! ;·, ·:.:
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·)\'
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;~;t~:D, ~ .... · ·_
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• - -•·- - •- •-. . eoENERAL _.M,ORTON CLOSES
.Thirty Year~ \.AJith the Indian$ arid Filipino Campaign~Cirizzled \Varric
'
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.
. . ..
I •
•
.
;~ ~o;:t:~_ :-~ -
---1-leu~£/Y,.:;
;,. . - ~t!RT~
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•
�-·
'_'...:.
..
,~RMY RECOt~o:~~,·~TWOWAR·s~,
Rftired in Om~ha While Commander of the Department of. the Missouri ·
·
··
·
·
-17, 1876, anu In the battle of Sllm Butte;. 1
September 9, the same year.
.
'•
Outbreaks·· of 1882.
The Indian outbreak In Arizona. the'·
sprln_g of 1S32, commencing at ·san Carlost
and leaviilg a bloody trail to the ll!ext-1,
can ·.border,... found Morton serving.- al!l
Fort McKinney. His cavalry there was' ..
ordered to Arizona. by forced marches to'
Hock 'Creek, -where it entrained. Th~
C0;'11:nand was blocl,aded In the moun.:.'
tu.lns with_ snow and ran .out of rations·
and forage •. 1\Iorton ~·as selected to pusli·
his way ahead . th-rough' the storm ove~'
:1. .trackless country to send out' relief{ ·
'l'hls was accompllsh.ed by hard and most'·
dl!tlault riding and much sutrer!ng witl:l:
o.no soldier !or company.
.
. ·..
..
· On .July 6, ·the Indians made an out'.t:.:~- ·
break at San Carlos, ·assassinated their.:
chief ·I~ dian pollee and broke !or thEI:
roughest country possible to prevent p•Jr~'
suit. Morton was stationed· at Fort':
Thomas; but ·was at Fort Grant on. cour;l
martial duty when the outbreak oc'i.'
cm·red. ·
·
_-,
He W3.S permitted to gu, and he chasecf
after the Thomas troops. which were oq
a st-,rn chase making superhuman efforts·
.. , to ?veL'take the sa,·ages. By dint of har~:
rldmg day. and ·night he• managed . to:·
reach the column before the fight In :.the· ..
; canon · ot Chevelon's .·Fork-,-p.ut down tn·
• the records as "Big D:i.y Wash~'-.JuJy'17~ . . .
I
· ·Aattve
··.··.
/'~w-ork...-con..t.in.u.ed'-Lor-...t.•ao
7
i·onr~·.'
·In .Arlzoi1a,. resulting in the surrender oC
~--Geronimo and ali· the ChlriCahuas,- wliett ·Morton's. regiment' .was ·ordered to- marclt·. -~ · ·
to Texas;· a 'distance of. 1,000 · mlles, '. arrtv-':. --_,, ·
lng- at .Its ·stations In the· summer :o~. ·-1885. Captaln:·Morton found the.- s_~rvlce. ·
In Texas monotonous !or ·six years whe~- .
the Garza troubles· put all the cavalry;·
In the field with hard riding-, racing wltli
and chasing after the "bandies" througq·
the chaparral.
_
· -i ,
He- was In New. York City when wat..
was declared against Spalri .. He had an'll
tlclpated the declaration, however, . and; .
.In Jl.!a.rch applied to. the war departmenl:j
that In the event of any .active operattons,
ot the army he· be relieved and _orderec2,_'.
to' duty In the fi-eld.
·
'· !. •
.A_t Tampa. he ·~·a.s at ·once -placed-~~
command of a' fiq\ladron of his· re~;lment,;,
and he commanded It as the skirmish line
of his regiment at the assault on th&.
Spanish trenches on San Juan hill. His .
regiment commander, failing on the.
trenches, shot in the head, left Capt~*i
Morton In command.
· · ·
·
He Immediately advanced upon this
enemy, drove them back and seized a ,
strong commanding position that was thjjt._
key point or. the sleg·e. Showered with a;
c~oss fire from· both artillery and rltle!Jf
and unsupported .on either flank_ or, !root
the- rear he pers.istently held the posltiOJ1 •.
Twice he r~cei\·ed ord~rs to abando!ll
his· position as ·untenable, but he continued to hold It; the ordel' coming froni
n general so -tar. baclc behind the hi!I_:J _
.snd out o! the ·zone o! fire that :Morton
cl!d not believe '.:hat the vital iniportan~-~
of the positloP. or. the conditions were_ utV
derstood. Confidence In the bra\'e _o!ti_.
cers and men under his command and -_ID'
ll!s own judgment, he . would not a~~
' did not obey the orde~s..
·
.L
Returning to Montauk- Point, MortOll'
was promoted to major of the Fourth c~v"".
l'.!ry, .a part o£ n·illch ~-a.s In the Phlil~7lhne,IIJ.
.
•
li'
• We ne~t hea.r of him In ths Coeur ,_
Alene mining troubles o! .the syrlng o..'
. JS09. He was the senior offtcer ·on th~
' · ground In that tet-rltled and d:slracle<l
region o.!ter the dynamiting or the Bunl;ep,
.
Hill-Sullivan ·Reduction worl;s and mur-~51 de.rs lndJcnt thereto •• go~ag there tro~
· Fort >Valla '\Valla, \\· aslnngton.
· ..
-~
Receiving ... -· fele;;ram · from Go,·ernot!' ·
&tet:nenl:turg thO.t n1a1:ti~l ~~~ :\'as d.~..,.,
· .I
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_ __ : ~.-. . ··-~E/YZ"RAL
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~~-~~~'~t~i~~i~i.~~~;i~~~~;~~Jt~~:,Eti::
.....
=--
ar!lly to be reti_roo· as ··b:uiio~-' ll'ei1erai~.'~ ·: :Mo~iori''s "c~lci~~i''a.
·Two of the gener:•ls :thus .affected would .:and his ·captain an(!.
have:·been General ·Thomas· ·ari<i:Generat· ·wounded.· Ot·the·sb
.
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" ~--· ··
meot specially' ·ment
·· ·that':tliere. b.Ji.ye.'been··:many' 'recr~ts; within 'the brief period, but .. the ar!DY Morton.
The measure was ·passed· In the· senate; of. the battle toz• '.<
bas been weakened intellectuaUy a:nd st"rategical!y through the loss of one but has been _debated ln the h'ouse of rep- there were the· oft\c~
battle-s_c:!.~red· veter-an, the oldest
po!nt ·of· sen·ice . of any . commanding resentat!ves. off and on tor the last two. pany and .he himsel
weeks. ·An Illinois congressman,' who 'an- tor _a congressional
-ofllcer now. aliV"e. · · · ·
.
·
. .
swered on the roll call as Madden was dlstl!lgulshed braverv
Ch~rles A. Mortor:., brig~dier general and' commandant of the Department opposed' to·the bill. In one ot'his sp;eches regimental command·
of 'tile l\Iissouri, retired last Friday after hal'ing deYoted nearly half a cen- he said:
. .
the aged veteran,
tury in the cause of his country.
· ·"
. .
·
.
' "\Vhy promote the man who has had Kansas City, l\Io.
.. . .
'In the J,
Two wars, thirty yea:-s in the. saddle against the India~. and several ·the good fortune to become· a brigadie't·
eneraJ to a major general· who has nevet·
·.Young Morton par
notable ·campaigns in tl.e Phillipines-these are his legacy_ to· the army.
ne any service, bu~ has only' been i:on·:, vance. on ahd siege
·In token of their esteem and .in farewell to him thirty· cdd officers of
plcuous in .the command· bt. a·-corps. o{ winter campaign o!
the Unite<t ·States army and members of his. staff·· gave a. banquet at the
Jerks?:.'
· ·
... ·.
' · ·.. · ... : . -: ot· ·Southern .Mlssou:
H.ol:el Loyal last night .and 'toasted the. good health_ of their .commanding
Not only bec~use Genera(M!Jrt<?ri .'cr<!~- federate· general, Jeff
~;euera:t.
· · · ·· ·
-- · ._:·
·· ·
,
Ired !rom the ··army a couple .'or. da;~•s . campaign. 1-Iorton . we
None that sat about the table were younger than General ¥orton him- ago; -l{ut _also because 9!:.. t'hC::laliguag~: ,commandel: of the set
self, if vigor ·and youthful spirits be the courit 'of age .. He >yas inactiv~, it of this speech, lt Is_ very pr.oper...t9·:-wrlte ,army ··with a revol\·e
ls ·true, ·but only a& ·a matter of qu!bb~e or·pu_n, for the . rules and regulations here a: record of his arrn:r·-:';lervi<?e.,,;·.::'• :.tuFed. charging._ perso
ot:the' amy prescribe th!it.when.an officer has reach_ed the a~e of 64 he
·.General, Morton's paren_t§ ·moved;;w.es~ _:an: outpost or. three
shalL be retired, which 'mea:ns of coc.rse that .)le is n() longer active,
·-when he was still a me_re · boy.;and, 'reh'.: .. He: also took parttn
tied In DaYiess county, . near,. Gallatilt;' ; the,·· Mlsslsslppl, . a1\d
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:Mo. , Soon-after this· the struggle-:betweeu. 'nessec after the fore
' ::
900 Miles a
;._:pany that
a sal_ute over his grave. the . states ·proke out and ;YOun,f: Mon:otr. • general. Foyest, and i
-~ ··,
, .:
, .
. ..' ' ···.· w:..:}.Qnly·. o·~e . ot~~er .. irer;e:il .in th'e. United with three ·of his brothers·.. took. side.;; pa,Jgn, being dlscha1
· - For the .ast three ~ears, ho"':e\ er, sl.nc.e States army has , the_ distinction of three ·with the union.·
· ·.. ;.,-.
···'-' ··'···
81&4;· having partlclpal
bJs headquarte_rs ha\·e heen. m Orna'1 ~ or more,. years. of •civil ·:war ·sen·lce to hls . ·
In 1Ion1e; Guard ·First~~·.. ·: .. <.~J.:.:; . battles ,ot. ·Jon~sbo"ro
rew • even of h1s lleutenat:~ts have show
credit who ·afterwards· graduated at West
. .. ·;..
... , · , : ·, Lovejoy s Statzon, G,
the ·;-'physical \'igor that he possesses. Pcilnt. That Is' General. Earl' D. Thomas,
At first he ~olned with other. young .of enl!stment had e:[
During that- -time it has bee~' hlS·:custom.. now In command· ot· -the ·Department -ot men ot his nezghborhood-·.to organize a
He reluctantly aba1
to lead the officers at the different posts Colorado with headquarters at Denver. .home_ guard for Davless .. county,, ·Soon tilnlt:r to make the n
IVlthln his ,command on their annual test
Both l~!t. the. -union army In· the spring aft_erwards his company·.-.- entered ·":th-~ accept a commission
rides. ·which means that he ~as .. ridden of -1865. ':Each"entered the military acad- United States service as company--·l;~~h;:-" :Missouri volunteer Jnl
ten.·times as far a:. ll;ny of. his ofl\cers; ·emy that spt'lng ;tnd was graduated In teenth Missouri volunteers.:.enllstlng~at lng In St.· Joseph.
Dr instead_ of riding nmety miles, he has 1869. Both. have ;been· continuously Jn the St. Joseph, JIIo. This was· shortly 'ar'te•·
·Returning to '1\-flsso,
tldde,n _900 mlles each year.. ·
.
. .
serYice sll\ce. · ..
·
the disastrous battle of Bull ·Run;··. ,,. •' caped the Centi·aJla r
. From St .. Joseph,' the' regiment ;weilt-~<to hls-._.state ·!nva'ded 'by:,
General :Morton was bon~ In _Cuyntoga
· . Bccord<of. -8errfce.·
DOunty, Ohio, March 18, 18b, bemg a de.. ·.. ":-.-,, ......... ,
Lexington and participated In the expedl~ and,'-h!s home count~')•
cendant· of an early New England !amlly
General. 'Thomas· will. be. 'retired. Jan- tlon . to '\Varrensburg ·· ·aild .:the ''·bloody. redatlng guerrilas;·,Dt that ,.name. In his y'outh ·he was· a uary 4, 1911. ·HE~' then will. have had the slege of Le.Xington which· ftnalty <resulted plans and lent all hh:
neighbor. of the Garfield family and waa longest.:service :(j("'S.ny :.general tn the 1n the surrender ot about·-2,500· ·Uni6'n organization or the to1. pla~:matii_: of James A. Garfiel<l, who army•. To .1l'e::speC!tlc.;Jle·.:~l!Lhave been forces or--the confederates ·tinder Gene'l'id out-" to meet-.tlle.'erietn.
. ·.·-· .::..:.·. ~-'-'"··:·'""''·g-.' ,-,,..He .. encouritcred·:''th
later. be~ame ilresiden.t.
.
. ldentlt\ed .wfth the.ftghtJng'.torces or the Sterllng Price.
Morton's regiment was reorganfzed
'chle!taln, Bllr Andersc·
. Only o,i_le genera.-! 1~ the hlstpry o~ the· co'uritri::.. !o.r~---;~}gh_t, .IJ~.!i~•: .• ~i~ mo~ths
l:ou;ntr:lr::-evE!r. -spent a· greater number and twehty,.fty:~,day~.~..;-c;len!lraT .Morton~s 'ti:r. th;~ Lexlngto~ slege·:.:as::'the'.;Twent;y~ not. tar· ... ·from :·-the
. ot ;y:ea~s -!n .. _~he,a:rmy service. Tha~ was. ·re$0rd.::)s,,;:for;,~!!>rtY~_SilY~_n:>:years; ten titth ·l.!lssourlvolun1eer !n!antry,and. par~ Sp.rlngs, Mo.; and:·had
eutenant ·.General ·Winfield· Scott .. Qf months ::!lnd.- .two_ ,day_s.-1 ->: .-, . ;.'· . , . _. ·.· · .· . . . tlcJpated ·-ln.Ahe. great·. battle 'o't·"Bhllob;· ltllit·m which that··n~k
exlcan _war.:(ame. When General_Scott ·A sho_rt •. ~\ml)~·fl.go,-a·;blll:.,wa:;;Jntp),l'!uced being .on' the .. mo§t advanced ·!hie·.. at- the kl\le"d '-:with :r:nany· :.or..
•
ed .. General .Morton, th~n· a cadet. at into congx:es,<~.-_ pr<;rv-Jdlng. tor..:'tlve .ot ··:the .. opening" o'f. th11,t !ri'eaf battle, 'fighting :deg:.; ·battle· -restored ''lasting
· '"''
!West :Point; . was a member ut. the:·com- brlgadl~r:_··~~~~r~ll• :_c;>.t·":the;:unlted States pertely-,_'to ..:s~:. th!l. ::ons!!.t·•ot" :the.: o':er~ ern' Missouri:·:
whet~tn~..~c.ont:.edr&.t~~-l}or_~~:~~~"":: : ·.~. -..cnn~e-t-J~v.:--.o..~
"">·' ·
in
A
o;
I:~des
Ye~r.·
tlr~d
a!-
In the-soles. a~;{l!eeis or ~-'6~,-r'~iioed:"·Thts' 'hlght·;~d b~~shlng tl;
will 'give· you 'more. height·· withoue and morning.· :.It. t':
the danger t1;om the very high:.· lieels. ·scalp continue, you· sh'
Have your clothes made In ·long llnes slciari, as this troubl<:
and choose stripes. as much as ·_possible. serious skin dlseas_e. ;
Hold your chin up· and your shoulders
straight and-· cultivate a long waist .and · · Dea1· ·Dolly "Lyle-:·: lf
yo.u will not look so ~hort. ·
brldes1'nald, who Is ·.1
For the bunions,· .send ·me· a stampe·d to 'have a shower fotr
and addressed letter and I wlll give :you what ·form of enterw
'the address ot a ~peclal!st who can re- ·euggest?-M .. ~r.
W. A.. G. Eo thankful that you· have a
:·:~
lieve you ot the bunions.
11aturally good complexion, as every girl
. ··It Is quite proper for
ought· to have, ·and retrain from using
or relatl\'es of the·brl<l
any oreams or lotions save those that are
Laughing Eyes; I am: sorry I cou!J a 'shower for her. A;
trure to be absolutely pure. A bath In
not have granted your request to answet· was a recent b•·IdEI.
pure buttermllk o'nce ·or twice a week Is them fn warm water· In which a plrich of your letter In the next Sunday's paper; every day for the fo•·
•utftcient to keep your skin In good con- boracic acid !las been put. See that you1· but' this Is always Impossible .. ·It must her friends· when· ;I
4Jt!on and plenty of water, pure soap and nen·es are -steady .and your general take from two to three weeks to see an "kitchen ·shower," trw
a very llttle i:"OOd powder Is all you !leed. health good and your eyes wlll be bright answer to your letter and requests !or .dls.hcloths, towels ·a!''
~~><£,!l!;I2Jllmend the lotion you and clear.·
earl!er replles are Impossible to grant.
well as cunning llttleJJ
r
h
· ·~"-<>-=-the ln.. A girl .of 15·· should wear her dresses plei1ty of pockets. . t:,
eao the writer safely. I do not know
r-,.___,.h -.r~n.ur words o, apprec'! a tl on almost to hert ankles.. .Th ere arethis kl n d s a Anothe1· -embarrasse
-•
a 11 sum
l<ltchen •ho,,·er at-'t
the address O( the paper. but If addressed
t' b
•
to the city, the letter wll: reach It
ave
of pretty_ _ _ gear o
seen
!or tn llearaor r~,.,..,._.
1
.. ~ ~>'IJ-·~•uls-'~'l?-n¥.MlLj-..:.:'--;-~.:..:.;::.:..too .:,. __~t etenth •· nd un - l>er· friends and ·on-~
..
U :rour blood Is too tl11ck th~ salt
creas ng the height but d'
and hosiery to
h
·
-that she carry ·
be' worn.
. matq the gown should selt... Acco!lloanied.
may Prove ettlcaclous. Pimple~ about th! know anything ot Jts excetience . Ao
Wa)• to make the waist longer ~nd so InTh b d b
·
the poor llttle bz·i<Je:t
mouth usually Indicate something wron
e
·.
b
o
'With the stomach. & careful ot you~ crease the app aren t h eight Js to stand cay d t o. th reath fs caused either by de- board a -ca 1 fo·.· hom.:
e
oe
or ad stomach. The dentist all sorts o!. knobby ,ri;
diet, drink at least two quarts ot l\'ater erect, holding the arms straight over
the head · Then b en dl ng slowly, · toticJ 1 clan to attendt to the teeth 'and the physl- a~es, '"It lie l1er fi·lend.-.
should th 5
·every day and out a tew drops of simple th tl
h
"
"
e ps ot
to l1elp
an omac
" .
= r•
tJnoture of beru:oln In the water In whJch Will . stretch the h an d s t o the t!oor. :_.Thla extreme!" e . noy 1ng. • as a bad breatll Is, spoon. her n·ttlz. c'o , ·.
th e muscles and Is good tor
a
'
YOU wash )'our !ace.
·
th
For the nJ
1
·
·· .
This le the sas~atras season and
cup
l e general health · · D o not use this exer- take a good"'mp es on YOUt· !ace ftrst
laxatl\·e until You'r st~macn
IShe ~olved ti ~ ·n • ;, ;
~ "' u,
4
ot ~assatras tea taken. three times a day c se too long at a time at first· as'. ft. Js able to perform Its duty natural tv s re could get .into1 0IL 1
I
Wll! tend to cleat· your blood. Do not
may make the back lame. Try It four or Wash
!ace thoroug-hly at
wit·!· hanging the rest or. '!'•
th-e times at first,· setting aside some time a scrub br sl
"
' crowd o:~ the car enj;'
boll the bark aa this makes It thlok an<l
during
.
I,
bitter.. Prepare ·.tt as you would any ·tea Jar! ' t 0 the day· that YOU can devote ren.u. and . use a u tewwarm Watez· nild. good soap far mor·e than the b.luo~l
thl
"
<lropti. o( Hlmple tinctuz·e
~
J
s exercise. .Increa.se the time of ben:coln In the_ watez· . · In the
r · n,_
---..:.
nd drznk ft hot and clear. It should be ·
gradually unt!J YOU can ~I,·e ten mln"tes bot
b
kf
Mrs :I! . I 11111 at ll1
t
1110 111 ~
t
t and of a clea:·, pink color.
"
w .·
. •
ra
a _a lme Without lanJe~As.".
1. oz·e •·ea Uf<t dz·Jnk a cup' ot ltcJt ''·at.,,. b•tt n·eat•, ' tltat
I
~
"11 t l r
·DJ.!~nything In your· eyes to rc·
t;
·~ ,,
n w tleh. 1\a" been out a teatipoonful of
'
" .
wr
a"
In Increa 5 e YO.lll;~
-_--...;.lJ.e.z· cease from u"" clothes and thcr<>by the selection ot Your lemon Ju!cu; PaLa llrt!a '•eoh ,_ _________
~......_.,.___
'
g~J
th~
,-
·--...~-··--
~e Jud~;ment
~rn.N"J:u:U_..,,_.
~
.
b~
Q
1
nl~ht
r9~'T. Dettlcn:t.t.-T.ll-"Ee,~-L
'L,
.l·~b
v-
�/;?ORT~
----.~-
:O.ft7VAO/ER .yE/'Y£,g;.§z·.
.j' -~~ 11i1~een~;dst ~r thr~·:~~;~~;'~bi;·~~;~- ·:
. --~
·
· .....
f ""a~c,·dLt:c.f'·_a:nu. n1~griilied luto
· · ., .... ~., --... ~._....:.._;_·
.·
..
·--··-·-':=====================:-::=========.==.===~~ ·... ,......
----.-~-.
~:>Jor Mort~n
the!i'iifvu, · ..
was o_rdere_d_ to;_th."''.Phi!fp.;_:;.~:'
FP.M~Jl.'!!l~d ~-ll~~~ ~.-,;1~.~-.rr~~;:~;_:,J;:~ ..
the··tll"f~mand·-of;'::t;he~trC'.o s·.;o '""'='·.;:•·
:~ilZ:,f;fi;~~!~~ 'Hg\~~,~~;''I~ ;g;••:.~~~,;;'~~~:r~~ .:m~'amst~s:~ e.-~ _-tr;:l~n· ~ge;ias;ts·e.;m~·b~elpedj~e.'~ u_~w:t~ p: t.~: ~ £fit~_f_~_.,_s';_:_!.~1it.-~_tk_~_:£_•~.'~_j_il'_:~-~ -.~:.. ~_,':F_,:-.? ~. -~ ·.f ~.- ~
·.
'the.body: or Rlll Andersc..n.- ror-·hrs· con~
.....
P
.;splcuous sen·!ccs on this expedition and sen ted ·personally ·by' a ·commitiee on .be-.
Immedla etr-...,con. arrtvlng :at,,Mll,pO~~,,.~_.,,·..
saJiantry In tho ·battle. This was In the hal! ·o! the people· ot Arizona with a General Lawton P>-.,d ll!ajor Morton. tn.:.·.·:·
autumn of 1S6·!.
.
handsome pair o! rel'ol\·ers and was charge of .the
an..._·•ecurlty_ ot :the .. ·:·
Younz Morton made some Otltei' expedl- complimented by the department com- city .. requiring, him .. to submr•--~:~.ns·. to,.'.tions with the militia with 't\.·hich he was mander. General Croo k · m general or d ers, t 1 ·d·l s t rl'bution of .troops In· the eve"''--q,'* ·.. ··
·. ·
1e
. ..
· · lth'n·
enrolled. but 1
·eceived an appointment to recommended congre"sional
medal of the rumored upns111ss !rom. w
· .
. --... ..
1
the t:nlted States military·: academy honor and later hi: ~·as·. brevetted one ta<;ks !rom "'ithout and_ ~ ·have . cf~~
at
·west
Point,
N.
Y.,
at
the gi·ade.
mand in the llame _of •t e S"enela .... .
hands of i\ofajor General ·Benjamin F.
Aftc1· two years of. the• most arduous either of those contingencies. .
.
~
1
Loan, ·to ·which· place he reported In 'service In Arzona. his ·reg!me.nt. was orHe· commanded his squadro':'- on ...a. .• :
1S65
· ·
dered· to uie old D_epaz:_tm
__
the Platte,
north, _and .witbf..ro
temn',,tohr;-_
.· .
.
, .. ·
d X
&
· ·e 'GOs. In the ad- . J une,..passed··· _.through .. ·the. !our .:years ·Morton ·taking station·at ent o!.D. 'A. Rus- ton's expedition m en • volunteers..'rollciWlnJ':.·. · .:·:·
·ipated
He
F.ort
an. s 1 t Y
t t d
:urlnth and Jri"the course. s·uccessruily .and graduated· with •sell In March, 187Z.: !ridian troubles took Fourth cavalry,
pene
··:ra·mow,--:.
o! ·the army his class ln<June; .1869; being· appofnted ..a .his trop .soon to Sidney, Neb.·":·· .. , · . ·
a force o!
f ;·:·Mo'l't iJ':\
against. the ·con- second.'··lleutenarit'.·:ln the Third ·cavalry,
Morton was lri ·the s'addle most o! ·the. stron'ghold,c Bfacn?-·;Elato. · a ox . ·
'ilompson: :-In this sfatlciiied':·at. 'tile time . .ln New Mexico. ·time for nearly. four
after· .d.epre- commanded se\·eral,- stations
'f"":.,> ·.·.
presented by the He· Jofned.' 'that .. regiment at Fort Union, dating· bands, coyer!IJ:g.:;_ the -country by tions during the .t" o yeariJ
.. tl)_::_..-:.;.-';.
ld division of. this N. :\!:;;,: Oct.ober;- 1,'·: but was soon sent .. to.: his. scouting from
Arkansas and Re- the· Phllllpjnes, be!ore)tls .proi1lo
'.o. :t;:·:·
:\forton had cap- Sher[aari;"'Wash., to· conduct .to"-ltls reg!- publican
t() lieutenant-colqi),el. took hll:ll ..
lly ·-and alone. ·on
detachmer:t
the Yellowstone on-:fhe_ ;no1·th,··li,a,vl11g nu-. regiment, the_ England cava
.. ·
·a ot ·the ·enemf,
,the. ply.ms ·m stormy m·erous mirior encounters ... ·He -made an in Cuba, where he remalne __ un.__.,':' ...
_.,,.·iJperations'down rrinter'i'Weather. , • .. · · ·
·
exploration !rom;:.
Jocated. the troops were withdrawn._ ·_.::' · · .·
·.,.;.,o·: ·¥>-· . :. ·
.;._'Western
· ..,. :, •. ,, · ·
.·· '>.:., 8 ' · · ,.
ro.ad. to .the ·cam!>.
1.n :18;3· that .
. Morton ·.was .
· a_ ,Z'.: :, .
of th.;·
_·:c·tes 'at is· now_-Fort..
•. _a_nd ..
Iate1· Fort snr;·_.the. spring . or
_,. ,_._ .
4
:he Atlantic cam""' "
•·
v
.became the ..
meted to· .a; full colonel .. ,of ,_a
...
d September 14, the. C!iiia-i"rciric·incUan· agency .})ecame ·
!rom SidneY,
. ·.·- ·.. . . the
. ca\·alry, ser.vlng . ln;o::
In the two dal•s'
was·serit there
In 187_5 he. ma?e.,a.
Black Philippines .. But owing to hJs past,_.ser ·
.1d· the battle at to
·corder ;··(ltid. ·hold;
Indians Hills. country,
"unex- vice.in the is_lands, he was
··dafter ...
.• term
.:cjua1't870
ermash· ter· ot this plored" o·n the .·.maps," and_ that _winter the Seventh cayalr;r;· ot wl)lc_h
..
camp:_'..;,.._he'·.spt.lng":.ot. 1 ... e :"'"~ ap- he_.worked.·up_hls notes.·lnto- a map at he was colonel for four year~. s~nuo!.~ _,.
the:!
•
.and
9! department.: headquarters. · ·In .,::omaha. Chickamauga; Park, Fort. 1\Iyer,,
·ch to the sea ·to a
. of.
regiment Hardly: had
another two yeat·s in .the.
..
the F_'ort:r-thlrd : .ordeL'ed·:'·to:· A.rzona, ·then · m a state or when ·he .n·as. appol_nte.d. adjutant :·or the
He commanded the cavalry b1 !g...d.es a.
try then organiz-,
·the Apaches and Big _Horn and
_expedition.··
the maneuvers at West Point,.
· _In
Navajoes;,c;·.::.::-· •· :·.
·
·
. . That winter the_ ..,:m,en: ..
so
. and at ?.Ianassas, Va., In
1. il$
he barely es-;
He•·•;i.ta'S>commlssary at and constructing much suff.ering'!rom sto-rm·s and cold that 1903
the forces on the D. l'l· "-- ·'sac:1·e and round; quartermaster of. Fort Rawlins, Ariz., 'Genernl Creole gave up all hope· of ac- cons ort Logan from San F1·anc!s::c t!!< '
.'on'fede·rate army, afterwards abandoned, and again adju- complishing mo_re. than ._Pre.ve_ntlng_ a ter- tra P McGrath, Batangas, where
_'
·;errun with de·p.i tant,· commissary .and constructing quar- :-ible disaster. out, 'lt·:::.resulted:·: In that campmmand of. the post for the two
· ..
, abandoned
termaster . at Camp Verde, afterwards. splendid engagement on· .. the .. :p.owder In
In the islands, enlarging it lnt((
.":·
:tergy to a hasty' .F:ort' Verde::. ·.. · . .
.
.· .
river, March··
1!lj6.•:
. Craz:;tlful as n·en. as a.
·;;;::4,;·
militia and sp'ed :.err,.: til.e 'ei>rlng'...of., 1871 he· took command Hor.ses's band..:
ftglit·• ·o resulted .. In
valry P.ost: :...... , c:: ..,,.,., .._·: ..
,. ·. · ·
· ··
. · -, .; · ot ·his troop and was se'nt after a band <i! . a total de!eat or .the· Indi:l,ns; _and the ta
at camp McGrath, Co!O":':'C: :"'· :· .
of.. 106
was. notified ;_Aprll ..
. famous gilernta' raiding Apaches· who had attacked the destructl0n . · ot· !:
on· Fishing river,.' Agua Frlo_"r·anc·ft,•.k!lled .some herders and lodges counted :-.oyc'Morton.
•. · .
nel. bl !rom Washington .. ot his,
..
·
. ·Excelsior; .rtirinlng·.orr 160 head or horses and catHe was. actin?:
,o!,!J_fll..·.r.:grment
brigadier
te s.trug-' 'lle.: .He..:. .overtook··: the. Indians · In' the and quarterma:ster' of
ca> ah; torces
..
.
.. . . . .
.
_. ·.·••:. _.,.,.,,,._ ._,,..
. .-·::··:
3 the· f<>ur em:ounters on the
·wa:s' Tonto . Basin.
:· 4:o.;, the Big grade.
-·:'·The:
· the'··J:ndians lost Horn· .country_:ln
:; 1:_1nder .. General .
he !a.ct that· he. has .
•.
1
·::tee to all north-: ·'66 ; knled:·:-: A.U ·:ot: the horses ·and cattle Crook, and participated _with. distinction sho" n bi'; sy ·and ·.entrusted wltll grea11.···:: ·:
..
•.
Cll:..T.une. 9. :on- Tongue been kep .• ;' . ·
as a"private' solcl!ei-.;. ·.·· . . , .. '·
.
.
. river, the. bll;\11~. ~or_. t..he .Rosebud,. ·June responsibllh.~S, eHn
..... ·
· ·.
.
.
/
:air ~;ently night· unlit. the__last_ thread ..Is gone.
,,rmples oil 'the'
time, I am 'sure,, cotidltions· will ;be. more . dd d New .Jersey to the list, th.e ntiptfaJ.
!'consult a PhY-' .... -C~ub:. G·l~l~ My dear child, I wonGer rr
· .
.
~no~ b~ing tied !or the fort!.: fourth Ume.:._
:a>• grow Into· a you realize. "-·lla( you. have 'asked me to pleasant !or you.-. . . . . ·
You may not believe. It· n'ow, because
This' raises tl;e q~estlon,?;, Can. a ro~ ·
.do.. ·Pian.an Initiation !or :·~r club! I
l'OU are WOrn and''discouraged; but the 'legally marry hiS 0'1\n Wife ... ··
•... ,. · '·
,; ..
"must 'lea\·e thls·.to someone e.-~. l won- time. will co~e . ~·pen: a .. ~arge_,_paM:· o!
Lewlsohn·, with his wlf.e, walked tnt~
.·'Proper !or the der I!· there fs'·"Rny one amon;; our readgroom's. Sl6ter, ers who· wlll come to the rescue !or your happiness will come from making. the county clerk's office and asked Wll4.o>
• ·bride? It not, "Club'·Girl'?" She v:a.nts a good Plan !or others happy, __ l;;!).!lle_t_ill)es \ve must Invest Ham Christian for a marriagE!" llccmsCJ.;>
:tent would you· Initiation !or· some new members they are a large amount .t.r· ·ra!th ·and "trust and L'ewisohn said· that 'he was eager to :re~.
happiness be'!ore we' g'et' any 'returns.
a certificate, which would add th~a stat_a,
.. going to take ln. ·I am sure some· ot You
to the Jist. He was direct~d to tlie o!ftq,ll..
y oi t.he friends know .or:· son-ie good plans that .will be
Housekeep·er: ·.To Clean your·· enameiecl of .Justice or the Peace Henry Boa~e\)
:· groom to have. entertalning.-·and I would be glad I! you bath tub !rom the brown discoloration,.
where the ·marriage was.per!ormed. 'Ill.._
.:d ot mine who. :would wrlt!l. tl-ien1 to me.
dip a· flannel cloth In a saucer o!· kerosene couple smfled and appeared as happy &.If>
'nks her stars
and scrub· .the tub, scouring afterwards though It was their first venture.
..
·•tc thoughts oC
·D!sappol;ted: Do you know I am a
with plenty or ho( water' and· soap.· 'l.'h!s
gave her a great belle\;ei- In the plan ot reciprocity. treatment wfllleave ·your tub white and · .. The laws ot New York are very ~
ouliar and I will some da.y·ha.ve the knot.
::~g all sorts of
It :rour !rle_ri·d:,uoes_.. not take any notice shining,
tied there," said Lewlsohn. "I' teal tt•a.1 .
·on holders, a~ or your long letter.•. arte1· he has asked
I was not vlolatfns any la.w, and 11.11 ~. ·
.,en aprons wfth you to write and only sends you a card
-:io .~u1paa1 .spaau ~iHnua']: · :mJoA\lfoos:
· wife and I love one another, what hal'Ili)~
now and then as U1e thought stril,es him,
1
rltle was given then don't giye him .any letters to disc cas10nal!y. Go over, .your- leather bound · Is there In It?"
books with a sort- cloth dipped In the best
home of one or darn . .
olive oil, wiping_ carefully, In order that
the conditions
The~e are too· many people In the 1\'0rld,
no excess or eli may remain on the out"
the gltts her- my dea1·, ni<:'<l, entertaininG", worthy side. This treatment. two ·or three time"' BOY GIVS UP SKIN TO
<~i:hing- friends,
people, to waste any thought or letters a year will keep them in_. good coridition,
SAVE HIS SWEETHEAR~
was forced to on ·one who. does not appreciate. them.
1t:n down wlth
Dear Dolly LTle: 'What Is the meaning
., wkwai·d pack- Get acquain-ted with someone else and of this sentence, "Etiamquod elise \'ldeAtlanta, Ga., March 19.-Ha.rry Mye~
o;o!utelr reCused target the dellnq~ient lette1· writer.
rls?"-Puzzled.
.·
a. H-year-old boy, al.lowed himself to be
:l a~ a· cookln;;
Mrs. K. ·L. M.: · The circumstances un- ' This Is a saying. that all people would fiayed in order to providn skin to. 6ar"l
der which you must labor are hard., But. do well to memorize. "Be'what you iieem the liCe o! ~-yca1·-o!d Alberta Live!)·, wh;
f,y packing all
you a1·e wise, In determining that the only tci be."
was 1 horribly burned abo:.Jt the body· Ill
dish pan and thing· for you to· do is to· stay and· make
rew dnys. a s-o..
·· 1
~
<lr·ms, and the the· best of It,
·
Tho l)]n·-.icians at the hospital dooM
: it Immensely,'
The g :·eatest trouble will lie in your dis-. PR-OFESSOR WEDS. WIFE
that .th& "only chanco 'to save the !!ttl,
t,
po-;.ition ·to absorb hnppiness' or misery
FOR THE 44TH TIME girl's li!t1 was by g·rarting healthy .•l<~
!rom the moods of those ahout you. You
on the burned place>, and called tor vol~
must ·cultl\·ate cheer·r111ness anrl an earnunteers. Harry Myers and 'the ~li·l hal!
· :1e
est purpose to rle\'elop a1i atmosphere of
been 'ol'r.::reu himHe!C tu
or each ott:or~
;t) .\:.nl.l,..-io...J."
·our,..w.\::.0.--.SI;l~UJuJ yoqrsel
·
Newark, "'· J.,
l\fa,·ch
ln.-Ludw>g s,, he l)larmates and fundthe surs-cc..ns. l.
.
T-"lolo:i'illjln.._a ___c;~rr~a_:'~l:~ ·
----~_.:- ------:-·--·---:-· .... - - - .. ~ -.........____~<_
·.·tficers·o·r_.the regi:led In ·the report
.:spicuous bravery;.
. ..,.. . .
orton's com·,·,r
.commended
.)u
f honer !or
.n t e battle by his
R. T. Van Horn,
·w. a re:;ident of
Q
~arety_
0
fic~rs
'~·63,
m~nt:·\~)-~:}a;~o;~.:~
:o·~ ·recruits~
marcl~'!l_g.:·.-;a,cr_oss·
T€~f:~outhern ~-h[iX·_ ._t,_-: _l: _n'.·_.:ate··-·~~_!r :,/_t·h·•·.?I _~A-~p-"'a·~ 11·c_j~as~d-·
.
-~
~r,-ed
buleii't;jri_\i/¥or.to·ii;~_;"troop
r~ore
.iJ;t~.'.
do~·n;~(i~toi¥.,~a.s
h!.~
oi''-n:t~·
oppor~ polnted:.Q,ji_~rt~.rmiistet'
co!~#ln,:·:p~;.;.si:l:droops
c~~ro'dYa·"-'"-:arta:i:'e·"'l\·ith
his~
tur~
c(,miil!."~<iry·
·hi~·
~he·
year~
s.\lrv~y, .<!!''~he
.~reylo!l~.ly_:.rnal·ked:
~-~-~!:~_turned -~rom;tliat.';duty
Y~llowstone
e.~Pe.rtenced
~7.
:;~!th:
T~ls
~heir vlllag~,.
hl~selt
!1-~ju~~r:tt
th~
sum!ller.::.,ex~dltion
)8•~•
-~';;i,:·fi-_·oi"'r\g.e={;re< ~';J}";!)fi~"~~~c~"lfi-6rrai'i"a·ritt-~G-imali. m'::th~:"P~>;!ted·.f!g!it:
tn ·
~whlcl'i'."to'ok''p!Elce there
1
.. ,
0
~e.
~a eth~
lnsu~rectors, ~-
..
·dl -:·-::.·.
and ~pde
h.~. se~e
~!1.
{~,-.l;l:~·.-:~u';~q:~,-:·.·
;y, 't1'{~,t~ea"'·i:
rlvers<on.'·~t~e·. so].i~il.~-a.J.m.ost
Si~riey>:an!f·
.'or,:·_~rQ.Jps
Robh1s_o1~
~hfclr
·t!l.lfll::~';l!.Ph-;a1ld',·:.I!La.g~·:·rou~es
.t~ .tl~e,~B.lack._.?.!Ils;_
L
Colon~!
Eleve.~th:
co.n:!manol_n~~
_,··>• .. ·
.J-99~. ~he,11 .~Pro
.oreg~~tnht.
~
transfer~~ t~
re~tf!)()~~
Va:•..-t<~<~
~manded
~as
~e
etuc~ serving~
Wll~~rton
-~nc\oe·
Pl!lllp~tr:,es.;·:· ~
h~
~h':':~~
Y~~.a
~-'·-~:
co.m.ple:~ te;p::'~:'3::
·---.:··":._.;,·.·~.
l\l,.,lli~Titi~;!::>~>.·:·
prc;m'!c~: ':';,.-o~'"';·,
general~-:~,18 ~;;.~~~~-·.-.;;~~::;:~
-,~·,;~:;<:·,·
iro~toil's capa.bllltl.es·.''at:e·..:.·:t>e.s~:%"•:··:
Ge~era
ai.'IVll.r.~-·--;.:.
�· 'JWugli~!l(_itf_e,r;s,,~nc.
1st
·us. '1/ofu~teer CavO.iry
·
··
~giment
I
Dece~ber
4, 1998
The ~onorab~e Louis C~ldera·
Secretary of The Ar.my .· ;•.
\The Pentagon
Wcishiayton, D.~.· 20310
Honorable Sir
Our organizatipn, The Ist. United St~t~s Vol~
untary Cavalry Regiment;. Rough Rider~;· Iric .. ·is.
dedicated to the· memdry:of'Theodor.~·Roos~v~lt
and his Regiment. We· are a·; 501C3 -group, . 400 i·n
number, that perform·'numeious ~ducational; hi-storical, charitable and.oihet.functi6ns for the
good of our communiti~~-~nd:wi~~·special atten~·
tion towards the··handicappe~- ~nd children be~ng,
treated in hospital~.
·
..... <...·
..•
~..~
.C:I
·. .:.:.;:,
..-.~.........
·~..;.:.:.~
., ..
__
'•
·-~:
~ve are most interested· in :Theodore Roosevelt receiving The-Cong~essi~nal Medal of Honor, we do
'feel h~ de~erves it.
·
·
Once ~t is presented to his 'family, we iritepd ta
request that th~y illow it·to be brou~ht .to our
City for a viewing, to be held. in Tampas histqric Tampa Bay Hotel where T.R. ·Roosevelt resided
for the· fe1v evenings he stay~d; in Tampa, prior
to The Army Expeditionary Force dep~rti~g for ~
victorious Cuban Campaign.
We . plan .to invt te. ·all .. ne_~:{by.;·Me.d.a:J.: ·of _rro~or· Win..:.
ners to attend this functibn:~ldrig,with Roos~- · .
· velt Family Members and g6~~rn~ent .. dignitaries ..
.
.
.
•,.
·'·
.
.
It.i~ important that we kriow~h~n th~ ~ward will
be made in .Washington~- so 'that~. 1 we ·may ·plan:. our event for a time 30 or'so·days· thereafter. ·
We shall ap~teciate any help you may grant us.
~1~~-a:
Charles G. Spicola Jr ..
. Colonel &'Founder·, Ist
Rough Riders, Inc.
u.s.
·
Volunteer cavalry,
· 601 9{ 19tfi Stree~· ~ Tampa, !}"um·aa J3605
. Phone (813) 248-2151 • 'Ya>;_(813} 247-4864
. .-:-
.
0
. . .
;::2.
t:5 _.::<,
,::;>
r
_s-
)2_~
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Roosevelt Medal of Honor [binder] [7]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 4
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-007-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/60e550ad376634e3234a475c9cd49575.pdf
b2e204f681d39d3d91fdf2e94602ae6b
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Rosshirt - [Immediate Releases]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4020
Row:
Section: , Shelf:
48
6
.s
Position
Stack:
3
v
�..
THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary (Moscpw, Russia)
For
Immediate Release September 2, 1998 PRESS CONFERENCE BY PRESIDENT CLINTON
AND PRESIDENT YEL TSIN Catherine Hall The Krem~in Moscow, Russia 1: 17 P.M. (L)
~--------------------------------------------------------------
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, the official ~isit ofthe President
oftheUnited States Bill Clinton to Russia is c'oming to an end. We have had intensive,
productive negotiations. We have managed to discuss a wide range of topical issues. I would like
to emphasize the exchanges were sincere and keen. The dialogue was marked by the spirit of
mutual understanding. Responsibility of our two countries for maintaining and strengthening
peace and stability is obvious. That is why we have paid special attention to the discussion ofthe
entire spectrum of security issues in the world.
The discussion has included the implementation of internation?l and bilateral treaties and
agreements concerning the weapons of mass destruction, as well as the elaboration of common
approaches to dealing with the threat of nuclear weapons proliferation and their delivery means.
Unfortunately, this is not the only major task the humanity struggles to resolve. That is why
President Clinton and I have discussed global threats and challenges. Our positions on this issue
have coincided and this closeness of approaches is reflected in the joint statement on common
security changes on the threshold of the 21st century.
I consider this document to be a significant step towards strengthening strategic partnership
between Russia and the United States. We have also had substantial talks on the most topical.·
international issues. And there are quite a few such issues. I'll put it frankly; here our approaches
have not always completely coincided. Russia rejects the use of power methods as a matter of
principle. Conflicts of today have no military solutions, be it in Kosovo or around Iraq or
Afghanistan or others.
Also we do not accept the NATO centrism idea for the new European security architecture.
Nevertheless, our talks have been conducive to greater mutual understanding on these issues. Of
course, we could not do without discussing economy problems. Currentdimensions of our
economic relations should be brought up to a qualitatively new level. We shall have to suffer
through much blood, sweat, and tears before new forms of business cooperation worthy of our
two great powers are found, reforms that would be able to withstand volatile circumstances.
There exist quite a few opportunities for this. These are mentioned in ol.rr joint statement on
economic issues. In conclusion, I would like to say -- and I hope Bill will agree with me -- the
.summit was a success. This meeting, the 15th in a row, confirmed once again when Presidents of
Russia and the United States join their efforts, no issue is two big for them. Thank you for your
kind attention.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Thank you very much, Mr. President, for your hospitality and for
giving Hillary and me and our team the chance to come to Moscow again. Over the past five
years I have been in this great, historic city in times of bright hope and times of uncertainty. But
throughout, I have witnessed the remarkable transformation of this nation to democracy and to a
�- - - - - - - - - -
more open economy. We all know that this meeting comes at a challenging time for the Russian
people.
But I don't believe anyone could ever have doubted that there would be obstacles on Russia's
road to a vibrant economy and a strong democracy. I don't -- also believe that anyone can
seriously doubt the determination of the Russian people to build a brighter, better, stronger ·
future. Russia is important to America. Our economies are connected; we share values, interests
and friendship. We share security interests and heavy security responsibilities. In our
discussions, President Yeltsin and I spoke about Russia's options for stabilizing its economy and
restoring confidence. I reaffirmed America's strong view that Russia can move beyond today's
crisis and create growth\ and good jobs, but only ifitcarries forward with its transformation, with
a strong and fair tax system, greater rule of law, dealing forthrightly with financial institutions,
, having regulation that protects against abuses, and yes, developing an appropriate safety net .for
· people who are hurt during times of change.
President Yeltsin reaffirmed his commitment to reform, and I believe that is the right
commitment. The answer to the present difficulties is to finish the job that has been begun, not to
stop it in mid-stream or to reverse course. This is a view I will reaffirm when I meet today with
leaders of the Duma and the Federation Council. America and the international community are, I
· am convinced, ready to offer further assistance ifRussia stays with the path of reform. We
discussed also at length common security concerns. We've reached an important agreement to
increase the safety of all our people, an arrangement under which our countries will give each
other continuous information on worldwide launches of ballistic missiles or space-launched
vehicles detected by our respective early warning systems.
This will Teduce the possibility of nuclear war by mistake or accident, and give us information
about missile activity by other countries. We've also agreed to remove from each of our nuclear
weapons program approximately 50 tons of plutonium -- enough to make literally tho].lsands of
nuclear devices. Once converted, this plutonium can never again be used to make weapons that
become lethal in the wrong hands. Our experts will begin meeting right away to finalize an
implementation plan by the end of this year. I'd like to say in passing, I'm very grateful for the
support this initiative received in our Congress. We havefour members of Congress here with us
today, and I especially thank Senator Domenici for his interest in this issue. Next let me say I
look forward to, and hope very much that the Russian Duma will approve START II so that we
can negotiate a START III agreement that would cut our levels of arsenals down to one-fifth of
Cold War levels.
I think that would be good for our mutual security and good for the Russian economy. In recent
months Russia has taken important steps to tighten its export controls on weapons of mass
destruction and the missiles to deliver them, and to penalize offenders. This week Russia barred
three companies from transactions with Iran. Today we agreed to intensify our cooperation by
creating seven working groups on export controls to further strengthen Russia's ability to halt the
spread of dangerous weapons. Also, we renewed our commitment to persuade India and Pakistan
to reverse their arms race. And we pledged to accelerate international negotiations to establish a
tough inspection regime of the Biological Weapons Convention. I don't believe it's possible to
overstate the importance of this initiative for the next 20 years. Russia arid the United States
�"·
share a commitment to combat terrorism. We agree that there is no possible justification for
terrorism; it is murder, plain and simple.
Today, we instructed our Foreign Ministers to develop.a plan to deepen our cooperation against
this danger to our own people and· to innocent people around the world. We agreed on the
importance of further strengthening the partnership between NATO and Russia through practical
cooperation. We plan to accelerate talks on adapting the treaty that limits conventional military
forces in Europe, the CFE, to reflect changes in Europe since the treaty was signed in 1990, with
an aim to complete an adapted treaty by the 1999 summit of the OSCE. Finally, we discussed our
common foreign policy agenda, including, first and foremost, the need to continue to strengthen
the peace in Bosnia and to look for a peaceful solution in Kosovo, where the humanitarian
situation is now quite grave.
We agreed that the Serbian government-must stop all repressive actions against civilian
populations, allow relief organizations immediate and full access to those in need, and pursue an
interim settlement. President Yeltsin and I also agreed that Iraq must comply fully with all
relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions imposed after the Gulf War, and in particular, must
agree to allow the international weapons inspectors to again pursue their mission without
obstruction or delay. Far from advancing the day sanctions are lifted, Iraq's most recent efforts to
undermine the inspectors will perpetuate sanctions, prevent Iraq from acquiring the resources it
needs to rebuild its military, and keep Iraq's 'economy under tight international control.
On energy and the environment, we reiterated our commitment to the emissions reductions
targets and the market-based mechanisms established at Kyoto to slow the dangerous process of
global warming. We agreed that multiple pipeline routes were essential to bring energy from the
Caspian to international markets and to advance our common security and commercial interests.
This has been a full agenda, a productive summit. Again, let me say that I have great confidence
that the people of this great nation can move through this present difficult moment to continue
and complete the astonishing process of democratization and modernization that I have been
privileged to witness at close hand over the last five and a half years. Again, Mr. President, thank
you for your hospitality. And I suppose we should answer a few questions.
~
J
�. THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary (Helsinki, Finland)
---------------------------------------------------------------- For
Immediate Release March 21, 1997 PRESS CONFERENCE OF PRESIDENT CLINTON AND
PRESIDENT YELTSIN Kalastaja Torppa Helsinki, Finland 6:45P.M. (L)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Let me say that President Yeltsin and I will have opening statements,
and then we'll begin alternating questions, first with a question from the Russian press and then
the American press, and then back and forth. I would like to begin by thanking President
Ahtsaari, Prime Minister Lipponen, all the people of Finland for their very gracious hospitality to
President Yeltsin and to me, and for the extremely constructive role that Finland plays in a new
era for Europe.
This is my first meeting with President Yeltsin in each of our second terms, our 1 l'th meeting
overall. At each meeting we have strengthened our nations' relationship and laid a firmer
foundation for peace and security, freedom and prosperity in the 21st century, Here in Helsinki
we have addressed three fundamental challenges: first, building an undivided, democratic and
peaceful Europe for the first time in history; second, continuing to lead the world away from the
nuclear threat; and third, forging new ties of trade and investment that will help Russia to
complete its remarkable transformation to a market economy and will bring greater prosperity to
both our peoples.
· A Europe undivided and democratic must be a secure Europe. NATO is the bedrock of Europe's
security and the tie that binds the United States to that security. That is why the United States has
led the way in adapting NATO to new missions, in opening its doors to new members, in
strengthening its ties to non-members through the Partnership for Peace, in seeking to forge a
strong, practical partnership between NATO and Russia. We are building a new NATO just as
the Russian people are building a new Russia. I am determined that Russia will become a
respected partner with NATO in making the future for all of Europe peaceful and secure. I
reaffirmed that NATO enlargement in the Madrid summit will proceed and President Y eltsin
made it clear that he thinks it's a mistake. But we also have an important and, I believe,
overriding agreement.
·
We agreed that the relationship between the United States and Russia and the benefits of
cooperation between NATO and Russia are too important to be jeopardized. We didn't come here
expecting to change each other's mind about our disagreement, but we both did come here
hoping to find a way of shifting the accent from our disagreement to the goals, the tasks and the
opportunities we share. And we have succeeded. President Yeltsin and I agree that NATO
Secretary General Solana and Russian Foreign Minister Primakov should try to complete
negotiations on a NATO-Russian document in the coming weeks. It would include a forum for
regular consultations that would allow NATO and Russia to work and to act together as we are
doing today in Bosnia.
It would demonstrate that a new Russia and a new NATO are partners, not adversaries, in
bringing a brighter future to Europe. We also agreed that our negotiators and those of the other
28 participating states should accelerate their efforts in Vienna to adapt the CFE treaty to the
�..
I
post-Cold War era by setting new limits on conventional forces. The second area of our
discussion involved our obligation to continue to lead the world away from.the dangers of
weapons of mass destruction. We have already taken important steps. We signed the
Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. We extended a nonproliferation treaty. We stopped
targeting each other's cities and citizens. We put START I into force. And we're both committed
to ·secirring ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention before it goes into force next
month, so that we can finally begin to banish poison gas from the Earth.
'
Today, President Yeltsin agreed to seek the Dumas' prompt ratification of START II, already
ratified by the United States Senate. But we will not stop there. The United States is prepared to
open negotiations on further strategic arms cuts with Russia under a START III immediately
after the Duma ratifies START II. President Yeltsin and !agreed on guidelines for START III
negotiations that will cap at 2,000 to 2;500 the number of strategic nuclear warheads each of our
countries would retain, and to finish the reductions of START III by the year 20007. Now, thirik
about it. This means that within a decade we wili have reduced both sides' strategic nuclear ·
arsenals by 80 percent below their Cold War peak of just five years ago. We also reached
agreement in our work to preserve the Anti-Ballistic Missile treaty, a cornerstone of our arms
control efforts .. Distinguishing between ballistic missile systems restricted by the ABM treaty
and theater missile defenses that are not restricted has been a very difficult issue to resolve.
Today, after three year of negotiations, we agreed to preserve the ABM treaty while giving each
of us the ability to develop defenses against theater missiles. Finally, we discussed our economic
relationship in the fact that the strong and secure Russia we welcome as a full partner for the 21st
century requires that the benefits of democracy and free markets must be felt by Russia's citizens.
President Yeltsin recently demonstrated his determination to reinvigorate economic reform in his
State ofthe Federation address and with the appointment of a vigorous new economic team. His
bold agenda to improve the investment.climate and stimulate growth includes comprehensive tax
reform, new energy laws, and tough anti-crime legislation. To help.American companies take
advantage of new opportunities in Russia, we will mobilize support to help finance billions of
dollars in new investment. We will work with Russia to advance its membership in key
international economic institutions like the WTO, the Paris Club, and the OECD.
And I am pleased to announce, with the approval of the o~her G-7 nations, that we will
substantially increase Russia's role in our annual meeting, now to be called the Summit ofthe 8,
in Denver this June. Here in Helsinki, we have proved once again that we can work together to
resolve our differences, to seize our opportunities, to build a better future. Before I turn the
microphone over to President Yeltsin, let me say one word about the bombing today in Tel Aviv,
which we have both been discussing in the last few minutes. Once again, an act of terror has
brought death and injury to the people of Isniel. I condemn it, and I extend my deepest
sympathies to the fllJllilies of those who were killed or injured. There is no place for such acts of
terror and violence in the peace process. There'must be absolutely no doubt in the minds of the
friends or of the enemies of peace that the Palestinian Authority is unalterably opposed to terror
and unalterably committed to preempting and preventing such acts. This is essential to
negotiating a meaningful and lasting peace. And I will do what I can to achieve that object.
�•'.
THE WHITE HOUSE Office ofthe Press Secretary (Moscow, Russia)
____________________________________________________________ For
Immediate Release April21, 1996 PRESS CONFERENCE BY PRESIDENT CLINTON AND
PRESIDENT YELTSIN The Kremlin Moscow, Russia 2:42P.M. (L)
PRESIDENT YEL TSIN: Dear members of the press, ladies and gentlemen, our discussion with
the President of the United States. of America lasted sufficiently long, about five hours, and in
substance, became the continuation of the discussions that were started within the G-7, issues
'which we discussed within the 8, and today's meeting also to a great extent coincided. First of
all, this was security; regional stability was also discussed in the bilats. I think that today's
discussion gave a rather large contribution to the successes of the G-7 in Moscow in the security
area.
Discussions of a whole series of issues on nuclear security and how to move ahead on START II,
·to strengthen the ABM Treaty of 1972. We now have rather good schedules on what Russia has
to do, what the United States has to do by October of this year. We've reached progress on
European security as well. In May, we have an important meeting which should be dedicated to
.
· reviewing the CFE Treaty and forces in Europe. We agreed to work in this area and to
concentrate more in the future on the wording of the treaty itself. You'll probably have questions
at this.
Our two countries as cosponsors of the Middle East peace process we discussed in great detail.
We discussed the situation in Israel and Lebanon. They were discussed also at the meeting of the
· 8 and now the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of our countries are continuing talk. We're constantly
in touch with them, and today we summarized a bit on some of the decisions reached. Russia and
the United States play a key role in the settlement in Bosnia. Our peacekeeping troop units are
working very well.
·
·
We have to reinvigorate this and aim it at nonmilitary aspects of the settlement, such as holding
elections, providing for human rights and rebuilding the destroyed areas. I want to especially ·
underscore here the fact that the elections do not interfere with the long-term cooperation
between our two countries. I mean, our presidential elections do not stand in the way. Our
policies allow us to speak about various issues and we have a practice now and a tradition with
Bill to hold nomial, regular meetings whenever we meet, and whenever we make comments to
each other and react to each other's statement.
This is as any family would have it. There are sometimes comments made to each other -- these
issues at least have no ideological nature whatsoever. The United States and Russia are great
powers. It's not just for us to get involved with big global issues, but we look out for our own
interests. In today's meeting, we have defined more carefully our policies, our tasks. We have
established on the basis of equality -- we've added the words "on the basis of equality" in our
cooperation, which is in confidence with the interest of our two countries. And in the majority of
cases, the lion's share ofcases, others support both us and the United States in all of this. Our
partners all have interest and see interest in the positive development ofU.S.-Russia relations.
�They view our relationship as a factor which promotes international cooperation. This is very
good. Next week, I'm going to China. There, I plan to touch upon many of the issues which we
discussed yesterday and today in Moscow. I'm counting on understanding from the Chinese. I
want to say that I'ni very pleased with my discussion with the President of the United States, and
I hope that Bill will also express his points ofview,.how he assesses our meeting today. Thank
you, Bill.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Thank you very much, President Yeltsin. Ladies and gentlemen, justa
few years ago the mere fact of a meeting between the American and Russian Presidents was
news. But this is my third trip to Moscow as President and my 1Oth meeting with President
Yeltsin. So now the news is no longer that we are meeting, but instead, what we're meeting about
and what is being done for the benefit of our people. After this meeting there is much to report.
First, let me thank President Yeltsin for initiating and then hosting yesterday's Nuclear Summit.
It is fitting that this summit was held in Moscow.
For three years, the President and I have worked together in trying to make the world a safer
place by reducing the nuclear threat that all our citizens face. Because of those efforts, Russian
and American missiles are no longer pointed at each other's cities or citizens. We've both made
deep cuts in our nuclear arsenals by putting START I into force. And we'll make even deeper
cuts when the Duma ratifies START II. We've worked with Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan to
dismantle nuclear weapons on their land.
And yesterday, with other world leaders, we took important steps to make nuclear materials more
secure so they don't fall into the wrong hands, to make the civilian use of nuclear power safer, .
and to strongly support the passage of a comprehensive test ban treaty this year. The United
·States and Russia are also working together to promote peace in the world's most troubled
regions. The President and I reviewed the situation in Bosnia where are troops are serving sideby-side to help its people rebuilt their land and their lives. As cosponsors of the Middle East
peace process we discussed the terrible outbreak of violence in Lebanon and Northern Israel. We
agree on the need to secure a ce·ase-fire to stop the violence, and, as all of you know, our Foreign
Ministers are both in the region as we speak.
The best way to prevent violence from returning is to continue implementing the agreements
between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, and to secure a comprehensive peace in the region
that includes Lebanon and Syria. The political and the security partnership between our nations
is strengthened by our growing commercial ties. We've worked hard to take down the old
barriers to trade and to investment. Thanks to President Yeltsin's leadership, 60 percent of
Russia's economy is now in the hands of its people, not the state; inflation has been cut,
democracy is taking hold. Since 1993, trade between the United States and Russia is up 65
percent. And the U.S. is now the largest foreign investor in this great nation. That's helping to
create more good jobs and new opportunities in both our countries.
The President and I also discussed areas in which we have differences, as he mentioned. The
flank issue of the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty is one of them. But we are working hard
to find a solution ~o that that is acceptable to all 'parties prior to the review conference in May,
and I can say with confidence that we did move closer to that goal today. We also made
�important progress in distinguishing between antiballistic missile systems that are limited by the
ABM Treaty and theater missile defenses which are not. As a result, we'll send our negotiators
back to Geneva next month with the aim of concluding an initial demarkation agreement this
June.
From St. Petersburg to Moscow, these last three days have allowed me and our entire American
delegation to see the richness ofRussia's past, the achievements of its present, and the promise of
its future. I want the Russian people to know how much the American people support Russia's
commitment to democracy and to reform. We've learned from our history that building a thriving
democracy is not easy or automatic, but Russia is making dramatic progress, as evidence by the
Duma elections last December and the coming presidential elections this June; This is a time of
real possibility and opportunity to make our people more prosperous and more secure. The
United States wants a strong, stabile and open Russia, to work with us as equal partners in
seizing those opportunities and turning the challenges Of a new era in the common solutions.
Thank you.
�,
THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary
For
Immediate Release May 10, 1995 REMARKS BY PRESIDENT CLINTON AND PRESIDENT
YELTSIN IN A JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE Press Conference Hall The Kremlin Moscow,
Russia 2:40P.M.
~--------~------------------------------------------------~--
(L) PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, journalists. This is the seventh
meeting of the presidents of the U.S. and Russia: This visit by Bill Clinton to Russia is of
particular importance. The participation of such a high guest in the 9th of May celebration is
seen by us as a tribute to the people killed in our common struggle against fascism. Before each
Russia-U.S. summit, there is no shortage of all kinds of speculations about Russian and U.S.
contradictions. Sometimes they even refer to crises in our relations. The results of the Moscow
talks have yet again denied these speculations. Of course, ~ven after the s.ummit, differences to a
number of issues have not disappeared. The important thing is that we seek to address these
problems while maintaining a balance of interest and without prejudice to each other's interests,
but Qn the contrary, in assisting each other.
The agenda of this meeting was very busy and comprehensive. We addressed the key issues of
international life, issues which are of top priority for both countries. I'm referring, above all to
the evolution of the European security structures-- the START Treaty and the ABM Treaty,
strengthening the non-proliferation regime, economic cooperation and terrorism. It is of
fundamental importance that the discussion, which we had about the model for European
security, proceed at taking into account the new role of the Organization on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.
Today, this organization is beginning to play a central role in maintaining stability on the
Europe~ continent. We exchanged views on NATO issues .. Today we better understand the
interests and concerns of each other, and yet we still don't have answers to a number of questions
--our positions even remain unchanged. I hope that our joint statement on matters related to
strengthening European security will provide a starting point for further efforts because it
provides for cooperation in the establishment of a single indivisible Europe looking into the
future. A serious document has been agreed on the problem of the ABM.
We. adopted a joint statement on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. I believe that that
agreement will mark a major contribution to the adoption at the New York conference of a
decision on an indefinite and unconditional extension of the NPT Treaty. The conference will
probably end tomorrow. At the negotiations, the question was raised about future Russian
supplies of equipment to Iran. That is, of course, not a simple question, and, of course, you are
going to ask that question, and both Pr_esidents will answer that question .•We discussed in detail,
the implementation of the economic charter we signed last year. As a result, we adopted a
statement on the question of economic reform, trade and investment.
The U.S. President expressed his support for our reforms. We agreed to speed up the process of
Russia's entry to the system of international economic institutions, above all, the COCOM. Of
course, we discussed the Chechen issue. This is an internal matter for Russia, but I also believe it
does have an international aspect. Russia has accepted the presence at Grozny of the OSCE
�.·
assistance group. Terrorism knows no borders. Unfortunately, U.S. citizens recently were
confronted with that barbarous phenomenon.
·
I believe that everybody would agree that we should fight this evil jointly, arid we have agreed
upon that. During the talks, we had a fruitful exchange of views on the meeting of the political
eight in Halifax, and not of the political, but also of the economic eight. We also discussed a
number of other international issues. Now I am ready to answer your questions. I give the floor
to the President of the United States of America, Mr. William Clinton.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: First of all, I'd like to thank President Yeltsin and the Russian people.
for making me and the rest of our American delegation and the others who came here for the
celebration ofthe 50th anniversary ofthe end of World War II feel so welcome: I was honored to
play a part in that, and I think it was a very important day for our country ahd for our
relationship. Today we focused on the future. And if you ask me to summarize in a word or two
what happened today, I would say that we advanced the security interests of the people of the
United States and the people of Russia.
We increased the safety of the future of our peoples, and we proved once again that this regular,
· disciplined, working relationship that we have established, rooted in Russia's comrtlitment to
democracy and in a mature and balanced dialogue and ·a commitment to continue to work on the
differences between us in the areas of common opportunity, we proved that this is a good
relationship, and that it is worth the investment, and that we are approaching it in the proper way.
I characterize this as a success from a security point of view for several reasons.
First of all, with regard to European security, while there was not an agreement, between us on
the details on the question of the expansion ofNATO, Russia did agree to enter into the
Partnership for Peace. And I committed myself in return at the meeting at the end of this month
to encourage the beginning of the NATO-Russia dialogue, which I think is very important. There
must be a special relationship between NATO and Russia. We agreed to continue to discuss this
at Halifax, and again at the end of the year when we see each other.
And I made it clear that I thought that anything done with NATO had to meet two criteria: .
Number one, it must advance the interests of all the partners for peace, the security interests of
all of them, including Russia; and, number two, it must advance the long-term goal of the United
States, which I have articulated from the beginning of my presidency, of an integrated Europe,
whiCh I believe is very important. And I think Russia shares both of those objectives. Secondly,
with regard to the nuclear sales to Iran, as you know, the United States opposes the sale of the
reactor and the centrifuge.
·
I want to say that I was deeply impressed that President Yeltsin told me that he had decided, in
the interest of nonproliferation, not to supply the centrifuge and relateq equipmentto Iran. I
shared with him some of the intelligence from the United States on the question of whether Iran
is trying to become a nuclear power. And we agreed in light of the questions of facts that need to
be determined here and Russia's strong support for nonproliferation, to refer the question of the
reactor itself to the Gore-Chemomyrdin Commission for further· work on resolution.
�.·
II
I was very pleased today that we were able to make progress on the outstanding issues relating to
weapon sales which will permit Russia to be a founding member of the post-COCOM regime, .
something, again, which will make the world a safer place. Fourthly, we agreed that both of us
would work as hard as we could to get START II ratified this year, and then to go beyond that to
talk about what we could do further to support the denuclearization of the world and of our two
arsenals.
Fifthly, we agreed that we should step up our efforts in combatting terrorism and organized
crime, a problem that affects not only our two nations, but also many others in the world, as we
have sadly seen. And we discussed some fairly speCific things that we might to do together to
intensify our efforts. As President Y eltsin said, we re~affirmed today in specific actions our ·
support for the Nonproliferation Treaty, and we look forward to its permanent extension. And we
hope that the indefinite -- excuse me, the inqefinite extension will be adopted soon.
And finally, we were able to reach agreement on: the ABM theater missile defenses issue, which
is a very important one, and many of the Americans here know, important for our attempts to go
forward on START II and other things back home. We talked about our economic cooperation .
. We talked about the progress Russia is making. I expressed again the strong concern of the
United States that the violence in Chechnya should be brought to an end. I urged the permanent
extension of the cease-fire. I was encouraged that President Yeltsin, I believe, understands the
gravity of this matter and also wants it concluded as quickly as possible. So we are, I think, in a
better position in our two countries today and our people will be safer as a result of this meeting.
It was an advance for security. There was significant progress made. And we still have work to
do.
�.
/
THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary (Naples, Italy)
For Immediate
Release July 10, 1994 PRESS CONFERENCE BY PRESIDENT CLINTON AND RUSSIAN
PRESIDENT YELTSIN Palazzo Reale Naples, Italy 3:40P.M.
--~--~-----------------------------------------------
(L) THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. As you know, this was a very important day in which
President Yeltsinjoined us as a full partner in the G-8 for political discussions. And we followed
that meeting with a bilateral meeting, continuing our good personal relationship which made
some significant progress. I'd like to make a few comments on the G-8 and on our bilateral
meeting, and then have President Yeltsin make any statement he'd like to make. And, of course,
we'll take some questions.
First of all, today's statement read by Chairman Berlusconi on behalf of all eight of us makes it
clear that we share fundamental foreign policy goals: support for democracy, free markets,
building new security relationships. On these matters, we spoke as one. If you read each of the
items in that statement, I think it is remarkable that these eight countries have together agreed on
. these things. In the wake of the death of Kim 11 Sung, we also expressed our strong commitment
to continuing talks with North Korea and our support for the holding of the summit which had
previously been scheduled between leaders ofNorth and South Korea. We also strongly agreed
on the importance of pushing ahead with a resolution of the crisis in Bosnia~ Finally, the United
States and Russia joined all of the nations in expressing regret over the death of the Italian sailors
at the hands of terrorists in Algeria, and reaffirmed our opposition to terrorism anywhere,
anytime. With regard to my meeting with President Yeltsin, let me just mention one or two
Issues.
First of all, there has been a promising development in the Baltics. After my very good
discussion with the President of Estonia, Mr. Meri, I passed on his ideas to President Yeltsin
today in effort to break the impasse between the 'two nations ov~r troop withdrawals. I believe
the differences between the two countries have been narrowed and that an agreement can be
reached in the near future so that troops would be able to withdraw by the end of August. But
now that is a matter to be resolved between President Yeltsin and President Meri, which
· President Yeltsin has promised. to give his attention and for which I am very grateful. When the
Russian troops withdraw from the Baltics and Germany, it will end the bitter legacy of the
second world war. I want to say publicly here that none of this could have been accomplished
without the emergence of a democratic Russia and its democratic president. Arid I thank
President Yeltsin for that. We talked about Ukraine, its importance to Russia, to the United
States, to the future.
And we agreed on continuing to work on the issues that we all care about, including economic
reform and continuing to implement the agreement on denuclearization which has so far been
implemented quite faithfully. We talked about our security relationship, and I must say again
how pleased I am that Russia has joined the Partnership for Peace. And fina~ly, I'd like to
congratulate President Yeltsin on the remarkable, steadfast and success of his economic reform
efforts. Inflation is down. The Russian deficit is now a smaller percentage of annual income than
that of some other Eillopean countries. Over the half the workers are now in the private sector.
�,.
There's a lot to be done, and the rest of us have our responsibilities, as well. And we talked a
little bit about that and what the United States could do to increase trade and investment.
Looking ahead, I have invited President Yeltsin to come to Washington to hold a summit with
· me and to have a state visit on September 27th and 28th, and he has accepted. I'm confident that
would give us a chance to continue the progress we are making and the friendship we are
developing. Mr. President.
·
PRESIDENT YEL TSIN: Thank you, Mr. President Bill Clinton, for the kind words that you said
toward Russia and its President. I, of course, am very satisfied by the summit, the political 8,
which has taken place today. I think that this, of course, isjU:st a beginrting. But as I said, the
Russian Bear is not going to try to break his way through an open door, and we are not going to·
force ourselves into the full G-8 until it is deser\red. When our economic system, our economic
situation, will become coordinated with the economic systems of the other seven countries, then
it will be natural and then Russia will enter as a full-fledged member of the eight then.
Nonetheless, I am grateful to the chairman-- Prime Minister ofltaly, Mr. Berlusconi --and to all
the heads of th~ states of the seven for the attention which they showed towards Russia -- the
welcome, including yesterday's statement by the chairman and today's statement on political
Issues.
'
Together, today, we held a discussion on political, international issues around the world, and we
found common understanding which says a lot about the fact that we can find this mutual
understanding and, in realistic terms, cooperate and help in the strengthening of peace on this
planet. I believe that this meeting and -- yesterday's, I mean -- and today's is yet another large
step towards the security of Europe, for a much more economically stable situation, and an order
that, really, the world can live in peace and in friendship. And we should all help in this
endeavor, and I think this meeting is yet another large step to full security of peace on Earth. In
developing my thoughts, I wanted to add that this meeting was a meeting, bilateral meeting, that
we had with the President of the United States, Bill Clinton.
But our meetings are always held in a very dynamic and interesting way, we get very specific.
We don't have a lot of philosophizing there now. Say if it's 1:15 p.m., 1:20 p.m., we getin and
start discussing about 30, 35 different issues, at least, on one side, on the other side. And we find
--of necessity, we sit down and we find some kind of compromise solution to find an answer.
And I have to say, yet again, this time we were able to summarize after the last summit meeting,
where Bill came to Russia, we were able to summarize all the things that happened. Many, many
things took place, very positive things, and we expressed satisfaction to the fact of how our
·
relationship is developing and growing -- our partnership, our friendship, our cooperation. At the
same time, of course, as people who are sincere, both of us could not but touch upon some of the
issues which, unfortunately, are yet unresolved, which still we could not have found answers to
up until now.
This has to do with certain discrimination toward Russia in trade, for example. This time at the 8
Russia did not ask for money. It said-- I said-- that you-- let's all together take certain measures
and steps and decisions in your individual countries, included among them the United States of
America, so that Russia on an equal basis, equal basis, could trade with everybody. We're not
asking for any preferential condition~, we're not asking for any special circumstances for us
�..
I
alone. No. We're saying let's give us equal rights, get rid finally, once and for all, of this red
jacket. Take that red jacket from the President of Russia-- which I don't wear now for three
years; I've taken that red, besmirched jacket off of myse.lf. You understand what I'm talking
about, right? Y OJl understand. You earned the right of asking the first question.' (Laughter.)
�THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary
----------------------------------------------------~-------------For
Immediate Release April4, 1993 WASHINGTON, April4/U.S. Newswire/ --Following is the
text of a joint statement by President Clinton and President Yeltsin at the summit in Vancouver:
Having met in Vancouver, Canada on April3-4~ President Bill Clinton of the United States of
America and President Boris Yeltsin of the Russian Federation declared their firm commitment
to a dynamic and effective U.S.-Russian partnership that strengthens international stability. The
two presidents approved a comprehensive strategy of cooperation to promote democracy,
security, and peace. President Yeltsin stressed his fi~ commitment to fostering democratization,
the rule oflaw, and a market economy. As the United States moves to reinvigorate its own
economy, President Clinton assured President Yeltsin of active American support for the Russian
people as they pursue their own chosen course of political ahd economic reform.
The Presidents agreed on a new package of bilateral economic programs and measures to address
Russia's immediate human needs and contribute to the building of necessary structures for
successful transition to a market economy. They recognized the critical importance of creating
favorable external conditions in which the Russian economy can realize its maximum potential.
In this connection, the Presidents expressed their determination to promote access to each other's
markets, cooperation in defense conversion, removal of impediments to trade and investment,
and resumption of U.S. food exports to Russia on a stable long-term basis.
President Yeltsin informed President Clinton about the Russian program of economic reforms. In
particular; President Yeltsin stressed such key questions of the Russian reform as the necessity of
combatting inflation and achieving financial stabilization by improvement of the banking system.
He also emphasized the importance of privatization, encouragment of entrepreneurship,
structural policy, and social support. In this context, the Presidents discussed the role of the
international community in supporting specific elements of the reform program. The Presidents
agreed that Russia's harmonious integration into the community of democratic. nations and the
world economy is essential.
They therefore called for accelerated G-7 development of substantial and effective new
economic initiatives to support political and economic reform in Russia. In this connection, the
Presidents welcomed the extraordinary meeting of the foreign and finance ministers of the G-7
countries and the Russian Federation scheduled for April14-15 in Tokyo. Presidents Clinton and
Yeltsin also expressed their satisfaction with the successful conclusion: of negotiations in Paris
on the rescheduling of the international debt of the former USSR.
· The United States announced its support for Russia's intention to become a full member of ·
GATT and to begin, in the near future, official talks on the conditions of Russia's accession to
GATT. The Presidents agreed to give fresh impetus to development ofthe U.S.-Russian
relationship in all its dimensions. To coordinate and direct this effort and to activate a
comprehensive and intensive dialogue, they agreed on measures to improve the mechanism for
mutual consultations. In particular, working groups will be set up involving high-level officials
of both governments with broad authority in the areas of economic and scientific and
.technological cooperation.
�, The Presidents agreed to establish a United States-Russian Commission on technological
cooperation in the fields of energy and space. They intend to designate Prime Minister
Chemomyrdin and Vice President Gore to head this commission. The leaders of the United
States and Russia attached great importance to the prevention of the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction and their delivery systems. They reaffirmed their determination to strengthen
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), make it universal, and give iran unlimited dliration.
The Presidents stressed their expectation that all countries of the former USSR which are not·
already NPT members will promptly confirm their adherence to the treaty as non- nuclear
weapon states.
They urged the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea to comply fully with its IAEA safeguards
obligations, which remain in force, and to retract its announcement of withdrawal from the NPT.
The Presidents agreed that efforts of the United States and Russia will be directed toward the
entry into force ofthe START I Treaty and the ratification ofthe·START II Treaty as soon as
possible. They affirmed that the United States and Russia intend to cooperate, on the basis of
their mutual interest, in environmentally safe elimination of nuclear forces pursuant to relevant
arms control agreements, in construction of a storage facility for nuclear materials and in the
controlling, accounting, and physical protection of nuclear materials.
The United States reiterated its readiness to provide assistance to Russia for these purposes. The
Presidents called for prompt conclusion, on mutually acceptable terms, of the negotiations on an
agreement on the conversion and sale for peaceful purposes of nuclear materials removed from
nuclear weapons. The Presidents underscored their determination to broaden interaction and
'
.
consultations between Russia and the United States in the areas of defense and security. They
instructed their Ministers of Defense to explore further possibilities in that direction. The
Presidents noted the progress achieved at the recent United States-Russian talks on chemical
weapons in Geneva. They welcomed the progress made in preparing the protocols necessary to
submit the "Agreement on Destruction and Non-Production of Chemical Weapons" of June 1,
1990, for approval by the legislative bodies of the Russian Federation and the United States.
They also welcomed progress achieved in developing agreement on the preparation and
implementation of the second phase of the Wyoming Memorandum of Understanding of
September 23, 1989, regarding a bilateral verification experiment and data exchange related to
.prohibition of chemical weapons.
The Presidents agreed that it is necessary to achieve the earliest possible resolution of questions
about cooperation in non-proliferation of missiles and missile technology in all its aspects, in
accordance with the priq.ciples of existing international agreements. They also decided to. work
together to remove obstacles impeding Russia's access to the global market in high technology
and related services. The Presidents agreed that negotiations on a multilateral nuclear test ban
should commence at an early date, and that their governments would consult with each other
accordingly. Mindful of their countries' responsibilities as permanent members ofthe UN
Security Council, the Presidents affirmed that U.S.-Russian cooperation is essential to the
peaceful resolution of intematiomil conflicts and the promotion of democratic values, the
protection of human rights, and the solution of global problems, such as environmental
pollutions terrorism, and narcotics trafficking.
�The United States and Russia stressed their determination to improve the effectiveness of
peacemaking and peacekeeping capabilities of the United Nations, the CSCE, and other
appropriate regional organizations. Recognizing that the problem of mistreatment of minorities
and ethnic communities is increasingly a source of international instability, the Presidents
stressed the critical importance of full protection for individual human rights, including those of
ethnic Russian and all other minorities.on the territory of the former Soviet Union. They affirmed
their commitment to the peaceful resolution of conflicts in that region on the basis of respect for
the independence, territorial integrity, and security of all member states ofthe UN and the CSCE.
The Presidents announced their intention to expand and improve their joint work in the area of
environmental protection. They agreed to coordinate on joint ecological measures to be taken
and research to be done, and on support for financing agreed programs. The Presidents agreed
that the level of mutual openness achieved makes it possible to proceed with new forms of
cooperation in sCience and technology, including programs in the field of outer space. The two
countries will further develop bilateral cooperation in fisheries in the Bering Sea, the North
Pacific, and the Sea of Okhotsk, including for the purpose of preservation and reprod~ction of
living marine resources and of monitoring the ecosystem in the Northern Pacific. The Presidents
further agreed to expand significantly their contacts, exchanges, and cooperation in the areas of
culture, education, the humanities, and the mass media.
·
The joint efforts of both countries have succeeded in establishing a new character for Russian..,
American relations. The Presidents reaffirmed the principles and provisions of the Camp David
Declaration of February 1, 1992, and the Charter ofU.S.-Russian Partnership and Friendship of
June 17, 1992, as a basis for relations between the two countries. Presidents Clinton and Yeltsin
expressed their deep appreciation to Prime Minister Mulroney and the people of Canada for
hosting their meeting in Vancouver. With a view to accelerating the development ofU.S.Russian partnership, the Presidents agreed to meet regularly at the summit level. President
Yeltsin invited President Clinton to visit Russia. President Clinton accepted the invitation with
appreciation. -0- /U.S. Newswire 202-347-2770/
�
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 4
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-008-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/afd0b71a5c2af11433f3a6b84c671b32.pdf
12900afff5fdd00361228ecbac682485
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Service Academy Speeches
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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I
..
.
4020
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48
6
8
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�Page 1 of7.
.,.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Offic~ of the Press Secretary
(Colorado
~prings,
Colorado)
For Immediate Release.
June 2,
1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENr
AT UNITED STATES AIR FORCE ACADEMY
COMMENCEMENT CEREMONY
United States Air Force Academy
Colorado Springs, Colorado
11 : 2 8 A. M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much;
General Oelstrom, Mrs.
Oelstrom; General and Mrs. Ryan; General and Mrs. Myers;· General Lorenz,
Mrs. Lorenz; General and Mrs. Wagie; Colonel Halbren; Cadet Friedman;
Acting Secretary Peters, who I intend to nominate as Secretary of the
Air Force; ladies and gentlemen.
I'd like to also acknowledge particularly four ~raduates of the
Air Force Academy that I brought t¢ this ceremony today because they are
serving our country ably in the White House -- Bob Bell; class of 1969,
my Senior Counsel for Defense Policy and Arms Control, who is soon to
become the Assistant Secretary General of NATO.
Colonel Ed Rice, class
of 1978; Lt. Colonel Betsy Pimentel, class of 1980; and my White House
physician, Lt. Colonel Richard Tubb, class of 1981.
The Air Force
Academy has been good to our administration and to the White House.
(Applause. )
To the families and friends of the graduating class, and
especially to you, the members of the class of 1999, I extend heartfelt
congratuiations.
It's been a long road from Doolie Summer to
graduation.
But you have achieved, as General Oelstrom told me, an
unparalleled record of academic achievement, athletic success, and
excellence in your military endeavors.
From here on out, the sky is the
limit for you.
I want to offer special congratulations to the graduates from
other nations who are part of this class. We wish you well as you
return home, and hope you will forever cherish your bonds with the
Academy and your classmates.
Now, bef6re I go any further, I want to carry out a venerable
tradition.
By the power vested in me as Commander in Chief, I hereby
grant amnesty to cadets who are marching tours or serving restrictions,
or confinements for minor misconduct.
(Applause.)
One of the cadets suggested I also raise everyone's grades.
(Laughter.)
But I'm told that even the Commander in Chief can't do
that.
Just a moment ago, I participated in another traditional ceremony
I've been part of every year but one since I.became President ~- it's
now up there almost as routine and sacrosanct as giving the State of the
Union address, lighting the White House Christmas tree, or pardoning the
Thanksgiving turkey.
For the sixth time in seven years, I've presented
the Commander In Chief's Trophy to the Air Force Academy Falcons.
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:•
(Applause. )
Many believe it was the best team in the Academy's history, with
a 12-1 record, a top 10 ranking,· victory in the conference, in the bowl
game, over Army and Navy.
In the last two seasons, second in the nation
in scoring defense to Ohio State -- where the linebackers are the size
of C-130s.
(Laughter.)
And the team did
this in spite of an
incredibly sportsman-like decision never to deploy a "Stealth" running
back or throw a single, laser-guided pass.
I appreciate that, and I
congratulate you.
(Applause.)
all
Ladies and gentlemen, the class of 1999 represents -- and today
you rededicate yourselves -- to the same remarkable combination of
accomplishment, grit and self-sacrifice our servicemen and women have
embodied for more than two centuries now.
You can be reminded by that.
just by looking over at Sijan Hall, named for a Medal of Honor winner
tortured and killed in Vietnam, to be reminded of the finest example of
courage and.honor in terrible and terrifying circumstances.
Those qualities are on display today when Air Force men and women
serve at home and abroad, from Iraq to Korea, to helping hurricane
victims in Central America, and now in the historic effort to reverse·
the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and restore the people of that shattered
land to their homes.
A month ago I went to our airbases at Spangdahlem and Ramstein,
Germany, to visit the pilots and support crews who are flying our
missions over Kosovo, and the young people in uniform bringing aid to
the refugees there.
I wish every American could have been with me to
see the courage, the intensity, the skill it. takes for our pilots to fly
these aircraft at htgh speeds through enemy defenses, putting ordinance
on target, putting their own lives in greater danger to avoid civilian
casualties on the ground, coordinating with air crews from more than a
dozen other countries, then coming home to debrief, rest and do it all
over.again.
These young Americans. know they're doing the right thing.
They're
determined to prevail.
It is impossible to see them and talk to them
and come away with the slightest iota of cynicism about our nation and
our role and responsibilities· in the world.
We are joined today here by two of these brave American airmen.
I
cannot mention their names, under our procedures, for they are still
flying missions in Kosovo.
But the first is a pilot of a B-2 bomber who
graduated from the Academy in 1986, and who has flown his craft from
Whiteman Air Force Base on strike missions over heavily defended areas
in Serbia.
The second graduated from the Academy in 1980, and now flies
a C-130, ferrying life-saving supplies to the refugees fleeing Kosovo.
I would like to ask them to stand and ask you to recognize them
for their courage and for their service.
(Applause. )
I am very proud of them, and very proud of you for following in
their tradition.
America became a great nation not just because our land was
generous to those who'settled it; not just because our forbears who came
here were clever and worked hard; but also because whenever our beliefs
and ideals have been threatened, Americans have always stepped forward
to defend them.
Kosovo is a small province in a small country-- but it's a big
test of what we believe in and stand for:
Our commitment to leave to
our children a world where people are not uprooted and slaughter en
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masse because of their racial or ethnic heritage, or their religious
faith; our fundamental interest in building a lasting peace in an
undivided, free Europe so that young Americans never have to go there
again to fight and perish in large numbers; our interest in preserving
our alliance for freedom and peace with our 19 NATO allies.
I
There are also differences, however, between this conflict and
those we have waged in the past.
Kosovo is a communications age
conflict, as General Oelstrom and I were just discussing.
It is waged
at a time when footage of air strikes is beamed to homes across the
world even before our pilots have returned to their bases; a time when
every accidental civilian casualty i~ highlighted, but also when the
victims of terrible war crimes can give testimony to the whole world
within days of those crimes being committed.
In World War II, Americans knew they were fighting to end a great
horror.
But what news we had then about Nazi atrocities came to us
delayed and piecemeal -- from the few refugees and couriers who managed
to escape ~ccupied Europe.
It was only in victory, when our soldiers
liberated the concentration camps, that Americans truly saw the face of
the evil we had defeated.
Today, our pilots over Kosovo see the smoke of burning villages
beneath them, the ~anks and artillery that set them ablaze. When they
turn to base, they watch the news, they see the faces of the fleeing
refugees marching so many miles over mountains with only the belongings
they can carry on their backs, pushing their elderly along in
wheelbarrows.
They hear the voices of victims telling stories of young
men singled out and shot along the road, young women raped and children
torn from their parents. They also hear the voices of those who say all
is not lost because the nations of NATO are with us and will not' let us
down.
Our servicemen and women can see today what we are fighting
against and what we are fighting for.
So can the American people and
the entire 0orld:
Now, Mr. Milosevic has been indicted by the b.N~ War Crimes
Tribbnal -- the first time a sitting leader of a nation has been held
responsible by an international body for ordering war crimes and crimes
against humanity..
·
There are still some who assert that our bombing is s·omehow
responsible for the atrocities his forces have committed against the
Kosovar people.
That reminds me of the old story of the young boy who
came running home to his mother with a bloody ~ose. When his mother
asked him what happened, he replied, it all itarted when the other kid
hit me back.
We-. know that by the time our air strikes began the Serb campaign
of executions and expulsions had ~lready started.
In fact, Mr.
Milosevic has been indicted in part for a massacre that took place in
January.
Tens of thousands of refugees already had been pushed from
their homes in carefully pre-planned attacks.
Serbian forces were
already positioned for the offensive we have seen unfold.
Mr. Milosevic already had unleashed in Kosovo the same
paramilitary warlords who spertt four years ethnically cleansing Bosnia
and Croatia, where 2.5 million people were driven from their homes and
a quarter million were killed before NATO bombing and the resistance of
Bosnians and Croatians brought us·to the Dayton peace agreement.
Ethnic clean~ing in Kosovo was not a respons~ to bombing.
It is
the 10-year method of Mr. Milosevic's madness.
Had we done nothing, the
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�Page 4 of7
tragedy would have been permanent, accepted and, in effect, condoned by
the world community.
Now, Mr. Milosevic had 40,000 and nearly 300 tanks in and around
Kosovo before he rejected the peace agreement the Kosovars accepted . . He
could not be prevented, therefore, from driving the Kosovars from their
land . . But he can be prevented from keeping them out of their land.
His
10-year cleansing campaign will end once and for all.
(Applause.)
This time the world did not wait, as we did in Bosnia, for four
more years of fruitless appeals to reason in the face of evil.
We h~ve
'acted quickly to end this horror, and that is exactly what ·we will do.
Let me be clear about why we have done this and how we intend to
meet our goals. As members of the United States Air Force, the members
of this class especially are entitled to know.
Our reasons are both moral and strategic.
There is a moral
imperative because what we're facing in Kosovo is not just ethnic and
religious hatred, discrimination and conflict, which are, unfortunately,
too abundant in this world. America and NATO's military power cannot be
deployed just because people don't like each other, or even because they
fight each other.
What is going on in Kosovo is something much worse and,
thankfully, more rare -- an effort by a political leader to
systematically destroy or displace an entire people because of their
ethnicity and their religious faith; an effort to erase the culture and
history and presence of a people from their land. Where we have the
ability to do so, we as a nation and our democratic allies must take a
stand against this. We do have the ability to do so at NATO's doorstep
in Europe.
But there is ·also a clear strategic imperative.
Since I took
office, I've worked hard to build for you and your future a Europe that,
for the first time in history, is undivided, democratic and at peace.
Because if there is anything we have learned from the bloody 20th
century with its two world wars, it is that peace and stability in
Europe is vital to our own security and freedom;
Now, think what the United States has helped to accomplish in the
last few years. Many thought the NATO Alliance would wither ahd die
after the Cold War.
But it is strong and vital, with new partnerships
with 25 nations~ stretching all the way from the Baltic Sea to Centra~
Asia.
Th~ee new democracies -- Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic
-- which spent the last half century struggling for their own freedom in
the Cold War, are now our NATO allies defending the freedom of
Europeans.
We've helped Russia deal with the difficult challenges it faces on
the road to democracy and stability, the road to being a part of and a
'partner in Europe. We also helped immeasurably to end the war in
Bosnia, and now we're keeping the peace-there with a coalition that
unites every former adversary in all of European history -- France and
Germany, Germany and Poland, Poland and Ru~sia, Russia and the United
States.
We have made clear that NATO membership will remain open to other
responsible democracies from Central and Southeastern Europ·e. And
through uur efforts in the Balkans we have also helped to bridge the
gulf between Europe and the Islamic world, the source of so much tr,ouble
over the last millennium, and the source of troubling tensions still
today.
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The killing Mr. Milosevic unleashed in the former Yugoslavia a
decade ago is now the last major barrier to a Europe whole, free and at
peace; the last gasp of an aggressive nationalism that has shattered the
lives of so many Europeans in this century and drawn so many Americans
to fight there in wars.
It threatens all the progress made in Europe
since the end of the Cold War.
Imagine what would have happened had we let the violence in Kosovo
escalate without ta~ing a stand.
NATO would have been ~iscredited for
doing nothing about ethnic conflict and cleansing on its doorstep.
The
refugees would have ended up a people without any prospect of going home
-- overwhelming, perhaps even destabilizing the new, fragile democracies
of Southeastern Europe with their permanent presence and. bitter
grievances.
Tensions with Russia over the Balkans would not have
disappeared, they would have increased. And the fighting might very
well have spread to other countries.
Letting Mr. Milosevic succeed would have sent a clear message to
other unscrupulous leaders:
If you have ethnic or religious problems,
just kill the minorities or drive them out. No one will stop you, you
won't pay a significant price.
In a way, the world will make your job
easier by feeding the refugees and finding them permanent homes without
pressing for their return.
·
Slobodan Milosevic would then have become a model of success for
21st century rulers trying to obliterate multi-ethnic societies, instead
of the symbol of the bankrupt policies based ori hate that we want to
confine to the dustbin of history.
Our strate~y for reversing Mr. Milosevic's ethnic cleansing begins
with clarity about the goals we are fighting to achieve.
The refugees
must be able to go home with security and self-government.
For that to
happen, Serbian forces must leave Kosovo. An international security
force with NATO at its core must deploy to protect all the people of
Kosovo, including the Serb minority there.
Our diplomatic effort
supports these goals.
They will continue to make clear to Mr.
Milosevic exactly what he must do to end the conflict. And our military
campaign will continue until it does.
We cannot grow weary of this campaign because Mr. Milosevic
didn't capitulate when the first bombs fell.
We cannot abandon a just
cause because an adversary holds out for more than a few news cycles.
I
reject th~t.
Our allies reject that.
I know the vast majority of
Americans reject that. We must be willing to pay the price of time and
effort to reverse the course of ethnic cleansing.
The benefits will be
far greater and last much longer than the.costs.
And day by day, night by night, our air campaign is succeeding.
The p{lots are doing a magnificent job. Mr. Milosevic is systematically
losing his armed forces.
NATO air strikes are destroying
ever-increasing numbers of tanks, armored vehicles and artillery.
We
have eliciinat~~ 80 percent of Serbia's modern fighters, most of its
ability to produce ammunition, all its capacity to refine fuel, much of
the rest of its military economy;
Mr. Milosevic, in turn, has not eliminated the insurgent Kosovar
Liberation Army.
Their ranks are growing, and the longer he holds out,
the more vulnerable he leaves his forces to the KLA's growing attacks. ·
Meanwhile, there are growing signs of disaffection in Serbia:
soldiers abandoning their posts, civilians protesting, young men
avoiding conscription, prominent citizens calling on Milosevic to accept
NATO's conditions.
There is a clear choice before the Serbian leader.
He can cut his losses now and accept the basic requirements of a just
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peace, or he can continue to force military failure and economic ruin on
his people.
In the end, the outcome will be the same.
This week, we are deploying an additional 68 F-16s and F-15s to
join the mission. We now have planes flying at all hours from every
direction, from bases in Italy, Germany, Hungary, Turkey, the United
States, and from carriers at sea.
If we have the patience and
·
determination to match the courage and skill of our men and women in
uniform, we will achieve our goals.
(Applause.)
A second reason we have pursued this strategy is that it enables
us to pursue our goal in a way that preserves the unity of NATO's 19
democracies. We must maintain the solidarity between the United States,
Canada and Europe that has been vital to our past and is vital to our
future security. And I am confident we will.
A third important reason is to meet our goals in a way that
strengthens, not weakens, our fundamental interest in a long-term
positive relationship with Russia.
Russia is now.working with us on a
solution that meets our requirements. We hope Russian troops will
participate in the force that keeps the peace jn Kosovo, just as they
have done so well in our.joint efforts in Bosnia.
A fourth element is to prepare now for the difficult task of
returning refugees to Kosovo and implementing the peace there.
Yesterday, NATO approved the outlines of KFOR, the force that will
deploy to Kosovo once the conditions are met. Approximately 50,000
troops will take part in this effort. Our European allies will provide
the vast bulk of them, but America .will also contribute, and we should.
Today, I am announcing my decision to provide about 7,000 of these
troops for Kosov:o, about 15 percent of the total force.
The leading
elements and headquarters are already in Albania and Macedonia, ready to
deploy to Kosovo within a few hours to oversee the safe return of the
refugees.
The additional NATO forces required are beginning to move to
the region.
Finally, this ·strategy will enable us to put in place a plan for
lasting peace and stability in the Balkans, when Mr. Milosevic is
stopped and the ethnic cleansing is reversed.
For that to happen, the
European Union and the United States must be far-sighted.
We must do
for Southeastern Europe what we did for. Western Europe after World War
II, for Central Europe, for. Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and
others aft~r the Cold War. We must 9ive them a positive path to a
prosperous, shared future; a unifying magnet more powerful than the pull
of hatred and destruction which threatens to tear them apart.
It is simply not true~· as some have alleged, that the Balkan
region has always been and always will be torn apart by ethnic and
religious strife and violence; that they are somehow genetically
predisposed to that.
It isn't true.
History does not support that
conclusion. And today, the efforts of Romania, Hungary and Slovakia to
resolve their minority problems peacefully show that if leaders are
responsible, and if people have a positive future to wor~ for, then they
can live together and resolve their differences.
Europe and the United States can and should support efforts to
increase economic growth, trade and inv~stment, to strength~n democratic
·governments and institutions, to help the nations of the region join the
European Union and NATO. We should also include Serbia in this effort
if, but only if, it practices democracy, respe~ts human rights, and has
leaders who uphold the basic standards of human conduct.
So I say again, why are we Kosovo?
Because we have a moral
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responsibility to oppose crimes against humanity and mass ethnic and
religious killing and cleansing where we can.
Because we have a
security responsibility to prevent a wider war in Europe, which we know
from our two world wars would eventually draw America in at far greater
cost in lives, time and treasure.
Why are we pursuing this particular strategy of massive bombing
and diplomacy? Because it gives us the best chance of achieving all our
objectives in Kosovo:
First, the return of Kosovars with security and
self-government, withdrawal of Serb forces and the deployment of the
international security force with NATO at its core.
Second, to maintain
allied unity.
Third, to continu~ cooperation with Russia.
Fourth, to
maximize our capacity after the conflict is over to build a progressive,
democratic, multi-ethnic Balkans region that will contribute to our
economic growth ai a world society and our security progress, not be a
constant drain on our economy and a constant threat to our security.
Why have we refus~d to close other do~rs and other options?
Because we are determined to prevail. We are in Kosovo for the same
reason you are here -- some things are worth fighting for:
A future
with a great alliance between the United States and Europe standing
strong. .A future not dominated by massive killing of innocent civilians
because of the ethnic or racial heritage they were born with, or the way
they worship God. A future in which leaders cannot keep, g~in or
'
increase their power by teaching their young people to hate or kill
others simply because of their faith or heritage. A future in which
young.Americans who set out fromthis academy to serve our country will
not have to fight in yet another major European conflict.
That is the future we want you to have.
want your children to inherit.
That is the future we
I thank you for your willingness to contribute to that future.
I
thank you for your dedication to your country. Good luck to you all,
and Godspeed.
(Applause. )
END
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 22, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE UNITED;STATES NAVAL ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
United States Naval Academy
Annapolis, Maryland
10:22 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: ' Thank you very much.
(Applau~e.)
Thank you.
Thank you very much.
Secretary Dalton, thank you for your generous
introduction and your dedicated service. Admiral Larson, thank you.
Admiral Johnson, General Krulak, Admiral Ryan --Visitor's Chair Byron;
to the faculty and staff of the Academy; distinguished guests; to proud
parents and family members, and especially to the Brigade of Midshipmen:
I am honored to be here today. And pursuant to longstanding tradition,
I bring with me a small gift.
I hereby free all midshipmen who are on
restriction for minor conduct offenses.
(Applause. )
There was so much enthusiasm, · I wonder if you heard the word,
"minor" offenses.
(Laughter.)
Yo~ know, the President has the signal honor of addressing all of
our service academies serially -- one after the other in appropriate
order.
This is the second time I have had the great honor of being here
at the Naval Academy.
But I began to worry about my sense of timing.
I
mean, what can you s~y to graduating midshipmen in a year when the most
famous ship on Earth is again the Titanic?
(Laughter.)
But then I
learned this is a totally, almost blindly, cohfident bunch. After all,
over in King Hall you eat cannonballs.
(Laughter.)
Now, for those of
you who don't know what they are, they're not the ones Francis Scott Key
saw flying over Fort McHenry, they're just huge apple dumplings.
Nonetheless, they require a lot of confidence.
(Laughter.)
1
I will try to be relatively brief today.
I was given only one
instruction -- I should not take as long as your class took to scale
Herndon Monument.
(Applause.)
Now, at four hours and five minutes
(applause)
the slowest time in recorded history -- (applause) -- I
have a lot of leeway.
(Laughter.)
But you have more than made up for it.
You have done great things
succeeding in a rigorous academic environment, trained to be superb
officers.
You have done extraordinary volunteer work, for which I am
personally very grateful.
In basketball, you made it to the NCAAs for
the second time in a row.
(Applause.)
You d~feated Army in football
last fall.
(Applause. ) In fact, you were 2 6-·6 against teams from Army
this year. And while I remain neutral in these things -- (laughter) -I salute· your accomplishments.
(Laughter.)
Let me also join the remarks that Secretary Dalton in·
congratulating your Superintendent. Admiral Larson has performed
remarkable service as an aviator, submarine commander, Commander-in-
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Chief in the Pacific, twice at the helm of the Academy: I got to know
him well when he was our Commander-in-Chief in the Paci.fic·.
I came to
appreciate more than I otherwise ever could have his unique blend of
intelligence and insight and character, and passionate devotion to duty.
In view of the incident on the Indian subcontinent in the last few
days, I think it's important for the historical record to note that the
first senior official of the United States who told me that there was a
serious potential problem there and we had better get ready for it was
Admiral Chuck Larson, severai years ago.
(Applause.)
When I asked him to return to the Academy, I thought it was almost
too much,\ and then I realized it might have been too little, fo~ he
loves this Academy so much this is hardly tough duty.
He met all its
challenges.
He taught you midshipmen to strive for excellence without
arrogance, to maintain the highest ethical standards.
Admiral, on behalf of the American people, !.thank you for your
service here, your 40 years in the Navy, your devotion to the United
States. We are all very grateful to you.
(Applause.)
I also have every confidence that Admiral
successor, and I wish him well.
R~an
is a worthy
As I speak to you and other graduates this spring, I want to ask
you to think about the challenges we face as a nation in the century
that is just upon us, and how our mission must be to adapt to the
changes of changing times while holding fast to our enduring ideals.
In
the coming weeks, I will talk about how the information revolution can
widen the circle of opportunity or deepen inequality; about how
immigration and our nation's ·growing diversity can strengthen and unite
America, or weaken and divide it.
But nothing I will have the chance to talk about this spring is
more important than the mission I charge you with today -- the timeless
mission of our men and women in uniform: protecting our nation and
upholding our values in the face of the changing threats that are as new
as the new century.
Members of the Class of 1998, you leave the Yard at the dawn of a
new millennium, in a time of great hope. Around the world people are
embracing peace, freedom, free markets. More and more nations are
committed to educating all their'children and stopping the destruction
of our environment.
The information revolution is sparking economic
growth and spreading the ideas of freedom around the world.
Technology
is moving so fast today that the top-of-the-line, high-speed computers
you received as Plebes today are virtually museum pieces.
(Laughter.)
In this world, our country is blessed with peace, prosperity,
declining social ills.
But today's possibilities are not tomorrow's
guarantees.
Just last week, .India .conducted a series of nuclear explosive
tests, reminding us that t~chnology is not always a force for good.
India's action threatens the stability of Asia and challenges the firm
international consensus to stop all nuclear testing.
So again I ask
India to halt its nuclear weapons·program and join the 149 other nations
that have·already signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty; And I ask
Pakistan to exercise restraint, to ayoid a perilous nuclear arms race.
This specter of a dangerous rivalry in South Asia is but one of
the many signs that we must remain strong and vigilant against the.kinds
of threats we have seen already throughout the 20th century -- regional
aggression and competition, bloody civil wars, efforts to overthrow
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democracies.
I
But also, our security is challenged increasingly by
~on-traditional threats, from adversaries both old and new ~- riot only
hostile regimes, but also terrorists and international criminals, who
cannot defeat us in traditional. theaters of battle, but search instead
for new ways to attack, by exploiting new technologies and the world's
increasing openness.
As we approach the 21st century, our foes' have extended the fields
of battle -- from physical space to cyberspace; from the world~s vast
bodies o,f water to the complex workings of our own human bodies.
Rather
than invading our beaches or launching bombers, these adversaries may
attempt cyberattacks against our critical military systems and our
economic base. Or they may deploy compact and relatively-cheap weapons
of mass destruction -- not just nuclear, but also chemical or
biological, to use disease as a weapon of war.
Sometimes the terrorists
and criminals act alone.
But increasingly, they are interconnected, and
sometimes supported by hostile countries.
If our children are to grow up safe and free, we must 'approach
these new 21st century threats with the same rigor and determination we
applied to the toughest security challenges of this century. We are
taking strong steps against these threats today.· We've improved
antiterrorism cooperation with other countries; ti~htened security for
our troops, our diplomats, our air travelers; strengthened sanctions on
nations that support terrorists; given our law enforcement agencies new
tools. We broke up terrorist rings before they could attack New York's
Holland Tunnel, the United Nations, and our airlines. We have captured
and brought to justice many of the oft'enders.
But we must do more.
Last week; I announced America's first
comprehensive strategy to control international crime and bring
criminals, terrorists. and money launderers to justice. Today, I come
before you to announce three new initiatives -- the first broadly
directed at combatting terrorism; the other two addressing two potential
threats from ter:rorists and hostile nations, attacks on our computer
networks and other critical systems upon which our society depends, and
attacks using biological weapons.
On all of these efforts, we will need
the help of the Navy and the Marines.
Your service will be critical in
combatting these new challenges.
To make these three initiatives work we must have the concerted
efforts of a whole range of federal agencies -- from the Armed Forces to
law enforcement _to intelligence to public health.
I am appointing a
National Coordinator for Security, Infrastructure Protection, and
Counterterrorism,, to bring the full force of ali our resources to bear
swiftly and effectively.
First, we will use our new integrated approach to intensify the
fight against all forms of terrorism -- to capture terrorists, no matter
where they hid~; to work with other nations to eliminate terrorist
sanctuaries overseas; to respond rapidly and effectively to protect
Americans from terrorism at home and abroad.
Second, we will launch a comprehensive plan to detect, deter; and
defend against attacks on our critical infrastructures -- our power
systems, water supplies, police, fi~e, and medical services, air traffic
control, financial services, telephone systems, and computer networks.
Just 15 years ago, these infrastructures -- some within
government, .some in the private sector -- were separate and distinct.
Now, they are linked together over vast computer-electronic networks,
greatly increasing our productivity, but also making us much more
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vulnerable to disruption.
Three days ago, we saw the enormous impact of
a single failed electronic link when a satellite malfunction disabled
pagers, ATMs, credit card systems, and TV and radio networks all around
the world.
Beyond such accidents, intentional attacks ag~inst our
critical systems already are underway.
Hackers break into government
and business computers.
They can raid banks, run up credit card
charges, extort money by threats to unleash computer viruses.
If we fail to take strong action, then terrorists, criminals and
hostile regimes could invade and paralyze these vital systems,
disrupting commerce, threatening health, weakening our capacity to
function in a crisis.
In response to these ~oncerns, I established a
commission chaired by Retired General Tom Marsh, to assist the
vulnerability of our critical infrastructures.
They returned with a
pointed conclusion:
our vulnerability, particularly to cyberattacks, is ,
real and growing. And they made important recommendations that we will
now implement to put us ahead of the danger curve.
We have the best trained, best equipped best prepared Armed Forces
in history.
But, as ever, we must be ready to fight the next war, not
the last one. And our military, as strong as it is, cannot meet these
challenges alone.
Because so many key components of our society are
operated by the private sector, we must crSate a genuine public-private
partnership to protect America in the 21st century.
Together, we can
find and reduce the vulnerabilities to attack in all critical sectors,
develop warning systems including a national center to alert us to
attacks, increase our cooperation with friendly nations, and create the
means to minimize damage and,rapidly recover in the event attacks occur.
We can -- and we must -- mak~ these critical systems more secure, so
that we can be more secure.
Third, we will undertake a concerted effort to prevent the spread
and use of biological weapons, and to protect our people in the event
these terrible weapons are ever unleashed by a rogue state, a terrorist
group or an international criminal organization. Conventional military
force will continue to be crucial to curbing weapons of mass
destruction.
In the confrontation against Iraq, deployment of our Navy
and Marine forces has played a ·key role in helping to convince Saddam
Hussein to accept United Nations inspections of his weapons facilities.
But we must pursue the fight against biological weapons on many
fronts.
We must strengthen the international Biological Weapons
Convention with a strong system of inspections to detect and prevent
cheating.
This is a major priority.
It was part of my State of the
Union address earlier this year, and we are working with other nations
and our industries to make it happen.
Because our troops serve on the front line of freedom, we must
take special care to protect them.
So we have been working on
vaccinating them against biological threats, and now we will inoculate
all our Armed Forces, active duty and reserves, against deadly anthrax
bacteria.
Finally, we must do more to protect our civilian population from
biological weapons.
The Defense Department has been teaching state and
local officials to respond if the weapons are brandished or used.
Today
it is announcing plans to train National Guard and reserve elements in
every region to address this challenge. But,· again, we must do more to
protect our people. We.must be able to recognize a biological attack·
quickly in order to stop its spread.
We will work to upgrade our public health systems for detection
and warning, to aid our preparedness against terrorism, and to help us
cope with infectious diseases that arise in nature. We will train and
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equip ~ocal authorities throughout the nation to deal with an emergency
invblving weapons of mass destruction, creating stockpiles of medicines
and vaccines to protect our civilian population against the kind of
biological agents our adversaries are most likely to obtain or develop.
And we will pursue research and development ~o create the next
generation of vaccines, medicines and diagnostic tools.
The Huma~
Genome Project will be very, very imp'ortant in this regard. And again,
it will aid us also in fighting infectious diseases.
·
We must not cede the cutting edge of biotechnology to those who
would do us harm. Working with the Congress, America must maintain its
leadership in research and development.
It is critical to our national
security.
In our efforts to battle terrorism and cyberattacks ··and biological
weapons, all of us must be extremely aggressive.
But we must also be
careful to uphold .privacy rights and other constitutional protections.
We do not ever undermine freedom in the name of freedom.
To the men and women of this class of 1998, over four .years you
have become part of an institution··-- the Navy-- that has repeatedly
risen to the challenges of battle and of changing technology.
In the
Spanish-American War, 100 years ago, our Navy won the key confrontations
at Manila Bay and off Cuba.
In th~ years betweezy the world wars, the
Navy made tremendous innoyations with respect to aircraft carriers and
amphibious operations.
In the qecisive battle in the Pacific in World
War Il at Midway, our.communications experts and code breakers obtained,
and Admiral Nimitz seized on, crucial information about the enemy fleet
that secured victory against overwhelm'ing odds.
In the Cold War, nuclear propulsion revolutionized our carrier.and
submarine operations. And today, bur Navy and Marine Corps are
fundamental to our strategy of global engagement, 'aiding our friends and
warning foes that they cannot undermine our efforts to build a just,
peaceful, free future.
President Theodore Roosevelt put it succinctly a long time ago.
"A good Navy," he said, "is the surest guaranty of peace." We will have
that good Navy, because of you.
Your readiness, strength, your
knowledge of science and technology, your ability to promptly find and
use essential information, and above all, your strength of spirit and
your core values -- honor,' courage and commitment.
I ask you to
remember, though, that with these new challenges especially, we must
all, as Americans, be united in purpose and spirit.
Our·defense has al,ways drawn on the best of ou~ entire nation.
The Armed Forces have defended our freedom, and in turn, freedom'has
allowed our people to thrive.' Our security innovations have Dften ~een
sparked and supported over and over by the brilliance and drive Of
pepple in non-military sectors -- our businesses and univeriitie~, out
scientists and technologists. Now, more than ever, we need the broad
support and participation of our citizens as your partners in meeting
the security challenges of the 21st century.
Member~ of the Class of 1998, . you are just moments away from
becoming ensigns and second lieutenants -- and I h~ve not t~ken as much
time as you di9 to climb the Monument.
(Laughter.)
I thank you for
giving me a few moments of your attention to talk to you and our natio~
about the work you will be doing for them for the rest of your careers.
You will be our guardians and champions of freedom.
Let me say just one thing in closing on a more personal note. We
must protect our people from danger and keep America safe and free.
But
I hope you will never lose sight of why we are doing it. We are doing
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•
it so that all of your countrymen and women can live meaningful lives,
according to their own lights.
So work hard, but don't forget to pursue
also wh~~ fulfills you as people -- the beauty of the natural world, ·
literature, the arts, sports, volunteer service. Most of all, don't ·
forget to take time for your personal lives, to show your love to your
friends and, .most of all, to your families -- the parents and
grandparents who made the sacrifices to get you here; in the future,
your wives, your husbands, and your children.
"
In a free society, the purpose of public service, in or out of
uniform, 'is to provide all citizens with the freedom and opportunity to
live their own dreams.
So when you return from an exhausting
deployment, or just a terrible day, never forget to cherish your loved
ones, and always be grateful that you have been given the opportunity to
serve, to protect for yourselves and for your loved ones and for your
fellow Americans the precious things that make life worth living, and
freedom worth defending.
I know your families are very proud of you today.
Now go and make
America proud.
Good luck and God bless you.
(Applause.)
END
10:48 A.M. EDT
'·
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(West Point, New York)
For Immediate Release
May 31, 1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY
COMMENCEMENT
Michie Stadium
West Point, Ne~ York
10:20 A.M. EDT
I
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
Please be seated,
relax.
Thank you,· General Christman, for those kind introductory ·
remarks and for your truly extraordinary service to your nation
throughout your military career.
Here at West Point, and before, when
we had more opportunities to work together on a daily basis, I have
constantly admired your dedication and your ability.
General Reimer, Secretary West, Senator Reed, Chairman
Gilman, Congressman Shimkus, Congresswoman Kelly, Congressman Sessions,
former Congressman Bilbray, parents and families and friends of the
cadets, and especially, to the Class of 1997, I extend my heartfelt
congratulations.
·
This has been a truly remarkable class. As General
Christman said, you wrote an un~arallel~d record of academic achievement
in the classroom.
I congratulate you all, and particularly your number
one honor graduate and valedictorian, Adam Ake.
Congratuiations' to all
of you on your accomplishments.
(Applause.)
Now, General Christman also outlined the extraordinary
accomplishments of your athletic teams, and he mentioned that I had the
privilege of seeing Army win its first 10-win s~ason in football and
reclaim the Commander in Chief'•s Trophy in Philadelphia; And he thanked
me for that.
But, actually, as a lifelong football fan, I deserve no
thanks.
It was a terrific game, and I'm quite sure it was the first
time in the field of any endeavor of conflict where the Army defeated
the Navy not on land, but on water.
(Laughter and applatise.)
I know that in spite of all of your achievements as a class
and in teams, a few of you also upheld West Point's enduring tradition
of independence.
It began in 17 96 when President Adams'· War Department
ordered the first classes in fortification.
And the troops here thotight
they already knew all about that, so they burned the classroom to the
ground, postponing the start of instruction by five years.
(Laughter.)
Today, I am reliably informed that though your spirits are
equably high, your infractions are more modest. Therefore, I hereby
exercise my prerogative to grant amnesty for minor offenses to the Corps
of Cadets.
(Applause.)
The cheering was a little disconcerting-- now,
the operative word there was "minor."
(Laughter.)
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Men and women of the Class of '97, today. you join the Long
Gray Line, the Long Gray Line that stretches across two centuries of
unstinting devotion to America and the freedom that is our greatest
treasure.
From the defense of Fort Erie in the War of 1812 to the fury
of Antietam, from the trenches of Argonne to the Anzio and Okinawa, to
Heartbreak Ridge, the Mekong Delta, the fiery dessert of the Gulf War,
the officers of West Point have served and sacrificed for our nation.
In just the four years since I last spoke here, your
graduates have helped to restore democracy to Haiti, to save hundreds of
thousands of lives from genocide and famine in Rwanda, to end the
bloodshed in.Bosnia.
Throughout our history, whenever duty called, the
men and women of West Point have n~ver failed us. And I speak for all
Americans when I say, I know you never will.
I'd like to say a special word of appreciation to West
Point and a special word of congratulations to· the students in this
class from other countries. We welcome you here; we are proud to have
you as a part of our military service tradition. And we wish you well·
as you go back home. We hope you,· too, can advance freedom's c~use, for
in the 21st century that is something we must do together.
Two days ago I returned from Europe on a mission to look
back to one of the proudest chapters in America's history and to look
forward to the history we all will seek to shape for our children and
grandchildren.
This week is the 50th anniversary of the Marshall Plan,·
what Winston Churchill described as the most unsordid act in all
history.
In 1947, ~ericans, exhausted by war and anxious to get on
with their lives at home, .were summoned to embrace another leadership
role by a generation of remarkable leaders -- General George Marshall,
Senator Arthur Vandenberg, President Harry Truman -- leaders who knew
there could be no lasting peace and security for an America that
withdrew behind its borders and withdrew from the world and its
responsibilities.
They provided the indispensable leadership to create
the Marshall Plan, NATO, and the first global financial institutions.
They, in effect, organized America and our allies to meet the challenges
of their time -- to build unparalleled prospe.rity, to stand firm against
Soviet expansionism until the light of freedom shown all across Europe.
The second purpose df my journey was inextricably tied to
the first.
It was to look to the future, to the possibility of
achieving what Marshall's generation could only dream of -- a
democratic, peaceful and undivided Europe for the first time in all of
history; and to the necessity of America and its allies. once again
organizing ourselves to meet the challenges of our time, to secure peace
and prosperity for the next 50 years and beyond.
To build and secure a new Europe, peaceful, democratic and
undivided at last, th~re must be a new NATO, with new missions, new
members and new partners. We have been building.that kind of NATO for
the last three years with new partners in the Partnership for Peace and
NATO's first out-of-area mission in Bosnia.
In Paris last week, we took
another giant stride forward whep Russia entered a new partnership with
NATO, choosing cooperation over confrontation, as both sides affirmed
that the world is different now.
European security is no longer a
zero-sum contest between Russia and NATO; but a cherished, common goal.
In a little more than a month, I will join with other NATO
leaders in Madrid to invite the first of Europe's new democracies in
Central Europe to join our Alliance, with the consent of the Senate, by
1999 -- the 50th anniversary of NATO's founding.
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I firmly believe NATO enlargement is in our national
interests.
But because it is not without cost and risk, it is
appropriate t~ have an open, full, national discussion before
proceeding.
I want to further that discussion here today in no small
measure because it is especially important to those of you in this
class.
For, after all, as the sentinels of our security in the years
ahead, your work will be easier and safer if we do the right thing -and riskier and much more difficult if we do not:
·Europe's fate and America's future are joined.
Twice in
half a century, Americans have given their lives to defend liberty and
peace in world wars that began in Europe. And we have stayed in Europe
in very large numbers for a l_ong time throughout the Cold War.
Taking
wise steps now to strengthen our common security when we have the
opportunity to do so will help to build a future without the mistakes
and the divisions of the past, and will enable us to organize ourselves
to meet the new security challenges of the new century.
In this task,
NATO should be our sharpest sword and strongest shield.
Some say we no longer need NATO because there is no
powerful threat to our security now.
I say there is no powerful threat
in part because NATO is there. And enlargement will help make it
stronger.
I believe we should take in new members to NATO for four
reasons.
First, it will strengthen our Alliance in meetin~ the security
challenges of the 21st century, addressing conflicts that threaten the
common peace of all.
Consider Bosnia -- already the Czech Republic, Poland,
Romania, the Baltic nations and other Central Eu:ropean countries are
contributing troops and bases to NATO's peacekeeping mission in Bosnia.
We in the United States could not have deployed our troops to Bosnia as
safely, smoothly and swiftly as we did without the help of Hungary and
our staging ground at Taszar, which I personally visited.
The new
democracies we invite to join NATO are ready and able to share the
burdens of defending freedom in no small measure because they know th~
cost of losing freedOm.
Second, NATO enlargement will help to secure the historic
gains of democracy in Europe.
NATO can do for Europe's East what it did
for Europe's West at the end of World War II --provide a secure climate
where freedom~ democracy and prosperity c~n flourish.
Joining NATO once
helped Italy, Germany and Spain to consolidate their democracies.
Now
the opening of NATO's doors has led the Central European nations already
-- already --to deepen democratic reform, to strengthen civilian control
of their military, to open their economies.
Membership and its future
prospect will give them the confidence to stay the course.
Third~ enlarging NATO· will encourage prospective members to
resolve their differences peacefully. We see all over the world the
terrible curse of people who are imprisoned by their own ethnic,
regional and nationalist hatreds, who rob themselves and their children
of the lives they might have because of their primitive, destructive
impulses that they cannot control.
When he signed the .NATO Treaty,in 1949, President Truman
said that if NATO had simply existed in 1914 or 1939, it would have
prevented the world wars that tore the world apart.
The experience of
the last 50 years supports that view.
NATO ·helped to reconcile age-old
adversaries like France and Germany, now fast friends and allies; and
clearly has reduced tensions between Greece and Turkey over all these
decades. Already the very prospect of NAT·o membership has helped to
convince countries in Central Europe· to settle more than half a dozen
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border and ethnic dispute§, any one of which could have led ~o future
conflicts.· That, in turn, makes it less likely that you will ever be
called to fight in another war across the Atlantic.
(Applause. )
Fourth, enlarging NATO, along with its Partnership for
Peace with many other nations and its special agreement with Russia and
its soon-to-be-signed partnership with Ukraine, will erase the
artificial line in Europe that Stalin drew, and bring Europe together ,in
security, not keep it apart in instability.
NATO expansion does not mean a differently divided Europe.
It is part of unifying Europe.
NATO's first members should not be its
last.
NATO's doors will remain open to all those willing and able to
shoulder the responsibilities of membership, and we must continue to
strengthen our partnerships with non-members.
Now, let me be clear to all of you, these benefits are not
cost- or risk-free.
Enlargement will require the United States to pay
an estimated $200 million a year for th~ next decade.
Our allies in
Canada and Western Europe are prepared to do their part; so are NATO's
new members.
So must we.
More important, enlargement requires that we extend to new
members our Alliance's most solemn security pledge, to treat an attack
against one as an attack against all. We have always made the pledge
credible through the deployment of our troops and the deterrence of our
nuclear weapons. ·In the years ahead, it means that you could be asked
to put your lives on the. line for a new NATO member, just as today you
can be called upon to defend the freedom of our allies in Western
Europe.
In leading NATO over the past three years to open its doors
to Europe's new democracies, I weighed these costs very carefully.
I
concluded that the benefits of enlargement, strengthening NATO for the
future, locking in democracy's gains in Central Europe, building
stability across the Atlantic, uniting Europe, not dividing it -- these
gains decisively outweigh the burdens~
The bottom line to me is clear:
Expanding NATO will enhance our security.
It is the right thing to do.
We must not fail history's challenge at this moment to build a Europe
peaceful, qemocratic, and undivided, allied with us·to face the new ·
security threats of the new century. A Europe that will avoid repeating
the darkest moments of the 20th century and fulfill the brilliant ·
possibilities of the 21st.
This vision for a new Europe is central to our larger
se6urity strategy, which you will be called upon to implement and
enforce.
But our agenda must go beyond it because, with all of our
power and wealth, we are living in a world in which increasingly our
influence depends upon our recognizing that our future is interdependent
with other nations, and we.must work with them all across the globe;
because we see the threats we face tomorrow will cross national
boundaries.
They are amplified by modern technology, communication, and
travel.
They must be faced by like-minded nations, working together.
Whether we're talking about terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, or environmental degradation.
Therefore, we must pursue five other objectives.
First, we
must build a community of Asia.Pacific nations bound by a common
commitment to stability and prosperity. We fought thr"ee wars in Asia in
half a century; Asia's stability affects our peace, and Asia's explosive
growth affects our prosperity.
That's why we've strengthened our
security ties to Japan and Korea, why we now meet every year with the
Asian Pacific leaders, why we must work with and not isolate ou~selves
from China.
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One of the great questions that will define the future for
your generation of Americans is how China will define its own greatness
as a na~ion.
We have worked with China because we believe it is
·
important to cooperate in ways that will shape the definition of that
great nation in positive, not neg~tive, ways. We need not agree with
China on all issues to maintain normal trade relations, but we do need
normal trade relations to have a chance of eventually reaching agreement
with China on matters of vital importance to America and the world.
Second, we are building coalitions across the world to
confront these new security threats that know no borders:
weapons
proliferation, terrorism, drug trafficking, environmental degradation.
We have to lead in constructing global arrangements that provide us the
tools to deal with these common threats:
the Chemical Weapons·
Convention, the Nonproliferation Treaty, the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty, and our'efforts to further reduce nuclear weapons with Russia.
Now our great task is also to build these kinds of
arrangements fighting terrorism, drug traffickers and organized crime.
Three weeks from now in Denver I will use the summit of the eight
leading nations to press this agenda.
The third thing we have to do is to build an open trading
system. Our security is tied to the stake other nations have in the
prosperity of staying free and open and 0orking with others, not workipg
against them.
In np small measure because of the trade agreements we
have negotiated, we have not only regained our position as the world's
number one exporter, we have increased our influence in ways that are
good for our security. To continue that progress it is important that I
have the authority to conclude smart, new market-opening agreements that
every President in 20 years has had.
Some of our fellow Americans do not believe that the
President should have this authority anymore; they believe that somehow
the global economy presents a t~reat to us -- but I believe it's here to
say, and I think the evidence is that Americans, just as we can have the
world's strongest and best military, we have the strongest and best
economy in the world --the American people can out-work and out-compete
anyone given a fre·e and fair chance.
(Applause. )
Not only that, but this is about more than money and jobs.
This is about security.
The world, especially our democratic'neighbors
to the south of us, are looking to us.
If we don't·build economic
bridges to them, someone else will. We must make it clear that' America.
supports free people and fair, open trade.
Fourth, we have to embrace our role as the decisive. force
for peace.
You cannot and you should not go everywhere.
But when our
values and interests are at stake, our mission is crystal clear and
achievable '-- America should stand with our allies· around the world who
seek to bring peace and prevent slaughter.
From the Middle East to
Bosnia, from Haiti to Northern Ireland, we have worked to contain
conflict, to support peace, to give children a brighter future, and it
has enhanced our security.
Finally, we have to have the tools to do these jobs.
Those
are the most powerful and best-trained military in the world and a fully
funded diplomacy to minimize the chances that military force will be '
necessary.
The long-term defense plan we have just completed will
increase your readiness, capabilities, and technological edge.
In a
world·of persistent dangers, you must and you will be able to dominate
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the conflicts of the future as you did the battlefields of the past.
Fifty-five years ago, in the early days of World War II,
General George Marshall, the man we honored this week, spoke here at
your commencement about the need to organize our nation for the ordeal
of war.
He said, we are determined that before the sun sets on this
terrible struggle, our flag will be recognized as a symbol of freedom on
the one hand and of overwhelming power on the other.
Today, our flag of freedom and power flies higher than
ever,,but because our nation stands at the pinnacle of its power, it
also stands at the pinnacle of its responsibility.
Therefore, as you
carry our flag into this new era~ we must organize ourselves to ~eet the
challenges of the next 50 years.
We must shape the peace for a new and
better century about to dawn so that you can give your children and your
grandchildren the America and the world they deserve.
God bless. you and God bless America.
END
(Applause. )
10:43 A.M. EDT
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For·Immediate Release
May 22, 1996
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT UNITED STATES COAST GUARD ACADEMY
COMMENCEMENT
United States Coast Guard Academy
Groton, Connecticut
11:34 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
Secretary Pena,
Commandant Kramek -- thank you for doing such an excellent 'job, Admiral.
Admiral Versaw, Commander Wiemer.
To the United States Coast Guard Band,
thank you today.
To the members of this fine class, your families and
your friends, this is your day and I am deeply honored to share it with
you.
I am especially indebted to the Coast Guard right now
because there are four members of the White House staff who are Coast
Guard officers.
Three of them are graduates. of this Academy -- Commander
Peter Boynton, Lieutenant Matt Miller, Lt.
Commander Bob Malkowski.
The
fourth is not a graduate of this Academy, but she is my Coast Guard
military aide, and I'm very proud of her -- Lt. Commander June Ryan. And
she informed me that every Coast Guard officer was a supporter of this
Academy.
I am delighted to be here with all of you.
I must say I only had one pause when I was invited to be
your commencement speaker, and that's when I heard that the mascot for
the Class of '96 is the guinea pig.
(Laughter.)
Having been in that
position more than once in my life -:"'" (laughter) -- I was not
particularly anxious to take on another one.
(Laughter.)
But then I
remembered what a wonderful reception the Coasties gave the First Lady
and our daughter, Chelsea, when they visited here two years ago. And I
told the pilot to go on and hold course for New London.
I am honored to be here today.
God has given us a beauttful
day, and I hope you all enjoy it and remember i t fondly for· the rest of
your lives.
We gather before the Coast Guard cutter, Eagle, the largest
tall ship flying the Stars and Stripes. On its decks and its riggings,
you cadets were teste,d time and again to ready you for the il!lportant
responsibilities you are about to assume as Coast Guard officers.
I can
look at you and tell that you are ready.
The course you're on will not always be easy, but it will be
exhilarating because you are serving at a time of extraordiqary challenge
and change; a time of new risks to our security, but also real
opportunities to make the future brighter for every American, esp~cially
the Americans of your generation and the generations to come.
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You will know this .by the virtue of. the work you will be
doing week in and week out, along the 47,000 miles of America's
coastline, lakes and riv~rs; from the frigid waters of the North Pacific
and the North Atlantic to the balmy Caribbean; and far from home
patrolling the Baltic, the Mediterranean and the Black.Sea with our
allies.
Consider the average Coast Guard -- something I hope the
American people will get to do as a result of this appearance . . Most of
your fellow citizens have no idea the sweep, the scope, the importance of
the work you do.
But in the average week, you and your fellow sailors
will seize drugs with a street value of $50 million, stop hundreds of
illegal immigrants from reaching our shores, respond to 260 hazardous
chemical spills, salvage property worth $17 million, conduct 1,250 search
and rescue missions and save the lives of nearly 100 people.. That's an
average week.
That's a pretty good average, and the American people
should be very, very proud of the United States Coast Guard.
(Applause.)
But since you're facing such a heavy load in the future, I
think I should lighten it for now.
So as Commander in Chief I hereby
grant amn~sty to all cadets marching tours or. serving restrictions for
minor offenses. (Laughter and applause.)
To the members of this graduating class,_ from this ·day
forward you will be guardians of America's security.
There is no higher
calling .. And so, as you celebrate today, I ask you just. to take a few
moment~ with me to join in thinking about the future that you wil1 help
to shape for your fellow Americans and for the citizens of the world.
What do you want th~ future to look lik~? What do we want the future to
look like? How do we want America to enter the 21st century?
Four years ago I said that the answer to that question for
me is as straightforward as the path ahead is full of twists and turns.
For me, America must enter the 21st century as a nation of opportunity
for all and responsibility from all; a nation that is coming together,
instead of driftirig apart; a nation that remains the strbngest force on
Earth for peace, freedom and prosperity.
For nearly four.years our administration has pursued that
vision with a strategy that involves making American people more secure,
by leading a powerful movement now sweeping the globe for democracy and
peace, by creating greater prosperity for our people, by opening markets
abroad.
And that strategy is working._ Our military is stronger, our
alliances are deeper, the danger of weapons oi mass destruction and the
other major threats to our security are receding.
Conflicts long thought ,
to be unsolvable are moving toward resolution. More markets than_every
before are open to our goods and services. And more markets than ever
before are open to the goods and services of other nations, as well.
The mi~sion before you is to build on these achievements, at
a time when the world we live in is going through profound and fast-paced
change, perhaps the fastest pace of change in all human history.
In so
many ways this change is clearly for the good, and you have been a part
of it.
Democracy and fr~e markets are on the march; the laptops, the
CO-ROMs, the satellites that are second nature to all of you send ideas,
products, money, all across our planet in a matter qf seconds.
,
Political, economic and technological revolutions· are bringing us all
closer together, and bringing with them extraordinary opportunities for
all to share in humanity's genius for progress.
But we know these same forces also pose new challenges.
The
end of communism has opened the door to the spread of weapons of mass
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destruction and lifted the lid on religious and ethnic conflicts.
The
growing openness we so cherish also benefits a host of equal opportunity
destroyers -- terrorists, ihternational criminals, drug traffickers, and
those who do environment damage that cross national borders.
None of these problems has ariy particular respect for the
borders of the nation you are sworn to defend.
Because the Cold War is
over, some of these challenges are underestimated, and Americans that
typically don't have much in common from the left to the right find
themselves saying it is now time for us to retreat from our global
leadership role.
But we cannot withdraw into a fortressed America -- there is
no wall high.enough to keep out the threats to our security-- or to
isol~te ourselves from the world economy and other trends in the global
society.
There are some who say we should lead, all right, but they
would deny us the resources to do so.
To them I also ask, reconsider
your position.
One of the most important lessons of the last 50 years is
that d~mocracy and free markets are neither inevitable nor ~rreversible.
They need our support, the power of our example, the resolve of our
leader'ship.
My job as President is to match the need for American
leadership to our interests and to our values; to act where we can make a
difference; to do so wisely, not reflexively; relying on diplomac1 ~nd
sanctions when we can, force when we must; working with our allies
whenever possible, but alone when necessary; rejecting the call to
isolationism, refusing to be the world's policeman.
It also means, as the Secretary said earlier, from time to
time making some decisions that are unpopular in the short run.
But if
you consider some of those, imagine the alternative.
Imagine what the·
Persian Gulf would look like today if the United States had not stepped
up with our allies :ln. Desert Storm.
Then two years ago, we had to do it
again to stop Iraqi aggression.
Imagine the ongoing r~ign of terror and
the flood of refugees to our shore nad we not backed diplomacy with force
in Haiti. And, by the way, you ought to be proud that it was a Coast
Guard cutter that led our forces into Port-au-Prince Harbor on that
mission.
Imagine the shells and the slaughter we would still be
seeing in Bosnia had we not brought our force to bear through NATO.
Imagine the chaos that might have ensued had we ~ot used our ec~nomic
power to stabilize Mexico's economy.
Imagine the jobs we would have lost
' if we hadn't taken the lead to expand world trade through GATT. and NAFTA
and over 200 specific agreements.
In each case there was substantial,
sometimes overwhelming, opinion against America's course.
But because we
followed the course, Americans are better off.
For all the new demands on our troops and our treasure, the
basic tools of leadership still require a powerful military and strong
alliances.
Those things allowed us to triumph through two world wars and
a Cold War. And for this new era we must first sharpen and strengthen
these tools.
Our military has never been more ready than it is today,
prepared to fight and win on two major fronts at once, to deter'
aggression and to defeat it.
Because of our military strength we can often achieve our
objectives by ourselves or with our allies without a fight.
In the last
coupie of years that's why Saddam Hu~sein Pulled his forces back from
Kuwait's border; why the military dictators stepped down in Haiti; and
why, after a bombing but not a ground campaign, the Bosnian Serbs turned
from the battlefield to the bargaining. table. We still have the
best-trained, best-equipped, best-prepared fighting force in the world.
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It is being strengthened every day.
It is also strengthened by strong
alliances and cooperative action with like-minded nations.
As we saw in the Gulf War, in Haiti, and now in Bosnia,
there are a lot of other co~ntries who share our goals and who are
willing to share our burdens ~~ through NATO, the United Nations and
other coalitions.
The end of the Cold War presented us with an historic
opportunity to broaden our alliances, to build a peaceful and undivided
Europe, to forge a stable community of nations. in an increasingly open
and democratic Asia, to draw our own hemisphere closer together in a
shared embrace of democracy and free enterprise. We have seized those
opportunities.
In Europe we have reinforced our ties with our longtime
friends and opened NATO's doors to new democracies, beginning with the
Partnership For P.eace. We have worked to support Russia's transition to
democracy and a free market economy. Another national election will soon
be held there.
More than 60 percent of Russia's economy has moved from
the heavy grip of the state into the hands of its people.
The
cooperation between our troops in Bosnia proves that we can have a strong
partnership with Russia and with Europe.
The main battlegrbund ~or the
bloodiest century in history, Europe, is finally coming together in
peace·.
We also have vital strategic and economic interests in Asia,
the fastest-growing part of the world economically.
They require new
efforts to maintain stability.
I'recently returned from a trip to Korea
and Japan, reaffirming our security relationship with Japan, launching a
new initiative to make peace on the Korean Peninsula, committing to
maintain 100,000 troops in North Asia, and reaffirming our determination
to engage China in developing a producti~e security dialogue.
These are the things that you will have to carry out.
By
living up to the legacy of American leadership, ,being steady and strong
in the judgments necessary to advance our interests and our values,
keeping our military ready, deepening our alliances, we will meet the
challenges of your time.
But there is more to be done for America to keep moving·
forward and to pass on an even safer and more prosperous world to our
children as we enter this new century and a new millennium.
First, ~e
must continue to seize the extraordinary opportunity to reduce the threat
of weapons of mass destruction. We have set the most far-reaching arms
control and nonproliferation agenda in history, and I am determined to
pursue it and complete it. Already, there are no Russian missiles
pointed at our cities or our citizens. We are cutting our arsenals by
two-thirds from their Cold War height.
Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazahkstan
have been convinced to give up their nuclear weapons. '
Our diplomacy backed with force persuaded North Korea to
freeze its nuclear program. We have now secured the indefinite and
unconditional extension of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty.
(Applause.)
Sometimes I wonder if people know what that is.
Now I know
you do.
(Laughter.)
I wish I could give you a citation.
(Laughter.)
But we have other things to do. We must continue.to help
people who will work with us to safeguard·nuclear materials and destroy
those nuclear weapons so they don't wind up in the wrong hands. We have
got to stop an entire new generation of nuclear weapons by signing a
comprehensive test ban treaty this year. We have to ban chemical w~apons
by ratifying the chemical weapons convention now.
All of these things are focused on reducing the threat of
weapons of mass destruction.
But we also have to be prepared to defend
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ourselves in the extremely unlikely ev~nt that these preventive measures
fail.
That's why we're spending $3 billion a year on a strong, sensible,
national missile defense program based on real threats.and pragmatic
responses.
Our first priority is to defend against existing or near-term
threats, like short- and medium-range missile attacks on our troops in
the field or our allies. And we are, with upgraded patriot missiles, the
Navy Lower and Upper Tier and the Army THAAD.
The possibility of a long-range missile attack on American
soil by a rogue state is more than a decade away.
To prevent it, we are
committed to developing by the year 2000 and defensive system that could
be deployed by 2003, well before the threat becomes real.
I know that there are those who disagree with this policy.
They have a plan that Congress will take up this week that would force us
to choose now a costly missile defense system that could be obsolete
tomorrow.
The Congressional Budget Office estimates that this cost will
be between $30 and $60 billion.
'Those who want us to deploy this system before we know the
details and the. dimensions of the threat we face I believe are wrong.
I
think we should not leap before we look.
I believe this plan is
misguided.
It would waste money.
It would weaken our defenses by ~aking
money away from things we know we need right now.
It would violate the
arms control agreements that we have made and these agreements make us
more secure.
That is the wrong way to defend America., (Applause.)
The right way to defend America includes eliminating·weapons
of mass destruction, stopping this dread, and building a smart missile
defense system.
It also includes continuing the fight against the
increasingly interconnected forces of destruction like terrorism,
organized crime and drug trafficking.
Believe me, no one is immune to their danger, and you will
see them more in your career: Not the people of Tokyo where the sarin
gas attack in the subway injured thousands of commuters; the people of
Latin America or Southeast Asia where drug traffickers wielding imported
weapons have murdered hundreds of innocent people.
Not the people of
Israel where hatemongers have blown up buses full of children; nor the
people of the former Soviet Union and Central.Europe where organized
criminals are undermining new democracies. And, of course, not the
people of our United States, where·home~grown terrorists blew up the
Murrah Federal Building in the heart of America and foreign terroris.ts
tried to topple the World Trade Center, where drug traffick~rs poison our
children and bring untold violence to our streets.
As Coast Guard officers, you will be on the front lines of
this struggle against these forces of destruction, especially drugs.
With every seizure, like last summer's record haul of 12 tons of cocaine
from a Panamanian fishing vessel, you are literally saving the lives of
American citizens.
Today I pledge this to you: With our military and
law enforcement agencies, you will have the tools you need to get the job
done.
(Applause.)
We must cooperate as never before with countries around the
world, sharing information, providing military support, pursuing
anticorruption efforts, shutting down front companies and money
laundering operations, opening more FBI training centers. We have to
keep up the funding, the personnel, the training for our law enforcement
agencies.
We have to keep the heat on states that sponsor terrorism or
violate international law with tough sanctions like the one the
international community has imposed on Iraq since the Gulf War~
An.d I'd like to take this occasion to congratulate the Coast
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Guard, which recently completed its lO,OOOth boarding in the Persian Gulf
in support of those sanctions.
Thank you ~nd congratulations.
(Applause. )
Since the forces of destruction never give up, we must never
give in. And your job will be to help America remain vigilant and
victorious.
We also have to continue to advance the fight for peace and
democracy faster than before.
Nothing can strengthen our security more
in the long run.
When peopl~ are free and at peace, they are less likely
to resort to violence or to abuse the rights of their fellow citizens.
They are more likely to join with us in.common ~ause.
We see this so clearly here .in our own hemisphere where the
powerful movement to democracy has produced unp~ralleled cooperation in
dealing with drugs. and illegal immigrants and has brought freedo~ to
every single country in our hemisphere but one.
We see the promise of peace in.Northern Ireland where
negotiations are set to begin next month. We see it in the Middle East
where a comprehensive, lasting settlement is within reach.
In the last
three years alone, Israel and its Palestinian and Jordanian neighbors
have committed to peace and they're making good on their commitments,
including just a few weeks ago, Chairman Arafat fulfilling his pledge to
rid the Palestinian:Charter of all references to the destruction of
Israel.
(Applause.)
We know that many difficult issues remain to be resolved
between Israel and Syria, between I~rael and Lebanon. We kno~ there will
be problems from time to time, as there was in the tragic fighting along
the border between Israel and Lebanon, which I am grateful has been
resolved now. We know that, most importantly, every step along the path
to peace, the enemies of peace will show their own desperation with
bullets and bombs.
So I say this to the people of Israel:
We've been with you
every step of the way for the last three years. As Israel takes further
risks for peace in the future, it can count on further manifestations of
American support.
We must be with you every step of the way until there
is a comprehensive, lasting peace in the Middle East. Now is not the
time to turn back, and the United States must do its part.
(Applause.)
Finally, we must never forget that the true measure of our
country's well-being and our security not only includes physical safety,
but economic prosperity as well.
Decades ·from now people will look back
at this period and see the most far-reaching changes in the world trading
system in 50 years, since the end of World·war II; changes that are
·making a dramatic difference in the lives of ordinary people-- through
the negotiations that produced the GATT and NAFTA agreements, through the
persuasion we had in working with Japan on 21 separate agreements.
Barriers to our products have come down and our exports have gone up,
creating more than one million new jobs in the last three years ~lone.
We stiil have a lot to do in the Asia Pacific region and in
other areas of the world. We. have to extend free and fair trade on e~ery
.continent. We have the best workers and the best products in the world.
If we give them a fair deal with free trade, they will bring even greater
prosperity home to America.
Members of the Class of 1996, I want to leave you with this
one final thought as you go forward:
This new era calls on all of us to
rise to more different and difficult challenges than in the past.
I know
the rewards of serving on the front li~es of change may seem distant and
uncertain from time to time, but you will succeed if you remember always
to measure your success by one simple standard:
Have you made the lives·
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of the American people safer? Have you made the future of our children
more secure? That must remain our guiding principle for the years ahead.
If it does, we will enter the 21st century with a milit~ry
whose fighting edge is sharper than ever; with a peaceful, undivided
Europe and a stable, prosperous ~sia; with fewer nuclear weapons in the
world's arsenals and tough new agreements to control chemical and
biological weapons; with terrorists, organized criminals, and drug
traffickers on the run, not on the rampage; with more barriers to
American products coming down; with more people than ever living with the
blessings of peace and democracy.
For 50 years now, our country has been the world's leading
force for freedom and progress around the world, and it has brought us
real security and prosperity here at home.
If we continue to lead, if we
continue to meet the peril and·seize the promise of this new era, that
proud history will also be your future and the future of your children.
Good luck, and God bless you, and God bless America.
(Applause. )
END
11: 59 A.M.
EDT
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•'
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 8, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON CHINA
Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies
Washington. D.C.
·
3:50 P.M. EST.
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much, President Brody, Dean
Wolfowitz.
I thank all the members of our administration who are here
-- Secretary Daley, who is coordinating our efforts in the Congress;
Secretary Summers; Secretary Glickman.
I want to say a special word of
thanks to Ambassador Barshefsky and National Economic Advisor Gene
Sperling who negotiated this agreement with China and run the last drop
of blood out of it. And my National Security Advisor, Sandy Berger, I
thank him for his great advocacy. Ambassador Holbrooke.
To our OPIC
President George Munoz.
I would also like to acknowledge the presence of a very
important member of our economic team, Lael Brainard, because her mother
works here at SAIS, and I want her mother to know she's done a good job.
(Applause.)
She· may never speak to me again, but her mother will be
happy.
(Laughter.)
I want to thank all the distinguished people in the audience
who care ~o much about China, and the faculty and the students here of
this magnificent institution·. And I want to thank my longtime friend,
Lee Hamilton.
If I had any respect for this audience, I would just ask
you to wait five minutes, I'd run out and copy his speech, hand it to
you.
He said exactly what I wanted to say in about 2,000 fewer words
(Laughter.)
I also want to say, President Brody and Dean Wolfowitz, how
much I appreciate the involvement of Johns Hopkins and the School for
Advan~ed International Studies in China, in particular, at this moment
in history; and for giving me the chance to come here and.talk about
what is one of the most important decisions America has made in years.
La~t fall, as all of you know, the United States signed the
agreement to bring China into the WTO, on terms that will open its
market to American products and investment. When China concludes
similar agreements with other countries; it will join the WTO.
But, as
Lee said, ·for us to benefit from that we must first. grant it permanent
normal trading status -- the same arrangement we have given other
countries in the WTO.
Before coming here today, I submitted legislation to Congress
to do that, and I again publicly urge Congress to approve it as'soon as
possible.
'
Again, I want to emphasize what has already been said.
Congress will not be voting on whether China will join the.WTO.
Congress can only decide whether the United States will share in the
economic benefits of China joining the WTO.
A vote against PNTR will
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;
cost America jobs, as our competitors in Europe, Asia and elsewhere
capture Chinese markets that we otherwise would have served.
Supporting China's entry into the WTO, however, is about more
than our economic interests.
It is clearly in our larger national
interest.
It represents the most significant opportunity that we have
had to create positive change in China since the 1970s, when Pre~ident
Nixon first went there, and later in the decade when President Carter
normalized relations.
I am working as hard as I can. to convince
Congress and the American people to seize this opportunity.
For a long time now, the United States has debated its
relationship with China through all the changes, particularly of the
last century. And like all human beings everywhere, we see this
relationship through the prism of our own experience.
In the early
1900s," most Americans saw China either through the eyes of traders
seeking new markets, or missionaries seeking new converts.
During World
War II, China was our ally.
During During World War II, China was our
ally; during the Korean War, our adversary. At the dawn of the Cold
War, when I was a young boy, beginning to study such thing~, ·it was a
cudgel and a political battle -- who lost China? Later, it was a
counterweight to the Soviet Union. And now, in some people's eyes, it's
a caricature: Will it be the next great capitalist tiger with the
biggest market in the world, or the world's last great communist dragon
and a threat to stability in Asia?
Through all the changes in China and the changes in our
perception of China, there has been one constant: We understand that
America has a profound stake in what happens in China and how China
relates to the rest of the world.
That's why, for 30 years, every
President, without regard to party, has worked for a China that
contributes to the stability of Asia, that is open to the world, that
upholds the rule of law at home and abroad.
Of course, the past that China takes to the future is a choice
China will m~ke. We cannot control that choice, we can only influence
it.
But we must recognize that we do have complete control over what we
do. We can work to pull China in the right direction, or we can turn
our backs and almost certainly push it in the wrong direct~on.
The WTO agreement will move China in the right direction.
will advance.the goals America has worked for in China for the past
three decades. And, of course, it will advance our own economic
interests.
It
Economically, thi~ agreement is the equivalent of a one-way
street.
It requires China to open its markets, with a fifth of the
world's population -- potentially, the biggest markets in the world -to both our products and services in unprecedented new ways. All we do
is to agree to maintain the present access which China enjoys.
Chinese
tariffs, from telecommunications products to automobiles to agriculture,
will fall by half or more over just five years.
For the first ·time, our
companies will be able to sell and distribute products in China made by
workers here ,in America, without being forced to relocate manufacturing
to China, sell through the Chinese government or transfer valuable
technology -- for the first time. We'll be able to export products
without exporting jobs.
Meanwhile, we'll get valuable new safeguards against.any
surges of imports from China. We're already preparing for the 'largest
enforcement effort ever given for a trade agreement.
If Congress passes PNTR, we reap these rewards.
If Congress
rejects it, our competitors reap these rewards. Again, we must
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understand the consequences of saying no.
If we don't sell our products
ta China, someone else will step into th~ breach, and we'll spend the
next 20 years wondering why in the wide world we handed over the
benefits we negotiated to other people.
Of course, we're going to continue our efforts not just to
expand trade, but to expand it in a way that reinforces our fundamental
values and, for me, the way the global economic system must move . . Trade
must not be a race to the bottom, whether we're talking about child
labor or basic working conditions or the environment.
The more we avoid
dealing with these issues, the more we fuel the fires of protectionism.
That's why we'll continue our efforts to make the WTO itself more open,
more transparent, more participatory, and to elevate the consideration
of labor and environmental issues in trade.
But most of the critics of the China-WTO agreement do no~
seriou$ly question its economic benefits. They're more likely to say
things like this:
China is a growing threat to Taiwan and its
neighbors; we shouldn't strengthen it. Or, China violates labor rights
and human rights; we shouldn't reward it. Or, China is a dangerous
proliferator; we shouldn't empower it.
These concerns are valid.
But the conclusion of those who
.raise them as an argument against China-WTO isn't. China is a one-party
state that does not tolerate opposition.
It does deny its citizens
fundamental rights of free speech and religious expression.
It does
define its interests in the world sometimes in ways that are
dramatically at odds from our own.
But. the question is not w~eth~r we
approve or disapprove of China's practices. The question is, what's the
smartest thing to do to improve these pra~tices?
I believ~ the choice between economic rights and human rights,
between economic security and national ~ecurity, is a false one.
Membership in the WTO, of course, will not create a·free society in
China overnight, or guarantee that China will play by global rules.
But
over time, I believe it will move China faster and further in the right
direction -- and certainly will do that more than rejection would.
To
understand how, it's important to understand why China is willing to do
what it has undertaken to perform in this agreement.
Over the last 20 years, China has made great progress in
building a new economy, lifting more than 200 million people. out of
abject poverty; linking so many people through its new communications
network that it's adding the equivalent of a new Baby Bell ever~ year.
Nationwide, China has seen the emergence of more than a million
nonprofit and social organizations, and a 2,500 percent explosion of
print and broadcast media.
But its economy still is.not creating jobs fast enough to meet
the needs of the people. Only about a third of the economy is private
enterprise.
Nearly 60 percent of the investment and 80 percent of all
business lending still goes toward state-owned dinosaurs that are least
likely to survive in the global economy and most likely to.be vulnerable
to corruption.
Much of China's economy today still operates under the old
theory that if only they had shoveled coal into the furnaces faster., the
Titanic would have stayed afloat.
It is ironic, I think, that so many
Americans are concerned about the impact on the world of a strong China
in the 21st century.
But the danger of a weak China was set by internal
chaos and the old nightmares of disintegration.
It's all so real, and
the leaders of China know this as well.
So they face a dilemma.
They realize that if they open
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China's market to global competition, they risk unleashing forces beyond
their control -~ temporary unemployment, social unrest, and greater
demand for freedpm.
But they also know that without competition from
the outside, China will not be able to attract the investment necessary
to build a modern, successful economy .. And the failure to do that cduld
be even more destabilizin~ 0ith more n~gativ~ consequence.
So with this agreement, China has·chosen reform, despite the
risks.
It has chosen to overcome a great wall of suspicion and
insecurity and to engage the rest of the world.
The question for the
United States, therefore, is, do we want to support that choice or
reject it, becoming bystanders as the rest of the world rushes in.
The
would be a mistake of truly.historic proportions.
Yoq know, as we debate about China here -- and we love to do
it; it absorbs a great deal of our time and enepgy -- it's easy to
forget that the Chinese leaders and their people are also engaged in a
debate about us there. And many of them believe that we honestly don't
want their country to assume a respected place in the world.
If China
joins the WTO, but we turn our backs on them, it will c6nfitm their
fears.
/
'
~11 I can say to you is that everything I have learned about
China as President and before, and everything I have learned about human
nature in over half a century of li~ing, now convinces me that we have a
far greater chance of having a positive influence on China's actions if
we welcome China into ·the world community, instead of shutting it out.
Under this agreement, some of China's most important decisions
for the first time will be subject to the review of international body,
with rules and binding dispute settlement.
Now, opponents say this
doesn't matter, China will just break its promises. Well, any of you
who follow these WTO matters know that China is not the orily person that
could be accused of not honoring the rules-making process.
If any of
you happen to be especially concerned about bananas arid beef, you co~id
probably stand· up and give a soliloquy on that. And now we in the
United States have been confronted with a very difficult decision,
because they've made a decision that we think is plainly wrong, in an
area that affects our export economy.
But I will say this: We're still better off having a system
in which actions will be subject to rules embraced and judgments passed
by 135 nations. And we're far more likely to find acceptable
resolutions to differences of opinion in this context than if:there is
none at all.
The change this agreement can bring from outside is quite
extraordinary.
But I think you could make an argument that it will be
nothing compared to the changes that this agreement will spark from the
inside·'out in China.
By joining the WTO, China is not simply agreeing
to import more of our products; it is agreeing to import one of
democracy's most cherished values -- economic freedom.
The more .China
liberalizes its economy, the more fully it will liberate the potential
of its people -- their initiative, their imagination, their remarkable
spirit of ent~rprise. And when individuals have the power not just to
dream, but to realize their dreams, they will demand a greater say.
Already, more and more, China's best and brightest are
starting their own companies, or. seeki!"lg jobs with foreign-owned
companies, where generally they get higher pay, more respect, and a
better working environmerit.
In fits and starts, for the first time,
China may become a society where people get ahead based on what they
know rather than who they know.
Chinese firms, more and more, are
realizing that unless t.hey treat employees with respect, they will lose
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out in the competition for top talent.
The process will only accelerate
if China joins the WTO, and we should encourage it because it will lift
standards for Chinese workers and their expectations.
There's something even more revolutionary at work here.
By
lowering the barriers that protect state-owned industries, China is
speeding the process that is removing government from vast areas of
people's lives.
In the past, virtually every Chinese citizen woke up in an
apartment or a house owned by the government, went to work in a factory
or a farm run by the government, and read newspapers published by the
government.
State-run workplaces also operated the schools where they
sent their children, the clinics where they received health care, the
stores where they bought food.
That system was a big source of the
Communist Party's power.
Now people are leaving those firms.
And when
China joins the WTO, they will leave them faster.
The Chinese government no longer will be everyone's employer,
landlord, shopkeeper and nanny all rolled into one.
It will have fewer
instruments, therefore, with which to control people's lives. And that
may lead to very profound change.
A few weeks ago, The Washington Post had a good story about
the impact of these changes on the city of Shenyang.
Since 1949, most
of the people of Shenyang have worked in massive, state-run industries.
But as these old factories and mills shut down, people are losing their
jobs and their benefits. Last year, Beijing announced it was going to
be awarding bonus checks to Chinese citizens to celebrate China's 50th
anniversary under communism.
But Shenyang didn't have the money to pay,
and there was a massive local protest.
To ease tensions, the local government has given the people.a
greater say in how their city is·.run.
On a limited basis, citizens now
have the right to vote in local elections -- not exactly a democracy;
the party still puts up the candidate and decides who can vote, b~t it
is a first step. And it goes beyond Sheri yang.
Loc·al elections now are
held in the vast majority of the country's 900,000 villages.
When asked why, one party official in Shenyang said, "This is
the beginning of a process. We realize that in order to improve social
control we have got to let the masses have a say." Well, sooner or later
that official will find that the genie of freedom will not go back into
the bottle. As Justice Earl Warren once said, "Liberty is the most
contagious force in the world."
In the new century, liberty will spread by cell phone and
cable modem.
In the past year, the number of Internet addresses in
China has more th~n quadrupled from 2 million to 9 million.
This year,
the number is expected to grow to over 20 million. ·When China joins the
WTO, by 2005; it will eliminate tariffs on information technology
products, making the tools of communication even cheaper, better, and
more widely available.
We know how much the Internet has changed America, and we are
already an open society.
Imagine how much it could change China.
Now, there's no question China has been trying to crack down
on the Internet-- good luck.
(Laughter.)
That~s sort of like trying
to nail Jello to the wall.
(Laughter.)
But I would argue to you that
their effort to d~ that just proves how real these changes are and how
much they threaten the status quo.
It's not an argument for slowing
down the effort to bring China into the world, it's an argument for
accelerating that effort.
In the knowledge economy, economic innovation
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and political empowerment, whether anyone likes it or not, will
inevitably go hand in hand.
Now, of course, bringing China into the WTO doesn't guarantee
that it will choose political reform.
But accelerating the progress,
the process of economic change, will force China to confront that choice
sooner, and it will make the imperative for the right choice stronger.
And, again, I ask:
If China is willing to take this risk -- and these
leaders are very intelligent people, they know exactly what they're
doing -- if they're willing to take this risk, how can we turn our backs
on the chance to take them up on it?
Now, I want to be clear.
I understand that this is not, in
and of itself, a human rights problem.
But, ·still, it is likely to have
a profound impact on human rights and political liberty.
Change will
only come through a combination of internal pressure and external
validation of China's human rights struggle. We have to maintain our
leadership in the latter, as well, even as the WTO contributes to the
former.
We sanctioned China under the International Religious Freedom
Act:last year.
We're again sponsoring a resolution in the U.N. Human
Rights Cornrniss.ion condemning China's human rights record this year. We·
will also continue to press China to respect global norms on
nonproliferation. And we will continue to reject the use of force as a
means to resolve the Taiwan question, making absolutely clear that the
issues between Beijing and Taiwan must be resolved peacefully and with
the assent of the peoble of Taiwan.
There must be a shift from threat
to dialogue across the Taiwan Strait. And we will continue to encourage
both sides to seiz;= this opportunity after the Taiwan elect~on.
In other words, we must continue to defend our interests and
our ideals with candor and consistency.
But we can't do that by
isolating China from the very forces most likely to change it.
Doing so
would be a gift to the hard-liners in China's government, who don't want
their country to· be part of the world -- the same people willing to
settle differences with Taiwan by force; the same people most threatened
by our alliance with Japan and Korea; the same people who want to keep
the Chinese military selling dangerous technologies around the world;
the same people whose first instinct in the face of opposition is ~o
throw people in prison.
If we want to strengthen their hand within
China, we should reject the China-WTO agreement.
Voting against PNTR won't free a single prisoner, or create a
single job in America, or reassure a single American ally in Asia.
It
will simply empower the most rigid anti-democratic elements in the
Chinese government.
It would leave the Chinese people with less contact
with the democratic world, and more resistance from their government to
outside forces.
Our friends and allies would wonder why, after 30 years
of pushing China in the right direction, we turned our backs, now that
they finally appear to be willing to take us up on it.
I find it encouraging that the people with the greatest
interest in seeing China change agree with this analysis.
The people of
Taiwan agree.
Despite the tensions with Beijing, they are doing
everything they can to cement their economic ties with the mainland and
they want to see China in the WTO.
The people of Hong Kong agree.
I recently received a letter
from Martin Lee, the leader of Hong Kong's Democratic Party, who has
spent a lifetime struggling for free elections and free expression for
his people.
He wrote to me that this agreement, "represents the best
long-term hope for China to become· a member of good standing in the
international community. We fear that should ratification fail, any
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hope for political and legal reform process would also recede."
Lee wants us to vote in favor of PNTR.
Martin
Most evangelicals who have missions in China also want China
in the WTO.
They know it will encourage freedom of thought and more
contact with the outside world.
Many of the people who paid the
greatest price under Chinese\ repression agree, too.
Ren Wanding is one
of the fathers of the Chinese human rights movement.
In the late 1970s;
he was thrown into prison for founding the China Human Rights League.
·
In the 1980s, he helped lead the demonstration in Tiananmen Square.
In
the 1990s, he was thrown in prison yet again.
Yet, he says of this
deal, "Before, the sky was black; now· i~ is light.
This can be a new
beginning."
For these people, fighting for £reedom in China is not an
academic exercise or a chance to give a speech that might be on
television.
It is their life's work. And for many of them, they have
risked their lives to pursue it.
I believe if this agreement were a
Trojan Horse they would·be smart enough to see it.
They are telling us
that it's the right thing to do, and they are plainly right.
(Applause.)
Thank you.
So if you believe in a future of greater openness and freedom
for the people of China, you ought to be for.this agreement.
If you
believe in a future of .greater prqsperity for the American people, you
certainly should be for this ?greement.
if you believe in a· future of
peace and security for Asia and the world,· you should be for this
agreement.
This .is .the right thing to do.
It's an historic opportunity
and a profound American responsibi'li ty. ·
I'll do all I can to convince Congress and the American people
to support it. And, today, I ask for your· ..help.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
END
4:17 P.M. EST
·,
.http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?um:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/2000/3/9/3.text.l
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'•
Upcoming Military Events
Presentation of Commander-in Chief's Trophy to USAF Academy
Football team (May 9, 2000):
• WHMO has an approved SP for this event
• Will be h~ld here probably in the Rose Garden (weather
permitting)
• President's involvement includes short remarks and a photo
Coast Guard Graduation (May 17, 2000):
• NSC/Defense (Peterman) submitted the SP and it is approved.
• The President will give the commencement address and present
diplomas to graduates.
• Possible message themes include:
1. The challenges of building peace
2. New threats
3.
Old threats
4.
Defense Resources and Policy
5.
Oceans: their importance to our future
6.
Foreign Policy Survey
Armed Forces Day (May 15, 2000):
• Usually SBTP only
Medal of Honor Event for Asian Americans (eith~r around Armed
Forces Day or in Hawaii en-route to Japan)
• WHMO has submitted a SP for an event to present the Medal of
Honor to 22 Asian American recipients (one of whom is Senator
Inouye)
• Schedule options include:
a Whit~ House event around Armed
Forces Day; and a proposal to do the c~remony in Hawaii in
July when the President is en-route to Japan in July
The rationale for this date and location includes:
• Many of the awardees are from Hawaii and more.of their
families and extended families could attend
• This will be a large event due to the number of awardees
(22 I believe) and if the East Room is used the number of
guests each honoree could invite would be very limited (140
max for planning in that room) . To move the event outside
in May is questionable due to weather. WHMO and DOD are
working through the options.
• AF-1 must stop to refuel en-route anyway.
• Bob Tyrer is tracking this option for DOD.
�2
•
Possible messages include: importance of Asian American
contributions to the United States; historical impact of the
military; foreign policy engagement. Also, Secretary Caldera
has requested to tie the importance of military service into
the event.
Memorial Day (May 29, 2000):
• DOD Event (no SP required)
• Presidential involvement is in the breakfast event at the
White House followed by the wreath laying ceremony and speech
at Arlington
• Possible messages:
Korean War Commemoration Opening Ceremony
(June 25, 2000):
• DOD event with SP already in (Need follow-up discussion on
which event s the President will attend that day.
Recommendation is for President to do 4pm opening ceremony; VP
to do wreath laying at Arlington in the morning; an,d a
Presidential representative to go to Seoul for their event.)
• Presidential involvement as key speaker.
• Possible messages: Focus on Foreign Policy; Historical and
continuing ties to Korea (global engagement)
OPSAIL 2000 (July 4, 2000):
• Navy event; SP Already in (Phil??);
• Heads of State will attend (limited time available with POTUS)
• · Presidential involvement in review of ships as well as speech.
• Possible message: Oceans are a place of increasing importance.
Ex~ect trade via oceans to increase in the next 10 years.
Need to keep the International Law of the Sea in the
forefr9nt. Facilitates global economic growth; _necessitates
coalition support for protection
CINC's Conference in September 2000:
• Probably mid-September
• President would travel over to Fort McNair and meet with the
military Commander's-in-Chief.
Involvement would be brief
opening and closing remarks and in hearing the CINCs reports.
�3
Education Event at DOD School (TBD)
• President said he wanted to visit a DOD school during the
January CINCs conference.
• Needs to be considered in schedule (we have DOD location
proposals to forward)
Veteran's Day (Nov 11, 2000)
• Presidential involvement is in the Veteran Service
Organizations breakfast followed by an event at Arlington.
• Message:
TBD.
.'
'
�NSC COMMUNICATIONS AGENDA
AprillO, 2000
EUROPE
• Europe Trip Announcement
• GF A Two-year Anniversary
RUSS:O:A
• Roll-out of Russia/Ukraine trip
• START II Ratification/ START Ill
• SRB trip to Moscow
MIDDLE EAST
• Barak/Arafatmeetings
• Ross Backgrounder Tuesday
CHINA/TAIWAN
• Regional security
• Jiang to Israel
• Arms sales
INTER-AMERICAN
• Supplemental
• Cuba Policy after Elian
AFRICA
• Trade bill
OTHER
• POTUS Coast Guard graduation speech topic
• NMD Report by Union of Concerned Scientists
SRB PRESS AND SPEECHES
• Columbia University East Asia Institute speech (May 2?)
• NMD/ABM/START speech (T)
• ACCESS/Michigan speech [Levin request] (T)
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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Service Academy Speeches
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 4
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-004-009-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/2e73a5f16b70326cbb24cd8fd3ec814a.pdf
1e2e51ba9f228fe19c20e9f2ce3a2684
PDF Text
Text
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an ·
administrativ~ marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
~-------------------------------
Folder Title:
Vietnam [binder] [ 1]
~---------------~-------------
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
9
1
v
-
�MAY CONTAIN DOCUMENTS CLASSIFIED
UP TO TOP SECRET/CODEWORD
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
BOX INVENTORY
STAFF OFFICER:
OFFICE:
DATE: 1/18/2001
PREPARED BY:
BOX NUMBER
FILE TITLE(S) OR DESCRIPTION(S)
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�Page 1 of13
THE WHITE HOUSE
I
Office of the Press Secretary
(Beijing; People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
June 29, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT.
TO STUDENTS AND COMMUNITY. OF BEIJING UNIVERSITY
Beijing University
Beijing, People's Republic of China
10:25 A.M.
(L)
> •'
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Thank you.
Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen
Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei. We are delighted to be here
today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady
and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with
which.Beijing University has a relationship. We have six members of the
United States Congress; the Secretary of State.; Secretary of Commerce;
the Secretary of Agriculture; the Chairman of 6ur Council of Economic
Advisors; Senator Sasser, our Ambassador; the National Security Advisor
and my Chief of Staff, among others.
I say that to illustrate the
importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.
I
I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students; the
faculty; the administrators, on·celebrating the centennial year of your
university.
Gongxi, Beida.
(Applause.)
As I'm sure all of yo~ know, this campus was once home to Yenching
University which was founded by American missionaries. Many of its
wonderful buildings were designed by an American arc~itect.
Thousands
of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach.
We feel a special kinship with you.
I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important
respect from another important occasion 79 years ago.
In June of 1919,
the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was
set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very
grounds. At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared.
They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and
cultural renewal. When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the
auditorium today, someone would be sitting here. And I thank you for
being here, very much.
(Applause. )
Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than
20,000 students.
Your graduates are spread throughout Chiria and around
the world.
You have built the largest university library in all of
Asia.
Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study,
including half of your math and science majors. And in this anniversary
year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged
on to your web site. At the dawn of a new century, this university is
leading China into the future.
I
I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's
leade.rs, about the. critical importance to your future of building a
strong partnership between China and the United States.
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1998/6/29/9.text.1
10/25/2000
~/
�.•
•
Page 2 of 13
The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years
of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to
·science and technology. We remember well our strong partnership in
World War II.
Now we see China at a moment in history when your
glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and
even greater promise of your future.
Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut dff from th~
world.· Now, China is a member of more than 1, 000 international
organizations -- enterprises that affect everything from air travel
agricultural development.
You have opened your nation to trade and
investment on a large scale.
Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the
United States, with hundreds of thousands rnor~ learning in Asia, Africa,
Europe, and Latin America.
·
Your social and economic transformation has been even more
remarkable; moving from a closed command economic system to a driving,
increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of
unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and
outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a horne, choose a
job, attend a better school. As a result you have lifted literally
hundreds of millions of people from poverty.
Per capita incorne'has more
than doubled in the last decade. Most Chinese people are leading lives
they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.
•
Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled
patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your
environment. Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a
state enterprise.
Now you must compete in a job market.
Once a Chines
worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing.
Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity
of the rest of the world.
For those who lack the right training and
skills and support, this new world can be daunting.
In the short-term, good, hardworking people -- some, at least wil
find themselves unemployed. And, as all of you can see, there have
enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the
development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years
from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.
In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social
security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and
technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your
economy while improving the environment.
Everything I know about the
intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and
everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with
President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me tonfidence that
you will succeed.
As you build a new China, America wants to build a new
relationship with you. We want China to be successful, secure and open,
working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world.
I know there
are those in China and the United States who question whether closer
relations between our countries is a good thing.
But everything ail of
us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your
generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off
working together than apart.
•
The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts.
At
the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear.
The distance between
our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking. Where once
an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United
States.
Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors.
From
~0')1·.
~~r~ ~~ u-~-t u:.~-
~
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.ufif~/;jJ/2~.text.1
10/25/2000
�Page 3 of 13
•
laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes~ an information
revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all
closer together.
Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the
stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities'
to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater
understanding among peoples of different histories and different
cultures.
But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean
that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move
inside them -- the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of
organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and
severe economic dislocation. No nation can isolate itself~~~-e~~
problems, and no nation can solve them alone. We, e
lally
generations of China and the United States must make
f our common challenges, so that we can, t
y of brilliant possibilities.
In the 21st century -- your century -- China and the United Sta
will face the challenge of security in Asia. On the Korean Peninsula,
where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a
permanent peace and a future freer o£ nuclear weapons.
On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world
is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a
new arms race.
We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and
Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve
their differences.
In the 21st centur
r
must face the challenge of
stoppin
e~ad of deadlier
e , chemical, and biological
weapons.
In the wrong hands or
wrong places, these weapons can
threaten the peace of nations large and small.
Increasingly, China and
the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation.
That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds
most dangerous weapons.
~~~~~~~~~n-~'ll have to reverse the
international tide of
u
Around the world, organized
crime robs people of
o dollars every year and undermines trust
in government. America knows all about the devastation and despair that
drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods. With borders on more than
a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all
kinds.
Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American
law enforcement officials to step up our cooperatio
t these
predators, to stop money from being laundered,
stop aliens
om being
r ~.~A() cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies fro
eing
ermln
y
\)~~counterfeiting.
Just this month,
ur dru
rcement agency opened an
office in Beijing, and soon Chine
n ernarcotics experts will be
working out of Washington.
{\
~Ov
'
•
In the 21st century your generatl
ust make it your mission to
ensure that today's progre
es not come at tomorrow's expense.
China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic
cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe
-- the cost is not only environmental, it is also seriou& in terms of
the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on
economic growth .
Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as
national.
For examp,le, in the near future, if present energy use
patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's
http://www. pub. whitehouse.govturi -res!I2R?_urn:p9i :/Ioma.eop.gov. us/ 1998/6/29/9.text. I
\..J( lf\-R/.U!J:J J,;Y u~ ~~ ~~.
�Page 4 of 13
•
largest emitter of greenhouse gases~ the gases which are the principal
cause of global warming.
If the nations of the world do not reduce the
gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century
there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change
the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some
island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and
social fabric of nations.
We Americans know from our own experience
tha
is
-ble to grow an economy while improving the environment.
We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.
,
Building on the work that our Vice President, Al Gore, has done
previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are
working together on·ways to bring American clean energy technology to
help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.
But I will say this again -- this is not on my remarks -- your
eneration must do more about this. This is a huge challenge for you,
or the Amer'
r the future of the world. And it must be
addresse at the university
ecause political leaders will never
be willin
easures ff they believe it will lead
to large-scale unemployment or more poverty.
The evidence is clear that
does not have to happen.
You will actually have more rapid economic
growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and
technology if we do this in the proper way. But you and the university,
communities in China, the United States and throughout the world will
have' to· lead the way.
(Appl~a~~4---
·
In the 21st centu
ust also lead the challenge
has no respect for national
in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects
re no longer local; they are global. The vibrant growth of your own
conomy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and
rowth in the Asia Pacific region.
•
China has steadfastly shouldered. its responsibilities to the
region and the world in this latest financial crisis -- helping to
prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations. We must continue to
work together to counter this threat to the global financial system and
to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this
region.
o~~~t=~k~~~
In
ogress. Already the breakthroughs
ave achieved in our areas of joint cooperation -- in challenges from
dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and
earthquakes -- have proved what we can do together to change the lives
of millions of people in .China and the United States and around the
world. Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one
of our greatest gifts to the future.
\
In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can cleaJ~ .'·
than standing apart.
~
is w y e a
se;that the productive relationship we
.
.
now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partnership in the hew century.
~
~plis~ s~ m~~g ~~rather
~
•
If that is to happ ,
is
im ortant that we understand eac
other better, that we un erstand both our common lnteres an our shared
aspirations and our honest differences.
I believe the kind of open,
direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press
c
ce -- w
of you watched on television -- can both
clarify and narrow our differences;
d, more important, by allowing
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/12R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1998/6/29/9.text.1
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�Page 5 of 13
.
)I
I
people to understand and debate and discuss these things can give a
greater sense of confidence to our p,:£eople that we can make a better h,Ao.
fut_':l~e.
.
~
~
~WvV"
From the windows of the White
se, where I live in Washington,
D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates
the skyline.
I t is a very tall obelisk.
But very near this large
monument there is a small stone which contains these words:
The United
States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a
hereditary system.
State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion.
~
~y
\,e.W
\{J
f\
As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an
ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals.
The people who
framed our Constitution·understood that we would never achieve
perfectio
would always be "to
for
we would never be
I
'.I- l
·-~
rl{t.
Today we
vision on others, but we are
convinced that certain
universa
- not American rights or
European rights
nations, but the birthrights of
people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on
Human Rights -- the right to be treated with dignity; the right to
express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely
with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.
In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of
Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that
"all eyes are opening to the rights of man." I believe that in this
time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote thos~ words, all
eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.
I
Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the
lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed_dictatorial
systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe; ending a
vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America; giving
more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won
independence. And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to
Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth
and productivity.
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?um:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1998/6/29/9.text.l
.
~·
I am very grateful for that gift from China.
It goes to the heart
of who we are as a people -- the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to
worship without interference from the state. These are the ideals that
were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago.
These are the·
ideas that led us across our continent and onto the world stage.
These
are the ideals that Americans cherish today.
•
·
C(taJJ~
1
This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient
times to the present.
How wonderful it is.
Those words were not
written by an American.
They
writt
of
Fujian Province, inscribe
o our
nation in 1853.
The darkest moments in our history have come when we abandoned the
effort to do better, when we denied freedom to our people because of
their race or their religion, because there were new immigrants or
because they held unpopular opinions. The best moments in our history
have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular
opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had
previously been denied them, making, ther~fore, the promises of our
Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than. faded words on
old parchment.
\
10/25/2000
�.----------------
Page 6 of13
Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom.
It
is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and
Cultural Rights.
In China, you have made extraordinary strides in
nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source
of strength to your people.
Incomes are up, poverty is down; people do
have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel -- the ability to
make a better life.
But true freedom includes more t
ic
\1
freedom.
In America; we
lS a concept which is indivisible.
•
~ ~
Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many
manifestations in China.
I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy
growin'g in the villages of your heartland.
I have visited a village
that chose its own leaders in free elections.
I have also seen the cell
phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information
and images from all over the world.
I've heard people speak their minds
and I have joine
p e ln praye
faith of my own choosinq.
In
all these waYI I felt a
of free
The question is where do we go
work
to be on the
·
More than 50
years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at
this university, said these words:
"Now some people say to me you mustsacrifice your individual freedom so that th~ nation may be free.
But I
reply,. the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the
nation's freedom.
The struggle for your own character is the struggle
for the nation's character."
~~~~~together
1
?
•
We Americans believe Hu Shi was right. We believe and our
experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps
nations to change .
One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, "Our
critics are our friends, for they show us our faults." Now, if that is
true, there are many days in the United States when the President has
more friends than anyone else in America.
(Laughter.)
But it is so.
in your interest, and the world's,
ach the fullness of thei
Other ancient cultures f ·
cause the
China has constantly prove the capacity to chan
must re-imagine China again
a new century,
be at the heart of China's regeneration.
v
The new century is upon us. All our sights are turned toward the
future.
Now your country has known more millennia than the United
States has known centuries. Today, however, China is as young as any
-~
nation on Earth . . This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud V)
of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of
~
~
·
~~oror&U- aJ
eNtrf'J
-_
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•
the tomorrows to come.
It can be a time when the world again looks to
China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the
elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works.
It can be a
time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.
The United States wants to work with you to make that time a
reality.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
Q Mr. President, I'm very honored to be the first one to raise
question.
Just as you mentioned in your address, Chinese and American
people should join hands and move forward together. And what is most
important in this process is for us to have more exchanges.
In our view, since China is opening up in reform, we have had
better understanding of the culture, history, and literature of America,
and we have also learned a lot about you from the biography. And we
have also learned about a lot of American Presidents. And we have also
seen the movie, Titanic.
But it seems that the American people's
understanding of the Chinese people is not as much as the other way
around.
Maybe they are only seeing China through several movies,
describing the Cultural Revolution or the rural life.
So my question is, as the first President of the United States
visiting China in 10 years, what do you plan to do to enhance the real
understanding and the respect between our two peoples? Thank you.
•
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, I think that's a very good point.
And one of the reasons that I came here was to try to -- because, as. you
can see, a few people come with me from the news media -- I hope that my
trip would help to show a full and balanced picture of modern China to
the United States, and that by coming here, it would encourage others to
come here and others to participate in the life of China.
I see a young man out in the audience who introduced himself to me
yesterday as the first American ever to be a law student in China.
So I
hope we will have many more Americans coming here to study, many more
Americans coming here to be tourists, many more Americans coming here to
do business.
The First Lady this morning and the Secretary of State had
a meeting on a legal p~oject. We are doing a lot of projects together
with the Chinese to help promote the rule of law.
That should bring a
lot more people here.
I think there is no easy answer to your question.
It's something
we have to work at. We just need more people involved and more kinds of
contacts. And I think the more we can do that, the better.
Is there a another question?
•
Q Mr. President, as a Chinese, I'm very interested in the
reunification of my motherland.
Since 1972, progress has been made on
the question of Taiwan question, but we have seen that the Americans
repeatedly are selling advanced weapons to Taiwan. And to our great
indignation, we have seen that the United States and Japan have renewed
the U.S.-Japan security treaty. And according to some Japanese
officials, this treaty even includes Taiwan Province of China.
So I
have to ask, if China were to send its naval facility to Hawaii, ~nd if
China were to sign a security treaty with other c6untries against one
part of the United States, will the United States agree to such an act;
will the American people agree to such an act?
(Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, the United States policy is not an
obstacle to the peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan.
Our policy
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•
is embodied in the three communiques and in the Taiwan Relations Act .
. Our country recognized China and embraced a one China policy almost 20
years ago. And I reaffirmed our one China policy to President Jiang in
our meetings.
Now, when the United States and China reached agreement that we
would have a one China policy, we also reached agreement that the
reunification would occur by peaceful means, and we have encouraged the
cross-strait dialogue to achieve that. Our policy is that any weapon
sales, therefore, to Taiwan must be for defensive purposes only, and
that the country must not believe -- China must not believe that we are
in any way trying to undermine our own one China policy.
It is our
policy.
But we do believe it should occur -- any reunification should
occur peacefully.
Now, on Japan, if you read the security agreement we signed with
Japan, I think it will be clear from its terms that the agreement is not
directed against any country, but rather in support of stability in
Asia. We have forces in South Korea that are designed to deter a
resumption of the Korean War across the dividing line between the two
Koreas.
Our forces in Japan are largely designed to help us promote
stability anywhere in the Asian Pacific region on short notice.
But I
believe that it is not fair to say that either Japan or the United
States have a security relationship that is designed to contain China.
Indeed, what both countries want is a security partnership with China
for the 21st century.
•
For example, you mentioned NATO -- we have expanded NATO in
Europe, but we also have made a treaty,· an agreement between NATO and
Russia, to prove that we are not against Russia anymore. And the most
important thing NATO has done in the last five years is to work side by
side with Russia to end the war in Bosnia. And I predict to you that
what you see us doing with China now, working together to try to limit
the tension from the Indian and the Pakistani nuclear tests, you will
see more and more and more of that in the future.
And I think you will
see a lot of security cooperation in that area. And we can't see the
agreements of today through the mirror of yesterday's conflicts.
Q Mr. President, I've very glad to have this opportunity td ask
you a question. With a friendly smile you have set. foot on the soil of
China and you have come to the campus of Beida, so we are very excited
and honored by your presence,· for the Chinese people really aspire for
the friendshi
·
and the United States on the basis of
eqyaljty. As I know that before your
eStates, you
sartr'ffiat the reason for you to visit China is because China is too
important and engagement is better than containment.
I'd like to ask you whether this sentence is kind of a commitment
you made for your visit or do you have any other hidden sayings behind
this smile.
Do you have any other design to contain China?
(Laughter
and applause) .
THE PRESIDENT:
If I did, I wouldn't mask it behind a smile.
(Laughter.)
But I don't.
That is, my words mean exactly what they say.
We have to make a decision -- all of us do, but especially ~t~h~~~~~~
~~~n ~nations with great influence must deci
how
~tn~
•
~ j..o ~J.MNJ o.non~IM, ~--
When the Soviet Union went a~Jf ~u~sJa~ ~~:;e,cide how to
define its greatness. Would they attempt to develop the human capacity
of the Russian people and work in partnership with their neighbors for a
greater future, or would they remember the bad things the happened to
them in the past 200 years and think the only way they could be great
would be to dominate their neighbors militarily? They chose a forward
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course.
I
The world is a better place.
The same thing is true with China.
You will decide both in terms
of your policies within your country and beyond, what does it mean that
China will be a great power in the 21st century? Does it mean that you
will have enormous economic success? Does it mean you will have
enormous cultural influence? Does it mean that you will be able to play
a large role
solvin
problems o
he world? Or does it mean you
will be able
nate your neighbors · some form or fashion, whether
they like it o
ecision that every great country has
to-make.
You ask me, do I really want to contain China? The answer is no.
The American people have always had a very warm feeling toward China
that has been interrupted from time to time when we have had problems.
But if you go back through the history of our country, there's always
been a feeling on the part of our people that we ought to be close to
the Chinese people. And I believe that it would be far better for the
people of the United States to have a partnership on equal, respectful
terms with China in the 21st century than to have to spend enormous
amounts of time and money trying to contain China because we disagree
with what's going on beyond our borders.
So I do not want that.
I want
a partnership.
I'm not hiding another design behind a smile, it's what
I really believe.
(Applause.)
Because I think it's good for the American people and it's my job
to do what's good for them. What's good for them is.to have a good
relationship with you.
•
Q Mr. President, I'm going to graduate this year and I'm going to
work in Bank of China.
Just now, Mr. President, you mentioned the
responsibilities of the young generation of the two countries for
international security, environment, and the financial stability.
I
.think they are really important. And I think the most important thing
is for the young people to be well educated. And I kno~, Mr.
President, you love your daughter very much, and she is now studying at
Stanford.
So, my question is, several years ago you proposed the
concept of knowledge economy -- so, my first question is, what do you
think the education of higher learning, what kind of role can this play
in the future knowledge economy?
And the second question is, what expectations do you have, Mr.
President, for the younger generation of our two countries?
THE PRESIDENT:
Let me answer the knowledge economy question
first.
And let me answer by telling you what I have tried to do in the
United States.
I have tried to create a situation in America in which
the doors of universities and colleges are open to every young person
who has sufficient academic achievement to get in, that there are no
financial burdens of any kind. And we have not completely achieved it,
but we have made a great deal of progress.
I
Now, why would I do that? Because I believe that the more
advanced an economy becomes, the more important it is to have a higher
and higher and higher percentage of people with a university education.
Let me just tell you how important it is in the United States. We count
our people -- every 10 years we do a census and we count the numbers of
the American people and we get all kinds of information on them.
In the
1990 Census, younger Americans who had a college degree were
overwhelmingly likely to get good jobs and have their incomes grow.
Younger Americans who had two years or more of university were likely to
get good jobs and have their incomes grow.
Younger Americans who didn't
go to university at all were likely to get jobs where their incomes
declined and were much more likely to be unemployed.
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I
And the more advanced China's economy becomes, the more that will
be true of China -- the more you will need very large numbers qf people
getting university education and technical education.
So I think it is
very, very important.
Now, let me say one expectation I have for the younger generation
of Americans and Chinese that has nothing to do with economics. One of
the biggest threats to your future is a world which is dominated not by
modern problems, but by ancient hatreds.
Look around the world and see
how much trouble is being caused by people who dislike each other
because of their racial or their religious or their ethnic differences
--whether it's in Bosnia, or the conflict between the Indians and the
Pakistanis, or in th~ Middle East or the tribal continents in Africa.
You look all over the world, you see these kind of problems.
Young people are more open to others who are different, more interested
. in people who are different. And I hope young people in China and young
people in America that have a good education will be a strong voice in·
the world against giving in to this sort of hating people or looking
down on them simply because they're different.
Thank you.
•
(Applause. )
Q Mr. President, with regard to the question of democracy, human
rights and freedom, actually this is an issue of great interest to both
the Chinese and American peoples.
But, to be honest, our two countries
have some differences over these issues.
In your addr~ss just now you
made a very proud review and retrospection of the history of the
American democracy in human rights. And you have also made some
suggestions for China. Of course, for the sincere suggestions, we
welcome.
But I think I recall one saying, that is we should have both
criticism. and self-criticism.
So now I'd like to ask you a question.
Do you think that in the
United States today, there are also some problems in the area of
democracy, freedom, and human rights, and what your government has done
in improving the situation?
(Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT:
I do, and, first of all, let me say, I never raise
this question overseas in any country, not just China, without
acknowledging first, that our country has had terrible problems in this
area _ _: keep in mind, slavery was legal in America for many years -- and
that we are still not perfect.
I always say that, because I don't think
it's right for any person to claim that he or she lives in a perfect
country. We're all struggling toward ideals to live a better life.
So
I agree with the general point you made.
Now, I will give you two examples. We still have some instances
of discrimination in America -- in housing or employment or other areas
based on race. And we have a system set up to deal with it, but we have
not totally eliminated it. And in the last year, I have been engaging
the American people in a conversation on this subject, and we have tried
to identify the things that government should do, the things that the
American people should do either through the local government or through
other organizations, and the attitudes that should change the minds and
hearts of the American people.
So that's one example.
I
Now, let me give you another example. We have -- when I ran for
President in 1992, I was in a hotel in New York City, and an American
immigrant from Greece came up to me and he said, my son is 10 years old
and he studies the election in school and he says I should vote for you.
But he said, if I vote for you, I want you to make my son free, because
my son is not really free.
So I asked. this man, what do you mean? And
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I
he said, well, the crime is so high in my neighborhood, there are so
many guns and gangs that my son does not feel that he -- I can't let him
walk to school by himself, or go across the street to play in the park~
So if I vote for you, I want· you to make my son free.
I think that's important, because, you see, in America, we tend to
view freedom as the freedom from government abuse or from government
control.
That is our heritage. Our founders came here to escape the
monarchy in England.· But sometimes freedom requires affirmative steps
by government to give everyone an equal opportunity to have an education
and make a decent living and to preserve a lawful environment.
So I
work very hard to try to bring the crime rate down in America, and it's
now lower than it _has been at any time in 25 years, which means that
more of our children are free.
But the crime rate is still high; there
is still too much violence.
So we Americans need to be sensitive not only to preserve the
freedoms that we hold dear, but also to create an environment in which
people can build a truly good and free life.
That's a good question.
•
(Applause. )
Q Mr. President, you are warmly welcome to Beida. You mentioned a
sentence by Mr. Xu Jiyu, but our former president once said that when
the great moral is in practice, the morals, they will not contradict
each other. And I don't think the individual freedom and the collective
freedom will contradict each other.
But in.China the prosperous
development of the nation is actually the free choice of our people, and
it'~ also the result of their efforts.
So I think that freedom, real
freedom, should mean for the people to freely choose the way of life
they like and also to develop. And I also think that only those who can
really respect the freedom of others can really say that they understand
what freedom means.
(Applause.)
I don't know whether you agree with me or not.
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, if you believe in freedom, you have
to respect the freedom of others to make another choice. And even
societies that'have rather radical views of individual freedom recognize
limits on that freedom when it interferes with preserving other people's
rights.
For example, there's one of our famous court cases which says we
.have freedom of speech, but no one should be free to shout the word
"fire" in a crowded movie theatre where there is no fire, and cause
people to stampede over each other. There's another famous court
decision that says my freedom ends where the other person's nose begins,
meaning that you don't have the freedom to hit someone else.
So I agree with that.
People have the freedom to choose and you
have to respect other people's freedom and they have the right to make
decisions that are different from yours. And there will never be a time
when our systems and our cultures and our choices will be completely
identical.
That's one of the things that makes life interesting.
Q Mr. President, I have two que~tions. The first question is, the
U.S. economy has been growing for more than 18 months, so I'd like to
ask, apart from your personal contribution to the United States, what
other factors do you think important. for the success of the U.S.
economy? Maybe they can serve as good reference for China.
I
The second question is, when President Jiang Zemin visited Harvard
University last year, there were a lot o{ students outside the hall
demonstrating, so I'd like you, Mr.
President, if you are in Beijing
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•
University, and if there were a lot of students outside protesting and
what feeling would you have?
demonstra~ing,
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, on the United States econbmy,
I believe that the principal role of government policy since I've been
President was to, first of all, get our big government deficit -- we had
a huge annual deficit in spending -- we got that under control. We're
about to have the first balanced budget in 30 years.
That drove
interest rates down and freed up a lot of money to be invested in
creating jobs in the private sector. Then the second thing we did was
to expand trade a lot, so we began to sell a lot more around the world
than we had before. And the third thing we did was·to attempt to invest
more in our people ~- in research, development, technology, and
education.
Now, in addition to that, however, a lot of the credit here goes
to the Amer{can people themselves. We have a very sophisticated
business community; they were investing money in new technologies arid in
new markets and in training people. We have an environment where it's
quite easy for people to $tart a business, and perhaps this is the area
that might be most helpful to China.
·
I. know that my wife has done a lot of work around the world in
villages, trying to get credit to villagers so they could borrow money
to start their own businesses, to try to take advantage of some skill
they have. And we have seen this system work even in the poorest places
in Africa and Latin America, where opportunity takes off.
•
So we have tried to make it easy in America for people to start a
business, to expand a business, and to do business. And then we have
also tried very, very hard to get new opportunities into areas where
there were none before. And all these things together -- but
especially, I give most of the credit to the people of my country.
After all, a person in my position, we're supposed to have correct
policies so that we create a framework within which the American people
then create the future.
And I think that is basically what has
happened.
Now, you asked me an interesting question. Actually, I have been
demonstrated against quite a lot in the United States.
I told President
Jiang when he was there, I was glad they demonstrated against him, so I
didn't feel so lonely.
(Laughter and applause.)
I' 11' give you a serious answer.
If there were a lot of people
demonstrating against me outside, suppose they were demonstrating over
the question that the first gentleman asked me.
Suppose they said, oh,
President Clinton is trying to interfere with the peaceful reunification
of China and Taiwan, and he shouldn't be selling them any weapons
whatever. Well, I would try to find out what they were demonstrating
against and then I would ask my host if they minded if I would go over
and talk to them, or if they would mind if one or two people from the
group of demonstrators could be brought to see me and they could say
what is on their minds, and I could answer.
I
Remember what I said before about what Benjamin Franklin said
our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults.
You have
asked me some very good questions today that have an element of
criticism in them.
They have been very helpful to me.
They have helped
me to understand .how what I say is perceived by others -- not just in
China, but around the world.· They have helped me to focus on what I can
do to be a more effective President for my people and for the things we
believe in.
And so I feel very good that we have had this interchange.
And
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I
from my point of view, the questions were far more important than my
speech -- I never learn anything when I'm talking, I only learn things
when I'm listening.
Thank you very much.
END
Thank you.
(Applause.)
11:22 A.M.
(L)
•
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Pagel of2
.,
THE WHITE HOUSE
I
Office of the Press Secretary
(Beijing, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
June 2-7, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN TOAST AT STATE DINNER
Banquet Hall of the Great Hall of the People
Beijing, People's Republic of China
;~.
THE PRESIDENT:
President Jiang, Madame Wang, members of the
Chinese government, fellow guests -- I am honored to be here
representing the people of the United States in the Great Hall of the
People, which reflects the impressive progress of the Chinese people
in the 20th century.
We Americans first saw it on our televisions 26 years ago when
President Nixon became the first American leader to visit China.
Those
were the very first live pictures of China ever seen in my country.
Across the United States, Americans were filled with great hope as
relations resumed between our two great nations.
That visit changed history.
It reminded us of the warmth each
nation felt for the other -- long before the Cold War.
It recalled our
alliance in World War II and our long history of commercial relations
dating back to the infancy of the United States. We weie trading
together before our Constitution was written.
Even the tea that our
founding fathers threw into the Boston Harbor in 1773 to protest
British taxes was from China.
For most of our history we have looked upon China as a distant
friend across the sea. As the Bamboo Curtain opened, Americans and
Chinese learned about each other all over again.
Starting with pandas
and ping pong players, we have built a broad and friendly relationship.
Today China and the United· States cooperate across a wide range of
enterprises -- in business, in the arts, in the academic world, and in
the personal friendship that unites Chinese and Americans.
More than
- 1 million Americans. trace their roots to China.
Every day, Chinese
Americans build a better America -- as entrepreneurs and architects,
artists and public servants. And we form lifelong bonds with the
thousands of Chinese students who study with us every year, teaching us
their culture as they learn from ours.
•·
Americans are proud that many of China's leaders spent time in the
United States.
Dr. Sun Yat Sen visited six times between 1896 and
1911, and he was in Denver when he learned he would become China's new
leader.
The great teacher, Hu Shi, was a student in New York when he
pioneered a new system of expressing vernacular Chinese, an idea that
changed China forever.
I look forward to seeing Beijing University
during its centennial year, a monument to Hu Shi and so many other
friends of America.
I
As two great nations, the world_looks to us to set a good example.
In the last few months, we have seen how much we can and must do
together -- in our strong response to the criais in India and Pakistan,
our efforts for lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula, our cooperation
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I
to stem the flow of dangerous weapons around the world.
In so many
different ways, we are upholding the teachings of Mencius, who said:
"A good citizen in one community will befriend the other citizens of
.the community; a .good citizen of the world. will befriend the other
citizens of the world."
Mr. President, the American people admire the great strides China
has taken.
Your people are leading lives inconceivable just a
generation ago.
Your phenomenal growth over 20 years has opened new
worlds of possibility -- for jobs, for more schools, for greater
mobility, for instant access to the outside world. We Americans
appreciate the mutual respect of our relationship -- a relationship
based on cooperation, candor, and recognition of each nation's values
and traditions.
An ancient Chinese proverb tell us:
"Be not afraid of growing
slowly; be only afraid of standing still." Let us commit to keep
moving forward together, tu~ning small ·steps into giant strides for
our people, our nations, and the world.
I ask you now to please join me in a toast to the president and the
first lady of the People's Republic of China and to the friendship
joining our two peoples and the future we will build together.
Gan.bei.
END
,----...
···.,j·
,,\~
·..........-
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•
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Page 1 of8
.hyJ __ .,.,.. ..-
JJIIAr'rY~ ·I)JJ }Alii-.
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretaiy
(New Delhi, India)
For Immediate Release
March 22, 2.000
·,._
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE INDIAN JOINT SESSION OF PARLIAMENT
Parliament
New Delhi, India
)
11:10 A.M.
'.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT~ Mr. Vice President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr .
. Speaker, members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, I am privileged to
speak to you and, through you, to the people of India.
I am honored to
be joined today by members of my Cabinet and staff at the White House,
and a very large representation of members of our United States Congress
from both political parties. We're all honored to be here and we thank
you for your warm welcome.
(Applause.)
c'
I would also lik~ to thank the ~eople of India for their kindness
to my daughter and my mother-in-law and, on their previous trip, to my
wife and my daughter.
(Applause.)
I have looked forward to this day with great anticipation.
This
whole trip has meant a great deal to me, especially to this point, the
opportunity I had to visit the Gandhi memorial, to express on behalf of
all the people of the United States our gratitude for the life, the
work, the thought of Gandhi, without which.the great civil rights
revolution in the United States would never had succeeded on a peaceful
plane.
(Applause.)
As Prime Minister Vajpayee' has said, India and America are' natural
allies, two ryations conceived in liberty, each finding strength in its
diversity, each seeing in the other a reflection of its own aspiration
for a more humane and just world.
·
A poet once said the world's
that
From a distance, India often appears as a kaleidoscope of
competing, perhaps superficial, images.
Is it atomic weapons, or
ahimsa? A land struggling against poverty and inequality, or the
world's largest middle-class society? Is it still simmering with
communal tensions, or history's most successful melting pot? Is it
Bollywood or Satyajit Ray? Swetta Chetty or Alla Rakha? Is it the
handloom or the hyperlink?
I
The truth is, no single image can possibly do justice to your great
nation.
But beyond the complexities and the apparent contradictions, I
believe India teaches us some very basic lessons.
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The first is about democracy.
There are still those who deny that
democracy is a universal aspiration; who say it works only for people of
a certain culture, or a certain degree of economic development.
India
has been prov~ng them wrong for 52 years now.
Here is a country where
more than 2 million people hold elected office in local government; a
country that shows at every election that those-who possess the least
cherish their vote the most.
Far from washing away the uniqueness of
your culture, your democracy has brought out the richness of its
tapestry, and given you the knot that holds it together.
A second lesson India teaches is about_diversity.
You have already
heard remarks about that this morning.
But around the world there is a
chorus of voices who say ethnic and religious diversity is a threat; ,who
argue that the only way to keep different people from killing one
another is to keep them as far apart as possible.
But India has shown
us a better way.
For all the troubles you have seen, surely the
subcontin~nt has seen more innocence hurt in the efforts to divide
people by ethnicity and faith than by the .efforts to bring them together
in peace and harmony.
Under trying circumstances, you have shown the world how to live
with difference.
You have shown that tolerance and mutual respect are
in many ways the keys to our common survival. That is something the
whole world needs to learn.
A third lesson India teaches is about globalization and what may be
the central debate of our time. Many people believe the forces of
globalization are inherently divisive; that they can only widen the gap
between rich and poor.
That is a valid fear, but I believe wrong.
I
As the distance between producers large and small, and customers
near and far becomes less relevant, developing countries will have
opportunities ~ot only to succeed, but to lead in lifting more people
out of poverty more quickly than at any time in human history.
In the
old economy, location was everything.
In the new economy, information,
education and motivation are everything-- and India is proving it.
You liberated your markets and riow you have one of the 10 fastest
growing economies in the world: At the rate of growth within your
grasp, India's standard of living could rise by 500 percent in just 20
years.
You embraced information technology and now, when Americans and
other big software companies call for consumer and customer support,
they're just as likely to find themselves talking to an expert in
Bangalore as one in Seattle. ·(Applause.)
You decentralized authority, giving more individuals and
communities the freedom to succeed.
In that way, you affirmed what
every successful country is finding in its own way: .globalization does
not favor nations with a licensing raj, it does favor nations with a
panchayat raj. And the world has been beating a path to your door.
In the new
economic and military might.
But true leadership for the
and India derives more from the power of our example and the potential
of our people.
I
I believe that the greatest of India's many gifts to the world is
the example its people have set "from Midnight to Millennium." Think of
it:
virtually every challenge humanity knows can be found here in
India. And every solution to every challenge can be found here as well:
confidence in democracy; tolerance for diversity; a willingness to
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embrace social change.· That is why Americans admire India; why we
welcome India's leadership in the region and the world; and why we want
to take our partnership to a new level, to advance our common values and
interests, and to resolve the differences that still remain.
I
There were long periods when that would not have been possible.
Though our democratic ideals gave us a starting point in common, and our
dreams of peace and prosperity gave us a common destination, there was
for
on
e common gro
and West, North and
th
ow, thankfully, the old barriers between nations an
conomies and cultures, are being replaced by vast networks of
eration and commerce. With our o en entre ren
·
·
India an
erlca are at the center of those networks.
expand
them, and defeat the forces that threate~n~~~~-------To succeed, I believe there
United States must meet together
partnership in the years ahead.
The first of these challenges is to get our own
relationship right. ~ericans have applauded your
open y
economy, your commitment to a new.wave of economic reform; your
determination to bring the fruits of growth to all your people. We are
proud to support India's growth as your largest partner in trade and
investment. And we want to see more Indians and more Americans benefit
from our economic ties, especially in the cutting edge fields of
information technology, biotechnology and clean energy.
.,
•.
The private sector will drive this progress, but our job as
governments is to create the conditions that will allow them to succeed
in doing so, and to reduce the remaining impediments to trade and
investment between us.
'i
growth· · n a way
tha
ves
and poor a
oss an within
national bor ers.
Part
wor d today lives at the cutting edge of
change, while a big part still exists at the bare edge of survival.
Part ~f the world lives in the information age~ Part of the world does
not even reach the clean water age. And often the two live side by
side.
It is unacceptable, it is intolerable; thankfully, it is
unnecessary and it is far more than a regional crisis. Whether around
the corner or around the world, abject poverty in this new economy is an
affront to our common humanity and a threat to our common prosperity.
The problem is truly immense, as you know far better than I.
But
perhaps for the first time in all history, few would disp~te that we
know the solutions. We know we need to invest in education and
literacy, so that children can have soaring dreams and the tools to
realize them. We know we need to make a special commitment in
developing nations to the education of young girls, as well as young
boys.
Everything we have learned about development tells us that when
women have access to knowledge, to health, to economic opportunity and
to civil rights, children thrive, families succeed and countries
prosper.
Here again, we see how a problem and its answers can be found side
by side in India.
For every economist who preaches the virtues of
women's empowerment points at first to the achievements of India's state
of Kerala -- I knew there would be somebody here from Kerala -(laughter and applause.)
Thank you.
I
To promote development, we know we must conquer the diseases that
kill people and progress. Last December, India immunized 140 million
children against polio, the biggest public health effort in human
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history.
I
I congratulate you on that.
(Applause.),
I have launched an initiative in the United States to speed the
development of vaccines for malaria, tuberculosis and AIDS -- the
biggest infectious killers of our time.
This July,· when our partners in
the G-8 meet in Japan, I will urge them to join us.
But that is not enough, for at best, effective vaccines are years
away.
Especially for AIDS, we need a commitment today to prevention;
and that means straight talk and an end to stigmatizing. As Prime
Minister Vajpayee said, no one should ever speak of AIDS as someone
else's problem.
This has long been a big problem for the United States.
It is now a big problem for you_.
I promise you America's partnership in
the continued struggle.
(Applause. )
To promote development, we know we must also stand with those
struggling for human rights and freedom around the world and in the
region.
For as the economist Amartya Sen has said, no system of
government has. done a better job in easing human want, in averting human
catastrophes, than democracy.
I am proud America and India will stand
together on the right side of history when we launch the Community of
Democracies in Warsaw this summer.
All of these steps are essential to lifting people's lives.
But
there is yet another. With greater trade and the growth it brings, we
~~
can multiply the gains of education, better health and democratic
~·
~~~~~----~That is why I hope we will work together to launch a new
that will promote economic development for all.
~
I
One of the benefits of the World Trade Organization is that it has
given developing countries a bigger voice in global trade policy.
i~pen
Developi~g countries have used that voice to urge richer nations to
their markets further so that all 6an have a chance ~o grow.
That
something the opponents of.the WTO don't fully appreciate yet.
r··.
Yl»"'
j
~.
We need to remind them that when Indians and Brazilians and
Indonesians speak up for open trade, they are not speaking for some
narrow corporate interest, but for a huge part of humanity that has no
interest in being saved from development: Of course,· trade should not
be a race to.the bottom in environmental and labor standards, but
neither should fears about trade keep part of our global community
forever at the bottom.
Yet we must also remember that those who are concerned about the
impact of globalization in terms of inequality, in environmental
degradation do speak for a large part of humanity.
Those who believe
that trade should contribute not just to the wealth, but also to the
fairness of societies; those who share Nehru's dream of a.structure for
living that fulfills our material needs, and at the same time sustains
our mind and spirit.
We can advance these ·v~lues without engaging irt rich~country
protectionism.
Indeed, to sustain a consensus for open trade, we must
find a way to advance these values as well~ That is my motivation, and
my only motivation, in seeking a dialogue about the connections between
labor, the environment, and trade ~nd developme~t.
I
I would remind you -- and I want to emphasize this -- the United
States has the most open markets of any wealthy country in the world.
We have the largest trade deficit. We also have had a strong
because we have welcomed the products and the ser ces from
people throughout the world.
I am for an operi lobal trading
But we must do it in a way that advances the cause o
around the world.
(Applause.)
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he third challenge we face i
to see that the prosperity and
growth o
e ln orma lon age require us to abandon some of the outdated
truths of the Industrial Age. As the economy grows faster today, for
example, when children are kept in school, not put to work.
Think about
the industries that are driving our growth today in India and in
America.
Just as oil enriched the nations who had it in the 20th
century, ciearly knowledge is doing the same for th~ nations who have it
in the 21st century. The difference is, knowledge can be tapped by all
people everywhere, and it will never run out.
~~
~W~e~m~u~s~t~a~l~s~o~fTl~·n~d~~~~~~~~~::~~~~r~o=w~t~h~w~h~i~l~e~p~r~o;t~e~c~t~i~n~g~--\1- ~.~~~.
climate chan e.
I'm convlnce we can o
rru~~a
~th~~~:;~~~~~e~w~lj[~~s~e~e~iGn~tthh~e~n~e~x~t~ff~e~w~y~ears, for example,
automobiles that are three, four, perhaps five times as efficient as
those being driven today.
Soon scientists will make alternative sources
of energy more widely available and more affordable.
Just for example,
before long chemists almost certainly will unlock the block that will
allow us to produce eight or nine gallons of fuel from bio-fuels~ farm
fuels, using.only one gallon of gasoline.
Indian scientists are at the forefront of this kind of research
pioneering the use of solar energy to power rural'communities;
developing electric cars for use in crowded cities; converting
agricultural waste into electricity.
If we can deepen our cooperation
for clean energy, we will strengthen our economies, improve our people's
health and fight global warming. This should be a vital element of our
new partnership.
~
A~allenge
we face is to
ains of democrac and
the forces
·
en o undermine them.
There is
of organized rime and drugs.
There is the evil of
n human~ings, a ~ern form of slavery. And of course,
threat ~terroris~Both our nations know it all too
devel;~~
th
da
well.
Americans understood the pain and agony you went through during the
Indian Airlines hijacking. And I saw that pain firsthand when I met
with the parents and the widow of the young man who was killed on th~t
airplane.
(Applause.)
We grieve with you for the Sikhs who were killed
in Kashmir -- (applause) -- and our heart goes out to their families.
We will work with you to build a system of justice, to strengthen our
cooperation against terror.
(Applause.) We must never relax our
vigilance or allow the perpetrators to intimidate us into retreating
from our democratic ideals.
Another danger we face is the spread f weapons
to those who might have no reservations about~·tu~s3-lfnnag~1TI~~~~~~±---------
believe this is the greatest potential threat to the security we all.
face in the 21st century.
I~ is why we must be vigilant in fighting the
spread of chemical and biological weapons. And it is why we must both
keep working closely to resolve our remaining differences on nuclear
proliferation.
I
I am aware that I sp~ak to you on behalf 6f a nation that has
possessed nuclear weapons for 55 years and more. But since 1988, the
United States has dismantled more than 13,000 nuclear weapons. We have
helped Russia to dismantle their nuclear weapons and to safeguard the
material that remains. We have· agreed to an outline of a .treaty with
Russia that will reduce our remaining nucle~r arsen~l by more than half.
We are producing no more fissile .material, developing no new land- or
submarine-based missiles, engaging in no new nuclear testing.
From South America to South Africa, nations are foreswearing these
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I
weapons, realizing that a nuclear future is not a more secure future.
.
Most of the world is moving :toward the elimination of nuclear weapons.·
J.
That goal is not advanced if any country, in any region, it moves in the~,~~
other direction.
~
I say this with great respect. Only India can determine its own
interests. · Only India -- (applause) -- only India can know if it trul
is safer today than before the tests. Only India can determine if it
will benefit from expanding its nuclear and missile capabilities, if it
neighbors respond by'doing the same thing. Only India knows if it can
afford a sustained investment in both conventional and nuclear forces
while meeting its goals for human development.
These are questions
others may ask, but only you can answer.
'5
'
~
~
..
I can only speak to you as a friend about America's own experience
during the Cold War. We were geographically distant from the Soviet
Union. We were not engaged in direct armed combat. Through years of
direct dialogue with our adversary, we each had a·very good idea of the
other's capabilities, doctrines, and intentions. We each spent billions
of dollars on elaborate command and control systems, for nuclear weapons
are not cheap.
,,
And yet, in spite of all of this -- and as I sometimes say
jokingly, in spite of the fact that both sides had very good spies, and
that was a goo~ thing -- (laughter) -- in s~ite of all of ~his, we came
far too close to nuclear war. We learned that deterrence alone cannot
be relied on to prevent accident or miscalculation. And in a nuclear
standoff, there is nothing more dangerous than believing there is no
danger.
I can also repeat what I said at the outset.
India is a leader, a
great nation, which by virtue of its size, its achievements, and its
example, has the ability to shape the character of our time. For any of
us, to claim that mantle and assert that status is to accept first and
foremost that our actions have consequences for others beyond our
borders.
Great nations with broad horizons must consider whether
actions advance or hinder what Nehru called the larger cause of
humanity.
So India's nuclear policies, inevitably, have consequences beyond
your borders: eroding ~he barriers ~gainst the spr~ad of nuclear
weapons, discouraging nations that have chosen to foreswear these
weapons, encouraging others to keep their options open.
But if India's
nuclear test shook the world, India's leadership for nonproliferation
can certainly move the world.
India and the United States have reaffirmed our commitment to
forego nuclear testing. And for that I thank the Prime Minister, the
government and the people of India.
But in our own 'self-interest -- and
I say this again -- in our .own self-interest we can do more.
I believe
both nations should join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty; work
to launch negotiations on a treaty to end the production of fissile ·
materials for nuclear weapons; strengthen export controls. And India
can pursue defense policies in keeping with its commitment not to seek a
nuclear or missile arms race, which the Prime Minister has forcefully
reaffirmed just in these last couple of days.
Again,
I
I do not presume to s eak for you
lS no m
lace.
You a
to
la ogue lnto a genuine partnership against
proliferation.
If we make progress in narrowing our differences, we
will be both more secure, and our relationship can reach its full
potential.
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I hope progress can also be made in overcoming a source of tension\
in this region, including the tensions between India and Pakistan.
I . 1
share many of your government's concerns about the course Pakistan is
taking; ybur disappointment that past overtures have not always met with
success; your outrage over recent violence.
I know it is difficult to
be a democracy bordered by nations whose governments reject democracy.
But I also believe
I also believe India has a special
opportunity, as ~ democracy, to show its neighbors that democracy is
about dialogue.
It does not have to be about friendship, but it is
about building working relationships among people who differ.
One of the wisest things anyone ever said to me is that you don't
make peace with your friends.
That is what the late Israeli Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin told me before he signed the Oslo Accords with
the Palestinians, with whom he had been fighting for decades.
It is
well to remember -- I remind myself of it all the time, even when I have
arguments with members of the other party in my Congress -- (laughter)
you don't make peace with your friends.
aries is not the same thing as endorsement.
setting aside legitimate gr1evance
ndeed, I
-s~~~IY~~r.t~t:~Td~~~~~~~~~A€~~~ee~~~-Pri~er1Minister made
journey to Lahore only reinforces the need for dialogue.
I can think of no enduring solution to this problem that can be
achieved. in any other way.
In the end, for the sake of the innocents·
who always suffer the most, someone must end the contest of inflicting
and absorbing pain.
Let me also make clear, as I have repeatedly, I have certainly not
come to South Asia to mediate the dispute over Kashmir.
Only India and
Pakistan can work out the problems between them. And I will say the
same thing to General Musharraf in Islamabad.
But if outsiders cannot
resolve this problem, I hope you will create the' opportunity to do it
yourselves, calling on the support of others who can help where
possible, as American diplomacy did in urging the Pakistanis to go back
behind the line of control in the Kargil crisis.
(Applause.)
In the meantime, I will continue to stress that this should be a
time for restraint, for respect for the line of control, for renewed
l'ines of communication.
Addressing this challenge and all the others I mentioned will
require us to be closer partners and better friends, and to
th
,
I have read that one of the unique qualities of Indian classical~
music is its elasticity.
The composer lays down a foundation, a
._ ,p
structure of melodic and rhythmic arrangements, but the player has to
~~ ~
improvis~ within that structure to bring the raga* to life.
.
.
~V
1
Our relationship is like that.
The composers of our past have
given us a foundation of shared democratic ideals.
It is up to us to
give life to those ideals in this time.
The melodies do not have to be
the same to be beautiful to both of us.
But if we listen to each other,
and we strive to realize our vision together, we will write a symphony
far greater than the sum of our individual notes.
I
The key is to genuinely and respectfully listen to each other.
we do, Americans will better under.stand the scope of India's
If
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t
achievement~, and the dangers India still faces in this troubled part of
the world. We will understand that India will not choose a particular
course simply because others wish it to do so.
It will choose only what
it believes its interests cleariy demand and what its people
democratically embrace.
If we listen
better that
(applause) -that it is the
tg_~~~JO~rt~-c~Hr~~ie~~~n~dti~a~n~s
will understand
T
and again -President, America has found
not their strength, that
So we want India to be strong; to be secure; to be united; to be a
force for a safer, more prosperous, more democratic world. Whatever we
ask of you, we ask in that spirit alone. After too long a period of
estrangement,· India and the United States have learned that being
natural allies is a wonderful thing, but it is not enough. Our task is
to turn a common vision into common achievements so that partners in
spirit can be partners in fact.
We hav~ already come a lohg way to this
day of new beginnings, but we still have promises to keep, chilleng~s to
meet and hopes to redeem.
So let us seize this moment with humility in the fragile and
fleeting nature of this life, but ~bsolute confidence in the power of
the human spirit.
Let us seize it for India, for America, for all those
with whom we share this small planet, and for all the children that
together we can give such bright tomorrows.
.
.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
END 11:45 A.M.
(L)
I
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�, . A S H I N G T O N , D.C., JULY
~~·
28, 1995
believe its true significance depends on whether it represents real movement toward the restoration of d~mocratic government. We have a particular interest in encouraging accountable government in a country that
is the ~orld's largest supplier of heroin.
In sum, my trip to the region will advance the four key elements of
our Asia-Pacific strategy-reaffirmation of our alliances, engagement
with Asia's leading powers, the construction of enduring mechanisms for
regional cooperation, and support for human rights and democracy.
. Taken together, these elements will ad':ance our broad-ranging interests
in a region that remains essential to our security and prosperity. Together we have traveled an enormous distance since the end of the war in
the Pacific half a century ago. Am~rican leadership and engagement were
essential on that great journey. They will be no less so as we seek to
shrink the distances that separate ~s, and to create a promising Pacific fu- .
ture that all of us can share.
Thank you very much.
-
-
I
TWENTY-ONE
Opening Relations with Vietnam
I
I
I
i
The war in Vietnam had a profound effect on Afl:lerica for almost two
decades, the 196os and the 1970s. Of course, it affected most deeply
those families whose loved ones served in Vietnam, but the entire population was involved in ways both direct and subtle. Having served in
World War II, I am a bit too old to have been part of the Vietnam generation, but nevertheless the war touched my life in many ways. 1
Violent protest against the war was often an important element in the
urban riots and demonstrations that brought our country to the edge of
chaos in 1967 and 1968. My role as Vice Chairman of the Governor's
Commission on the 1965 Watts riots in Los Angeles had been an important factor in my selection as Deputy Attorney General in 1967. Vietnam
had a powerful influence on my duties in that position. Shortly after I
. was confirmed, I was on my way to Detroit to serve as deputy to Cyrus
Vance, then President Johnson's representative during the July 1967 riots
there.
Wh~ther in Washington or at the scene of the disturbance, as Deputy
Attorney General I was responsible for helping to mediate the dispute
and contain the violence, and for recommending the deployment of fed:1
An early instance came during the bilateral textile talks that I conducted in Tokyo
in 1963. The Japanese delegation launched a sharp criticism of the U.S. role in Vietnam. I reacted by adjourning the meeting to protest the gratuitous digression from
the agenda and refused to resume until given assurance that we would stick to the
subject under discussion.
301
�-
I
-PENING
RELATIONS
WITH
VIETNAM
eral troops if that should become necessary. In 1968, when thousands of
angry antiwar demonstrators attempted to shut down the Pendgon, I
joined Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara to try to protect government operations, but also to ensure that the government's response minimized the risk of bloodshed and respected our constitutional traditions. 2
Because of concern over antiwar demonstrations, President Johnson designated me as law enforcement representative at the 1968 Democratic
convention in Chicago. From my observation point on the second floor
of the Hilton Hotel, I watched the police lose control anq lash out indiscriminately against the demonstrators. Ultimately, I recommended that
. federal troops be deployed, as much to restrain the police,as to control
the demonstrators. I also watched the war take its physical and political
toll on Johnson and ultimately lead to his decision not to seek reelection. 3
Since the Clinton Administration had taken office, our strategy toward Vietnam had been best describe
incremental en a emen . We
were essentialiy following_th_s! carefu~y_salibr~!§ -:oad mae thf,~----;
~dent Bush and Secretary Baker had laid down m.r
. . er a halfcen-- · · ·--'
·'~-tury of wara:nd poverty, Vieoiam-was poised to join its neighbors in the
region's economic and political transformation. We wanted to support
us...et:t~~tee!ftt:tse-tt-lo¥&.HA.tl.I. ely consistent with our larger goal of creating a New Pacific Community; But in view of the excruciating legacy
of the war an
· · ate sensitivities at home, we had to move
slowly. Most i~had to have cooperation from the Vlefnamese on the~W/MIA iss~
Given these concerns, we steered a middle course, rather than either
pursuing a "great leap forward" by immediately opening full relations
(thus squandering any leverage we might have and rousing strong domestic opposition) or holding the line until we had complete cooperation
(thus providing Hanoi little incentive to work with us). At the same time,
we worked hard to shore up domestic support for stren
Vietn:m, reaCillng out to such key Iea<Iers (and distinguished Vietnam
OPENING
RELATIONS
WITH
VIE••
303
veterans) as Senators John McCain, Robert Kerre , and John Kerry, and
. ongressman Pete Peterson. National Securicy Adviser Tony La e anq
Assistant Secretary Winston Lord spent an enormous amount of time
and ene~g:y explaining our ~pproach to veterans' gro~ps and to Qr;gani~
POW/MIAsupportgroups. 4
~
We ·planned to proceed with a graduate ,four-tierpolia an incentive to broaden relations; we would move through the ~~y if Hanoi
continued to cooperate on the POW/MIA question.~e l)nited
States would encourag(ig!:ernational financial support;)uch as International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans or OPIC Investment, for Vie~
reform which we · · 1993 second, e Adm· ·
tion wouYcllift the
,ilateral tra
bar
which we I in 1994)· third e would~ IS
Iaison office ·(a so accomplished in 1994); and o
would estabhs
diplomatic re ations which happened i u y 199 ~- By moving
through these four steps, we received more infor
n POW/MIAs
than had any previous Administration, and we improved ties with Hanoi
t11at served political and economic interests as well.
By the summer of 1995 the American public seemed ready to move beyond the war. Nevertheless, the President's decision to normalize re .
"th Vietnam, which he announced from the White House
July:
stands out as one Of the most difficult foreigll policy dec1
.
during his first term. Twenty years after the gripping image of
the last helicopter lifting off from the Saigon embassy, Vietnam remained
an agonizing chord in the nation's memory. For President Clinton, whose
opposition to the war had become an issue during the 1992 campaign, the
decision to normalize was not only oliticall sensitive, but personally
courageous. I urged him to make it and was pleased that he di .
~
Despite the progress that had been made in improving relations,
·painful memories of the Vietnam War domi?ated my thinking as I embarked mCi.lc>=<Gy trip to Asia in late July 199 . Hanoi was to be our final stop, and it was that visit that a captured the attention of our traveling party, especially the unusually large press corps. But first we would
2
Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect, pp. 303-5 (New York: Times Books, 1995).
The Vietnam War was still a central topic when I returned to Washington as
Cyrus Vance's Deputy Secretary in '977· I recall the extensive discussions that preceded Vance's decision to describe the Vietnam War as a "mistake" in his confirmation testimony that year.
3
'Winston Lord also played a critical role in developing the U.S.-Vietnam relationship through his participatio"n in several special presidential missions to Hanoi.
These trips, which he co-led with Hershel Gober, the Deputy Secretary of Veterans
Affairs, were instrumental in paving the way for normalization and my trip to Hanoi.
�-
f
-PENING
RELATIONS
WI~H
ViETNAM
visit Brunei for the annual ASEAN meetings, then travel to Malaysia, a
prosperous regional hub that provided a glimpse of the future of Southeast Asia, and next to the newly peaceful but very fragile Cambodia,
which was slowly emerging from decades of war and strife. In Malaysia, I
witnessed business deals that highlighted our burgeoning commercial ties
and also pressed the oftentimes prickly Malaysian leadership to join us in
a bolder and more productive dialogue on security and regional issues.
In Cambodia, which I was the first Se<;retary of State to visit in 40
years, I found a country devastated by war, with little or no ~frastructure
and a shortage of skilled people. It was not uncommon to meet Cambodians who had lost their entire families in the Khmer Rouge massacres. I recall in particular a searing conversation I had with a woman who had lost
all four of her brothers. "I compromised," she said, and broke into tears.
During my brief stay in Phnom Penh I visited a museum built to memorialize those who had perished, and I gave an award to American soldiers who were working to remove the millions of land mines that littered the Cambodian landscape. 5 My official meetings with First Prime
Minister Ranariddh and Second Prime Minister Hun Sen underlined
our continuing support for consolidating Cambodia's hard-won democracy and overcoming its tragic past. Unfortunately, it was all too apparent even then that the two leaders had an uneasy relationship and that
only a miracle could enable the coalition to survive. In july 1997, Hun
Sen ousted Ranariddh in a ·military coup. Although Hun Sen promised
early elections, the coup was a devastating setback for the country's
nascent democracy and economic reconstruction.
Hm~
L•nding in
5, '995· "'" emotion•! experience.
Upon leaving my ai
, 1mme Iate y participated in a somber ceremony to return the fragmentary remains of four U.S. servicemen who
had been missing in action. Standing against the background of "Thud
5
In contrast to these gripping events, that night Marie and I attended a glittering
dinner. at the palace of Cambodian King Sihanouk. Despite his country's desperate
poverty, Sihanouk still enjoyed all of the trappings of royalty. An engaging raconteur, the King entertained us with colorful stories from his more than four decades
in the international spotlight. He recounted his relationships with Charles de Gaulle
and John Foster Dulles, and described his prolonged exile during the Khmer Rouge
terror.
OPENING
RELATIONS
WITH
Vl-1 •
305
Ridge," a mountain range where many American planes had been shot
down en route to bomb Hanoi, I read my opening statement. "A generation ago, the trauma of war bound together the bist<Jl)' of our natiops
for all time," I said. "Let us now iay our past of conflict to rest, and dedicate ourselves to a furure of pr~ductive cooperation." Because I was the
fi"rst Secretary of State ever to set foot in Hanoi, 6 my meetings and activities there symbolized the end of an emotional and difficult chapter in
American history and the beginning of a new one for relations with Vietnam and the Asia-Pacific region.
My schedule was designed to address both the past and the future of
those relations. The first day, highlighted by the airport repatriation ceremony and a briefing by the U.S. team residing in Hanoi to investigate ·
POW/MIA reports, was intended to pay tribute to past sacrifices. In my
meetings with Vietnamese officials that day, I noted their past cooperation on POW/MIAs but pressed them for further collaboration to solve
pending cases. I also sketched the mutual interests we had in strengthening our ties. For Hanoi the strongest incentives were· economic development and creation of a quiet counterwei ht to the looming Chine~e presence m e nor . We were careful not to portray our new approa
toward VIetnam as being explicitly related to China. On the other hand,
we didn't mind if both Beijing and Hanoi considered this factor.
The second day looked to the future. In addition to meeting again
with Vietna
ials, I met wi
.S. business representatives nd
ra1sed the U.S. flag over our em ass m a .. The center ieee of the
day·was m
ress e ore a rou ofVietnamese University students.
With three-fifths of its population under the age of 25, Ietnam is a
young nation. The entire country, it seemed, was in transition. "The
older generation speaks French, the middle-agers speak Russian, and the
young speak English," an elder Vietnamese general commented to me
approvingly. English classes in Hanoi were oversubscribed, while French
lessons went begging. Communist ideology seemed on the way out; in
our two days of meetings, my interlocutors steered dear of the standard
ideological histrionics. They preferred to talk market economics. lroni6
Henry Kissinger visited Hanoi as National Security Adviser. The last Secretary
of State to visit Vietnam was William Rogers, who traveled to Saigon in 1970.
7
Remembering our failed attempt in October 1993 to address a young audience in
Moscow, my advance staff made sure that this crowd was suitably youthful.
�-ENJNG
RELATIONS
WITH
VIETNAM.
cally, in several of these meetings, busts of Ho Chi Minh, the "great"
cqmmunist liberator, loomed behind them while they welcomed our new
relationship.
My speech was aimed directly at the young people who would inherit
the future .. Rather than being a detailed policy statement, it .. struck- a
r--. .
.
.
broader, more thematic tone. I needed to tell the audience that the
'
United States no longer considered Vietnam a pawn in a global rivalry:
"With the Cold War over, we view Vietnam as the product of its <;>wn
history and the master of its own destiny." Long isolated politically, economically, and strategically, Vietnam was slowly integrating into Southeast Asia by joining ASEAN, expanding trade ties, and participating in
the ASEAN Regional Security Forum. In a subtle way, I also wanted to
frame for my audience the stakes in this new world they were entering.
Vietnam would have to open and liberalize to thrive. While_ I did not
, criticize any of its policies specifically, I stressed unmis~kably that Vie~ -~
nam: needed to transform into an open socieJ;Y and open market. ·
~ Vietnam's tough, ag{ng communist leadtf;s had given me littl-; reason
to think that they would soon embrace pblitical freedom. They were
struggling to maintain a repressive and closed system, even though modern Vietnam was moving into a wQrld characterized by CNN, fax machines, the Internet, and an influx of traders and investors. The old
guard's resistance to change would be bound to put a damper on Vietnam's progress. Given this fact, I stressed to my student audience that
"each of you ought to have the right to help shape your country's destiny,
,-.
.
. as well as your own."
.-- The visit I mad; to Vietnam was perhaps the most fascinating of any I
took as Secretary. Vibrant Hanoi stood in startling contrast to Phnom
Penh and was much more attractive than I had imagined. The Metropole Hotel, where we stayed, had been handsomely restored. Classic
French architecture remained prominent on tree-lined streets. I was
struck by the city's vitality-there was an active nightlife, with stores
open late and shopkeepers sporting wads of hundred-dollar bills. The
Vietnamese capital did, however, appear to be on the cusp of becoming
another Bangkok, choked by traffic jams and pollution. The streets were
a wild mix of rickshaws, bicycles, and motorbikes, but it was easy to
imagine their becoming clogged by cars when they became affordable.
What most impressed me about my visit was the complete lack of acnmony toward us. Despite the troubled hisroqr bsF>,; cell our natiOns, .
~
:00.
.:..~..
-
HANOI,· AUGUST
6,••
307
Vietnamese people wer~put the past ~ehi_nd t~From the
students in my audience to fe local employees in our embassy, the Vietnamese reached out to welcome us. One moment in particular stands out
in my mind. AS our parcyleft a Vietnamese temple we had been touring,
an elderly policeman snapped a sharp salute to Lt. General Dan Christman, a Vietnam veteran and the Joint Chiefs' representat;ive on my delegation, who was dressed in his full military uniform. Christman returned the salute. As our car pulled away, the policeman blew our motorcade a kiss. That night I telephoned Senators McCain, Kerry, and
Kerrey, as well as Congressman PeterSon (now Ambassador to Vietnam),
to share with them the joy of the reconciliation they had done so much
to help achieve.
I found much reason for hope in Hanoi. Althou~tn~ll had a
ros erity of its
long distance to travel before it could even approac .
Southeast Asian neighbors, it was
ea ing in the right direction.
I cabled the President that if we were wise, we wou
get on the economic bandwagon that is Southeast Asia, rather than getting steamrollered by it. Your decision to start the [1993 APEC] Leaders' Meetings
in Seattle will loom more important as the years pass. Right now, everyone [in the region] wants the U.S. to maintain its Pacific presence, and if
we handle ourselves skillfully, we can keep it that way." 8
c
0
U.S.·VIetnam Relations: A New Chapter
Address to the fouth of Viem;;;;Jnstitute for International
. Relations, Hanoi, August 6, 1995
Thank you, Director-General Ngoc, for that kind introduction. It is a
pleasure to be here with Vice Minister Le Mai and other distinguished
8
A New York Times editorial said my trip was "an imponant step in the painful
process of reconciliation" and that it had "set just the right tone." Quoting several
lines from my speech, the editorial stated that the trip had "gotten [U.S.-Vietnamese
relations] off to a sound and principled start." "Journey to Hanoi," Aug. 9, 1995·
�~~'0~-~~
f
. A N O I , AUGUST 6, 1995
-.
I!OW-livein~~iJni~-~d-St:t~s~~:-_
.al~>;:;~~-
guests. I am grateful to the Institute for International Relations for helpin \\'PO.
ing to organize this event. The staff and students of the Institute are
f
iation and cooperation b~nveen QHF t\ve eetmt:ries._ ust SOIJ _ o my orne
playing an important part in chartin~r Vietnam as it
~
-city of Los-Angeles, California, there is a place called "Little Saigon,"
continues to integrate itself into Asia and the world.
.
.
where Buddhist temples and neighborhood groceries selling rau muong
·
I have come to Vietnam on behalf of President Clinton and the Amerco-exist with the freeways and shopping malls of southern California.
ican people to begin a new chapter in the relationship between our naAncl when I look out my window from the State Department in Washtions. And I have come here this afternoon to speak directly to the peoington, I can see across the river to Arlington, Virginia-a historic old
ple of Vietnam about the future that I hope we can share together.
American community and also a vibrant new center of Vietnamese culI am especially pleased to be able to-address-an-audienGe>that-includes _____ >-L
ture and commerce. Indeed, the United States has been enriched by our
_SO many .s~dents_ a--. n eeo~le: gne:of th_e St~r_tli~g:_facts ~QOIJt __
. ~~_m~lllese~~_t:r-_i~~ils;one-ofthe-most successful immigrant l?rou~--z:h~
Vietnam IS ili
ree-fifths o our countrymen and women are·t.mder
.)1•
1. our recent histo_ry.
,
;,;. -L
1
c-; ~;r.ear~~~r-:ajf~=-~VI~tiiam!s an oiCCcountJ:y~biita ~ol:u:ig·nation. Its future,
.-- ; ~ '-Yetapartfrom visits by r~turning veterans and family members, t;here ·-or:.cr
~and Its evolvmg place m the commumty of natiOns, are yours to shape.
\ \·
has been litt;le direct contact between our two countries over the last 20
years. I know these have been difficult years for Vietnam-years of ecoThis is the firs~ generation ofVietn~mese students in ~an~ decades to
~~
enter adulthood mformed by the memory of war, but mspired by the
·
nomic hardship and until recently, years of conflict. But we have now
promise of peace. This is what I know you call the "peace generation". reached a time of promise and a time of change. We still have history to
the first that can devote all its energies to renovation at home, and to comake, a new chapter to write in the history we share.
opera~on with your neighbors and the world. Without forgetting the
A month ago, President Clinton decided the time had come to norpast, or abandoning tradition, you have a chance to help your country
malize diplomatic relations between the United States and Vietnam. He
move forward with greater freedom and greater prosperity.
was supported in this decision by a majority of the American people and
• The ties between the United States and Vietnam reach back further
by an important group of American veterans who had served here during
than you might think: Way back in 1787, Thomas Jefferson, a champion
the war and who now serve in the United States Congress. The President
of liberty, as well as a man of science, tried to obtain rice seed from Vietbelieves, as do they, that closer ties are in the interest of both our nations.
nam for his farm in Virginia. Fifteen years later, when Jefferson was
The diplomatic relations we initiated yesterday will help us to fully acPresident of the United States, the first American merchant ship sailed
count for those who sacrificed in t;he past, and will also allow our countries
into a Vietnamese port. Almost 150 years later, Jefferson's words that "all
to work to e
on behalf of regional prosperity and regional security.
men are created equal" were echoed in Vietnam's own declaration of
;;;;...r.==~i:::n:..;r:.;:e:;.::,;storing ties with Vietnam is to determine die fate of each American who did not teturn from the war. ~ch
independence.
-- i·i•
1
Because of the war American troops fought on your soil, I have no
doubt that American history books will always include a chapter on Vietnam-just as Vietnamese history books will surely include a chapter on
America. Today, our people are still scarred by the war. But let us remember that history is a work in progress. That bitter past has also ~-tw~Ies.
~nt_ed.the seeds ~o~ a-better future.
-- - - ---~ .
.
I want to· thank the Vietnamese officials, veterans, and citizens who
an 3
_ en cans
_LQ _
_:en.amidst the
{
helped us find
by sharing their memories of the war and by
leadmg us to crash Sites and burial grounds. They have come forward
o war, many came to appreciate the culture of
your people and the beauty of this Ian~'_. .~-- - - - - - - .- -~1~-/ l(
time and again to help Americans ease our sense of loss. I know that the •
We hm othtl bond' " well. Thn nulhon people ofVjetn•m"'e on· ~ people of V.etnw hm endu.ed gmt [o,., " well._Th.r ;, why the
~
C,_
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t
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1>~IYe
Ietna~.
v hav~
1
•
a~swers,
•
•
•
•
�-NO!,
AUGUST
•
w
6, 1995
~71
;;~
United States has released thousands of documents to help the Vietnamese authorities search for those of your countrymen who are still
missing in action. And that is why we have funded humanitarian project
for war victims.
Of course, we cannot heal every wound or settle every depate fro
the past. We will leave that to students of history and to future generations. This moment belongs to the families looking for answers about
lost loved ones and to the Vietnamese villagers who have given them a
helping hand. It belongs to the American veterans who have returned to
this country to provide prosthetics to victims of the war and to the Vietnamese veterans who welcome them as friends. It belongs to the entrepreneurs who are rebuilding this country, now that it is finally at peace.
It belongs to the students such a~_you who ues · .
sumptions and
embrace new ways of thinking. As
reat Viem~m-e~e poet -- d-Si:ates.: ;
r-~man-::NguyenTraipui:lt{oo ye;i-s ago: "After so many years of war; only;,
::. ,_:_::u.t'e remains:"~-- - - -~- -~--- ----- .---- ·
---
Y:
~
~
~
-e
- - - - - - ...-After s(;"many years of war and turmoil, Vietnam is turning its face to
a changed world. Colonial empires have vanished, and the age of independence struggles is over. In the last two decades, 45 more sovereign
countries have emerged. But it is not only new nations that have been
born and maps that have been redrawn. A powerful revolution of ideas
has s
. Indeed, the main story of the late zoth century is
the ascendancy of open societies and open markets in country after
country, w ic
e e ect o ifting the lives of hundreds of millions
of people.
Today in the Western Hemisphere, for example, everv nation but one
has alfeely elected government and a: market economy. After decades of
struggle, South Africa IS now a mulrrractal democracy. The former Sovie~
·Union has also been transformed. In Europe, the fastest-growing economies are those Eastern nations that moved most decisively toward economic and political reform.
Communications technology is pushing the expansion of freedom for
the individual at the same time as it is shrinking the distances between
nations. This speech, for example,- will be broadcast back to the United
States by satellite. Through the Internet, it will be available to almost
anyone in the world with a computer and a phone line. Governments
4 cannot control the movement of ideas in this Information Age, even if
,.-----:!ey WauL Lv.
G
\]\
~
tJ
($'
L
~
HANOI,
AUGUST
6,.311
~
Consider how much Southeast Asia has changed as well. New civilian
governments have been freely elected in Thailand, Cambodia, and the
~
P · · ·nes. Nations such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia are 10 to
zo time wealthier today than they were in 19 6 5 . My vi~it: thi~ last week
to ua a urn pur lJl1 erscored foi me the enormous scale and dynamism
of this region's transformation.
Because of these remarkable changes, America's relationship with the
nations of Southeast Asia has been transformed as well. Twenty-five
years ago, the largest American communities in the region revolved
around military bases. The United States has vital military alliances and
a substantial military presence,in the region that are widely welcomed.
~
Our security presence will continue to provide the stability and reassurance necessary for sustained economic growth. But today, American
communities in the region also revolve aroul).d Chambers of Commerce
and universities. The most common interaction across the Pacific takes
place today among private· citizens-among business people, scholars,
and tourists. I believe that these currents of culture and commerce are
bringing us closer to a New Pacific Community stretching from Los Angeles to Kuala Lumpur.
Vietnam is now moving rapidly into the mainstream of Southeast Asia.
Last year, your country became a founding member of the ~SEAN RevY'
gional Forum, the r~gion's first multinational dialogue on security issues.
This year, Vietnam has joined ASEAN itself. As its economy opens further and its laws governing trade and investment develop,' Vieoiam will
I
be in a position to join its Southeast Asian neighbors in the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum and the new World Trade Organization.
We want Vietnam to enjoy the benefits and to assume the obligations
that !W with helon!!in!! to these tmoortant mternauonal institutions.
With the Cold War over, we view Vietnam as the product of its own \A..r,,
7
history and the master of its own destin . As man in our country and
v--ours have urged, we look on Vietna "as a country, not a war:,, . e view it
as a nation with immense potential as a partner in trade and in diplomacy. . 1 ~
The process of establishing normal economic ties with the United . v _ ~ "
St
take time. But we are prepared to move forwar
e will do ~
so in consultation with our Congress an consistent with our laws. The
~
first step, the first building-block, in expanding our commercial relations \
is to negotiate a bilateral tra2.<:! agreement that will provide for most- · \J j'\J
favored-nation trading status'j)~goatis to clevelop-withnVietnam-t;he -. .!
~
)~
~
\j~
)/aJ{r'
flu
1
V
f: /
�~·
-NOI,
AUGUST
6, 1995
- - - - - - - - - - - - ~- .
HANOI,
. . - - - · - · - --··--=CCC.-~
AUGUST
6··313
~--same fullc.erange~-or-=-t~rrom1.c-relationshi-ps-t1l;It _~e ,enjoy -with--your
;Sol1ilieast Asian neighbors.
_ -----".
~
· =-- - ~-~
I h~pe that inany-rrwre American
.
. s Ford,
------Coca-Cola, and Baskin-Robbi !(inoetting on Vietnam's future. also !
-___ --- -- --- .
ope that more private A)nerican orgamzanons wi JOlll groups such as
the Ford Foundation and World Vision in supporting Vietnam's development. I hope that more Vietnamese student_s will come to study in the
United States, to join the 66 already participating in the Fulbright scholarship program.
There is a great deal our governments can do together. Through the
ASEA
al Forum, for example, we can strive with others to assure
tability in Southeas .ia.
of the key issues is the So~th China S~a, a
Vl
ane · rough which one-quarter of the worlds ocean freight
passes. The United States will continue to urge countries with competing
• .
VO
claims to resources there to resolve their disputes through dialogue.
~~
Together, the Unite~-\fremam;amF neighbors have an inter~'· est in cooperating to 1ight nar~otics trafficking. outheast Asia is the
_fP. biggest source of heroin arrlVlng
ican s ores. This deadly drug i~
ruining lives in the countries through which it passes, including Vietnam.
We have
nd will continue having a dialogue with Vietnam on uman rights issue that are of great importance to the American people. Progress in this dialogue will enable our two nations to fur. ther deepen our ties.
This is a time of great possibility for our relations with Vietnam, for
your country's continued growth and its Integration in the region. But
while further progress is possible, it is not guaranteed. If Vietnam is to
find an important place in the community of nations and to attract additional invesnnent, it should move beyond just
oors. The k,
to success inmis rapidly changing world is e freedom to own, to
and to sell; and the freedom to
ns that affect
lives.
-
~:-=-
.
-=----~~--
.,__
, fbi
~j
)
~te an ins.titutional framework in which a
free market can flourish. Vietnamese entrepreneurs and foreign investors
alike need a stronger system of private banking, and above all, less red
tape and more transparency.
In Vietnam, as everywhere, a free market is the basic precondition for
roductive business environment. But I believe sustained economic de-
?ne
1
'(
:;r
-
....
~
-~-
__
L 1.:
L ____ L
ltJf
~
~
your own.
Today, the United States is embarking on a new relationship with
your country, and most important, a new relationship with your people.
here are issues on which we no doubt will disagree: But we have, I believe, a common vision of Vietnam taking its rightful place in a commu-
�,.
3-0I,
v
AUGUST
6, 1995
nity of Southeast Asian nations-a commiJnity that is more open, more
prosperous, and more secure ~an ever before. For the first time in many
years, we will have a normal relationship in which each of our nations
can advance its interests in a climate of cooperation and in an age of
peace.
"Heaven has ushered in an era of renewal," says an inscription on
Hanoi's Temple of Literature. Let us do all that we can together to seize
this moment and to bring t_hose immortal words to life.
Thank you very much.
-
t
II
l
•.l
l
~
TWENTY-TWO
(
Obtaining the Resources to Lead
During my last two years in office, I increasingly focused on fighting to
get the State Department enough money to do its job. Indeed, I came to
~
crunch we faced had become one of the most
pressing foreign policy threats, e dimgering American leadership in the
~or .
1994 congressional elections and the so-called
Gingrich Revolution, we had to work harder not only to maintain a bipartisan consensus on the substance of American foreign policy, but, no
less important, to prevent a shortage of resources from undermining our
very ability to carry out diplomacy.
Securing enough funds for foreign affairs has never been easy. Jealously guarding its constitutional power of the purse, Congress reviews
Administration requests item by item, line by line, and with a skeptical
eye. After the 1994 elections, the money allocated to foreign affairs came
under especially heavy attack. The congressional Republicans came into
leadership positions determined to slash the federal budget, and re- ·
sources for foreign affairs proved a tempti g-targfilt. The neW--C airman
of one of our budget subcommittees,
ssman Sonn Callahan f
1\labama, told me that he felt committed to his constituents to reduce his
subcommittee's portion of the foreign affairs budget by one billion dollars a year, without regard to the merits of our arguments.
The political attractiveness of such a position is readily understood.
With so many identifiable problems here at home, spending money
abroad is never popular. But carried to its logical end, that attitude would
have devastating consequences, and I was determined to defend the for315
�Page 1 of 10
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Moscow, Russia)
For Immediate Release
June 5, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE DUMA
The Duma
Moscow, Russia
10:10 A.M.
(L)
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
First of all, I thank you for that
introduction. And even though it is still in the morning, I am
delighted to be here, with the members of the state Duma and the
Federation Council.
It is important to me to have this opportunity because the
prospects for virtually every important initiative President Putin and I
have discussed over the last two days will obviousl~ depend upon your'
advice and your consent, and because through you I can speak to the
citizens of Russia directly, those whom you represent.
I
I have made five trips· to Russia in my years as President.
I have
worked with President Yeltsin and now with President Putin.
I have met
with the leadership of the Duma on more than one occasion.
I_have
spoke~ with Russia's religious leaders, with the media, with educators,
scientists and students.
I have listened to Russian people tell me
about their'vision of the future, and I have tried to be quite open
about my own vision of the future.
I have come here at moments of
extraordinary optimism about Russia's march toward prosperity and
freedom, and I've been here at mo~ents of great difficulty for you.
Russia's future fundamentall is in
It
o be determined by others, and
future is very important to others, because it is among the most
important journeys the world will witness in my lifetime. A great deal·
of the 21st century will be strongly influenced by the success of the
Russian people in building a modern, stiong, democratic nation that i~
part of the life of the rest of the world.
And so, many people across the world have sought to support your
efforts, sharing with you a sense of pride when democracy is advanced,
and sharing your disapp6intment when difficulties. arose.
It is obviously not for.me to tell the Russian people how to
interpret the last few years.
I know your progress has come with
unfilled expectations and unexpected difficulties.
I know there have
been moments, especially during the financial crisis in 1998, when some
wondered if the new Russia would end up as a grand social experiment
gone wrong.
But when we look at Russia today, we do not see an
experiment gone wrong.
I
We see an economy that is growing, producing goods and services
people want.
We see a nation of enterprising citizens who are
beginning, despite all of the obstacles, to bring good jobs and a normal
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I
life to their communities. We see a society with 65,000 nongovernmental
organizations; like Eco-juris, which is helping citizens defend their
rights in court, like Vozrozhdenie, which is aiding families with
disabled children, like the local chambers of commerce that have sprung
up all across Russia.
We see a country of peopl~ taking r~sponsibility for their future
people like those of Gadzhiyevo on the Arcti6 Circle who organized a
referendum to protect the environment of their town. We see a country
transforming its system of higher education to meet the demands of the
modern world, with institutions like the new Law Factory at Novgorod
University, and the New Economic School in Moscow.
We see a country preserving its magnificent literary heritage, as
the Pushkin Library is doing in its efforts·to replenish the shelves of
libraries all across Russia. We see a country entering the Information
Age, with cutting-edge software companies, with Internet centers at
universities from Kazan to Ufa to Yakutsk, with a whole generation of
young people more connected to the outside world than any past
generation could have imagined.
We see Russian citizens with no illusions about the road ahead; yet
voting in extraordinary numbers against a return to the past. We see a
Russia that has just completed a democratic transfer of executive power
for the first time in a .thousand years.
-
I would not presume to tell the people 'you represent how to weigh
the gains of freedom against the pain of economic hardship, corruption,
crime.
I know the people of Russia do not yet have the Russia they were
promised in 1991.
But I believe you, and they, now have a realistic
chance to build that kind of Russia for yourselves in far greater
measure than a decade ago, be.cause of the democratic foundations that
have been laid and the c~oices that have been made.
The world faces a very different Russia than it did in 1991.
Like
all countries, 'Russia also faces a very different world.
Its defining
feature is globalization, the tearing down of boundaries between people
nations and cultures, so that what happens anywhere can have an impact
everywhere.
During the 1990s, th~ volume of international trade almost doubled.
Links among businessesi universities, advocacy groups, chariti~s and
churches have multiplied across physical space and cyberspace.
In the
developing world some of the poorest villages are beginning to be
. connected to the Inf~rmation Superhighway in ways that are opening up
unbelievable opportunities for education and for development.
·
~
The Russian people did more than just about anyone else to make
possible this new world of globalization, by ending the divisions of the
Cold War.
Now Russia, America, and all nations are subject to new rules
of the global ·economy. One of those rules, to adapt a phrase from your
history, is that it's no longer possible to build prosperity in one
country alone.
To prosper, our economies ·must be competitive in a
glo.bal marketplace; and to compete, the most important resource· we must
develop is our own people, giving them the tools and freedom to reach
their full potential.
.----_.!.--~7"-·n.
·
I
This is the challenge we have 'tried to meet in America over the
last few years.
Indeed, the changes we have seen ~n the global economy
pose hard questions that both our nations still must answer. A
fundamental question is:
do we e 1ne our strength and vital1t
a nation today, and what
s ou d government play 1n
~;~
SVVW{J''"·
Some people actually believe that government is no longer relevant
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•
at all to people's lives in a globalized, interconnected world.
Since
all of us hold government ·positions, I presume we disagree.
But I
believe experience shows that government, while it must be less
. bureaucratic and more oriented toward the markets, and while it should
focus on empowering people by investing in educatiori and training rather
than simply accruing power for itself, it is still very important.
Above all, a strong state should use its strength to reinforce
rule of law, protect the powerless against the powerful, defend
democratic freedoms, including freedom of expression, religion and the
press, and do whatever is possible to give everyone a chance to develop
his or her innate abilities.
This is true, I believe, for any society seeking to advance in the
modern world.
For any society in any part of the world that is
increasingly small and tied together, the answer to law without order is
not order without law.
Another fundamental question is:
strength in relation to the rest of t
?
e p er o om1nate our neighbors or the confidence to be a good
neighbor? Shall we define it by what we are against, or simply in terms
of what others are for? Do we join with others in common endeavors to
.advance common interests, or do we try to bend others to our will?
This federal assembly's ratification of START II and the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty suggests you are answering these questions
in a way that will .make for both a stronger Russia and a better world,
defining your strength in terms of the achievements of your people and
the power of your partnerships, and your role in world affairs.
L~~~Jo~
~VI
i'-
~~~
A related question for both Russia and America is:
How should we
define our relationship today? Clearly, Russia has ent~red a phase when
what it needs most is outside investment, not aid. What Americans must
ask is not so much what can we do for Russia, but what can we do with
Russia to advance our common interests and lift people in both nations?
To build that kind of relationship, we Americans have to overcome
the temptation to think that we have all the answers. We have to resist
the feeling that if only you would see things our way, troubles would go
away.
Russia will not, and indeed should not, choose a course simply
because others wish you to do so.
You will choose what your interests
clearly demand and what your people democratically embrace.
I think one problem we have is
that America does not
en
o see our
relationship
, assuming that every
assertion of American power mu
diminish Russia, and every assertion of
Russian strength must threaten America.
That is not true.
The United
States wants a strong Russia, a Russia strong enough to protect its
territorial integrity while respecting that of its neighbors; strong
enough to meet threats to its security; to help maintain strategic
stability; to join with others to meet common-goals; to give its people
their chance to live their dreams ..
Of course, our interests are not identical, and we will
inevitable disagreements.
But on many issues that matter to
our interests coincide. And we have an obligation, it seems
focus on· the goals we ~an ahd should advance together in our
interest, and to manage our differences in a responsible and
way .
have our
our people,
to me, to
mutual
respect~~~--~-,-----------
•
\,
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have never bad a b~tter opportunity, and I hope you will do what you can
to seize. it .
•
This is the time, when Russia's economy is growing and oil prices
are high, when I
Russia will creat
iversified
Ul
power in the 21st century
from the soil, which are limited,
of individual citizens, which are
~--~~~~~~~~~~~~~I~h~o~p~e~you will finish putting in place the
economy,
ith laws that protect property, that
~-:=e:;;n~s"'u=r;:;e~o"'p,.;e""n""""""'e"""'.......'""'--.;a~c~o=:'1u~,..:..=;a"'":"';l..,-:l~t;:-y;-;-, ··that establish an e f f i ci en t,
equitable tax code.
Such an economy would keep Russian capital in
Russia, and bring foreign capital to Russia, both. necessary for the kind
of investment you deserve, to create jobs for your people and new
businesses for your future.
This is a time to win the fight against·crime and corruption, so
that investment will not choose safer shores.
That is why I hope you
will soon pass a strong law against money laundering that meets
international standards.
time I hope Russia will make an all-out effort to
to join the World Trade Organization. Membership
s economic reform.
It will give you bette~ access
markets.
It will ensure that your trading partners treat you
Russia should not be the only major industrialized country
standing outside this global trading system.
You should be inside this
system, with China, Brazil, Japan, members of the European Union and the
United States, helping to shape those rules. for the benefit of all.
·~.
.
/
We will support you.
But you must know, too, that the decision to
join the WTO requires difficult choices that only you can make.
I think
it is very important. Again, I 'will say I think you should be part of
making the rules of the road for the 21st century economy, in no small
measure because I know you believe in the importance of the·social
contract, and you understand that we cannot have a world economy unless
we also have some rules that people in the world respect regarding the
livi~g standards of people -- the conditions in which our children are
raised, whether they have access to education, and whether we do what
should be done together to protect the global environment.
second goal of our partnership
d be ~o meet threats to our
securlty o
are bringing the world
together are also making the tools of destruction deadlier, cheaper, and.
more available.
As you well know, because of this openness of borders,
because ~f the openness of the Internet, and because of the advances of
technology, we are all more vulnerable to terrorism, to organized crime,
to the spread of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons -- which
themselves may some day be transferred, soon, in smaller and smaller
quantities, across more and more borders, by unscrupulous illegal groups
working together.
In such a ~orld, to protect our security we must have
more cooperation, not more competition, among like-minded nation states.
Since 1991, we have already cooperated to cut our own nuclear
arsenals by 40 percent; in removing nuclear weapons from Belarus,
Ukraine, and Kazakhstan; in fighting illicit trafficking in deadly
technology.
Together, we extended the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty,
. banned chemical weapons, agreed to end nuclear testing, urged India and
Pakistan to back away from nuclear confrontation .
•
Yesterday, President Putin and I announced two more important
steps.
Each of us will destroy 34 tons of weapons-grade plutonium,
enough.to build thousands of nuclear weapons. And we will establish a
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�•
system to give each other early warning of missile tests and space
launches to avoid any miscalculation, with a joint center here that .will
operate out of Moscow 24 hours a day, seven days a week -- the first
permanent, joini United States-Russian military cooperation ever.
I am
proud of this record, and I hope you are, too.
We will continue to reduce our nuclear arsenals by negotiating a
START III treaty, and to secure the weapons and materials that remain .
Despite our best efforts, the possibility
. But we must be realistic.
exists that nuclear and other deadly weapons will fall into dangerous
hands, into hands that could threaten us both -- rogue states,
terrorists, organized criminal groups.
The technology required to launch missil~s capable of delivering
them over long distances, unfortunately, is still spreading acros~the
world.
The question is not whether this threat is emerging; it is.
The
question is, what is the best way to deal with it.
It is my strong
preference that any response to strengthen the strategic stability and·
arms control regime that has served our two nations so well for decades
now -- if. we can pursue that gpal together, we will all be more secure.
Now, as all of you know well, soon I will be required to decide
whether the United States should deploy a limited national defense
system designed to protect the American people against the most imminent
of th~se threats.
I will consider, as I have repeatedly said, many
factors, including the nature of threat, the cost of meeting it, the
effectiveness of the available technology, and the impact of this
decision on our overall security, including our relationship with Russia
and other nations, and the need to preserve the ABM Treaty.
The system we are contemplating would not undermine Russia's
deterrent, or the principles of mutual deterrence and strategic
stability.
That is not a question just of our intent, but pf the
technical capabilities of the system.
But I ask you to think about
this, to debate it -- as I know you will -- to determine for yourselves
what the capacity of what we have proposed is -- because I learned on my
trip to Russia that the biggest debate is not whether we intend to do.
something that will undermine mutual deterrence -- I think most people
who have worked with us, not just me and others, over the years know
that ·we find any future apart from cooperation with you in the nuclear
area inconceivable.
The real question is a debate over what the impact
of this will be, because of the capacity of the technology involved.
And I believe that is a question of fact which people of good will
ought to be able to determine. And I believe we ought to be able to
reach an agreement about how we should pr6ceed at each step along the
way here, in a way that preserves mutual deterrence, preserves strategic
stability, and preserves the ABM Treaty. That is my goal. And if we
can reach an agreement about how we're going forward, then it is
something we ought to take in good faith to the Chinese, to the
Japanese, to others who are interested in this, to try to make sure that
this makes a safer world, not a more unstable world.
I think we've made some progress, and I would urge all of you who
are interested in this to carefully read the Statement of Principles~~t~o----------
which President Putin and I agreed yesterday.
•
Let me say that this whole debate on ~issile defense and the nature
of the threat reflects a larger and, I think, more basic truth. As we
and other nation states look out on the world today, increasingly we
find that the fundamental threat to our security is not the thrgat tRat
we pose to each other, but instead; threats we face ln common -- threats
.-- from terrorist and rogue states, from biological, chemical and nuclear
weapons which may be able to be produced in increasingly smaller and
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I
more sophisticated ways.
Public health threats, like AIDS and
tuberculosis, which are now claiming millions of lives around the world,
and which literally are on the verge of ruining economies and
threatening the survival of some nations.
The world needs our
leadership in this fight as well. And when President Putin and I go to
the G-8 meeting in July, I hope we can support a global strategy against
infectious disease .
.There is a global security threat caused by environmental pollution
and global warming. We must meet it with strong institutions at home
and with leadership abroad.
Fortunately, one of the benefits of the globalized Information Age
is that it is now possible to grow an economy without destroying the
environment.
Thanks to incredible advances in science and technology
over the last 10 years, a whole new aspect in economic growth has opened
up.
It only remains to see whether we are wise enough to work together
to do this, because the United States does not have the right to ask any
nation -- not Russia, not China, not India ~- to give up future economic
growth to comb
lem of climate change. What we do have is the
opportunity t
wn
y
the 21st
I think a big part of making that transition benefits Russia,
because of your great stores of natural gas. And so I hope we will be
working closely together on this in the years ahead.
In the Kyoto climate change treaty, we committed ourselves to tie
market forces to the fight against global warming. And today, 'on this
World Environment Day, I'm pleased that President Putin and I have
agreed to deepen our own cooperation on climate change.
This is a huge problem.
If we don't deal with this within just a
few years, you will have island nations flooded; you will have the
agricultural balance of most countries completely changed; you will have
a dramatic increase in the number of severe, unmanageable weather
events. And the good news is that we can now deal with this problem
again I say, and strengthen our economic.growth, not weaken it.
A third challenge that demands our engagement is the need to build
a world that is less divided aiong ethnic, racial and religious lines.
It is truly ironic, I think, that we can go anywhere in the world and
hav
same kinds of conversations about the nature of the global
lnformation society.
Not long ago, I was in India in a poor village,
meeting with a women's milk cooperative. And the thing they wanted me
to see was that they had computerized all their records. And then I met
with the local village council, and the thing"they wanted me to see in
this remote village, in a nation with a per capita income of only $450 a
ar, was that all the information that the federal and state government
had that any citizen could ever want was on a computer in the public
building in this little village.
0
•
And I watched a mother that had just given birth to a baby come
into this little public building and call up th.e information about how
to care for the child, and then print it out on her compute~, so that
she took home with her information every bit as good as a well-to-do
American mother could get from her doctor about how to care for a child
in the first six months.
It is truly ironic that at a time when we're living in this sort of
world with all these modern potentials, that we are grappling with our
oldest problems of human society -- our tendency to fear, and then to
hate people who are different from us. We see it from Northern Ireland
to the Middle East to the tribal conflicts of Africa, to the Balkans and
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many other places on this Earth .
.\
•
Russia and America should be concerned about this because the
stability of both of our societies depends upon people of very different
ethnic, racial and religious groups learning to live together under a
common framework of rules. And history teaches us that harmony that
lasts among such different people cannot be maintained by force alone.
I know when trying to come to grips with these problems, these old
problems of the modern world, the United States and Russia have faced
some of our greatest difficulties in the last few years.
I know you
disagreed with what I did in Kosovo, and you know that I disagreed with
what you did in Chechnya.
I have always said that the Russian people
and every other people have a right to combat terrorism and to preserve
the integrity qf their nations.
I still believe it, and I reaffirmed
that today.
My question in Chechnya was an honest one and the question
of a friend, and that is whether any war can be won that requires large
numbers of civilian casualties and has no political component bringing
about a solution.
,.
Let me say, in Kosovo my position was whether we could ever
preserve a democratic and free Europe unless Southeastern Europe were a
part of it, and whether any people could every say that everyone is
entitled to live in peace if 800,000 people were driven out of a place
they had lived in for centuries solely because of their religion.
None of these questions will be easy, but I think we ought to ask
ourselves whether we are trying to resolve them.
I remember going to
Kosovo after the conflict, after Russians and Americans had agreed to
serve there together as we have served in Bosnia effectively together,
and sitting down with all the people who represented the conflict around
the table.
They would hardly speak to each other.
They were still
angry; they were still thinking about their family members that had been
dislocated and killed.
So I said to them that I had just been involved in negotiating the
end of the conflict in Northern Ireland, and that I was very close to
the Irish conflict because all of my relatives carne from a little
village in Ireland that was right on the border between the North and
the South, and therefore, had lived through all these years of conflict
between the Catholics and the Protestants.
And I said, now here's the deal we've got.
The deal is majority
rule, minority rights, guaranteed participation in decision-making,
shared economic and other benefits. Majority rule; minority rights;
guaranteed participation in decision-making; shared economic and other
benefits.
I said, now, it's a good deal, but what I would like to tell
you is that if they had ever stopped fighting, they could have gotten
this deal years ago.
And so I told the pee
you know, everybody
around this table has go
grievan
People on all sides,
you can tell some story tn
l
, a
lS legitimately true.
Now,
you can make up your mind to bear this legitimate grievance with a
grudge for 20 or 30 years. And 20 or 30 years from now, somebody else
will be sitting in these chairs, and they will make a deal -- majority
rule, minority rights, shared decision-making, shared economic and other
benefits.
You can make the deal now, or you can wait.
•
\
j
Those of us who are in a position of strong and stable societies,
we have to say this to people. We have to get people -- not just the
people who have been wronged, everybody has got a legitimate grievance
in these cauldrons of ethnic and racial and religious turmoil.
But it's
something we have to think about. And as we see a success story, it's
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something I think we ought to look for other opportunities to advance.
I
Real peace in life comes not when you give up the feelings you have
that are wrong, but when you give up the feelings you have that are
right, in terms of having been ·wronged in the past. That's how people
finally come together and
And those of us who lead big countries
should take that position
Let me say, fina
, related to
all the others, is o
that is democratic,
at peace, and with ut divisions -- one that includes Russia, and
strengthens our ability to advance our common interest. We have never
had that kind of Europe before in all of history.
So buil'ding it will
require changing old patterns of thinking.
I was in Germany a couple of
days ago in the historical town of Aachen, where Charlemagne had his
European empire in the late 8th and early 9th centuries, to talk about_
that.
There are, I know, people who resist the idea that Russia should be
part of Europe, and who insist that Russia is fundamentally different
from the other nations that are building a united Europe.
Of course,
there are historical and cultural arguments that support that position.
And it's a good thing that you are different and that we are different;
it makes life more interesting.
But the differences between Russia and
France, for example, may not be any greater than those between Sweden
and Spain, or England and Greece, or even between America and Europe.
Integration within Europe and then the transatlantic alliance came about
because people who are different came together, not because people who
are the same came together.
Estrangement between Russia and the West, which lasted too long,
was not because of our inherent differences, but because we made choices
in how we defined our interests and our belief systems. We now have the
power to choose a different and a better future.
We can do that by
integrating our economies, making common cause against common threats,
promoting ethnic and religious tolerance and human rights. We can do it
by making sure that none of the institutions of European and
transatlantic unity, not any of them, are closed to Russia.
You can decide whether you want to be a part of these institutions.
It should be entirely your decision. And we can have the right kind of
constructive partnership, whatever decision we make, as long as you know
that no doors to Europe's future are closed to you, and you can then
feel free to decide how best to pursue your own interests.
If you
choose not to pursue full membership in these institutions, then we must
make sure that their Eastern borders become gateways for Russia instead
of barriers to travel, trade and security cooperation.
We also should work with others to help those in Europe who still
fear violence and are afraid they will not have a stable, .secure future.
I am proud that, together~ we hav~ made the OSCE into an effective
champion of human rights in Europe.
I am pleased that President Putin
and I recommitted ourselves yesterday to helpi~g find a settlement to
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
I am proud we have, together, adapted
the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty, to reduce conventional arms in
Europe and eliminate the division of the continent in the military
blocs.
I believe it is a hopeful thing that despite our different
outlook on the war in the former Yugoslavia, that our armed forces have
worked there together in both Bosnia and Kosovo to keep the peace.
•
We may still disagree about Kosovo, but now that the war is over,
let me say one other thing about Yugoslavia.
I believe the people of
Serbia deserve to live in a normal country with the same freedoms the
people of Russia and America enjoy, with relationships with their
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•
neighbors including Russia that will not constantly be interrupted by
vast flows of innocent people being forced out of their country or
threatened with their very lives .
The struggle in Belgrade now is not between Serbia and NATO, it is
between the Serbian people and their leaders.
The Serbian people are
asking the world to back democracy and freedom.
Our response to their
request does not have to be identical, but Russia and America should
both be on the side of the people of Serbia.
In the relationship we are building, we should try to stand abroad
for the values each of us has been building at home.
I know the kind of
relationship that we would both like canno~ be built overnight.
Russia's history, like America's, teaches us well that there are no
shortcuts to great achievements.
But we have laid strong foundations.
It has helped a great deal that so many members of our Congress have
visited you here, and that a number of Duma committee chairmen visited
our Congress last month, that members of the Federation Council have
been invited to come to Washington.
I want to urge you, as many of you as can, to visit our country,
and invite members of our Congress to visit you.
Let them understand
how the world looks from your perspective.
Let them see how you do your
jobs.
Tell them what you're worried about and where you disagree with
us. And give us a chance to build that base a common experience and
mutual trust that is so important to our future together. All of you
are always welcome to come and work with us in the United States. We
have to find a mutual understanding.
I also would say that the m~~o~s~t~i~m~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
should be t
e ationship
- the
, the business partners lps,
e co a ora lon among
universlties and foundations and hospitals, the sister city links, the
growing family ties.
Many of the Russians and Americans involved in
these exchanges are very young.
They don't even have any adult memories
of the Cold War.
They don't carry the burdens and baggage of the past;
just the universal, normal desire to build a good future with those who
share their hopes and dreams. We should do everything we can to
increase these exchanges, as well.
And finally, we must have a sense of responsibility for the future.
We are not destined to be adversaries.
But it is not guaranteed that we
will be allies.
For us, there is no fate waiting to be revealed, only a
future waiting to be created -- by the actions we take, the choices we
make, and the ienuine views we have of one another and of our own
future.
I leave you today looking to the future with the realistic hope
that
we will choose wisely; that we will continue to build a relationship of
mutual respect and mutual endeavor; that we will tell each other the
truth with clarity and candor as we see it, always striving to find
common ground, always remembering that the world we seek to bring into
being can come only if America and Russia are on the same side of
history.
•
I believe we will do this, not because I know everything always
turns out well, but because I know our partnership, our relationship, is
fundamentally the right course for both nations. We have to learn to
identify and manage our disagreements because the relationship is
profoundly important to the future.
The governments our people elect will do what they think is right
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•
for their own people.
But they know that
continuing to strengthen the relationship
States. Our children will see the result
prosperous and free and at peace than the
what I believe we can do.
one thing that is right is
between Russia and the United
-- a result that is more
world has ever known.
That is
I don't believe any American President has ever come to Russia five
times before.
I came twice before that.
That's when I was a very young
man and our relations were very different than they are now. All my
life, I have wanted the people of my country and the people of your
country to be friends and allies, to lead the world away from war toward
the dreams of children.
I have done my best to do that.
I hope you will believe that that is the best course for both our
countries, and for our children's future.
Thank you very much.
END 10:55 A.M.
(L)
•
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THE WHITE HOUSE
I
Office of the Press Secretary
(Abuja, Nigeria)
For Immediate·Release
August 26,
2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO JOINT ASSEMBLY
House of Representatives Chamber
National Assembly Building
Abuja, Nigeria
3:15 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
(Applause.) Mr. President of
the Senate, the Speaker, Mr. Deputy President and Deputy Speaker,
members of the Assembly.
It is a great honor for me to be here with
members of my Cabinet and government, members of the United States
Congress, mayors of some of our greater cities, and my daughter.
And
we're glad to be here.
(Applause.)
I must say, this is
President in eight years,
world, where they played
applause.)
I liked it a
frame of mind.
I
the first time I have been introduced as
speaking to parliamentary bodies all over the
a song before I spoke.
(Laughter and
lot.
(Laughter.)
I t got us all in a good
Twenty-two years ago, President Jimmy Carter became the first
President ever to visit sub-Saharan Africa when he arrived in Nigeria,
saying he had come from a great nation to visit a great nation.
(Applause.)
More than two years ago,· I came to Africa for the longest
visit ever by an American President to build a new partnership with your
continent.
But sadly, in Nigeria, an illegitimate government was
killing its people and squandering your resources.
All most Americans
knew about Nigeria then was a sign at their local airport warning them
not to fly here.
A year later, Nigeria found a transitional leader who kept his
promises.
(Applause.)
Then, Nigerians elected a President and a
National Assembly and entrusted to them -- to you ~- the hard work of
rebuilding your nation and building your democracy.
Now, once again, Americans and people all around the world will
know Nigeria for its music and art, for its Nobel Prize winners and its
Super Falcons, for its commitment to peacekeeping and its leadership in
Africa and around the world.
In other words, once again, people will
know Nigeria as a great nation.
(Applause.)
I
You have begun to walk the long road to repair the wrongs and
errors of the past, and to build bridges to a better future.
The road
is harder and the rewards are slower than all hoped it would be when you
began. .But what is most important is that today you are moving forward,
not backward. And I am here because your fight -- your fight for
democracy and human rights, for equity and economic growth, for peace.
and tolerance -- your fight is America's fight and the world's fight.
(Applause. )
Indeed, the whole world has a big stake in your success -- and not
simply because of your size or the wealth of your natural resources, or
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even your capacity to help lift this entire continent to peace and
prosperity; but also because so many of the great human dramas of our
time are being played out on the Nigerian stage.
For example, can a great country that is home to one in six
Africans succeed in building a democracy amidst so much diversity
past of so much trouble? Can a developing country, blessed with
enormous human and natural resources, thrive in a global economy and
lift all its people? Can a nation so blessed by the verve and vigor
countless traditions and many faiths be enriched by its diversity, not
enfeebled by it? I believe the answer to all those questions can, and
must be, yes.
(Applause.)
There are still those around the world who see democracy as a
luxury that people seek only when times are good. Nigerians have shown
us that democracy is a necessity, especially when times are hard.
The
dictators of your past hoped the hard times would silence your voices,
banish your leaders, destroy your spirit. But even in the darkest days,
Nigeria's people knew they must stand up for freedom, the freedom their
founders promised ..
Achebe championed it, Sunny Ade sang for it.
Journalists .like
Akinwumi Adesukar fought for it.
Lawyers like Gani Fawehinmi testified
for it.
(Applause.)
Political leaders like Yar'Adua died for it.
(Applause.)
And most important, the people of Nigeria voted for it.
(Applause. )
•
Now, at last, you have your country back.
Nigerians are electing
their leaders, acting to cut corruption and investigate past abuses,
shedding light on human rights violations, turning a fearless press into
a free press.
It is a brave beginning .
But you know better than I how much more must be done.
Every
nation that has struggled to build democracy has found that success
depends on leaders who believe government exists to serve people, not
the other way around.
President Obasanjo is such a leader. And the
struggle to build democracy depends alsQ on you, on legislators who will
be both a check on and a balance to executive authority and be a source
--(applause.)
You know, if I said that to my Congress, they would still
be clapping and standing.
(Laughter.)
And this is important,
constitutional system, the
the Executive, but it must
leadership, for in the end,
(Applause. )
too-- let me finish.
(Laughter.)
In the
Legislature provides a check and balance to
also be a source of creative, responsible
work must be done and progress must be made.
Democracy depends upon a political culture that welcomes spirited
debate without letting politics become a blood sport.
It depends on
strong institutions, an independent judiciary, a military tinder firm
civilian control.
It requires the contributions of women and men alike.
(Applause. ) ·I must say I am very glad to see a number of women in this
audience today, and also I am glad that Nigerian women have their own
Vital Voices program -- (applause) -- a program that my wife has worked
very hard for, both in Africa and all around the world.
Of course, in the end, successful political change must begin to
improve people's daily lives.
That is the democracy dividend Nigerians
have waited for.
I
But no one should expect that all the damage done over a generation
can be undone in a year.
(Applause.)
Real change demands perseverance
and patience.
It demands openness to honorable compromise and
cooperation.
It demands support on a constant basis from the people of
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Nigeria and from your friends abroad.
That does not mean being patient
with corruption or injustice, but to give up hope because change comes
slowly would only be to hand a victory to those who do not want to
change at all.
(Applause.)
Remember something we Americans have learned in over 224 years of
experience with democracy:
It is always and everywhere a work in
progress.
It took my own country almost 90 years and a bitter civil war
"""Eo set e11ery American free. It took another 100 years to give every
American the basic rights our Constitution promised them from the
beginning.
Since the time of our revolution, our best minds have debated how
to balance the responsibilities of our national and state government;
what the proper balance is between the President and the Congress; what
is the roll of the courts in our national life. And since the very
beginning, we have worked hard with varying degrees of success and
occasional, regrettable, sometimes painful failures, to weave the
diverse threads of our nation into a coherent, unified tapestry.
I
Today, America has people from over 200 racial, ethnic and
religious groups. We have school districts in America where, in one
school district, the parents of the children speak over 100 different
languages.
It is an interesting challenge.
But it is one that I am
convinced is a great opportunity, just as your diversity -- your
religious diversity and your e~hnic diversity -- is a great opportunity.
In a global society, growing ever more intertwined -- a great
opportunity if we can find unity in our common humanity; if we can learn
not only to tolerate our differences, but actually to celebrate our
differences; if we can believe that how we worship, how we speak, who
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~s-~~~~~ji~m~o~r~t~a~nt, but on
is our
humanity,
hen there
can be no
Now, no society has every fully solved this problem. As you
struggle with it you think of the Middle East, Northern Ireland, the
Balkans, the ongoing tragedy of Kashmir. And you realize it is a
formidable challenge.
You also know, of course, that democracy does not
answer such questions.
It simply'gives all free people the chance to
find the answers that work for them.
I know that decades of mis-rule and deprivation have made ·your
religious and ethnic divisions deeper.
Nobody can wave a hand and make
the problems go away.
But that is no reason to let the idea of one
united Nigeria slip away. After all, after all this time, if we started
trying to redraw the map of Africa, we would simply be piling new
grievances on old.
Even if we could separate all the people of Africa
by ethnicity and faith, would we really rid this continent of strife?
Think of all the things that would be broken up and all the mountains of
progress that have been built up that would be taken down if that were
the case.
••
Where there is too much deprivation and too little tolerance,
differences among people will always seem greater, and will always be
like open sores waiting to be turned into arrows of hatred by those who
will be advantaged by doing so.
But I think it is worth noting for the
entire world that against the background of vast cultural differences, a
history of repression and ethnic strife, the hopeful fact here today is
that Nigeria's 250 different ethnic groups have stayed together in one
nation.
(Applause.)
You have struggled for democracy together.
You
have forged national institutions together. All your greatest
achievements have come when you have worked together.
It is not for me to tell you how to resolve all the issues that I
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follow more closely than you might imagine I do.
You're a free people,
an independent people, and you must resolve them. All I can tell you is
what I have seen and experienced these last years as President in the
United States and in working with other good people with similar
aspirations on every continent of the globe. We have to find honorable
ways to reconcile our differences on common ground.
The overwhelming fact of modern life :e.~v~e~r~y~w~h~e7.r~e~~~~~~~~
is not the growth of the global economy,
information technology and the Internet
these changes are bringing. Whether we );l~e~l~~~~~=,=;~~~nr~~~~-f
our fates are tied together -- within nations and beyond national
borders, even beyond continental borders and across great oceans.
Whether we like it or not, it is happening.
You can think of big
examples, like our economic interconnections.
You can think of
anecdotal examples, like the fact that we now have a phenomenon in the
world known as "airport malaria," where people get malaria in airports
in nations where there has never been an single case of malaria because
they just pass other people who have it, from around the world in the
airport.
Whether we like it or not, your destiny is tied to mine, and mine
to yours, and the future will only make it more so.
You can see it in
all the positive things we can build together and in the common threats
we face from enemies of a nation state, from the narco-traffickers, the
gun runners, from the terrorists, from those who would develop weapons
of mass destruction geared to the Electronic Age, very difficult to
detect and easy to move.
I
to do with the fundamental
Is it possible for the
ere o recognize that and find common
ground? Can we find peace in Jerusalem between the Muslims, the
Christians and the Jews? Can we find peace in the Balkans between the
Muslims, the Orthodox Christians and the Catholics? Will we ever bring
and end to the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants in
Northern Ireland -- I mean, finally ever really have it over with
completely? Can the Hindus and the Muslims learn to live together in
Kashmir?
fact
Isn't it interesting, when I came here, in part, to help you move
into the information revolution more quickly, to spread its benefits to
more of your people, that all over the world in this most modern of
ages, we are bedeviled by humanity's oldest problem:
the fear of the
other, people who are different from us.
I'm sure there was a time in the deep, distant mists of memory,
when everyone had to be afraid of people who were not of their tribe;
when food was scarce and there was no means of communication.
But all
of us still carry around with us the fear of people who are different
from us. And it is such a short step from being afraid of someone to
distrusting them, to disliking them, to hating them, to oppressing them,
to using violence against them.
It is a slippery, slippery slope.
I
So I say again, the biggest challenge for people in the United
States, where people still, I'm ashamed to say, lose their lives because
they are different -- not nearly as much as it used to be, it's a rare
occurrence, but it still tears at our hearts, because we know everyone
counts, everyone deserves a chance at life, and we all do better when we
help each other, and when we find a way for everyone to follow his or
her own path through life, guided by their own lights and theirQown
faith.
So I say to you, I come here with that in mind.
The world needs
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to
succe~Applause.)we
If
Every great nation must become more
are torn by our differences, then we
become less than the sum of our parts. Nigeria has within it the seeds
of every great development going on in the world today, and it has a
future worth fighting for.
You are already a champion of peace,
democracy and justice. Last month in Tokyo, your President reminded
leaders of the Group of Eight very firmly that we are all tenants of the
same global village.
(~~"or ~rts.
I
He said, and I quote, "We must deal with the challenges for
development not as separate entities, but in partnership, as members of
the same global family, with shared interests and responsibilities." So
today, I would like to talk just a few minutes about how our two
nations, with our shared experience of diversity and our common faith in
freedom, can work as partners to build a better future.
I believe we have two
The first is to work
together to help Nigeria
for success in the 21st
century, and then to make
of economic growth and
the continent., The second is to work together to help
that Nigeria and all of Africa so desper~tely need.
I
J
To build stronger economies we must confront the diseases that are
draining the life out of Africa's cities and villages, especially AIDS,
but also TB and malaria. AIDS will reduce life expectancy in Africa by
20 years. It is destroying families and wiping out economic gains as
fast as nations can make them.
It is stealing the future of Africa.
In
the long run, the only way to wipe out these killer diseases is to
provide effective, affordable treatments and vaccines.
Just last week,
I signed into law a new $60-million investment in vaccine research and
new support for AIDS treatment and prevention around the world,
including Nigeria.
(Applause.)
In the meantime, however, while we wait for the long run, we have
to face reality.
I salute President Obasanjo for his leadership in
recognizing we can't beat AIDS by denying it, we can't beat AIDS by
stigmatizing it.
Right now, we can only beat AIDS by preventing it, by
changing behavior and changing attitudes and breaking the silence about
how the disease is transmitted and how it can be stopped.
This is a
matter of life or death.
There are nations in Africa -- two -- that have had a significant
reduction in the AIDS rate because they have acted aggressively on the
question of prevention.
Tomorrow the President and I will meet with
Nigerians on the front line of this fight and I will congratulate them.
Building a stronger economy also means helping all children learn.
In the old economy, a country's economic prospects were limited by its
place on the map and its natural resources. Location was everything.
In the new economy, information, education, and motivation are
everything.
When I was coming down here today, Reverend Jackson said to me,.
remind everybody that America, to help Nigeria, involves more than the
government; it's also Wall Street and Silicon Valley.
That's what's
growing our economy and it can help to grow yours.
I
One of the great minds of the Information Age is a Nigerian
American named Philip Emeagwali.
He had to leave school because his
parents couldn't pay the fees.
He lived in a refugee camp during your
civil war.
He won a scholarship to university and went on to invent a
formula that lets computers make 3.1 billion calculations per second.
(Applause.)
Some people call him the Bill Gates of Africa.
(Laughter
and applause. )
'
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But what I want to say to you is there is another Philip Emeagwali
or hundreds of them -- or thousands of them -- growing up in Nigeria
today.
I thought about it when I was driving in from the airport and
then driving around to my appointments, looking into the face of
children.
You never know what potential is in their mind and in their
heart; what imagination they have; what they have already thought of and
dreamed of that may be locked in because they don't have the means to
take it out.
That's really what education is.
to make
sure all your children have the chance o live
that you
don't miss the benefit of their contribu
the rest
of the world.
It's in our interest in America
the 98
percent of the human race that has never connected to the Internet, to
the 269 of every 270 Nigerians who still lack a telephone.
I am glad to announce that the United States will work with Nigeria
NGOs and universities to set up community resource centers to provide
Internet access, training and support to people in all regions of your
country.
(Applause.)
I also discussed with the President earlier today
a $300-million initiative we have launched to provide a nutritious meal
-- a free breakfast or a free lunch -- for children in school, enough to
feed another 9 million kids in school that aren't in school today,
including in Nigeria.
•
We know that if we ~ould offer -- and I'm going to the other
developed countries asking them to contribute, and then we're going to
nation by nation, working with governmental groups, working with farm
groups -- we don't want to upset any local farm economies -- we
understand their.challenges here-- but we know if we could guarantee
every child in every developing nation one nutritious meal a day, we
could dramatically increase school enrollment -- among boys, and
especially among girls. We don't have a child to waste.
I hope we can
do this in Nigeria, and I hope you will work with us to get the job
done.
(Applause.)
I have also asked the .Peace Corps to reestablish its parthership
with Nigeria as soon as possible to help with education, health and
information technology.
Building a strong economy also means creating strong institutions,
and above all, the rule of law.
Your Nobel laureate, Wole Soyinka, has
written that he imagines a day when Nigeria is "an unstoppable nation,
one whose citizens anywhere in the world would be revered simply by the
very possession of a Nigerian passport."
I don't need to tell you that the actions of a small group of
Nigerians took away that possibility, took away the pride of carrying
the passport, stealing the opportunity from every decent and honest
citizen of this country.
But we will bring the pride and prosperity
back by cracking down together on crime, corruption, fraud and drugs.
(Applause. )
I
Our FBI is again working with Nigeria to fight international and
financial crime. Our law enforcement agencies are working to say to
narco-traffickers, there should be no safe havens in Nigeria. As we do
these things, we will be able to say loud and clear to investors all
over the world: Come to Nigeria.
(Applause.)
This is a place of
untapped opportunity because it is a place of unlimited potential.
(Applause. )
This year, I signed into law our Africa trade bill, and many of its
champions are here with me from our Congress.
It will help us to seize
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that opportunity, creating good jobs and wealth on both sides of the
Atlantic.
The challenge is to make sure any foreign involvement in your
economy promotes equitable development, lifting people and communities
that have given much for Nigeria's economic progress, but so far have
gained too little from it.
Neither the people, nor the private sector want a future in which
investors exist in fortified islands surrounded by seas of misery.
Democracy gives us a chance to avoid that future.
Of course, I'm
thinking especially of the Niger Delta.
I hope government and business
will forge a partnership with local people to bring real, lasting social
progress, a clean environment and economic opportunity.
We face, of course, another obstacle to Nigeria's economic
development, the burden of debt that past governments left on your
shoulders.
The United States has taken the lead in.rescheduling
Nigeria's debt within the Paris Club, and I believe we should do more.
Nigeria shouldn't have to choose between paying interest on debt and
meeting basic human needs, especially in education and health.
(Applause.)
We are prepared to support a substantial reduction of
Nigeria's debts on a multilateral basis, as long as your economic and
financial reforms continue to make progress, and you ensure that the
benefits of debt reduction go to the people.
(Applause.)
•
Now, let me say, as we do our part to support your economic growth
and economic growth throughout Africa, we must also work together and
build on African efforts to end the conflicts that are bleeding hope
from.too many places.
If there's one thing I would want the American
people to learn from trip here it is the true, extraordinary extent of
Nigeria's leadership for peace in West Africa and around the world.
(Applause. )
I hope our members of Congress who are here today will tell this to
their colleagues back home.
Over the past decade, with all of its
problems, Nigeria has spent $10 billion and sacrificed hundreds of its
soldiers lives for peace in West Africa.
(Applause.)
Nigeria was the
first nation, with South Africa, to condemn the recent coup in Cote
d'Ivoire. And Nigerian soldiers and diplomats, including General
Abubakar, are trying to restart the peace process in Congo.
In these
ways, you are building the record of a moral superpower.
(Applause.)That's a long way to come in just 'a couple of years, and I urge you
to stay with it.
But I know -- I know from the murmurs in this chamber
and from the murmurs I heard in the congressional chamber when I said
the United States must go to Bosnia, the United States must go to
Kosovo, the United States must train an Africa Crisis Response
Initiative, the United States must come here and help you train to deal
with the challenges of Sierra Leone -- I know that many of you have
often felt the burden of your peacekeeping was heavier than the benefit.
I know you have felt that.
·
I
But there's no one else in West Africa with the size, the standing,
the strength of military forces to do it.
If you don't do it, who will
do it? But you should not have to do it alone.
That's what's been
wrong with what's happened in the last several years.
You have too
heavy a burden.
Because of your size, everyone expects you to lead, and
to do so with enormous sensitivity to the needs of others.
But despite
your size, you cannot lead alone, and you shouldn't have to pay the
enormous price.
I am determined, if you're willing to lead, to get you
the international support you need and deserve to meet those
responsibilities.
(Applause. )
This week, the first of five Nigerian peacekeeping battalions began
working with American military trainers and receiving American
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equipment. With battalions from Ghana and other African nations, they
will receive almost $60 million in support to be a commanding force for
peace in Sierra Leone and an integral part of Nigeria's democratization.
We think the first battalions will be ready to deploy with U.N. forces
early next year. We expect them to make an enormous difference in
replacing the reign of terror with the rule of law. As they do, all of
West Africa will benefit from the promise of peace and stability, and
the prospect of closer military and economic cooperation. And Nigeria
will take another step toward building a 21st century army that is
strong and strongly committed to democracy.
Let me say to the military leaders who are here with us today that
the world honors your choice to take the army out of politics and make
it a pillar of a democratic state.
(Applause. )
Last year, President Obasanjo came to Washington and reminded us
that peace is indivisible.
I have worked to build a new relationship
between America and Africa because our futures are indivisible.
It
matters to us whether you become and engine of growth and opportunity,
or a place of unrelieved despair.
It matters whether we push back the
.forces of ciime, corruption, and disease together, or leave them to
divide and conquer us.
It matters whether we reach out with Africans to
build peace, or leave millions of God's children to suffer alone.
Ten years ago, a young Nigerian named Ben Okri published a novel,
"The Famished Road" that captured imaginations all over the world.
H~
wrote of a spirit child who defies his elders and chooses to be born
into the turmoil and struggle of human life.
The time and place were
modern Nigeria, but the questions the novel poses speak to all of us in
a language that is as universal as the human spirit.
•
In a time of change and uncertainty, Okri asks us, "Who can dream a
good road and then live to travel on it?" Nigerians, as much as any
nation on Earth, have dreamed this road -- since Anthony Enahoro stood
up in a colonial Parliament and demanded your independence in 1953.
Nigerians have dreamed this road in music and art and literature and
political struggle, and in your contributions to prosperity and
progress, among the immigrants to my country and so many others.
Now, at the dawn of a new century, the road is open at home to all
citizens of Nigeria.
You have the chance to build a new Nigeria. We
have the chance to build a lasting network of ties between Africa and
the United States.
I know it will not be easy to walk the road.
But
you have already endured such stiff challenges.
You have beaten such
long odds to get this far.
And after all, the road of freedom is the
only road worth taking.
I hope that as President, I have helped a little bit to take us a
few steps down that road together.
I am certain that America will walk
with you in the years to come. And I hope you will remember, if nothing
else, what I said about our interdependence.
Yes, you need us today
because at this fleeting moment in history, we are the world's richest
country.
But over the long run of life and over the long run of a
nation's life, and over the long run of civilization on this planet, the
rich and the poor often change places. What endures is our common ·
._.
.~-~h~u~m~a~n~i~t y~.~~(A~p~p~I~a~u~s~e~!_________
_
2
•
I
0
If you can find it amidst all your differences, and we can find
amidst all ours, and then we can reach out across the ocean, across the
cultures, across the different histories with a common future for all of
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our children, freedom's road will prevail.
I
Thank you, and God bless you.
(Applause.)
END 4:00 P.M.
(L)
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
..,.---------For Immediate Release
\
\ July 13, 2000
L~--- ..
I
,------------~
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT '·--- _
ON THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF VIETNAM-BILATERAL TRADE AGREEMENT
l.~.
---- --
The Rose Garden
4:10 P.M.
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Just a few
moments ago, Ambassador Barshefsky and Minister Vu Khoan signed an
agreement between the United States and Vietnam that will dramatically
open Vietnam's economy, further integrate it into the ~nternationai
community. and_increase trade bet~eel) our two nations_. '"-Ji!]_~ _§Q. _
_fr_om the
.· biffer past, we plant the seeds of a p~t_t~r _future.- ~
---
:_..,_-:-:_:-_
-
'-,
---
---
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j
-- --------
This is another historic step in the process of pormaliza_ti_o_11_,____ _
reconciliation and healing between our two nations. ;Improvements in the-·-}
~~~lat:i:onship~b~t_ween: the ·ufiitea-st:ates and.-viet-nam- Ttave depended f:r:_om-- .,"
(_:the-beginning upon progress if!- determining~the -fate--of--Americans __"VJho did
'not: return fr-oin the war.
.: ,'
.
.
•
In 1994,· with the support of the_members of Congress standing with
me here and others, I li-fted -the trade embargo on Vietnam in response to
its cooperation on the POW/MIA-issue. A year later, I hormalized
diplomatic relations between our two nations to'further this goal. As
further progress was made in 1996, I appointed former Congressman Pete
Peterson-- himself, a former prisoner.of war-- to be our United States
Ambassador in Vietnam.
With the indispensable help of key congressional allies, especially
Senator John Kerry and Senator John. McCain, Senator Bob Kerrey and
Senator Chuck Hagel and Senator Chuck Robb; Representative Rick Boucher,
Representative Reyes, who is here, Representative Manzullo,
Representatives Lane Evans, Kolbe, Bereuter and McDermott, this process
has worked.
Since 1993, we have undertaken 39 joint recovery operations with
Vietnam, and the number of 40 is underway as we speak. One hundred and
thirty-five American families have received the remains of their loved
ones, and we're in t~e process of identifying another 150 possible sets
of remains. Time and again, the Vietnamese people have shared their
memories with Americans. And we, too, have sought to help Vietnam in
its own search for answers...
·
Our nation has also felt a special sense of responsibility to those
people in Vietnam whose families were torn apart during and after the
war. In the last few ye~rs, we've made tremehdous progress in
resettling tens of thousands of Vietnamese refugees in the United
States, closing yet another painful chapter.
•
And Vietnam has done much' to turn its face toward a. changing world.
It has worked to open its economy and move into the mainstream of
Southeast Asia as a member of the Association of Southeast Asian nations
and APEC .. _Our trading .relation_s __ h_ave also grown. ( Whe·n--J: ·tc>oR office
our exports to Vietnam totaled just$4 rnYllion-.---TOday, they s.tand at
$291 million·; ,---- -------- - ----- ·
· ·
-\...
r
......r-__....,
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�Page 2 of3
I
The agreement we signed today will dramatically open Vietnam's
markets on everything from agriculture to industrial goods to
telecommunications products, while creating jobs both in Vietnam and in
the United States.
With this agreement, Vietnam has agreed to speed its opening to the
world; to subject important decisions to the rule of law and the
international trading system; to increase the flow of information to its
people; by inviting competition in, to accelerate the rise of a free
market economy and the private sector within Vietnam, itself. We hope
expanded trade will go hand in hand with strength and respect for human
rights and labor standards. For we live in an age where wealth is
generated by the free exchange of ideas and stability depends on
democratic choices. By signing this agreement, Vietnam takes an
important step in the right direction.
~We ;-v;b~-en -w-;~klng-~n-thls-agreement- -since- 1996,-a-nd -tte-:re~ arE; many
people who- deserve- recognition-.-- I want -to say- a--specia-l~thanks to' our
Trade Repr:esentative, Ambassador Barshefsky; our Deputy USTR, Richard
Fisher; Joe Damond, of USTR, for working so hard in the last four years
to turn this agreement into reality.
I would also like to thank their Vietnamese counterparts: Trade
Minister Vu Khoan; Chief NegotJ.ator Nguyen Dinh ·Luong. And I want to
say a special word of thanks also to Vietnamese Ambassador La Van Bang
and to our Ambassador Pete Peterson, who have worked so hard to build
ties among our nations and our people.
·
./
And let me say, again, it . is my opinion_ that none_ of__t_!lis would
]l:ave-neen possible- had it_not bee!l: for tti,e visionary and brave and
')
(,reconciling leadership of the Americ-ans-l'n the United States Congress
"'tw@_s_~_:r_y_e_d,___!ll.my~o~ whom_~_uf_~_erec!_, __ i_~_'{_.l,_et_~(:lii~J_respecially. those who are .
here with me and the others whose names I mentioned earlier. Our debt
to them as a nation is immense.
j
This agreement is one more reminder that former adversaries can
come together_ to _find common_ ground _in -a .way that benef1:ts all their
people) to let go of the past and embrace the future, to forgive and to
reconcile·.·- As all- of- you -know, that ·is ·wha't'- we are-now-'trying to
achieve at Camp David in what many believe is the most difficult of all
historical circumstances.
Tnis day is encouraging to me, and I will take the energy I feel
here from all these people back to Camp David and make the argument that
they should follow suit.· Thank you very much.
Q
Mr. President, you've talked about going to Vietnam. Are you
planning to go to Vietnam after the APEC ministerial in November?
THE PRESIDENT:
I haven't made a decision yet.
Q
Mr. President, have you seen the videotape of the beating that
a suspect apparently took at the hands of the Philadelphia police
yesterday, and are you conc~rned about it? Have you asked any of the
authorities to look into it?
I
THE PRESIDENT: No, I haven't seen it, because I've been pretty
isolated in the peace talks; but I've been briefed about it. The
Justice Department is looking into.it. And when I was in Baltimore on
the way down here today, I spoke briefly with Mayor Street. And he
assured me that he was g6ing to go home and handle it in the appropriate
way, and I trust him. He's a strong man and a good man, and I think he
will do what is right.
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Q
Sir, is any substantial progress being made at Camp David?
And there seems to be some confusion about whether you will allow the
Palestinian opposition figures to come in to see Chairman Arafat.
THE PRESIDENT:
I think I should say nothing about what's going on
at Camp David; the less I say, the greater our chances of success.
Thank you very much.
END 4:16 P.M. EDT
I
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NOT. A SYNDROME, tBU.T;A.COUNTRY
., ;·
IN NovEMBER; 'PresidentCJlinton.Wlnbeco~e ~h~:;~s~U:S. president
to set foot in a· unified:_Vietriall1.YHis\risitWill::finaily.draw American
attentiqntoa ·country that is: vastly differentfrom,tthe.•one:many
remember~ Cont~niporary·Vietnam ·is·:char,acterizeqc by. paradoxes
and contradictions. The ·bustling streets,:,of:·Hanoi, arid~Ho Chi
Minh City ar~ patked with. youth oirflortHa,Dream.motorbikes,
weaving ~~tween the•bicycle-taxis ·and the ih~nypeddl~r?Balancing
enormcms 'PYnimids ;of-vegetables of: other'\vares~ The: energy is
palpable:-,6o.·percenf·of:.Vietnain's. p()ptilafiotris:tunder:jo.years-.Of
age, and8_5percent:isuhder,40~ ... · ·
· ;'(~: ..· ' ,:>:.
, But fir~tiropr~~go11s· are:oft~Q!Ilisleading,.an~lippearafl,ces. frequently
deceive:tJllt~brant a.~~!_b..~F~k~~Q~lg!!g:yQung~Tht~§_~s5~love to
:many,·:.'cybercafe's'~ or~ more:. riiodest.\street-:-front
congregate, at.
computer rental shops. But this country of8o· million people-the
12th most populous in the.world~stillhasfewef;than6o;ooo Internet
subscribers, two~thirds ofwhich::are· ministries:ancl other, govern-:mental or Communist Party institutions. Ari hour· on. the· Internet
costs more than the average Vietnamese earns.in,a,day(per capita GNP
in 1999 was $320). When oneJooks- into 'those.' cybercafes and sees
very little "surfing" going .ori (a lot ofword:-processing and games
tne
ANDREW J PIERRE recently spent four months inVietriihi at the Institute
oflnternational Relations of the Ministry'ofFoteign Affairs. He 15 Senior
·Associate at the InstitUte for the Study'ofDiplomacy'andAdjunct Professor '·
in the National Security Studies Program, both at Georgetown University.
�AndrewJ Pierre
instead), the Internet revolution appears a long way from opening
Vietnamese society to the outside world.
In the early to mid-199os, the Vietnamese economy seemed to be
opening, and many foreign investors rushed in with high expectations
' of future growth. B~t as !lJ:~S~!~&fVietnam'stlifee~yeai<·-"olaeconomic ~ .
~ecline; ihes_e:invest~r_?_h:!Y~m9~ily9i~pp~~ed.~T~e newly-built hotels ----- -~
and office Dtiildlngs that now stand emp-tyst~rkly symbolize the
lowered expectations.
Many Vietnamese would welcome the economic opportunities
~tha.tjJ1sr~ase<Lforeign investment -would create:-=l}_iiic-:!~i_-c:!=g\!ntry's _ ·'
'
--- ~----- -· -- ------~ \
·:leidefsnip-hasbeen~hesitanttb 7
6Ren~the economy. Frequent warnings
cite the dangers of "peaceful ev~ftit:I~n,"-aterm--used to deride those
perceived as seeking to discredit communism by advocating the
"~estern''~~al~~s of ~api!aJ!sm,:9~Il1_E>cr~9',_ an? h~·~.u~~n ~ights. ~ietf!~m _ __ ~~,
has yet to reconcile its cent:rally;€ontn::>Qed---'~c_o_n()_my,~one-:paity political:_-, -. ---·system, an~ h!~tor1c-fear o1T0re1gninfcraction~1lithe~~2~ng pressures
··-
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PRESENT-DAY PARADOXES
. ·!I
THE END of what the Vietnamese call the "American war" was a
truly epochal triumph for the North. Independence was finally
won in 1975 after a century of struggle against the French, the Chinese,
the Japanese, and ultimately the Americans. Hanoi was the cockpit
of this fight and is now the nation's capital; Ho Chi Minh, the nation's deeply venerated founder, lies here in a mausoleum fully
equal to Lenin's on Red Square. But on April 30, zooo-the 25th
anniversary of the final victory against the United States and South
Vietnam's "liberation" from foreign influences-Hanoi lay eerily
quiet. Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon, the capital of South
Vietnam) hosted the major ceremony instead. The authorities'
tight control over the day's festivities belied the populist rhetoric
celebrating the "people's uprising." The official explanation for
keeping the celebration inside the gates of the Palace of Reunification,
formerly the presidential palace, was the wish to keep the costs
down. But limiting the setting also protected against possible
political demonstrations.
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
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Another contradicti~n is that J.lt_liough .the_North~wo_n: the: ~at.,_"c-.,_-c·_
·,:-- _rle, thecSorith~-may-·yerw!P: tlie"~aJ:·;=-A- "No~thernization" campaign
:. ~-- during tnefiisi -decade after independeric~ included a deliberately
brutal policy ofland collectivization and forced rriore:than 40o,ooo
people into ideological:"re-education" campsfor·as long as a decade .
Tens ofthousands were killed and more than 1oo;ooo fled in boats.
The government imposed communism on the· South .and severely
curtailed freedom ofspeech and religious practice. The resulting
FOREIGN AFFAIRS ·November/December2ooo
[71]
~ .- >
�AndrewJ Pierre
economic tailspin created large pockets of famine, a tragic anomaly
in a country rich with agricultural promise.
Today ~-g~agyal "So_uth~t:~i-~~t!qn" of ~h~:N orth is b~c:om.ing vi~ible.
The'industr!al.p-arK.s on-the outskirts ofHo Chi-Minh -City and the
rice paddies ,of th6Mekong delta~'now-drive --thE::na:tional economy,
;
producing tWo-thirds-of tne nat!o-n's-weaith and accouritiiigfor So percent of its tax revenue. Southern constituents urging privatization,
entr~preneurial initiatives, and capitalist ideas are pressuring party
politicians and the rigid ministerial bureaucracies of the North to
change. The more robust economy ofHo Chi Minh City rewards its
inhabitants with considerably higher wages
than those earned in the nation's capital. Thus
Leaders fear the
in the struggle for the "hearts and minds" of
political chaos that
the people, the former Saigon could win over
Hanoi after all.
n1ight follow
This· battle today lies at the center of
economic reform.
Vietnam's greatest paradox: both the Vietnamese people and the leadership want to strengthen the economy
and improve the quality of life, but their proposals for how to do ·so
are highly contradictory. The communist leadership talks .of the need
for a "market-based but socialism-driven structure of economic
development." This jumble of Karl Marx and Adam Smi~p.reve_al!?:- ~.
the party's ambi\'alence abo~!~reformingits economic ways:J3utthe_ 3 ,
-population -Is -growjgg_more-impatien LA_ iurprisingly rudimentary
-kn()w'ledge- ofthe outside world (the media is tightly controlled and
opportunities for travel are few) has not prevented the Vietnamese
from understanding that without moves toward a free-market economy,
the country will be unable to reap the fruits ofglobalization and compete
economically, even within the Asian region. Indeed, Vietnam is likely
to continue its present troubling decline .
The Vietnamese government feels the mounting pressure of the
people's concerns, but it \~so}rnows~thaurny mo_}reotowafd:capiralism --~
r would undoubtedlt:require:.·a: sirliitlt~ri~ql:lfP9J1ti2ars!-~r to:W~r}l a_ ----~
-in ore democratic -society. Above ali, -the party~leadersh1p--fears so-ci;u ~
disorder and aloss of' control. Globalization, some ofVietnam's top
officials believe, could erode the authority of a state and party still
based on Marxist-Leninist principles. Throughout the leadership is
.
! ''
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'
[72]
FOREIGN AFFAIRS· Volume79No.6
�Vietnam's CQntradictions
naly
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a deeply rooted anxie:tythat too rapid a pace· of change could increase
expectations, generate. instability, and erod~ :the levers of political
control essentialto·the maintenance of a one.;..party state.
COMMUNISM
A LA
VIETNAMESE
T l{i~:YiE:.TNArvl~S i£ 0M~M u:~-~s_T·_-'~~:~ IY_ JYCJ>) :stiltp.~rg~de~=:till ~-- . -~
qin}~ns1on~~of-lif~~it1~th~"-(oiln~ry;;everi:ifitfaces·inli!itertain-Jutlir~._ -~
This dominance~' is- key- to understandinf.co~temporary· Vietnam. -.
. The vcP's exclusive role in government is constitutionally mandated,
and advocacy of a multiparty political: system :is·.forbidden;·Party
members control the. top echelons in the ministries, the military,· the
internal security -services, ~the. media, and the ·many:state:--owned
enterprises. Accordingly,. drawing a distinctionibetween government
and party is closeto·meaningless .. TheNational·Assembly•is subject
to party direction and the VCP approves most candidates; thejudiciary
is fully subservient to the. government; Peo.ple's :Committees of the
VCP begin at the hamlet level and runupthroughthevillage; district,
province, and so on. In effect, Vietnam's population of8o.million is
now ruled by a party membership of approximately:z:s~million.
·..Vietnam is run by a "troika'' of the president,• the· prime minister,
and the general secretary of the VCP. The current top leadership; selected
in late 1997 by the 18:--inelllb_er Politburoi was a: cautious-compromise.
Prime~·Minister Phan Van Khai, an economic·reformer, was intended
to balance:.GeneralSe'cr~t:atj t~ Kha"Phieui a ton_§~cy~tive:afid·deCli<;:ater--=~- ··: i"
p~tr-Wotkef· ~H~ohad -cli~b~d~the~ -ranK.s a:s.a: political-: co~missar
within the army~ President Tran Due Luong' stands in,the middle.
The struggles and secretive inner workings ofthe· Communist Paity
are-arguably even more difficult to fathom·than were those of the;Soviet
Union. N evertheless;:theLfiss_ures- do not :alway§~rc::!llain_~hidden: L_e
Kha ~hie\! :has_emerged~as-the"mos:t~ggre·s-sive""~d:p()we~@_2'Y_ithin·· ;~--:;
· ----tne-tr.oika- and_., reportedly..c:cwiij~seek-...:the c:presidency~--:i!!_cthe :next-·_ . -.
reshuffle;. due:atthe'"Nipth Party·@ongress.in .zoo1:llV1._eanwhilerPhati:~- ~-=:::
Van -Khai, having tried-and-failed to obtain gr~iterpolitical s-qpportfor
.
econ:omic._reforrn, has offered to resignand)~~learly.on h~~SW~y·out.. -.'this aiscord within-the-triumVirate--presents a microcosm of the··
vcP's current dilemmas. Today the party is divided over the economic
FOREIGN AFFAIRS· November/December 2ooo
[73]
�AndrewJ Pierre
and political questions that reach to the heart ofindependent Vietnam's
identity. How can it respond to the forces of globalization when the
need to adapt the country's command economy to the world market. place is still in dispute? If the wisdom of established economic doctrine
falls into question, how can the party confidently ensure the continued
political direction of the nation? This dissonance within the party ..
leadership presents a serious problem because impottant --de~i§jons ~--:re-quire the unanimous consent of th~glitbtiro. -Di~plite-frequently
leads to j)aralysis; as evidence(f in -t11e yearlong delay in agreeing to
the recently signed trade deal with the United States.
Many-though not ali-in the vcp's younger generation and even
some elder statesmen understand the urgent necessity for e~~n_Qrnic__ . -~.
_.refo_!m a11:d closer integration int~,_tl).e global economy._:_ButVietriain·,is==~- C::onfucia_~ s?_cie-ry~ that v:er1er~1tes ..serii6.fi!J, /~nd these younger
voices speak with less authority than the older leaders. The turnover
is low and slow in the all:-powerful Politburo, which remains the domain
of conservative communists who fear that opening Vietnam would
invite capitalism, and perhaps even democracy.
These party elders spent their formative political years successfully
fighti_!lg_for_tb.e_independenc~ of !~eir country. The legacy they carry
s a fesidual fear off~r.~g!i_ip}erfq~!!~which in turn influences the
ietnarriese-gove~nment's foreign policy:-many senior party members
nstinctively question too much interaction with the outside world.
hey feel threatened by the emerging transnational forces and "soft_
power" of the twenty-first-century global system. Iii'awidelfri.o.t¢,9_~
speech marking ilie-VCP's jotli anniversary, :L~ kha Phieu:c~mdemried
technology-ari~en · globali~a!io!!:j.J;tQ. ~pkgg~4~!~ic·Vietnam: ·would.
· -not '-'change.its.c01<:)rs"-of socialism. _ .
· · -- .. ···
The party'ctapestry, however, is not woven purely of anachronistic
threads. Members are also united by the substantial privileges that
accompany party affiliation. Good public-sector jobs, better houses,
cars, and opportunities for funded overseas travel come with party
membership or contacts. Even in the growing hut still limited private
sector, obtaining the required approvals and licenses from the heavyhanded bureaucracy can be difficult without political assistance. So the
VCP continues to attract some of the "best and brightest" of the younger
generation, even if they personally care little about its ideology.
( 74]
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
�Vietnam's Contradictions
1am's
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:tnne
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ng to
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'i~it~bly, ~~ch-~ c~l~~~engend~;s pervasive-corruption:-qeneral
;,!
\; ...
Tran Do, former head of the' Ideology and Culture Department-of
the vcP's Central Committee, admitted being disillusioned.with the
party he: had joined as a teenager in 1941: He'observed that·'~e:xdusive
power inevitablylleadstothe abuse ofpower."·Abuses extend to:the .
regional and local levels. Protests~have occurred inthe-cq_lJ._!l_t!J'side~ __
with angry farmers. facing. the:local Peop1e's~Committee~ that hold
, sway over crORJ~ri<::i_ng,'local taxation, h_ousing, and .land distribution.
~Tarmers from more than 1oo villages !n Th_ai_~!!l~- province,
south 'of~Halioi;,_affackedJ<:fcaLoffi.ciak~who had i~posed~ ~ultipk :
'-:-taxes~- ·Although :the· Politburo; has responded to ~riticisin; wlthi:an. -- anticorruption ·campaign that brought the 1999 dismissal·ofD~p:uty.
Prime Minister· N go -Xu an Loc. and •· some showpiece· executions, a
great dehl of cynicism about its true·degree•of commitment-remains.
Indeed, some believe that conservatives· have used the anticorruption
campaign to justify the removal of some· reformers.
· · ··
Concessions to- change; ·moreover, are hard to Il!*eJI\I'hen·the·leaders
of the_ yep talk of the need formaintain{ng·~~st~~l::,jlity,~~-a_ euplie_ini~JJ;I- -..'
for·cioiitinued,pa£cy:con trobMany of these. officials oppose •economic
reforms that might undermine their political.power/Fhe drama an:d
chaos oflndonesia in recent years is cited: as an example to be avoided.
More haunting to the Vietnamese leadership is the specter of the
Soviet Union's collapse and the disintegration ofits empire' in~Eastern
Europe. Many in the cadre were.educatedinthe'Warsaw.,Pact:.coun-~ries,. "\1\jth which Vietnam=~pj~y~__closeJr~~ernal_:r_e!ati~ns for 30 years.
Tht(c6mmuriist bloc's demise has not-shatteredthe---,Vietnainese::leaa::
.~~ ~~-. ers'.l:iith-.i~- ~~m~~ni~m- as ~a-political;anct··e¢ohomic ,syst~m:·:,:Rat]ler,
::. ·:-. :::- ~they-view ·Mikhail-Go~1:>ll~heyc;is-_l}i!Ying'lost' c_ontrol·ofthat systenrby ~
recklessly-undertaking economic ref~~Il!f~t~outassuting politi·c~t:bsta- ·
bility. Communism's collapse. is ;blamed on avoidable politicaFrriis~ management rather than a bankrupt economy or a failed ideology. ·
IDEOL0:.?-~5~~ ~qi§S_()~RJ:) :-::.::;::_~-- _..
~-:=-:--IN coN-i' RAsr.!QYietnain's]ead~s;: most:of its:citizens-are-.gener:hlly .·
.~indifferent-=t:_~~-C<?~1TI11nism. Ideology and politics cannot:.riyal the
' -·-people's primary--ana often·~sole concern: ..putti!r.g~sufficient~food:cm ~\
t...~------
FOREIGN AFFAIRS .. November/December 2ooo
·~,
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~~the t~bl~ a~d ~akin~-~~d-~ ~~et. Even the small proportion of the
\!. '~ ~v~ populati~n (m?sdy cio/ awellers)t~~t haS SOme disposable income is
1
h ~- preoccupied with buymg a motorbike, a TV set, or a better place to
_
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:.
·
' ' :1,
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,.
'
live. Most Vietnamese dismiss the historic struggle for independence
and the ''American war" as events before their time that lack the
immediacy of daily concerns. The streets ofHanoi and Ho Chi Minh
City may be replete with banners displaying hammers and sickles or
statUes of Ho Chi Minh, but these symbols
go largely ignored.
"People remain the
Economic concerns help account for the
voiceless subjects: one widespread ideological apathy, but fear and
former party official said. intimidation also play a role. In a society
with no legal opposition, no right of assembly,
and no autonomy for the national press, arbitrary arrest and detention
remain conceivable results of political expression. The und~rdevdop_ecl_
:" judiciaFs'ystem provides rio guarantees because it l~c_k__sj~(!_~pendence ..
·--The internal securityapp.aiatlis i.s thm.iglitto-be--massive and intrusive,
comparable to East Germany's Stasi. Such circ~_J!ls_!_ap_c_es prohibit~ _
free speech a_s it_ is understo?<:i. in_ the_ We~t: -S'pe~kiiig~critically..of
~ -·the par_ty n1eans_crit1Cii1ng the state and is therefore. treasonous.
Few Vietnamese want-to subject themselves to the harassment that
will inevitably ensue.
Even senior party members muffle themselves, deterred by the
vcP's sev~re discipline. Only a very few venerable elders whose party
credentials are irreproachable have felt sufficiently secure to constructively criticize the country's present direction-and their fate will not
inspire more to do so. General Tran Do was one such daring critic.
The 1997 farmers' riots in Thai Binh, his home province, confirmed
his belief that the party had lost touch with the masses and was leading
the country to ruin: "In the past, party and people were one .... Today
the party and the people are two. The party is an elite group of rulers
over the people. People remain the voiceless subjects."
Tran Do-like many other Vietnamese-recognized the irresolvable
, contradiction between a market economy, essential for Vietnamese
economic development, and the socialist direction of the vcP. Rejecting
the often-asserted view that economic improvement must precede
talk about political reform, he argued that economic reform actually
[ 76 ]
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
--
.......
''
�Vietnam's Contradictions
~~la
:e:t.
ence
:the
1inh
::s or
tbols
:the
and
:iety
lbly,
tion
>ped
nee.
:nve,
tibit
y of
thl
DUS.
the
arty
ucnot
itic.
ned
ling
day
lers
tble
tese
mg
ede
illy
requires vigorous politicai reform. Further~ore, loosening communist
structures could be-beneficial to Vietnam~~~:Claim!ng-that·diinocnrc;y' ---:_:__ ~
will ,(:rf~c-j:i(:)li tic~' S!abgi_tyjs :_i)1Qgi~.al~~-c:Refusing: to stop_ his_ c~i tic~sm
after wa:r11_ing? from:party~boss~Le::-Kha Pnieu~ TranDp w~s_:s_!rippeg ~ -- ~
ofhis,partymembership in'Ja:nuary 1999;'ostens_ib!yJo_r-:}layi11g t¥_ked -- to thef~r~!g11 media~-~
.., ·
---- -- - ---C6lonel Tan Bin was another outspoken dissenterwhowas punished.
Well-known as the officer who accepted the surrender of the South
Vietnamese government in 1975;he.had become a high-ranking party
member, the widely read deputy edit~r of the party daily, Nhan Dan,
and a trusted "b-arbarlan handle_r"(!he ~i}ame ~given to.those;·tasked
with dealing with fore(gners) ;~But whe~ he wrote .honestly about;the
party's corruption and called for.a legal:opposition, he was forced into
exile·and now resides,in a communist-voting suburb ofParis.
To become an·outcastin Vietnam-brings not only excommunication
from the vcP and severed. ties with former associates but threats of
house arrest, cut phone lines, surveillance, and other forms -ofharassment. As history has shown, revolutions often consume their children,
_, ' ,
and Vietnam is no exception. :
Political repression is only one black mark on a Vietnamese human
rights;record thathas been apoif1t_9_f~()ntention_withtheUnited_S_tates __
for m~ny.years. ~he·s-i:tte-Department's most -recent annual report on ___ ·"
_.-human_ riglgs _ c:gncludes. that--in-'1999,- the ·VietnaiD~se·.goverrim~nt -_-'~ontinuedto limit somebasicfreedoms arid commit numerous abuses,
. i~d~Ciif1g-t1nwarra_~~edjroprisorimelit.in harsh ton_4itions.; Limitation
ofreligious -pract~ces poses a particular :problem. :After l9J75;;the ·government ·banned the pre-independence Buddhist .. organization~ of
southern·and central,Vietnam and replaced it·with a state-::-sponsored
· group.created specificaJJ.y to put Buddhist activities under -government
~been:.impriS()!led ~ot cplaced_:gnci~!"--. -controL 'RecalCitrant.
"pagoda arrest:" -The eight-milli<?n:-!!l~_mper C_a!holic Churc}l_also lies --~
under various ·restriction·s-des.igned to limit its gro~hand infhience.
Althougl1 _religiqus a_nd oth~ _free~oms have very gradually been
incre~singi Human Rights Watchithis.year released a strongly critical
report~ohcluding that the _Vietnamese gove·t:~- -~
~ ~_-tic.:illy---~-~
silences·-,aissident voices ..Tiie ·Harioicat!_!horit~e"' - eeplFre~ent _£~,
:~charges_ a~_UIIV~'~_!ant~~!~~!fer~~~ei_n~~omestic atfa_ - :.
sertthat.
mon_kS .haye
FOREIGN AFFAIRS· November/December 2ooo
[77]
�AndrewJ Pierre
constitutionally approved freedoms are ensured in practice and that no
political prisoners exist except those convicted of breaking the law.
The next test of Vietnam's political system will be a crucial onethe Ninth Party Congress in March 2001. The internal debate there
about the country's direction over the next five and ten years could be
fierce, although it will likely remain opaque to outsiders. Still, signs of
discord are already evident. In April, little agreement could be reached
at the plenum of the Central Committee, part of the run-up process to
the party Congress. Five years ago the Eighth Party Congress's disagreements resulted in ~eJ!lporizing on_mostissu_es_._ Thisjggj~lm::is-the- --:_-_ --:-price-=-of a--j)olitical-syitem that considers~consenstis~essentialand allo~- _:_
--- --- ~elder(to~hqld on to powerJor toolong. The Politburo's awareness of
- -the country's fundamental problems does not assure forward progress.
What may come out of the Ninth Party Congress remains decidedly
uncertain, even contradictory. The recent decision to sign the U.S.Vietnam trade agreement after a year ofhesitation suggests that the party
finally recognizes the need to engage more fully in the global economy.
The invitation to President Clinton__also indicates a new-openness. On
the other hand, tl}e-£~iSti8 -months have witnessed a return to the~old,.. _- -ostyle rhetoric that is the J:i~arkof the conservatives. General Secretary
-Le Kha Phieu has led the party into a self-criticism campaign with the
avowed aim of fighting "individualism," giving priority to "stability'' over
"reform," and emphasizing the importance of resisting "peaceful evolution." At the November 1999 Central Committee plenum, the VCP
leaders focused on "party-building work," avoiding internal di~unity, and
closing ranks against any external challenges. Hanoi bureaucrats, skilled
at reading the tea leaves, have turned more cautious. This development
suggests that the primary concern of retaining political power will continue to override all other interests. How long such an approach can last,
given Vietnam's precarious economic condition, is the critical question.
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
�-~)
ifl
there .
ld be
:ns of
.ched
~ss to
:diss the
rrows
:ss of
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----------- -.:_ . -qz·perce-nt-Iit·e;acy r~t~) ~nd posses_fesa--st~·ng :work et~iC;,PJready a
major exporter of p-etroleum, rice, seafood,-.:and coffee, the country Vvf&t ./)
has abundant natural resources and a primitive but large agricuJtural
'-Pil ~'Yv
base,_l?_oth_'Yaitjng to,be exploited. Opportunities~for-O:eveloping-~n"
~
information::-technol~gJ_s_e_ctor ab~u · . - _ · ·_ ,_. ha·s-beenJ~nable' 0~
to match the. economic progr -s:otmost of its nei -hbo
"-'•
The first decade after
" men can war·. was disastrous, as the
/,
,- ·widespread-famine resulting from forced collectivizationcmadeVietnam~
. 'depen ol"!_~~~· sta~ceffom. the SovietUnion and; to~a lesser-extent,--_ ...
Chin . ]~y 1986 _he rigidities of the command economy ha
.- .. _,e ·~-- · g that the vcP was forced to· embark on its p i~y_ 6faoi -- · ,
~' r economic renovation,. that reduced the state's ·o .-~_. o.tent · · ··
-control. For the first time, small-scale private commerce and foreign
investment, tightly regulated and limited to minority ownership in
joint ventures, .were permitted. Substantial economic growth and
macroeconomic stability followed, but the benefits were unevenly
spread. A- small; consumer-oriented middle class emerged .in the
major cities, while in the rural areas-where So percent of the population resides=:-45 :per_cent 9f f~rrr1ers remained below the- poverty line.
,~For the past three years, the ecQ.nomy·h~sl~_~en in_ sharp cl_e_f~iQ<;:,
d~spite -·the· preceding· decade of improving performance. Annual
growth in 1999 stagnated at four percent, less· than half the rate. of the
mid -19_2_os _a!l~)_l!f~h' enough _to_ t(ead water for such a pooLcountry.
'_Go;ernment _r:eyc:::ntie has~decreased. by five :percent ,ofcnP. Stagnant
job creation has left increasing numbers of the 1.3 million·people
annually seeking to enter the work force either jobless or underem__pjgred.-E:ipet<~gged, ··e _, · · -· . . - · ooas~pioduced -bt:the _
~~th tcannot'COQ1pe~ec.-_ :-global. ..
: ut
. rem aura maJOr sector of the econom _, ___ _
Jltm B
ent ofGDP
.Particularly notable is the drop i ~ · rei (f J:l!l.Yestment, ow ·
to $1.4 billion in 1999 from $8.3 billion tliree years ·earlier: EXp
Vietnam to become the next Asian tiger, with: its enticing consumer
market of So million people, international- companies· rushed in
during the early to mid-1~~os. After several years of deep frustration
tape of_the Hanoi bureaucracy, not to mention
with the ~missive
the-:aburidant corruption-, however,· many firms have just as quickly
moved out:-. ·-·
--- -·-----
-
--·
t~e
~-
cornu
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_?
FOREIGN AFFAIRS· November/December 2ooo
(
79]
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AndrewJ Pierre
Fortunately, today two supplementary SOl!r:_ces_ofincome help balan~_e !he e_conom~illion er . -~ ·_ __ ·1 remittances from
the 2.5 milliori Viet ~Je_l! · ietnamese living overseas
ainly in the
United States; andan addition
· on in official development
assistance from donor nations and international lending agencies. But
clear indications show that the lack of adequate economic reform is
inducing "donor fatigue," which would be disastrous for the country.
Vietnam's current e<:_()I?Qznic difij~ulties <:annot be more than partially
'attributed to the'Asian economic downturn~.whi(:hs_p~ vcp conservatives cite to cbunter arguments for closer global integr~tion. In
fact, the country was too ·isolated Yrom tlie \v6rld economy to have
caughtth~Asianftll: Rather, Vietnam's keyproblemsare internal. Poor _
manag~ment.of the 'state~owhe'd enterprises 11_1eans-tha_! they require
~subsidies=tO
solvent and thuSClrain scarce government resources.
Structural weaknesses plague th_e-I:)~~Jcing_sectp_[,_also largely gov~rn
ment owned. Moreover, ·aByiantine bureaucracy, unclear licensing
rules, arid inadequate for~ck>sure and bankruptcy laws ·persist The
centrally planned economy lacks flexi~~lity a_nd transparency andjust' ·is nQt compatible with today's fast-moving, increas!f!gly-'integrated
global economy.
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Economic liberalization would require major reforms in Vietnam's
still highly restrictive regulatory framework, which hinders foreign .
investment, financial services, telecommunications, intellectual property
rights, and information flows. But the Vietnamese government has
made some tentative steps in this directio_ n. To stem the decline in
foreign investment, amendments to the Foreign Investment Law in
May 2ooo streamlined the many legal and foreign-exchange control
A_xO regulations that had frustrated foreign companies. Two months later,
J
after eight years of procrastination,
. opened in Ho ChiJ\1inh Ci.!J': Iri,itiallY,-however, only four companies-·
Were 1tcensed tO list Shares, trading WaS restricted tO three days per
week, and daily price fluctuations were capped at five percent.
The most hopeful advance to date w~s _Hanoi's recent decision to
move ahead with theU~§.-Vietl)am~i:rade'-='a:grci:me:nt~~signed on July
13. The signatures can1e after three years of laborious ~gQ!_i~s
__ tha~~eg~r}in !996, with Hanoi surprising all o~s~!Yersin September~-~1999 b.y_~l)dd~nly balking just _g~fur~_it.w'!s'- e2(pected .to sign,~and_a··:: . ·
·-----·
. - ........ - -
.
Vietn~lll)_~r§_L~tgck -.iJi~.Ket:
;
[ 8 0)
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
�ptbl
...
subsequenffurther,year-}ofgovernrrieriihe8itation::.Final1y,.the:dead-::
lock within:the:P;olitbuio"broke td~the~advantage~ofthe· reformers. :;·.
·fr
:.;:;hGiveri:th~~evere:eeiel"i9t.~!ior.i;iri~Vietnarh'se'<.~.QIJomicisituatiori~:the ·
m-
_!ra<ie·:a~~ement· was: rilqstlilfely-II)PtiY~tedt])y:'d~spenitiQ~': !O: reverse·:"
>ment
s; But
lfffi(lS
lntiy.
rti3.ily
Econ::>ii:Un
;;·:the_--e~()ng_giit.aedine:-_Mietham'.is',one~rofonly?~Ehandfubofc.ouhtiies'>.
.td-~which·,the :United.::States:·~has: hot~~yet ·granted~permanenti normaitiaae:r~hitions :~PNTii)'!Tncre'asedfAinericaniinvestments'ahd access to,.
:.Poor
:qwre
ilrces.
'
ve.r.n.,.
'1SlJ1g
t-'Fhe
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;,
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iber
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ftmericai:i· . markets~;throughiith~:granti1fg-'q£~~r·;-::~'!:f"':~·- :~.;,,L; , .·. · :-i: · · ;,
P,N1l_R_.could:.~elp:arr~~~~t:h~(erosion:_bf~~iet~:~~'Vfetrtah-t';insei:ti~d·all·
. -n· a·m·'s··e"·c·o_nom·y':r:-h·e,·r··e·au·"t·I·_·on'•;I·n·,-T:,r;s·,·. t· 1.rr.s,_ . ,;;.l'"" "····""_;,,_._,;c-·"··,~--~-:o•.,,...('·.J.·_,.-..: -·.,.,...,.,.,r '"'
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. ,py:;s.much.as~4o-p-~rcellt~ol!ld;qujckly raise'_~~:::S,srw.of,sonditioq~ into
1
... _
Vietnamesei.expof£s ~t0:d:he~{hlni~ed ·,stateS"~~fitS;:trad~:~aea:l:with'the
·. to··,·$·8'oo m·.I.lli··o··n··r.r··o·m ".t·:h·:e·'-,·,l·9·9'."9'.'\-'l ·. ..e··I"o. f. ~500 ", ,- '.:':··-_:.,:::.:!-·.A,,;... _· ..... · · ·. : ·
te""v A,-_.,
.
l•J •' . ·_ , •;. •
;;,··;dt:i :-..-':_,'-';
millioll(<according:~toz<W~r~d,, Bank esti~ ,, .Qr.;Itf(!-: ~~a.te~. ·... -- .· ·· -.
· ·_ · '!llites.'·'~~nd '·:the zilor,ig;:;t~rlll~:potentiahJof: '·, . ·
·. ~.
tia:ae~.is~far:great~vc;,;:,'f~;:~;d
.c::~-.,~::,
..
i·i~notlfer:fadoi~col\tri~ut!~gJ9~V:ietnam~s.· signature~was:-B.e_ij_~ng?s ·
;:,::~ta&~t99'9 :decision4;t<:{sign~a;ctorriparable<tr,aqe·"q_§ltW:i:tli.:'W~~.hipgton:~ .. . . ....
_·:.,.i ;_,_6fheiU.S:J:-\0ietnarri .~traHe :a:greement,~;;likditits~,{9piriese t:ounterpart; ''
· ,·Will•'boostthe·eo-u~trfsihgpes;forjoih.ing.the, ':\y.drJ~{lfra~~'iOrganization
(w;iq~j:ey• ~greeing'toireouc.e·,tariffs :of1~go_6ds ·aii<:hs·e.~cesfand'abide
· ·by:~:w1:.o~iules:;;on/irit~Uecfu~.:hpropertr·'tights::_:a.fif!~r;tridetirr·.setvices~
.·Harroi;WiJl:simil.arly,irtcf.~as~;;its' chaiices~by2b¢~dm!ri:g,;mdre'con:tpliant
_
· :Witfir:-thes.o.rganizatiori's~requireinents:<'ifb -~ :'"~~~)'7,·;:;:.;;~?L<£}':t,.t';:2•": ,, .;:· ... ,_,
...
.. ;{;~} ~6Ehese necessaiy.cnar;tge~'j\!h:_Q\±~'5er~~ill$~~(a:r:;£;om~rapid8l~ietnam- .,, "::~--· ' .
· · ,.ins.~sted::?.nl apd~r€te~Y?d;.;~Q,p~d.~r:able~gra~eiP:~~ip·~!;,;~na~~2nditjons;·. -: · ·~ ~. ·
•· :Allierib~ii banks .fl}ay:ti~t::?reni.fuUy~ow:riell£~~bs{diaf.ies;-for:riine:¥ears •. . _.
-· ori1ssue•:icre~it·.c'ai<:~:~~J<>i;~¢~ght.~o/ears:·:i;'il2elecri~-niuJ:lic~tion~·:pr0Videts . , .· ·
· •· (wliich.-can;erode th~ :go:verrunen~s ability,t~exerciisepolitical.control) .. _
.Will have. to wait£our:_year:s\lbefore.-enterif1g~ipt01jo~ntft:venture agree-·
· ments· with local:pa~-~n~r~JiEveri:£theh; 1:h¢y Wilf'lbe' allowed to~,take
.-. oirly•:i~~inority equi~·stake?:'Anlerican,fefa]!let~·~havei permission,' to .
·. eriter:,tlie m~rket,';,;b'Ut~;are;Jirriited;:to;,;a" sirigle~iet~ik:store per "cit}r};·A
····great. deal Will dep~n&on~how'th~':governmeiit~,i!flplemerit!dhis· com~.
~·1'.
~<have
.. .
· J?ietnam's:· Contradictions,
~
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·-·•prehensivetrade~~gr-eernefit:ove'f.,the.years:f,,;~~,47 'T'it-•~':;_·,)S::-.;: ~';:- · ···• .'~ ::;.;:
,_,·~·;;t\s·::these:'.proBle'ms;siiggest,'-ihe::ti:ade-:~gi-e~_Jnef1t~:;~not':·brin'g
··._. ~1g-riifi~anvecon'orriic:l~~!:fefitsJtoJtheflJ Iiited:':S~at(!s:~torlsoni~' 'tim~:.:tln ·
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�AndrewJ Pierre
the six years since President Clinton lifted the nearly zo-year-old
trade embargo, U.S. exports to Vietnam have averaged less than $300
million annually, or just three days' worth of exports to Japan. The
agreement will likely raise exports, but to no more than an estimated
$8oo million to $1 billion annually. Nevertheless, new safeguards for
direct investment will encourage American companies to enter the
market and establish manufacturing facilities. Market access for U.S.
products, wh~!her agricultural or industri~ O!_services, will now be
guaranteed. ln _1999-,- the United -St~!~s- r~nked only_ eighth among
Vietnam's~ trad1ng p;:trtners. -Unfortunately, Congress is unlikely to
approve the trade agreement this year, due to its crowded calendar,
union opposition in an election year, and the White House's preoccupation with the China trade bill. But its passage in the next session
appears safely assured.
The agreement's chiefbenefit could be its catalytic impact, providing
momentum for economic reform and political development toward a
more open, entrepreneurial, and democratically accountable society.
To implement the agreed-upon measures, the Vietnamese government
will have to remove the trade barriers that now protect inefficient
state-run companies. The pact will also force Vietnam to adopt international norms on such matters as accounting and corporate governance and could accelerate the privatization of state-owned industry.
This move should greatly help develop an expanded and more vibrant ·
private sector. To the extent that these advances are well implemented
and become the norm for bilateral trade relationships with other
countries, Vietnam can better integrate itself into the regional and
world economy. At that point, the contradiction between Vietnam's
economic potential and its reality will have largely disappeared.
A DELICATE BALANCING ACT
r
CoNTRADICTORY VIETNAMESE attitudes about the appropriate
policies toward the United States and China show that, despite Vietnam's
hesitation abol}_t_ d~~pey i11ternational engagement: tliei-eii agrqwing:
;.c.-._ :impatienceyv.lth.its relative isolatiQI1: For- the-reformers and much of
- -the educated younger generation,. tp~ _
Unife<:f- Sta~es~-repi-esents~
moder!J.ity; its technology, unive!~i~(!s, and pop_l!J'!Fc~~e~fu:"~-especiallYI
[82]
FOREIGN AFFAIRS·
Volume79No.6
~
�'Vietn.af'ljs_ fJonifw;fictions
-y~ar...:old
ha,.
oo
pa ·he
~stimated
u~rds;tor
.attractive.-{),pporturiitiesJor travebtoiAmerica: and: Euippe.ard'fntich
'sought_·after:,Fdrthe. conservati~es'arid:a~siiable portiorriof\tll~. politiGal
:and:·;bureau,_c!atiG·-icla~s-,xthe{~T!J!J.~t~d~:Statt_SI;i:~p~~sen.tsi~an>o;~ndefineg
· ,threat irt,.a;'Oal)gercms: aJ1d;up.st.able Jworld. JSom~:witpjn::th~_::military
- ~11d-sed~ritj.:services,s.u,~p~.ct~d1attV,ietnapnese;:;A_rneri2ans;i_hostile-to
enter :the
i for~U; ·s:.·
·.•
.·Ha1,1oi;·Hn1ght.se~k.to :·1nte.mene;;in~ s·outheri])~- V:i'etnam·.;;-,:the::war,·~in
il':.:ap10ng
· ber.moi~Jri~ndly: t()wai<;l~the ;(.:iti~ehsr.-o£ a:.n~ti0h 'tnat .use_d;fo::c~pet::
bbrt}htpeit;,.cq~ptg!.:-;rhe ,waJ:, w~s,~:q~ai"t~r7'ceptu,r}r- ag?;~!J:d:~RPar~nyy
..is,;b~s(fqpgb~en::·~'-':':':t~.i:;;{1~:,~:~Nj1itt!l.3.:.~"''.·:,:~r~·::·•.·;_.- ...... :::~:-j',n:~:::};:,r:-.'r: .,·:(:.;:
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:Kosovo~is'hela.'Upasra'bizarre-(!xa~ple;:,Americari:~visit~rstO:r¥-ietnarn,
;howev~r,-:remark·that··the·:prov~1ioialf:people,inr:theJstre.et;:;could,not
'.
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ernment
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�Andrew]. Pierre
When dealing with the United States, the Vietnamese l9ok over
their shoulder at the reactions of the Ch~~e_se leadership:-Fear of ___.·
Cprovoking anxiety in Beijing qete!s_ rapj_cl or subs~antive rapprochement;'
with Washingt<:>n~ CI?:irta_ i?-tb~- neighborhoQd_titan,_with growing',
dominaiice-1n--Asia and-_ a -long, t!<?!l-bleg hi_$_tory _with Vietnam-./
·:.--Intermittent conflict between this Asian· David and Goliath has
,-g?_ne-_oti to~ -m~~~ tha~ ~,o;o y~a~s iii coriti~_ued a~t~r Yie_tna~'s:
.>independence; -In 1979, Chin~!' made ·a short but bloody incursion
into northern Vietnam, ostensibly to punish Hanoi for its own
2oo,ooo-troop intervention in Cambodia that deposed the proChinese Khmer Rouge regime. In 1988 their long-standing dispute
over the Spratly Islands also led to naval clashes. Although a treaty
on the Vietnam-China border was reached at the end of 1999 and
the two countries have since committed to finalizing soon an agreement
on a demarcation line in the Gulf ofTonkin, conflicting claims over
the Spratly and Paracel Islands-which possibly hold massive oil
and gas reserves-remain unresolved.
The SovietUnion'scollapse has given Hanoi no choice hutto mend
its ties with Beijing. The Vietnamese are actively seeking to improve
and fully normalize relations through a series of high-level visits and
accords. Nevertheless, apprehension and disagreement persist about
China's intentions, just as with the United States. Vietnamese conservatives, especially in the military, value China as the last important
remaining communist -ally. Reformers, including officials of the
Foreign Ministry, point to the threat that China could pose in a
decade or two as it builds up its militarystrength; especially the
navy. The historic mistrust between the two countries is deep and
will not soon dissipate.
-In recent times, Vietnamese diplomacyhas become increasingly
: -iethain-joirt~~tth~:kssociation~:oESoutheast __- ~~
active in othe
Asian Nat" ns in-1995 ·a ·-has since dt::veloped ties with the member
· -Countfctes.-~
- n!kindfed eco-nomic and cultural contacts with
France following a summit of francophone nations in Hanoi in 1997.
The country maintains close contacts with Cuba and several of the
formerly co~rim~ist states oft:astern ;E:urope.Yenn_os6mportant in
~th~ ·!.o~gr~~~wi~-oe=-Viitn;Ifil's -del1cate baia~cirtg- a~! f~!W~eri-~~i?a
::-and .f\!nen~a. _ . __ _. _ _ __ _ -_ , _
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( 8 4]
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
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·risirig~·Withiri the youngericedu~at~d;elite:an increasingaiss·~tisfad:ion ·
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�AndrewJ Pierre
subject to the revolution of rising expectations. The vcP's legitimacy
cannot continue to be based on the victorious wars of the past century.
Leg!:timacy will_ ng:w have to be earned through sound management
of the ~conomyandwidening prosperity in the twenty-first cerltury.
<" Bow lqn-g a one-party state can continue to absorb these pressures
before moving toward pluralist democracy is uncertain.
The risk remains that the desperately needed economic overhaul
and political rejt}yepation w.Jll-not come about soon enough. Without
reform; :Vietn_?.m will-fall -still further behind its ASEAN colleagues,
now re~overing fromihe Asian economic flu. Even the communist
government in Beijing is moving faster toward a market economy.
Given its impressively rich potential, however, Vietnam can turn
itself around and become a prosperous, multiparty, democratic nation .
.But when?~
j.·!
[ 86 ]
F 0 R E I G N A F FA I R S · Volume 79 No. 6
�I
A Foreign Policy for the Global Age
Director Yost, Dean Gallucci, Ambassador Kampelman: I am honored that you asked me to
deliver this year's Iden lecture. Your invitation is well timed in one very important respect. No
one can look at the world this week and say: because America is prosperous and at peace, we
can afford to pay less attention to events beyond our shores.
Over the last two weeks, we have seen a terrible confrontation between Israelis and Palestinians,
in a region where a larger conflict would have profound consequences for the world. To
. Israelis, it seemed incomprehensible that in the wake of far reaching initiatives for peace, they
would see violent demonstrations, rock-throwing, gun-fire, and hate. To Palestinians, it seemed
that years of peacemaking had produced virtually no change in their daily lives and they have
suffered immensely in the recent violence. What is so tragic is that peaceful dialogue had
brought both sides closer than ever before to realizing their historic aspirations.
I
Is there a future for a negotiated peace in the Middle East after such bitterness and confrontation?
Well, first things first; both sides must rigorously implement the immediate steps they pledged at
the summit to end the violence. That is by no means an easy task or a foregone conclusion.
Tensions remain high and we're not out of the woods. But if the violence is brought under
control, there ultimately must be a return to negotiations. The nature and timing of such
negotiations must follow the timetable of the parties. Only they can determine the pace and
content, as they have from the start. But sooner or later, whether it be weeks, or months, or
years, I believe the process will resume. Why? Because both sides have seen the future without
a negotiated peace. It is playing out before their eyes. It is gruesome. And it is unsustainable. I
do not believe a viable Palestinian state can be created out of the barrel of a gun. And I do not
believe that Israel can gain real security at an acceptable cost without a negotiated peace with the
Palestinians.
I hope that happens sooner rather than later. For as time goes on, the parties must come back to
confront the same set of issues, the same geography, the same demographics. In the meantime
more people will die and the mountain of grievances will grow even higher.
It would be easy to be paralyzed by the complexity of the problems we confront in the world-in the Middle East, in the Balkans, in the former Soviet Union, in Africa, in the global economy.
But over the past eight years, we have tried not to allow a sense of realism about the world tum
into defeatism- or to let the dangers of a new era blind us to its opportunities. Today, I want to
put America's role during this historic period in some perspective, to speak with you about the
direction in which we have been traveling, the principles that have guided our path, and the
actions we have taken ..
I
Any honest assessment must begin with the fact that Bill Clinton was .elected at a moment not
only of triumph but of uncertainty for America in the world. Consider the conventional wisdom
about America in the fall of 1992: Time magazine asked: "Is the U.S. in an irreversible decline
as the World's premier power?" US News concluded that our victory in the Gulf War merely
"postponed moves to fill the vacuum·created by America's retrenchment and the collapse of the
�2
I
Soviet Union." In France, "Le Monde" published a 12 part series on America in eclipse. We
were widely seen as unlikely to sustain its global engagement. We were fading competitively.
We had barely come to grips with the new challenges of a globalizing world.
For 50 years during the Cold War, America confidently defined its leadership in terms of what
· we were against. After the victory over communism, we defined our policy in terms of what was
ending-- a "post-Cold War" policy. The Clinton Administration's task was to renew our
leadership in terms of what we were building, while restoring the domestic vitality that enables
us to lead. · Historians may debate the choices we made. But there is no disputing their
cumulative outcome.
America today is by any measure the world's unchallenged military and economic power. The
world counts on us to be a catalyst of coalitions, a broker of peace, a guarantor of globaf
financial stability. We are widely seen as the country best placed to benefit from globalization.
Indeed, our success is so apparent to others that one of our biggest challenges now is to manage
the resentment it sometimes generates. This we must do with care -- but also with perspective:
After all, the same countries complaining today that America is a "hyperpower" were
contemplating America's decline eight years ago. That, in my mind, is progress.
I
The question we have repeatedly faced is how to use our strength in a rapidly changing world?
President Clinton understood before most that the most pervasive force in our world is
globalization. He also understood that while globalization is inexorable, its benefits are not.
Theclfallehgeistohamess globalizatioifto- advance-our enduring objectives of democracy, ..
fshared prosperity and peace- to build a foreign policy for the global age. Some of tl).e mos_t __ _
'hopeful rece-nt developments in the world have come about because of how we chos~ to do that,
not because globalization preordained them.
For example, if China has begun to dismantle its command and control economy despite the
huge risk to its one-party state, is it simply meeting the demands of global markets? In part, yes.
But it has also decided to fulfill the terms we negotiated for its entry into the WTO. If people
from Croatia to Macedonia are rejecting hard line nationalists and embracing democracy, is it
because they've reached the end of history? No- but they have reached the conclusion that this
is the way to join NATO and the EU --an opportunity made possible by our expansion of NATO
and made even more attractive by NATO's victory in Kosovo. If the people of Mexico _have
built a multi-party system, is it because democracy is unstoppable in a "dot.com" world? No, it
is partly because NAFTA empowered Mexico's reformers to open up their system, and because
America's support for Mexico during its financial crisis gave reforms time to prevail.
It is not enough for us simply to open our markets, hook up the world to MTV and hope people
beat their swords into shares on the NASDAQ. foaavance oiirol5jectives, we-musractively- :.
'-';work-with-others ·to-build·arrintematiohalsysrem of strong alliances and institutions. we must . /
\'-- -1.___ ensure it is open to all wh9 adher~ tQ c;l_early _defined stg_Q<;largs_:.. !\Jld_we must defend those . ,
rstand_grd§: wh~]].Jhey a_re threatened. Those are the outlines of a foreigilpolic-yfoftlie globa( age.
' They can't be summed ~p-on ab~~per sticker. But they are reflected in the principles that have
guided our foreign policy these last eight years and that should guide the next president.
/
.
I
...
'
�3
•
The first principle is that our alliances with Europe and Asia are still the cornerstone of
our national security, but they must be constantly adapted to meet emerging challenges.
Eight years ago, the survival of our most important alliances around the world was very much in
doubt. In Asia, for example, it was far from certain that we would maintain our military
presence, or that allies and friends there would continue to see its legitimacy. In Europe, the
Berlin Wall had fallen, yet NATO looked exactly as it did during the Cold War; it seemed we
would be allied with old democracies like France and Germany forever, but with new
democracies like Poland and Hungary never. Meanwhile, Europe's security and the values
NATO defends were threatened by an out-of-control war in Bosnia. Our European allies tried
with good intentions to help the victims, but ended up shielding the victimizers. Shamefully, for
the first time in 50 years, America claimed we had ''no dog" in Europe's fight.
When President Clinton took office, we had no more urgent task than to adapt our alliances to a
new era and to prove we would stand by them. So we made clear we would keep our troops in
both Europe and Asia. We formally updated our strategic alliance with Japan; we revitalized
NATO from a static Cold War alliance to a magnet for new democracies. Most important, we
backed our .commitments with actions- actions that have saved our alliances from irrelevance.
I
In Asia, we demonstrated our staying power by our decision to send carriers near the Taiwan
Strait in 1996, by our solidarity with South Korea in diminishing the North,Korean nuclear
threat, and by our efforts with our Asian and Pacific allies to mobilize an unprecedented coalition
to intervene in East Timor.
In Europe-- later than we would have liked-- we led NATO in its first ever military
engagement, which stopped the killing in Bosnia, and then negotiated the peace in Dayton. In
Kosovo, we did what America should have done in Bosnia in 1992: we acted in time to return
the victims of ethnic cleansing to their homes and protect southeast Europe from wider
catastrophe. Remember what was happening in the former Yugoslavia eight years ago:
Refugees were fleeing genocide; a wider war seemed imminent; Slobodan Milosevic was
winning. People said there was nothing America could do: that's just the way those people in
the Balkans are, they said. Now, Milosevic is deposed. Democracy has conquered every piece
of ground he lost- because America, our allies, and ultimately the Serbian people did stand up
and act. And now, instead of defeating something evil, we can finish building something good:
a Europe that is peaceful, democratic and undivided for the first time in history .. We should be
very proud our country has done that.
I
To realize that vision, we need to support the new democratic government in Serbia. That
doesn't mean forgetting the demands of memory and justice- it's in Serbia's own interest to
come to terms with the past. It simply means giving the Serbian people a chance to build a better
future, now that they finally have their country back. We must also resist calls to pull our
relatively small number of troops prematurely out of the Balkans. And we must keep NATO's
promise to continue expanding eastward, to keep alive the hope among new democracies that
they have a place in the community of democracies .
•
�4
•
In Asia, the coming challenges are harder to predict. They could come in the foim of a crisis in .
Korea or in the Taiwan Strait that will test our will. Or they could come in the form of success
.that will test our wisdom. If tensions ease in Asia's hotspots, we will need to be wise enough to
maintain our military presence and diplomatic engagement there, because our purpose is not just
to respond to danger, but to be a balance wheel for stability that prevents danger from arising.
A second principle guiding our foreign policy is that peace and security for America
depends on building principled, constructive relations with our former great power
adversaries, Russia and China. To do so, we must remain vigilant against threats to the peace,
whe.ther it is a Russian move against former Soviet states or China using force against Taiwan.
But the way these countries manage their challenges at home is just as important to us as the way
they relate to the world. No event in the last half century has done more to advance our security
than Russia's democratic revolution. Ifboth Russia and China become stable, pluralistic and
prosperous societies, the world would be safer still. Moreover, the potential threat we face from
them today lies as much in internal weakriess or retrogression as external strength.
An effective way to minimize both external and internal dangers is to seize on the desire of both
countries to participate in the global economy and global institutions, insisting they accept the
obligations as well as the benefits of integration.
I
Russia's interest in deeper integration helped us negotiate the exit of its troops from the Baltics,
to bring its troops into NATO missions in the Balkans, and to win its active support for a just
end to the Kosovo war. We pressed successfully for Russian ratification of START II and
worked to help destroy and safeguard the old Soviet nuclear arsenal.
At the same time, Russia has seen continued poverty, corruption, two cruel wars in Chechnya,
and backsliding on protection of a free press. But there has not been a nationalist or communist
resurgence, as many predicted in 1993 -- in fact, the Russian people have repeatedly voted to
keep pressing ahead. The privatization of the Russian economy, though deeply flawed, shattered
the Soviet bureaucracy's hold on daily life. And outside support bought Russia time, helping it
conquer the agonizing bread lines, empty food shelves and hyperinflation of 1993, and endure
the hard transition from communism. Some wonder if President Putin is tempted to rebuild an
all-powerful state, but if he does, he will face a country with 65,000 non-governmental
organizations, in which the state now controls 30% ofthe economy (compared to 70% in 1993).
No one can say what the future will bring. But a generation from now, I doubt anyone will be
saying we were wrong to support these changes in Russia.
'
With China, our challenge has been to steer between the extremes of uncritical engagement and
untenable confrontation. That balance has helped maintain peace in the Taiwan Straits, secured
China's help in maintaining stability on the Korean Peninsula, and allowed us to negotiate an
historic agreement to bring China into the World Trade Organization.
•
That deal and passage of Permanent Normal Trade Relations represents the most constructive
breakthrough in US-China relations since normalization in 1979. For China, it is a declaration of
interdependence- an act of recognition by its leaders that China cannot meet its challenges
without opening its economy and participating in an global economic system of rules and
�5
I
responsibilities. The consequences can be profound, because to enter the WTO, China must
speed the dismantling of the command economy through which its Communist Party wields
much of its power and it must ultimately face hard choices about political reform. To encourage
it to make the right choice, we must keep insisting, as President Clinton has, that resistance to
change puts China "on the wrong side of history." But we must also continue to bring China into
the global economy and hold it to the terms ofthe WTO agreement. Just as NAFTA
membership eroded the economic base of one-party rule in Mexico, WTO membership,
accompanied by external validation of the human rights struggle, can help do the same in China.
A third principle that has guided the Clinton foreign policy is that local conflicts can have
global consequences. We have worked for peace because we believe that the challenge of
foreign policy in any age is to defuse conflicts before, not after, they .escalate and harm our vital
interests. It is with that in mind that we have worked for peace in the Middle East, in the
Balkans, and in Northern Ireland. We have helped Turkey and Greece move further from
confrontation. We helped pull nuclear-armed India and Pakistan from the brink of what might
have been a catastrophic war in 1999. We have never pretended we can solve all the world's
problems. But we have rejected the idea that because we can't do everything; we must, for the
sake of consistency, do nothing.
•
We also have worked for peace for reasons unique to our global age. First, regions mired in
conflict are increasingly likely to become breeding grounds for extremism and terror-especially in regions on fault lines of ethnicity and faith, like the Middle East and the Balkans .
Second, just as globalization has raised the strategic cost of indifference to conflict, it has also
raised the moral cost. Today, as we witness distant atrocities, we can choose not to act, but we
can no longer choose not to know. I do not believe the United States should send troops into
conflict where our national interests are not at stake. And the reality is that we have not. But
when our interests and values are challenged, the American people expect their government to do
what we reasonably can. And those who ignore their idealism are lacking in realism.
Finally, the disproportionate power America enjoys today is more likely to be accepted by other
nations if we use it for something more than self-protection. When our president goes the extra
mile for peace- as he did this week in Egypt, as he did in August when he joined a fractious
conference in Africa seeking peace in Burundi, a tiny country where we have no strategic
interests- it demolishes perceptions that an all-powerful America is an arrogant America. It
earns us influence that raw power alone cannot purchase. It is profoundly in our interest.
A fourth principle is that, while old threats have not all disappeared, new dangers,
accentuated by technological advances and the permeability of borders, require new
national security priorities. Indeed, one of the biggest changes we have brought about in the
way America relates to the world has been the change in what we consider important.
I
For 50 years, we faced vertical proliferation: two nations piling their nuclear arsenals higher and
higher. Today, we face horizontal proliferation- with arsenals at a lower level, but spread more
pervasively around the world. For some nations, weapons of mass destruction and ballistic
missiles have become as much a source of legitimacy as having a national airline.
�-------
- - - - - - -
.6
I
The sustained attention we have brought to this problem is a break from the past. Information
about North Korea's nuclear weapons program, for example, had been available since the late
80's. But it was not until 1994 that we negotiated the Agreed Framework, which has frozen the
production of plutonium for nuclear weapons in North Korea. America also took little notice of
Iraq's development of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons until after the GulfWar. How
many weapons would Saddam have been allowed to build had he not invaded Kuwait?
Unrelenting American engagement has also persuaded China tojoin the Chemical Weapons
Convention, the Biological Weapons Convention, and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and
to comply with each. Our work with Russia and its ne(ghbors led to the complete
denuclearization ofUkraine, Belarus and Kazakhst:fu; the elimination hundreds of tons of
nuclear materials; and tighter controls to prevenrsmuggling. We also have worked to strengthen
global rules that limit the spread ofnuclea~~apons, with Senate ratification ofthe Chemical
Weapons Convention and renewing the "Non-Proliferation Treaty. The next President must work
with the Senate to find a way to do the ~arne with the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
I
Reflecting the new security agenda, we have mobilized greater internal and international
resources against terrorism- an effort that regrettably is becoming more and more urgent. We
have tripled the budget for fighting terrorism, and brought those resources to bear to capture
those responsible for acts like the World Trade Center bombing and the killings outside CIA
headquarters, and to foil attacks like those that were planned against celebrations of the new
Millennium. And we will bring them to bear to determine the perpetrators of the cowardly attack
against the USS Cole in Yemen and secure justice. I was with the President yesterday when we
met with the families of the sailors who died on the Cole, and those who were wounded. To
them, the attack seems so utterly senseless. But we should remember: it did have a purpose. It
was an attack on America, designed to deter America from our mission of peace and security in
the Middle East. The best answer we can give as we seek justice is to carry on with that mission.
The new security agenda also recognizes this: National security is about more than defense
against bitter enemies and deadly weapons. For example: How can we say we are defending
America's shores if sometime in this century climate change submerges our shorelines under
rising oceans? And how can we say we are protecting our people if we fail to stop the spread of
diseases like AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis, which account for 25% of all deaths in the world?
. Flat earth proponents may not see disease as a national security priority. But a problem that kills
massively, crosses borders, and threatens to destabilize whole regions is to ine the very definition
of a national security threat. So we have exponentially increased funding to help bridge the
global health divide and to stimulate the development and delivery of drugs and vaccines for
which there is no 111arket in rich countries. This challenge will call for even greater. resources
and attention. To dismiss it as a "soft" issue is to be blind to hard realities.
I
A fifth principle is that economic integration advances both our interests and our values,
but also accentuates the need to alleviate economic disparity. During the last eight years,
America has led the greatest expansion in world trade in history with the completion of the
Uruguay Round, the creation of the WTO, and the approval ofNAFTA and Permanent Normal
�7
I
Trade Relations with China. Our decision to keep our markets open during the Asian financial
crisis, despite inevitably increasing trade deficits as a result, in no small measure is responsible
for the recovery of the Asian economy, which again is fueling global growth.
Our general success in opening trade has coincided with growing fears about trade, motivated by
legitimate concerns about labor and environmental standards in the developing world. We have
the most basic obligation not to be complicit in inhuman practices such as slave and child labor.
But we must also guard against the arrogance of privilege. 1.2 billion people in the world live on
a dollar a day. One thing that keeps them poor are trade barriers in wealthy countries. That is
why we fought to enact trade bills for.the Caribbean and Africa. We must not close the draw
bridge to world trade to those who need it to escape grinding poverty.
At the same time, no nation can compete in the global economy if it is crippled by disease or
inadequate education- and no nation should have to choose between caring for its children and
paying interest on debt. So we have successfully pushed the wealthiest nations to reduce the
debts of the poorest countries by 70 percent, to start tackling the AIDS crisis and to invest more
in basic education. It now appears the Congress has agreed to approve, on a bipartisan basis, all
the funds the President sought this year for debt relief. We need to build on that. Unless we
recognize that an amount of money that is small change for America can make a sea change in
the rest of the world, a generation from now humanity will be bitterly and violently divided.
•
These are, I believe, the basic principles of an American foreign policy for the global age. They
have stood the test of the last eight years. Of course, the next Administration will have to apply
them to a different set of challenges. Some will self-evident extensions of the challenges I've
discussed today. A few are less obvious and merit special mention.
For example, will the roots of democracy's expansion after the collapse of communism deepen,
or wither under the smothering impact of corruption, inequity and poor governance? Even in
1999, more people around the world won the right to choose their leaders than in 1989, when the
Berlin Wall fell. But if new democracies don't deliver in countries like Nigeria, Indonesia and
Ukraine, and old democracies fail in countries like Colombia, the pendulum that swung toward
freedom could swing back. We have to win democracy's post-election contests, too, and that
requires America full attention and support.
A second question is how to promote change in those nations that have been most hostile to the
United States over the last decade, and how to manage change when it comes? That question
applies to Iran and to Cuba. It applies to Iraq.
I
It also applies to North Korea, where Secretary Albright will be the most senior American
official ever to visit next week, and which, thanks to the U.S.-South Korean policy of deterrence
and diplomacy, may be rethinking its policy of confrontation. Hopefully, North Korea gradually
will open up till the massive task of reunification becomes manageable. Realistically, as with
Germany, history will unfold in ways leaders find hard to manage. The policy we have pursued
with South Korean President Kim Dae Jung- for which he just won the Nobel Peace Prize-offers the best way forward. But we must still be ready for potential crises down the road.
�.---------------------------
8
I
A third question is how to deal with both super-national and sub-national threats to our security.
One super-national threat is the international network of terror groups active from South and
Central Asia to southern Russia to the Middle East and Africa. Coordination among these
groups makes them a particularly pernicious threat. But because they are loosely connected, the
threat cannot be extinguished with one stroke .. The solution is to reduce the economic disparities
on which they breed; to resolve the Middle East conflict on which they feed; and to strengthen
.counter-terrorism cooperation even further, without assaulting civil liberties in the process.
The sub-national threat is the challenge to the nation state from the potential disintegration of
ethnically diverse societies, whether Nigeria or Indonesia today, or Russia and China tomorrow.
How do we balance legitimate demands for self-determination against the danger of unleashing a
spasm of map redrawing that creates new grievances? In part, the solution must be found in
regional integration among ethnically diverse countries, so boundaries are less onerous and
therefore less of a source of contention -- as happened in western Europe after World War II, and
as we are doing, with some initial success, in the Balkans. In the short run, we need better
international tools for maintaining peace in divided societies.
•
That leads to a fourth question: How do we reconcile the growing need for global collective
action with the inadequacies of our principal instrument of collective action- the United
Nations? UN reform has made progress these last few years, but more is needed. And our
administration has had to struggle simply to convince Congress to pay our dues to the
organization. We must recognize that for every American serving in a UN peacekeeping
mission, today there are 805 from other countries. That's leverage. That's burden sharing. The
next Administration will have to keep making the case that an effective United Nations gives us
options between acting alone to put out global fires and doing nothing at all.
A fifth question is how should we adapt our military to rrieet new challenges? The issue is not
whether we must maintain the best trained, best equipped, most ready military in the world.
America has and America will. It is not whether our military is overextended- of our 2.2
million active duty personnel, only 30,000, less than 2%, are deployed in ongoing operations,
containing Saddam Hussein and preserving peace in the Balkans. And even those who say we
are in too many places are hard pressed to name one place from which they would pull back.
The real challenge is to match the capabilities of our armed forces to the potential missions of
today and tomorrow. It is to ensure our forces are simultaneously prepared both for high
intensity conflicts and smaller scale peace operations that require special skills and new ways of
doing things.
The most fundamental question of all for our future in the world is whether we will continue to
sustain America's leadership? We must not only answer that "yes" in the abstract, but in the
resources we commit to the task.
•
America cannot be a first-rate power on a third .class budget. Yet today, our engagement in the
world is supported by less than one percent the federal budget, 50% less than a decade ago. This
undercuts our ability to lead. It is hard to explain to Japan, for example, why we can'.t fund our
$35 million share to help denuclearize North Korea (to which they have contributed $1 billion) .
And it is hard to argue we spend too much on international assistance when you consider this:
�.---------------------------------~---------------------.
9
•
We are the world's only superpower at the zenith of our influence, yet our entire international
budget for everything from diminishing the nuclear threat, to preventing conflict, to fighting
AIDS to advancing democracy, is about the same as the cost of constructing 8 miles of highway
tunnel for Interstate 93 in Boston.
Finally, we must squarely confront the misconception that we can maintain our position either by
diminishing our role in the world orimposing our will upon it. What threatens to alienate our
friends is not that we are wealthy and powerful, but that despite our wealth and power we do not
meet our obligations to the UN, or devote more of our GDP to the reduction of global.poverty, or
ratify treaties we urge others to adopt. It is not that we consider initiatives to defend our soil
from missile threats or terrorism, but that we sometimes seem to suggest they are the sum total of
our approach to the world -- that we'd rather fence ourselves off from a dangerous world than
work with others to improve it. We should not apologize for being a "hyperpower." But to
remain strong, we must be a hyperpower our friends and allies can depend on.
•
•
We must remember that there is a difference between power and authority. Power is the ability
to compel by force and sanctions and there are times we must use it, for there will always be
interests and values worth fighting for. Authority is the ability to lead, and we depend on it for
almost everything we try to achieve. Our authority is built on qualities very different from our
power: on the attractiveness of our values, on the force of our example, on the credibility of our
commitments, and on our willingness to listen to and stand by others. There may be no real
·threat to our power today. But if we use power in a way that antagonizes our friends and
dishonors our commitments, we will lose our authority- and our power will mean very little.
In the last eight years, the United States has revitalized our alliances, begun to integrate our
former adversaries, brought peace to regions critical to our security, adapted its global strategy to
meet new challenges and built the most open, dynamic world economy in history. But I believe
President Clinton's most fundamental achievement is that he steered America from the Cold War
era to the era of globalization in a way that enhanced not only our power but our authority. That
is the foundation on which we must advance our interests in a global age .
�
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Vietnam [binder] [1]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-001-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/04dd47e6846f9751f05ec11495487d95.pdf
52878807a7ee7f66fc9dd0ebe155b73d
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Vietnam [binder] [2]
Staff Office-Individual:
Spee~hwriting-Rosshirt,
Thomas
l
Original OA/ID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
48
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�Page 1 of3
•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
-·-l~·--FACT
r··--·-- --'
\o
July 13, 2000 · ""
_j
1
SHEET
j
,,
,
f'
Vietnam BilateraJ:_T~ade AgrE!~rnent_ _ j
1
Historic Strengthen'Tng of the U.S.-Vietnam Relationship
fri_ .. ~993(P;~~-f¢t:nt-~iint~~ -began a.-·po:l_icy o,f normalization"_of_ r_elations
0.l_;.th ·vi~;,tP~I!f"E~e~~il,c'fu~~.ge Vietna1n ·~'"s'!.c;·®opef~:!"ion .on iss;~e,s,~of ~nteres-t ·to
the: United~_s:eates'" a:na~..:to-promote·~ Viet'nam' s 'integration· into~·the region ,
, .. • .o <:ir:id ~h-~:~\iJ_Qfl'a ·~Etcon9iitY~>
The decision to pursue the trade agreement was
ic_ -made~~~Jte_r_ __\l"i_e_tqam_had established a record of cooperation in accounting
for }PGW~MIA'.s ,!j:f.i:.om -·the_ war, the _h~ghest··priority · in•;~our"reTafi~or.is .· ---.
~---;.__
'·
··'·
.
The Bilateral Trade Agreement signed on July 13, 2000, marks a key step
in the historic reconciliation between the United States and Vietnam.
By normalizing trade relations and committing Vietnam to sweeping
economic reform, it will help lay the foundation for a new American
relationship with Vietnam.
The policy of normalization has led to:
•
Strengthened cooperation on the fullest possible accounting of our
missing from the war. Since 1993, the United States has undertaken 39
joint field activities with Vietnam, repatriated 288 possible sets of
remains, and identified the remains of 135 formerly unaccounted for
American servicemen;
~esettlement of tens of thousands of refugees through the Orderly
Departure Program and related programs. Over 500,000 Vietnamese have
emigrated as refugees or immigrants to the United States and only a
small number of refugee applicants remain to be processed.
Enhanced cooperation in combating narcotics trafficking, promoting
human rights and religious freedom .and expanding economic linkages. Our
human rights dialogue, begun in 1993, has led to release of prisoners
and some improvements in the overall situation.
The process of normalization has been accomplished in a step-by-step
manner, leading to the Bilateral Trade Agreement:
~-'-~-1-9'89:-~_::- ;:ii·e~na~ -withdraws. from C~mbo~:~-a and ~Jeks admission into
regiona'l- organizations, senC:iing a clear message .. that Vietnam intended to
play a positive role in regional security and economic liberalization;
---7
1993 ~ .The President authorizes the United S,tates[ to s~ppo~t:i~il~'a;itiona'l lend'ingj for Vietnam and allqws for U.S. fhms-to-j oin in
development·p~ojects;
1994 - The Preside-nt lifts economic embargo to allow U.S. firms to
export to Vietnam ana-Cbmpete·c·for busin·es·s ·opportunit·ie's in Vietnam that
had been closed;
·
I
-- _ff~f9·S·. -;~ ~~~~~~~m~j C:i~s~th~ Associaqg!]._ o_f SQ.l.lt:h~~~t Asian -Na;:ions
Ei'l\_~~~~u - 3
.·
---.z- -- --;----- 1995
The United States'. opens lhormal diplomatic relations with
Vietnam;
~-
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/12R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/2000/7/13/7.text.l
10116/2000
�-~,..,-----------------------------------------
-
----------------
Page 2 of3
=----1-996 ---- The United ?tates~beg-ins- negot.iat.io~s with Vietnam on a
0Bilateral __Trade __Agr~eme_nt that 1 wou-J:d- improve ·the-opportunities and
protections available to U.S. firms;
'
•
1997 -- E'xchange of ambassadors. President Clinton appoints former
Congressman and- POW; -Douglas "Pete" Peterson to be the U.S. Ambassador
to Vietnam;
1998
forum;
--
1998 ----TneUnlt~d- States grants the firs't-waiver-- ofth~-
)'
f-support-programs to Vietnam. The waiver was then renewed in invest'ment
Ja-;;-kson-Vani_k amendment extending U.S. export lpromotion -and1999 and
2000;
1999
The United States and Vietnam reach an agreement in
principle on key provisions of the Bilateral Trade Agreement; and
I
'
--
'1
°
I
'
'
\
The United States and Vletn<t_l!_l J:_each .. flna-1 agl?eement_ on the
Bilateral Trade Agreement, fulfilling the President's goal of
negotiating a comprehensive trade agreement with Vietnam that would
advance reform by leading to significantly more open markets and to
Vietnam's firmer integration into the global economic community.
2000
I
Vietnam has made a comprehensive set of commitments on: tariffs and
non-tariff barriers for industrial and agricultural goods, the full
range of services, intellectual property rights, investment,
transparency and other issues. This constitutes for the first time a
broad opening of Vietnamese markets for the United States, and will
provide a major stimulus to Vietnam's economic reform efforts. This
agreement sends a positive signal regarding Vietnam's commitment to
integrating into the world economy and is an important step toward both
the development of the rule of law in Vietnam and its eventual
membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) .
The agreement has fiye _major _s_ections, including:
Dramatic ~e~ market access fo~ agricultural and industrial goods
for _Amer-ican_ citizens anctcompanies ;__ _ __ ___
_ _
: Increased intellectual property rights protectio~;
' ·Market--- access- in a- broad array~o-r ·service ·sectors;
'·
--· .
...J
\---I-nvestment-- provisions to protect U.S. investments; and
·--,_J'J;:.ansparency_ Measures making Vietnamese laws, rules, and
regulations in these areas public and including a right to appeal for
U.S. citizens
U.S. total (two-way) goods trade with Vietnam totaled $900 million in
1999. Exports to Vietnam have increased consideiably in recent years
from $4 million in 1992 to $291 million in 1999.
DETAILS OF THE BILATERAL TRADE AGREEMENT
The agreement has five major sections:
I
Market Access for Industrial and Agricultural Goods. Vietnam
agrees to allow all Vietnamese firms, and over time U.S. persons and
firms, the right to import and export freely from withinits borders for
the first time. It has agreed to sharply lower tariffs on the full range
of U.S. industrial and agricultural exports, phase out all non-tariff
measures, and to adhere to the WTO standards in applying customs, import
licensing, state trading, technical standards and sanitary and
phytosanitary measures.
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res!I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/2000/7/13/7.text.1
10/16/2000
�------- --------------.
Page_3 of3
•
•
Intellectual Property Rights.
Vietnam agrees to adopt the WTO
standard for intellectual property protection within 18 months and take
further measures in several other areas such as protection of satellite
signals.
Market Access for Services.
Vietnam allows U.S. persons and firms
to enter its services market in the full range of services areas,
including financial services (insurance and banking),
telecommunications, distribution, audio visual, legal, accounting,
engineering, computer and related services, market research,
construction, educational, health and related services and tourism.
These commitments are phased-in over time, typically within three to
five years.
Investment Provisions.
Vietnam has agreed to protect U.S.
investments from expropriation, eliminate local content and export
performance requirements and phase out its investment licensing regime
for many sectors.
Transparency Provisions. Vietnam has agreed to adopt a fully
transparent regime with respect to each of the four substantive areas
above, by issuing draft laws, regulations and other rules for comment,
ensuring that advance public notice is given for all such laws and
regulations, that these documents are published and available, and by
allowing u.s. citizens the right to appeal rulings made with respect to
all such relevant laws and regulations.
~-------
•
~:~
Under U.S. law, for Vietnam to receive annual NTR status,--a--bilateral
L.___ - - - - .
trade agreement must be completed and approvea by Congress, and the
President must waive the "Jackson-Vanik" provision, indicating that such
a waiver would substantially promote freedom of emigration from Vietnam.
Since 1998, the President has granted the annual Jackson-Vanik waiver
for Vietnam.
Thus, completion of this agreement, and its subsequent
app~oval by Congress, would clear the way for Vietnam to receive NTR
treatment on an _annual basis.
This in turn would bring Vietnam's trade
commitments into force.
# # #
•
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,.
THE WHITE HOUSE
I
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
~--------,----------------------C-
-----;
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
/
IN ANNOUNCEMENT ON NORMALIZATION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS
---------------W+TH VIETNAM
r·
- - ~
r
__,
East Room
. 2:03 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
I welcome you all
here, those of you have been introduced and distinguished members of
Congress and military leaders, veterans, others who are in the
audience.
Today I am announcing the normalization of diplomatic
relationships with Vietnam.
(Applause.)
---- -----------.-- -- ----· - --- ------- .. ____ J~-From the beginning of this administration, any
_
improVement in relationships between America and Vietnam has depended
rupon making progress on the issue of Americans who were missing in
Act=iorr· or- ·held as prisoners of war. Last: -yea-r I -I- -li-fted the -trade
embargo-on Vietnam inresponse to their cooperation, and to enhance
our efforts to secure the remains of lost Americans and to determine
the fate of those whose remains have not been found.
---
I
r
It has worked~
In seventeen months, Hanoi has taken
important steps to help us resolve many cases.
Twenty-nine families
have received the remains of their loved ones and at last have been
able to give them a proper burial.
Hanoi has delivered to us
hundreds of pages of.documents shedding light on what happened to
Americans in Vietnam.
And Hanoi has stepped up its cooperation with
Laos, where many Americans were lost.
We have. reduced the number of so-called discrepancy
cases, in which we have had reason to believe that Americans were
still alive after they were lost to 55. And we will continue to work
to resolve more cases.
Hundreds of dedicated men and women are working on all
these cases, often under extreme hardship and real dangers in the
mountains and jungles of Indochina. _On behalf of all Americans, I
~-himk _them._And _I want: . to pay a special tribute to General
~--John Vess
, who has worked so tirelessly on this- i-ssue for·--:/
·\C:::::: P-:r:esi · - -s- Reagan and Bush and- for ou-r- administration. He -has made a
'
great difference to a great many families.
And we as a nation are
grateful for his dedication and for his service.
Thank you, sir.
(Applause. )
.//
/
I
I also want to thank the presidential delegation, led by
Deputy Secret~ry 6f Veterans Affairs Hershel Gober, Winston Lord, :
James Wold, who have helped us to make so much progress on this
issue.
And I am especially grateful to the leaders of the families
and the veterans organizations who have worked with the delegation
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I
•
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and maintained their extraordinary commitment to finding the answers
we seek.
·u
I
Never before in the history of warfare has such an
extensive effort been made to resolve the fate of soldiers who did
not return. Let me emphasize, normalization of our relations with
Vietnam is not the end of our effort. From the early days of this
adminis~ration I. h. ave. sa id !9~~~~~---~a.milie~ an~_ veterans~g_rOUJ2S. what I
..
~
--~:t.-~~galn.ryere:cw-=.-~_•:n::l_l_k~el2 ~<:lr~inSJ-.'~ntl~ _we_·_get all. the ~nswers we
~
..
l.can ... >cOur strategy lS work1ng. Normal1zat1on of re1·a:t1ons 1s the .. -~ '
~next appropriate step. With this new relationship, we will be able
--to make more progress.
To that.end, I will send another delegation
to Vietnam this year. And Vietnam has pledged it will continue to
help us find answers. We will hold them to that pledge.
By helping to bring Vietnam into the community of
nations, normalization also serves our interest in working for a free
and peaceful Vietnam in a stable and peaceful Asia. We will begin to
normalize our trade relations with Vietnam, whose economy is now
liberalizing and integrating into the economy of the Asia-Pacific
region. Our policy will be to implement the appropriate United
States government programs to develop trade with. Vietnam consistent
with U.S. law.
•
As you know, many of these programs require
certifications regarding human rights and labotcright-s--before', they
can proceed. We have already begun discussi~g human rights tssues
with Vietnam, especially issues regardingrieligious·freedom,/ Now we
can expand and strengthen that dialogue. 'The Secretary bf ~tate will
go to Vietnam in August where he will discuss all of these issues,
beginning with our POW and MIA concerns .
r·r~~iieve normalization and increased contact between
~~ricans- and Vietnamese will advance the cause of freedom in
[~ _;
~ietnam, just as it did in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet
,
L~ion. r-I. s'Erongly I Q~~~~~e that~ engaging the Vi'etnainese_;_ori-tbe~Q.r_~.il.cL.'
econom1c front of economl·c reform and the broad front of~,democratlc
reform will help ~honor the sa.crifice~those WQO fought for
freedom's sake in ~Aam
-~
\
\
~--
_.. _ .
lJ am proud to be .joined. in this_~vi.ew by distinguish~d
! veterans ot-~he Vietnam War.~ They served their country bravely.
~They-a-re of different parties.
A generation ago they had different
judgments about the war which divided us so deeply. But today they
are of a single mind. They agree that the· time· has ·c:orit'e for ·Am.erica
\to-move· forward on Vietnam. All Americans should be grateful
. 'L
t e~pecially that Senators John McCain, John Kerry, Bob Kerrey, Chuck
!Robb and Representative Pete Peterson, along with other Vietnam
{
~·veferans in the Congress, including Senator Harkin, Congressman Colby J
(and Congressman Gilchrist, who just left, and_ others ..who .are. o.ut: here:- ·
in· the ·audience have· kept ·up their passiona-te interest in Vietnam,
but were able to move beyond the haunting and painful past toward
finding common ground for the future. Today, they and many other
veterans suppor.t_ the. normalization. of .relations-,-~giving..the.
opportunity to\ Vietnam to fully join the __ <;:_O_f!li!\llllHY of nations ~rid
being true to what they fougt1t for so' many years ago:·
...
I
)
Whatever we may think about the political decisions of
the Vietnam era, the brave Americans who fought and died there had
noble motives. They fought for ti;e-f-reedom- and--the-indep_enden_ce of
the Vietnamese people. Today the LVi.etnamese are independent, a·rid we
.
.
.:.....--':
believe this step will help to extend the-reacn·of· freedom· in Vietnam
and, in so doing, to enable these fine~veterans of Vietnam to keep
working for that freedom.
'
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I
This step will also help our own country to move forward
on an issue that has separated Americans from one another for too
long now. Let the future be our destination. We have so much work
ahead of us. This moment offers us the opportunity to bind up our
own wounds. They have resisted time for too long. We can now move
OQ to common ground.
Whatever divided us before let us con,sign __t_()
the-past,- :LeF_ this moment, in the words of the Scripture, be--a t:i.me- ·· ·
\tO heal .. - - a __time .. to. ·-build. . -· . . J
and
-··
--~- • •
I
...
v-
Thank you all.
END
And God bless America.
(Applause.)
2:12 P.M. EDT
I
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'I'
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
,-~-
For Immediate Release
~ ~----~-~--
July 11, 1995
---------------c_
C~RESS
>
7
BRIEFING
BY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR TONY LAKE,
DEPUTY SECRETARY OF VETERANS AFFAIRS HERSHEL GOBER AND
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EAST ASIAN AFFAIRS WINSTON LORD
The Briefing Room
2:52 P.M. EDT
MR. LAKE:
With me
Tony Lake -- Hershel Gober, the
Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs; Winston Lord, the Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian Affairs; and James Wold, the Deputy
Assistant Secretary of Defense who follows POW-MIA issues.
I'm going
to have to go.
I'll start with a few remarks, jf I may, and then
Hershel will take it over.
Let me just give you some background and some points of
emphasis.
First of all, as many of you know who have been covering
this, the President had contemplated this decision now for some time.
He made the final decision this weekend. One reason we did it today
was that w~ wanted to wait until the Congress was back in session, so
that we could both have members of Congress here, as we did, and so
that those members of Congress who might disagree would have an
opportunity to voice that disagreement.
I
c-
We ·believe that we have the support certainly of most
members of the Congress.
This was based_on a unanimous
recommendation by the President Is senipr adviso-rs' and --ov_~r the
weekend General Shalikashvili polled t~e~Joint Chiefs and ~hey were
unanimous- a.Tso Tn-Thei'r "Erupport of this decision.
_j
<--------------~.
You'll see at the back of the packet statements that
were sent to us by a number of former officials including various
military cortunanders in support of the President's decision as well.
Let me emphasize a few points in substance.
First of
all, this decision the President deeply believes, 1 we-a-~~ believe,_
represents the best-way before. us_ to pursue our central~oal, and
t~at is the fullest f:>Ossi~le accounting for an· 01 theericaris.f who
1
dld not return from Bre'h-etnam -war. - ~-- ---- -'
Let me emphasize also that this is not a reward for
has been done so far.
We have been pleased with the cooperation
we have been receiving from the government in Hanoi, but this is
done; there is much more to be done; and we believe that this is
best way to get it done.
I
what
that
not
the
We think that evidence for that fact is what has
happened since the lifting of the embargo in February 1994.
There
were those then who said that this would let the Vietnamese off the
hook and that there would not be further cooperation.
In fact, we
have made further progress in that period.
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You've got in your packets a lot of statistics.
Let me
just emphasize a few-- that since February '94, various sets of
remains have been returned, 85 total. And of those, 29 have been
identified as Americans and,· as the President noted, those remains
have been returned to the families.
We believe that another 40 to 50
sets of remains will be identified during the course of 1995.
I
We have also recently received a report concerning 79 of
the 81 pending so-called special remains cases, and that's described
in your packet.
Let me emphasize that that report does not resolve
those cases, but it ·does provide us with leads that we can follow up
on. And since February 1994, although mostly in the period -- the
few months after that, we have determined the fate of 18 so-called
discrepancy cases, i.e, cases in which we know that the Americans
were alive when they were on the ground and cannot determine what
happened to them since.
So we think that, _as after the embargo, the strategy is
working, and this is another step in pursuing that strategy. We_also
bel~~~ _that .this step -is-very -much--±n our national. interest. r It
'L._
c --will help to draw Vietnam into an Asia in which we are supporting
.)
~tabili ty and democracy and freedom and human rights.
And we believe
tha-f--it- wil-l- encourage -also freedom and -human- rights wi tTU.:fi vietnam./
C____
I
As the President implied, at least -- or actually
stated, we will extend this into our economic relationships.
There
will, obviously, be trade. We have established an interagency group
that will be examining the various legal questions involved with
regard to, for example, Ex-Im or OPIC, and other ways in which we can
encourage that trade.
Those issues have not been resolved, and the
President will be getting the advice from his advisers as we work
that through.
We have not made a decision to extend more aid.
We are
annually providing some $2 million to $3 million -- I think it was $3
million over this year, approximately -- humanitarian aid to Vietnam.
That includes prosthetics, it includes aid to street children, it
includes disaster assistance, for example, when there are floods.
As
I have said, we have not made a decision to increase that aid level.
The Presideht, before he made his announcement, met
first with a group of members of Congress, senators and
representatives who had been ~ctive on the issue and who stood with
him on the stage; thanked them for their work on this issue; gave
them the credit that they very richly deserved for this day.
Before
that, he met with the leaders of veterans organizations and the
League of Families, and at that meeting he emphasized to them, first
of all, that we do consider this a process, this is another step in
the process; that he remains committed to the pledge he made to keep
this issue at the center of our concerns. And he asked them to
remain engaged to work with us and to participate in the delegation,
presidential delegation, that we would be sending to Vietnam later
this year.
And I'm happy to say that they pledged to stay involved
and to work with us.
That {s not to say that they, all of them,
agreed with this decision.
There is a tactical difference with a
number of them.
But they did say they will continue to work with us.
So let me turn it over to Hershel.
I
Q
Will you tell us a little bit about what's going on
in Bosnia and maybe some kind of assessment of the situation there
now?
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MR. LAKE:
I
Q
Let me give you a very brief answer:
No.
Why not?
MR. LAKE:
Because this is a fluid situation, is one
reason.
I'm·leaving, and as you know is our practice, when we're in
the middle .of a situation like that, for a variety of obvious
reasons, we prefer not to comment.
There will be comment later.
Q
There will be?
MR. LAKE:
part on events
Q
We're working that out, and it depends in
Should we expect United Nations --
MR. LAKE:
Q
In what way and where?
Not necessarily from here.
Do you expect the United Nations to announce a
pullout this week?
MR. LAKE:
Fluid situation.
No, it is not a yes.
Thank you.
I
DEPUTY SECRETARY GOBER:
Tony about said it all.
He
gave you the background brief; you've got the information there.
I
am privileged to have led -- been a leader of three presidential
delegations to Vietnam since the beginning in 1993 -- '94 and '95.
And as Tony indicated, over the years we have seen increased
cooperation on the part of the Vietnamese. We are still pushing for
more results. We will continue to do so.
The meetings with the veterans groups, to expand a
little bit on that, they were part of the President's delegation in
1994 --well, actually, '93-'94, and they'll go back with us again
later this year.
There are a lot of differences, but what is good
about it is they -- we can disagree on the way to accomplish the
mission, but we must never forget the mission, and the mission is to
obtain as full accounting as. possible. And we take that very
seriously.
Our meetings in Vietnam on our past delegation in May -we met with the highest level of Vietnamese officials and
reemphasized to them how important this was to the people of America.
And it may be confusing to some people why we place so much emphasis
on returning those men that served in Vietnam, but we think they
understand it. We will continue to push for more ~esults, full
.acdounting as possible.
I.'ll tell you right now probably the most productive
thing would just be to take questions from you.
Q
Mr. Lord, can you address the issue of MFN, OPIC
and Ex-Im -- when will they get that, and what type of economic
support are being talked about?
I
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: As the President indicated
and Mr. Lake elaborated, we now will be examining this on a
systematic basis.
So I can't give you any timetable or even any
assurance what will happen.
With diplomatic relations you make legally possible
certain steps -- or possibly possible -- subject to other conditions,
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I
other steps. And so we're going to examine the legal framework as
well, as the appropriateness of moving on some of these fronts.
And,
of course, we'll be in close contact with the Congress and others on
these issues.
Q
Will you move on any of these fronts before the
interagency commission?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
There's no announcement today
about moving on any of these fronts.
We're going to have to look at
the whole picture.
Q
But could you explain just in principle how it
works now -- I mean, do you go ahead and appoint an ambassador -- and
how quickly that could happen, that type of thing?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
In terms of the process,
among your packet should be a fact sheet on diplomatic relations,
give you a little bit of background on what this means.
Essentially, I think you will see a response out of
Hanoi -- there's a time difference -- in a few hours in which they
will -- I don't want to speak for them, but I think it's safe to
assume they will welcome this :Step. So, in effect, ·according to the
lawyers, once both sides have expressed an intention to establish
diplomatic relations, in effect takes hold.
I
But as the President mentioned, the Secretary of State
will be traveling to Vietnam. We're still working out the exact
dates.
This would be after his meetings at Brunei at the beginning
of August. And I think we· envision some exchange of documents.
This
won't require laborious negotiations.
It's more the symbolism in
formalizing what has happened today which, of course, is the key
event.
And as far as ambassadors, both -- I think the
Vietnamese will also indicate their intentions on ambassadors, and as
the President says, the search will now go underway to see who should
head up our embassy.
Q
To any of you gentlemen -- you say that you've
received a comprehensive report saying 79 of 81 pending special
cases, special remains cases, will help you out a great deal. Are
you satisfied now, at this time, that the Vietnamese government
~nilaterally is doi~g everything it can and is n6t withholding any
more information about POWs or MIAs?
DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WOLD: We are satisfied with
the progress to date that the Vietnamese have demonstrated.
Indeed,
on the special remains cases -- discrepancy cases ~- we will continue
to press them ~ery hard on.each one of those cases.
Q
So, in other words, they still have information
that they are withholding from you?
DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WOLD: ·I don't know that
they're withholding information, but we believe that they have
information and that they will be forthcoming in the months to come.
The process is in place, and they have demonstrated their willingness
and their forthcomingness on the turnover of documents.
I
point?
Q
And they've not been forthcoming up until this
I'm just wondering why that is.
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DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WOLD:
think they have been forthcoming.
I
I would disagree.
I
DEPUTY SECRETARY GOBER:
Let me answer a little bit of
that.
You know, when we were there in 1994, we asked them to
establish document teams to go into the Ministry of the Interior
which controls the police there and has a great deal of power, and
the Ministry of National Defense.
They did establish those teams.
And the documents that we received, over 200 pages of documents when
we were there in May, was a result -- some of the work was a result
of that.
1.
I think that what they're doing-- and we feel good
about it because they're going into the provinces and they're
starting to get documents, because many of those documents would be
at the province level.
You know, like the state capitols -- they're
provinces are like our states.
So I think, as Jim said, the process
is in effect, and we hope to see continued results from it. And we
will continue to remind them that, as the President said~ that's
still our number one concern is the MIA problem.
And so -- that doesn't answer your question fully.
thirik that they are trying to. find these documents.
I
Q
Could you please outline a little bit what is
changing strategically by that commission in that part of the w~rld?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
Let me emphasize again what
the President and Mr. Lake emphasized.
This decision was taken on
the criterion of progress toward the. fullest possible accounting.
Now, as the President and Lake also mentioned, obviously there are.
other American interests. And we believe this will further those
interests as well, now that the criteria the President set out have
been met in terms of sufficient progress on the key question.
So Asia is a very dynamic region. We have tremendous
security and economic interests in the region.
We think one of the
benefits of this move will be to forward those interests, and that
will be one of the objectives of Secretary Christopher's trip to the
region, in general, and to Vietnam, in particular . .
,~ ------·-- _ _ s-;,-~~glo~~i s~-;;-~ri-~~~-~eopoJXticai nicfOrs~-;~~~~~ic---- !
__
factors, promotion of human rights, promotion of our efforts to
c_on:troi::.the- £.low-:-:of nar~otics -- aH of these issues, we think, will '
bre advanced by this step to_day by -the President and by our expanded
/"presence in Hanol:
short, I think, it helps our strategic
,_ pos-fE-on--ln-Asid.
But this is a benefit that flows from it -- the
primary criteria where the progresi made on the MIA question.
In
'-?
Q
You keep referring to security interests.
Is there
any hint of military cooperation between the United States and
Vietnam?
I
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: Only in a sense of going
after to the MIA question.
There our militaries have cooperated very
closely.
But, no, not in other respects.
What I'm talking about is
rregionaY-securitV (:f{a{ogues.- As you may know, they have these yearly
'at-t-he--fo:r:eign minister level' and they've had, a couple of months
ago, at the senior ~fficials level. Vietnam is part of that
dialogue, '-ai--is --Russia, China, Japan, ASEAN, Canada, Australia, New
Zealand, Korea and so on.
Q
Have there been any visits to the old facilities at
Cameron Bay?
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ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: Only in the search for MIAs
which is an example of sensitive military areas, like Haiphong Harbor
and Cameron Bay, which the Vietnamese, with our encouragement, have
opened up for inspection for MIAs.
But no strategic talks.
Q
Has there been any response today to this?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: Well, we just announced it a
couple of hours ago, so I have not heard any response.
Q
Can I ask you one on another topic while you're
there?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
will welcome this, too.
(Laughter.)
Sure.
I think New Zealand
\
Q
All right.
Have you had any contact with the
French? Just every country in the world has now condemned the French
because of the situation of Rainbow Warrior and the resumed testing
and, o~ course, the U.S. -ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
I think my instructions ought
to keep this on the Vietnam or closely-related subjects.
Q
Could you tell us whether you've had contacts with
the French?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: We've had contact with the
French to tell them about our announcement today on Vietnam.
(Laughter.)
I
Q
The Republicans are talking about cutting off
funding -ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: No, no.
I'm just
reconfirming my tight instructions from Mr. McCurry.
(Laughter.)
Q
The Republicans are talking about cutting off
funding in the next budget for any actions that would formalize
towards normalization. What can they do to interfere with what
you're trying to do?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
First of all, there are many
Republicans, and you saw many standing up with the President today in
that room, who would disagree with that.
So it's hot monolithic.
Secondly, we'll have to see how this plays out on
Capitol Hill. And I know one of the resolutions is suggesting that.
But I think there are other resolution~ that are more positive, and
we would hope they would prevail.
Q
what can they do?
But if they won't -- if they do cut off funding,
How much interference --
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: Well, I really don '.t want to
speculate on a hypothetical situation.
I'd rather wait and see.
But
we made very clear, the President has, why this is in the U.S.
national interest, and we are confident that a majority in the
Congress, as well as the American people will support that.
I
Q
How will this decision affect U.S. relations with
China?
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I
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: Well, we would certainly not
see this in any way directly related to China in a sense that this
would be taken as a grand strategy with respect to China.
That is
not our intent. So I would imagine China would welcome it.
They've
indicated in the past we should establish friendly relations with
Vietnam.
So we'll have to see -- you'd have to ask them that
question.
But there is not a China ~otive behind our move today.
Q
Mr. Lord,· you've spoken today about documents and
remains.
Does the U.S. government now believe that there are no live
Americans being kept in Vietnam?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD:
address that question.
Why don't I have Mr. Wold
DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WOLD: The government cannot
say that there are no live Americans. However, all of the live study
investigations and all the evidence that we have available to us does
not -- is not suggestive that there are alive Americans remaining
anywhere in Southeast Asia.
THE PRESS:
END
Thank you.
3:10 P.M. EDT
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
f
For Immediate Release
--
l,-LJune 28, 1994
\
--------- . -----J
STATEMENT BY THE PRESS SECRETARY
Last February, when the President announced the. lifting of the
tr_ade--emba-rgo-aga·inst-Vietnam-,-he--a1soaiin-ol.lnce(T fha'Ohe would
fend another_ top-leyel delegation to Vietnam -later iri' the year
for further progress from Vietnam on unresolved POW-MIA
issues. This Presidential delegation will travel to Vietnam
July 1 to 4, and to Laos July 4 to 5. It will stop in Hawaii for
briefings by the Commander-in-Chief, Pacific (CINCPAC), the Joint
Task Force-Full Accounting (JTF-FA) and the U.S. Army Central
Identification Laboratory (CILHI).
·fopress
The delegation wi_ll_be_jointly .led by Deputy Secretary of
V~erans.-A·ffaifs ~Hershel Go~er, l{ssistant Secretary of State
\;hnston Lor_d a~d-Deputy -As::nstant Secretary of Defense for
POW/MilCAffairs; _James Wold/ A similar high-level delegation went
to Vietnam in JulT-1993 ~
At the invitation of the President, leaders of the five largest
veterans organizations -- the Executive Director of the American
Legion, John F. Sommer, Jr.; the Junior Vice Commander-in-Chief
of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Paul A. Spera; the National
Legislative Director of the Disabled American Veterans, Richard
F. Schultz; the National Commander of the American Veterans of
World War II, the Korean War and the Vietnam War, Donald M.
Hearon; and.the National Vice President of the Vietnam Veterans
of America, Jack Clark -- will be members of the delegation. The
Executive Director of the National League of Families of American
Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia, Ann Mills Griffith, will
also be a member of the delegation.
President Clinton has asked this delegation to continue the
search for answers that will help us achieve the fullest possible
accounting for our POW/MIAs.
The_delegation wilJ make clear to Vietnam th?tturtlier-sEeps in
between our-two- natfons- depend--on ·additional tangible
progress on the outstanding POW/MIA cases. ~In-particular, the
. --Presiaent- -is --1-ook.fn<J'I.or concrete- progress ·in four key areas:
f-
~-relations
?
.
>
J
- more ---~-------
. .J
'-~REMAINS :--concrete results from efforts on their part to cases,
'h've-sightings and field activities.
L~~~~EPA~~;::::c~;~;;;') Continued
resolution of 55 discrepancy cases,
live~- sigh-tl~gs . ~nd field activities.
•
LAOS: Further assistance in implementing trilateral
investigations with the Lao.
ARCHIVES:
Accelerated efforts to provide all POW/MIA-related
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Page 2 of2
documents ·that will help lead to genuine answers .
•
While in Laos, the delegation will discuss with senior Lao
officials ways to further advance joint efforts to achieve the
fullest possible accounting of the 504 Americans missing in Laos.
In particular, the delegation will seek progress in establishing
a live-sighting mechanism, in expanding the pace and scope of
joint U.S.-Lao field activities, furthering trilateral
cooperation with the Vietnamese and obtaining broader access to
Lao government archival holdings.
# # #
•
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�Page 1 of13
For Immediate Release
February 3, 1994
r--BACKGR~~D- BRIE FI-N~
'.:
BY
'----,
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL
...__ ___
.~-----
-~~-
------[_ Feb;:-;r_y 1_, _!994
~-
The Briefing Room
3:53 P.M. EST
\•
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
BACKGROUND, and embargoed until 5:00·p.m.
Q
This is all on
I thought you were lifting the embargo.
(Laughter.)
I
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
on until 5:00 p.m.
The one that counts is
The President made a decision at about 12:30 p.m. today
on Vietnam.
After all.the speculation, we wanted to get it right
out, and, therefore, he will b~ announcing it at 5:00 p.m. this
afternoon.
The first act after he made the decision was to call the
leaders of veterans organizations, invited them in for a meeting with
the President, which took place this afternoon.
He met with them
about 2:30 p.m.
I could give you the list of those who were there if
you wish now.
Larry Rivers, the VFW; John Summer of the American
Legion; Donald Hearon qf Am-Vets; Arthur Wilson of the AV; Paul Egan
of the Vietnam Veterans of America; Anne Mills-Griffiths was invited.
It was a last-minute thing and she.apparently wasn't able to make it.
Anyway, he had a meeting with them.
I can talk about that later if
you want it.
The decision, in ess~nce --and the-others .will-speak __
about it more--- is,- - , first_of_all~. he has decided that we • should lifi
---- - . -·-,
r·;;
.,.,
,-the trade ,embargo agalnst Vletnam; and Lsecond, has authorlze_Q __:t_!l_e_
; establishment'' of liaison----offices in Hanoi and Washingtoi:i~ . '
\
----~-,----·
...--------------------~----~------~
I
}
-----~-
~---Let-me- emphasize again -- and you have heard this before
-- that the sole criterion that the President used_in_making_this
(-decis-ion-,-_:_-as -fn previous decisions -On Vietnam;_ was the goal of ~)
a~hi~vin? al~ the ~_Eogress possibl~ on accounting for the. Americans_--- : f
j mlSSln<):__ ~~--_'l!.letnam.
At every meetlng that we were at- durlng. recent__ J
'-·weeks--and previously, that was the sole criterion that we used.
And
I know that that is the sole criterion the President has used in his
(
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thinking about this.
I
His decision reflects the results that have been
achieved in this regard over the past year and in recent weeks, and
more importantly, it reflects his and his advisors' judgment as to
how best we can achieve further progress in the coming months.
As a part of that, this spring, the President will send
back 'out again the delegation of Herschel Gober and Win Lord and
General Mike Ryan to Vietnam to pursue further progress. He has
0
invited, again, the leaders of veterans organizations and the
families to accompany that delegation.
In the meeting with the leaders of the veterans
organizations, the President emphasized his continuing commitment on
this issue, and he and the veterans leaders agreed that they will
continue to work together. The President was very, very strong in
his personal commitment on this issue.
I'm sure there's going to be a lot more questions here,
but why don't we go on to my colleague.
Q
Could you just say whether -- was Hanoi immediately
informed?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: We've been in touch
witg Vietnamese representatives this afternoon.
Q
I
From here?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
From the State
Department.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: What I would like to do
is to review in considerable detail the progress that the Clinton
administration has achieved in the past year on the -- what I'd like
to do, my role here today is to discuss specifically in detail the
progress that we have achieved in the past year on the POW-MIA issue
in Vietnam.
~---------------------- --·--·----·-- -)
Last July, President Clinton .spe:J..l_e<;i_ ()Ut four key_ ?.:r_e.§s
in which we said that we would have to see tangibleprogress-in
accounting for our missing servicemen. And I'd like to describe the
progress we have.made in each of those four areas.
The first _criteria set out by the President was
concrete results from efforts by Vietnam to recover American remains.
Since the President's call in July, 39 remains have been recovered,
·bringing the total recovered remains in 1993 to 67. I should point
out that none of the 39 remains recovered since July have been
identified yet. But three other remains previously recovered have
been identified in that time period.
c
It's important to note that this is more than twice the
number that were recovered in 1992, and the third most productive
year for recovering remains since the end of the war.
The_.Vietnamese-have--·a-J:so ±nc·rea£e"'d ·pD.b·ffd.ixy·-:for~-i-t:s_,::;: _
I
remains~amnesty program, encouraging its citizens to turn-over~any:-.
remains- they might be _f1oJ,qing ·- ...They have: also· established an·offic~
£n Ho Chi Minh City-to in-crease ~.tJorts_ to_~re<::ever-rema-ins- of
Americans, whe-odied -2n capti v:-Ci:.yj.n th~ _S-outh, -~
.
i
. :~
L----------------------------- -- ·--
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I
On the second criteria regarding the resolution of
discrepancy cases and_continued investigation of live sighting
reports, ;;cQ'C5Peration has been excelient.;' We and the Vietnamese have
formed the _Priority-case---Investigation Team, the acronym you' 11 hear
a lot, PCIT, to focus qn joint investigations of the 92 remaining
priority, last-known alive discrepancy cases.
Since July, we have confirmed the deaths of 19
individuals on that list. In all of 1993, we confirmed the deaths of
62 individuals, removing them from that list. A special U.S~ team
operating in Vietnam continues to investigate the remaining 73 cases.
·
Nearly 100 ~eported live sightings have been
investigated on the ground in Vietnam since 1991, and none have
produced evidence that an American POW is today held captive in
0
.
Vietnam. We have, and of course will continue to pursue vigorously
any report of a live prisoner.
The-lfilr-a--areaTd-e;.;_-tified by the President was
(assistan-ce-in a-rranging trilaferai investigatl6ris. with- the Lao-: --Last ' Attgust, /the- Vietnamese- and Lao agreed -to conduct- -trilateral~ - . _ __ _ _
investigations with us along their common border, including along the
Ho Chi Minh Trail. The first such operation was in December '93, ·and
it located remains as well crash sites, which will be excavated in
the coming months. The Commander of the Joint Task Force Field
Accounting, General.Tom Needham, has noted that the vigorous efforts
by Vietnam during this trilateral investigation were particularly
.helpful.
I
l
·
Finally,_President Clinton demanded accelerated efforts
to provide-POW~MIA documents that would help lead to genuine answers.
Since Jul1-1-993-;-we-receiv.ed- for the first time records from
Vietnam's wartime antiaircraft units along the Ho Chi Minh Trail.
This is the so-called 559 documents. These records related to U.S
airmen who were shot down and are listed as POW-MIA.
We have also received important documents from a wartime
military political uriit that handled U.S. personnel during the war.
Both sets of documents are expected to provide leads to the location
of remains of MIAs.
Finally, we have received for the first time written
reports from Hanoi on unilateral investigations the Vietnamese have
conducted to attempt to locate American remains. To date, more than
25,000 documents, artifacts and photographs related to U.S. POW-MIAs
have been examined, with over 600 items correlating to missing
servicemen.
In addition to these tangible results achieved in the
four key areas since the President's statement last July, there have
been other areas of pr_ogress relating__ to __the meti_c;plous progress of
P_Q_W-MIA accounting ._j Since our U-.S. POW office was- es-tablished ln <Hanoi-in July- 1-91, our staff has ;:-increased- from-- four-to-1-9- permanent_
~ericans. --Vietnam has- instituted an oral history program designed
to gain information from the memories of Vietnamese participants of
operations during the war, Seventy of the 120 individuals identified
for 'interview have been completed, resulting in information on 20
unresolved questions.
I
DOD has established a defense POW/MIA Office, which has
consolidated the DIA special office on POW/MIAs, essential
documentation office. The U.S. Army's Task Force Russia, the Office
of the Secretary of Defense for POW/MIA Affairs.
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Consolidating these key functions has centralized the
Washington, D.C.-based POW/MIA efforts resulting in not only more
efficiency, but in greater responsiveness in dealing with the
families, with public inquiries, ·a number of interagency tasks
interests.
I
Finally, I should point out that virtually all the
Vietnam War POW/MIA documents have been declassified.
There are now
more than· 1.5 million pages in the Library of Congress that have been
declassified. As is evident from all these statistics, President
Clinton's strategy is working. We are achieving important results.
Last year, as a result of all of our efforts, we were
able to provide the families of POW/MIAs with 5,600 meaningful
reports on the circumstances of the loss of their loved ones. We
will continue to deal with Vietnam with only one goa~ in mind, what
we can do to make even more progress for the family of our missing
Americans.
0
Q \:_-Wha-t..!.s-the-current count, do you have that?
current count of ·unacc.<;mnted for.
)
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I
The
POW/MIA-- 2,238.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Let me just make a
c9uple of other points, and then we can go to your questions.
First,
the President, of course, throughout this process has been consulting
a wide variety of people on this issue.
The families and the
veterans we've already mentioned; and, of course, the military and
the members of his government. And I can say-that--t-hi-s-is-·absoJ:uteJ:y-__true-.,.- -it-'s- not-a-lways -t·he -case 1 -·but ·he gott ~nanimou? ±:ecommendation.
from all h~s __top military leadep, including -General Shali and Joint·
--cniefs of Staff, the command of our Pacific forces, all the members
oi the Cabinet concerned with this history, including, of course,
S~cretaries of State and Defense, National Security Advisor -everyone believed this was the best way to make further progress, and
that was the sole criterion as the other senior administration
o;ficial has pointed out ..
l
·'
It doesn't mean there can't be disagreements on this
issue, but I am saying a remarkable array of people on the ground and
here in Washington have advised this course.
So have, of course, the
u:s. Senate, and the many names that I think will be associated with
this today, including some that I believe have submitted statements,
but including most of the Vietnam veterans, ex-prisoners of war and
so on.
Secondly, I would point out that this is an ongoing
process.
For those who believe that leverage is important and, in
dealing with this issue there were many other economic and political
and diplomatic assets that can be employed for this purpose.
This is
just the beginning of a resumption of a process, a continuation of
the process.
This is not normalization of diplomatic relations.
There are areas in the economic field that are not
affected by this decision.
It is, of course, an important step
forward, but I'm just pointing out that there are many other sources
and many other incentives for future progress, which we now fully
expect.
I
Finally, just a couple of comments on the liaison
office, which is, frankly, a term which can be quite flexible.
We
have to, of course, to sit down with the Vietnamese and discuss
I
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•
exactly what this will entail.
Its 'purposes from our standpoint are
dlready very clear.
Nameli, above all, to increase and help our
~fforts to search for information on the POW/MIA question, both
directly with these people and being able to talk to the Vietnamese,
but also to.relieve any burden from those most directly responsible
for the joint task force, et cetera, from having to do other duties.
Those are the most important purposes. Also, it will
e,nable us to carry on important bilateral dialogue with the
~ietnamese, including on the issue of human rights, which. we consider
very important and which we have raised in-the past consistently.
There will be a dialogue started officially later this month, so that
will be an important factor, and ;there will be many other issues to
be discussed as well.
And finally, of course, we would envisage many more
~ericans, whether businesspeople or tourists, going into Vietnam,.
and we want to service them and protect them as well.
,
I think those are the main points to get out.
can 90 to your questions.
Now we
D
Q
Most of the members of Congress who talked about
t·his yesterday a.t least talked about the economic implications.
Could you go into that a little more?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
First of all, I want to
that although economic objectives are crucial to the
P resident' s for_ei_gl)_polic;y, this is one-issue-where-he-has, clearly
1
delineate_d his~ priorities,__<!__n_d it is not economic in thisjcase.
It
'
\
-----·--'
.. ----~
i's the fate of our missing personnel.
/
·· · ·
(·--------~------·~ ---·-·- ----::-~-~- --- --- -~--·-- -~- -- .....
We often have sometimes some tension between goals when
we're pursuing relations with various countries:
security, human
rights, economics, et cetera. And often, it's judgment calls and you
have to try to reconcile these.
~epeat
1
•
'
'
--
This is one case where the priorities are firmly
Now, having said that,
we don't believe, in this case, it's mutually exclusive, even though
the criterion is pursuing the MIA question.
If more people go into
~ietnam, we believe we'll get more information.
We also believe
and this is a crucial calculation for the President -- that this
process of engagement with the Vietnamese will produce further
progress. And in informing them of this decision, we made it very
c'lear that we expect even heightened cooperation and certainly
continued high-level cooperation that we've seen, and I can say that
we have received those assurances from the Vietnamese, and we will be
looking very carefully at that continually, including this delegation
I
'
~olng out.
~stablished, .and in this case the MIA issue.
Q
You didn't answer the question about what the
economic
•
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
That was inadvertent,
~ot purposeful.
Excuse me.
I'll be very honest with you, I don't
want to dwell on that in this background briefing.
There will
be
plenty of time to go into that -- I'll address it, but I do not want.
this to take away from the primary motivation, the primary rationale
for this decision .
Of course, there are economic implications;
Of course,
this will help economically in·American business; there's nothing to·
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I
be apologetic about for that. And it will perhaps have other
implications in terms of regional security, et cetera. But I want to
emphasize the main theme, that that was not what was behind this
decision.
Q
Did the President attach any conditions --
Q
Why?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: There will be plenty of
time for briefings from other agencies involved in this to go into
that.
But I really don't want to change the thoughts of this
background.
I'll be very honest.
Q
Did the President attach any conditions to the
lifting of the embargo?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
No, except the
expectation that the high-level cooper'ation will ce,rtainly continue.
Q
How was that expressed?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
How was that expressed?
Further tangible progress in the four areas laid out.
Q
How as it expressed in the agreement, or in
anything that attaches to it?
0
I
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, it is part of the
process we've been engaged on throughout this administration, where
we take steps both to acknowledge cooperation and to encourage
further cooperation.
The Vietnamese fully understand that; it was
repeated this morning to them. And we will watch very closely. We
expect further progress.
Now, on the economics, which ought to be some help,
we're lifting the embargo, as said. We will take some time to work
out the regulations.
This will be up to Treasury and Commerce. And
I would not think it would take a long time.
In the past it's
sometimes taken a couple of months.
In this case it's not so
difficult to interpret, so I would think it's a matter of weeks,
certainly not months and probably not days. We're not talking about
-- Excuse me?
There's one technical point that I should point out with
respect to this. And this is a technical point. We are -- this will
really throw you off. We, in fact, are maintaining the Trading with
the Enemy Act for the sole purpose of hanging on to .Vietnamese
assets, because we will have claims negotiations and, therefore, you
need this authority to continue in order to hang on to them.
So
•everything else, in effect, is waived -- everything else is lifted.
Q
Do you know what the estimated.value of those
assets that we hold are?
I
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I don't want to
jeopardize our negotiating position; so I don't know whether I ought
to be -- we'll get that for you if there's no problem.
The question
is, I don't know whether it's not a good idea to release it at this
point. We will find out immediately and let you know if there's any
:problem with that.
·
Q
There are certain laws' on the books --
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•
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, let me finish .
What we're doing with freezing the assets is what we've done with
Cambodia, for example. We still have trading there, but we're
working out the claims assets negotiation.
That's a technicality.
Q
There are certain laws on the books now independent
of this embargo that ban trade with Vietnam.
Have you had
discussions with Congress about that, and what would be the status of
those? And does Congress have any input in this decision or is it
purely a presidential decision?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: No, no.
First of all,
obviously, it's a pre~idential decision, .but the President considered
very carefully the opinions of both the House and the Senate.
He, of
course, noted the Senate vote.
But he's had many discussions with
both supporters of this move ~nd presumable opponents of this move.
But the former are vastly in the majority.
Now, what was the other part of your question?
about the details.
Q
Oh, yes,
There are laws on the books now
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
No, we have not
addressed this in detail. We will discuss it closely with the
Congress.
There are many economic aspects which are not affected
automatically by this in export control laws, national security laws,
so that there will be some continuing restrictions, presumably, but
this all has to be worked out .
•
0
Q
Does the President see this decision as both a
reward for past cooperation recently and an incentive for future
cooperation?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
In the first place, no
one has ever used the word "reward" except some ill-informed
backgrounder person who put it in somebody else's mouth.
But that's
a phrase we never use. We're talking about acknowledging cooperation
~nd motivation and incentive for future cooperation.
We're not
~alking about rewards.
~conomic
Let me get back, since there was some grumbling on the
question.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
latter is more important.
-- emphasize that the
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Sure. Of course.
That's a good point, the other senior official is helping me out
here, a point i hope we've already made clear. What is most
important is the future, namely the President has made the decision
that thi~ is the best way to get more accounting.
In order to take
that decision, he also has to acknowledge that the criteria he laid
out in July have been met, but the primary purpose is to get more,
and continue cooperation.
•
But let me get back 'to the economic question.
Did we
get into some of the things you were concerned about? I didn't want
to look. evasive.
I just didn't ·want to take away -- make this look
like an economic decision, which it's not.
Q
If the trade embargo is lifted, will the U.S. Ex-Im
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Bank be able to make loans to Vietnam?
I _
d~9_is~ons
;~~i~-~-~;~~I~~s,!~~~~;_._ r!!~~~~~n-~~:t~~{~s~~ie~~i~~: ~-; ·
0
we,
c~~~~~__e_no:~·a~~~i-~v~st ~n V~e,tna_m_;_ that I~ them_~ln p_oln~~·-
;~~--~---- --
Q
Any estimates of how big this trade will be, how
much money it will involve for U.S. businesses?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I've seen varying
estimates, and again, I do think Commerce would be better positioned
to do that.
There's a lot of disagreement. Many feel there's major
opportunities here, others feel that's been inflated.
Q
Are these the first diplomatic representatives?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: One point.
It's been
obvious to everybody who was involved in the decision-making process
~ere that there is an economic stake.
But it strikes me in
retrospect that we never, in any.of the meetings of the principals,
actually got an ~conomic analysis of what was at stake, because we
were focusing so clearly on that single central _criterion.
Q
Is this the first diplomatic presence the United
States has had in Hanoi since Hanoi became an independent country 40
years ago?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:· _It's not a full
diplomatic presence, a liaison office.
I
Q
I didn't say full.
Have we ever had a diplomat
assigned to Hanoi?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
three temporary duty foreign service --
Well, we have right not
0
Q
Well, we were told they were not diplomats, they
were consular offices, basically. They didn't really have dealings
with the Vietnamese government.
·
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
general there for --
Yes.
We had a consul
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
consulate in Hanoi in the late 1940s.
I believe we had a
Q
What is it that occasioned this at this time? This
was -- if you had such a good year last year in this regard, it would
suggest, perhaps, that the policy in effect was working, and perhaps
to some, at last, and perhaps that policy should have been continued.
What occasions the shift now, and could you explain that?
I
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, first of all the
President said he'd keep under constant review after his previous
decisions whether to take another step and judge the level of
cooperation and the prospects for future cooperation.
It was his
best judgment that this is a reciprocal process, and if they have
shown an effort -- and we believe that our taking a step in return
would increase their efforts or make sure of the high level of
cooperation, this would be best to do that.
People can speculate
whether, if we cut off any ~further steps-over-a -period _QL time,
cooperation wou-ld-sra-cken.
I'm not asserting that, but I -am---asserting that the President judged that we would have the best
\.....---..-.. ----------------- -~--------··-----~-----~-~··----
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�~
~-----~-----·--··---- -------------~-------------·-. ---- ------·····--~-
~.----chance -of_gu_~~a_n;t~~ir!_g
•
--
_
fl.lrther _co_gp~r_atJon by_ taking another- step·"
Page 9 of13
}
Q
If that's true, then why are you so averse to the
word "reward"? Isn't this. a case of incentive and reward? Isn't
that what the policy is about?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I'll be very
honest in that.
For many years, the Vietnamese were not cooperative.
They were, frankly, evasive, they didn't help the families, and
·that's why many of us-- and we all have great sympathy for the
families, even if we may disagree on tactics.
So when you're talking
about a country that we believe broke the Paris Agreements and who
~ave been evasive with us in the past, we'd rather not use verbs like
that.
It doesn't mean we don't want to have a sound relationship,
but I just think it's an inappropriate verb.
Q
It's more of a noun.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I t can be a noun or a
verb.
bit?
•
Q
What will we do now if the cooperation slows down a
Will we put the embargo back on?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
First of all, we don't
expect that to happen.
The Vietnamese have already in their initial
response -- because we judge by actions, not words -- but they've
already pledged, if anything, even further cooper~tion, although they
would cl~im it's very full, and we believe it's quite full now.
So
we'd have to address that if it came up.
But I think it's a
hypothetical situation. We certainly don't expect it to arise .
But we will make very clear that this is a ongoing
_process-- the Vietnamese know that-- and that we will continue to
look for further tangible progress. And that is our expectation.
It's based on that the President made this decision.
Q
you want the focus on the POW-MIA issue, but can
you give us some idea, sir, when and what magnitude the economic
aspect would begin? You said a matter of weeks..
Companies have been
over there, have had representatives over there.
They appear ready
D.
to go into motion almost instantly.
Surely you must be able to give
us some idea, sir, what size and of what magnitude economic
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I honestly am not being
evasive. And also it's not a matter of keeping the focus.
If I knew
the answers precisely at this point, I would try to give them to yqu.
I really don't have a good feel for the estimates .. You may find that
. hard to believe, but it's also disputed.
We wi'll, obviously, implement the regulations as soon as
possible.
This has been a close hold situation, so I don't know how
fast Treasury and Commerce thinks they can do that.
They will
obviously move with the utmost speed.
I mean, once the decision is
made, there's no reason to slow down on it.
•
I think many Americans are poised to move out quickly.
They were authorized under the Bush administration to set up offices
and even to enter into talks.
They couldn't conclude contracts, but
they could do a lot of the spade work to get ready for it.
So, I
think they can act very quickly once th~ regulations are issued by
Treasury and Commerce.
·
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.
CQ -c:~TnT~
'
•
is _n_o_t~_--_cl_ip_i~~~~--i-_c-~c_o-_g:-~ion, is it ?
SENIOR- ADMINI-STRAT-ION OFFICIAL :·-·No,
!, ________ ~---- ---- ---- - -- -------
Tt- ~is
1
not'.---
Q
Under what conditions -- how do you move forward
towards that now?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, we're just
addressing the immediate situation. We haven't addressed those
issues.
Q
Well, is that tied as well to the POW-MIA?
does that go from here?
Where
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I think it's fair
to say that that will remain the President's top criterion -- is the
·POW-MIA progress on any further _steps.
Q
Is there any feeling -- you've emphasized the
incentives.
Is there any feeling that you're on the wrong course and
if incentives should have been employed earlier, it would have gotten
more results?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I'm sorry I missed the
timing --
•
Q
Is there any feeling now that you're going with
emphasis on incentives that maybe the hard sell, the hard line of
fullest possible accounting was the wrong course and you would have
gotten better results earlier if you had gone with the incentives as
a first policy?
SENIOR.ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Not at all, no.
There's a differen6e here between what the goal is which is a very
clear goal. And that is the fullest possible accounting and the
tactics towards that goal. And we have been over the past year
calibrating the progress in our relationship with them to the
progress they have been making towards that goal. And we think
that's been working right since last spring when we laid out both
this goal and that strategy.
Q
Being tough got you this far, but you don't think
that's the best step now-- incentives are better now?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
No, again, the goal --I
don't know whether tough is the right word here.
The goal is and
0
!
has been very clear. And that has not changed at all. And the
tactics towards that goal, the strategy towards that goal has been
consistent throughout. As you will recall, we had previously, first
of all, had allowed the Vietnamese to clear their arrearages with the
IMF Iast spring. And that was a step because they were making
progress.
Then last September, we allowed -- and that meant, I'm
sorry, that previous decision meant that the international financial
institutions could then start to c~rry out projects and make loans in
Vietnam.
•
In September then, when there had been more progress, we
then allowed American companies to bid on those contracts.
Since
last September there has been further progress, and now we are taking
ahother step.
So I think it's been quite a consistent s~rategy .
~amilies,
Q
Would you please address the concerns of the
because Griffiths was here last week -- I believe she saw
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•
you.
When she spoke to us outside the driveway, she was quite
adamant saying that she believes that Vietnam has not been as
cooperative as it could have been and that there has not been the
kind of progress that she thinks should have been made.
How are you
dealing with that, and what are you saying in the interview to people
like Ms. Griffiths and other family representatives to reassure them?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I have met with
many times over the past year.
I've found all our conversations
valuable.
She knows a lot about the issue.
Clearly, she disagrees
with our tactical judgment here as to what is the best way to achieve
further progress.
h~r
I might say a word here about the meeting with the
leaders of the veterans organizations.
I can'~ speak for them, but I
can say that it has been a very respectful one in both directions.
And that while some of them disagreed with this as a tactical step, I
was impressed with the way all of them expressed appreciation for the
President's commitment on this issue and the concern he has showed
and the thought that went into the decision.
One of them said we
will be agreeable in our disagreement on this tactic: And they all
agreed at the end that we are working toward a common goal and that
we will continue to work together on it, and we will continue to work
with the League of Families as well.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
answer on the Griffiths s~tuation?
Could I answer the
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: We're inviting her to
go along, of course, on the mission next spring .
•
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
First, I might add,
that I also met with her and her group on Saturday for over two
hours, and i was -- all of us are trying to keep in touch.
But the
important point is the following:
Whether it's the League of
.
Families or some of the veterans groups -- and this isn't monolithic
by any means -- I think if you describe the debate, here's how it
sort of breaks down.
First, I think both sides -- and again, we
believe the vast majority of people do back this decision -- but
honest people can disagree and we have great sympathy for both the
v~terans and families.
As I said, in the past they've had some -- a
lot of disappointments and deception.
-- --- -- -===-----.---~--::._--:--:::::-_-~---~- Tfiere;:.s agreement- ori the goal, nainely I full,--a_s:possible
,accou£ting of MIAs.
I think th·ere' s general agreement, most of these
{people-- I can't put words in their mouth-- on the strategy,;namely
:tpat--:.~you~·avoidc-·the· two extremes if no engagement -- where you won't
. LgeL _any information; and, where--we ·didn't get it~ for many years_
1
because the-:r:e,-was~no- engagem_ent-;_- but~- al:so no_t -:·great. leaps forward, as
Ifs-uggested 'earlier,- I think, wher~. you squander your leverage i f .you
g'Ormmediately...to--diplomatic .. relatiQD§.--·---- so on: - ·~nd -- ---·--'
0
\~--
•
~
So, therefore, the general point of, sort of an in
between course, I think, disagreement on.
Then the issue comes,
what's happening with respect to cooperation and progress. Again, I·
think there's agreement; there's been a lot of cooperative attitude
in the sense of activity, stepped up Vietnamese efforts on joint
field investigations, going out and trying to find witnesses and so
on.
So the disagreement, and I'm not belittling it -- the
disagreement comes whether there's been actual sufficient tangible
progress to want this incremental step.
The other senior official
laid out for you why we think there has, and does the President. And
I. think it's there that the disagreement revolves.
So I just wanted
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to give you the parameters of the debate .
•
Q
You use the term, fullest possible accounting.
Is
that that term will eventually mean that there will be a
sizable portion of the 2,238 that will never be accounted for, and
that the families are simply going to have to accept that?
it"po~sible
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I think the families
understand that a large portion of the 2,238 will never be accounted
for.
Fullest possible accounting simply means to account for
everyone that can be accounted for.
We just .recovered three sets of
remains from World War II in Tibet. We recovered remains from World
War II in New Guinea and various places. As long as there are leads,
as long as there is information, we will attempt to do whatever we
can and get answers to the family.
Q
You spoke about not squandering
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
Let me. just add to
this.
This is a process that is almost certainly going to take years
into the future.
And we are committing ourselves, have committed
ourselves to continue to work on this issue for those years.
And as
he said, we are still recovering remains from wars ago.
Q
You spoke of not squandering your leverage, sir.
What leverage is left?
)
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, I'm not -- the
answer is there are many aspects of fully normal relationship that we
have not achieved, both economic and diplomatic .
•
Q
But has there -- there's been no great call for
that from Vietnam. What they're interested in ) now
....
________
- - - - - - · - __ S_ENI_O~LbPiiiNISTRATION- OF-F-IGIAL: - Oh, yes, Vietnam
no,
:-vietnam would welcome immediate diplomati~ relaj:_iOI1s ......They. would
... r
welcome-complete free trade withoi..lt regard to other controls, which
will still remain, as they do with many other countries.
So there's
plenty of objectives that -- I'm sure, that have not been fulfilled.
)
-
I
/
On the other hand, obviously, they can and have and
s.hould welcome this significant step forward.
---------- - Q--Will they have MFN?
---~-
j----
------
SE~IOR
...__
-----
ADMINISTRATION- OFFICI-A-II:
NO"; you can·•·t-have-MFN-1 Unti-J:--you-have-·a '~trade agreement f SO YOU I d_ h_aye tO negotiat.e_a_tr_a_d_E:!
--agreement first.
-·
··._::;>
Q
How long will it be, do you think, before there are
diplomatic relations? You just said, certainly it will be years
before we resolve the POW problem.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
that we are not addressing now.
That's a future issue
0
Q
But can you just talk about a reasonable time line,
or what your own expectations are?
•
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I think it depends on
events.
Q
How much control are we talking about on trade?
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You describe it as controlled trade.
I
How much control of --
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
No, I was referring to
like the State Department munitions list, the Commerce restrictions
on dual-use items, national security.
I understand your questions on
the whole economic front, I really do, and we'll try to get Commerce
and Treasury people to help you over the coming days to fill in some
of these issues.
Q
Is there another country that the relationship will
be somewhat similar to? For example, will it be as restricted as
less restricted than with China? Or is there a parallel you draw on
that?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
I don't want to give
you off the top of my head something which may be misleading.
It
will be somewhere in between England and Iraq.
(Laughter.)
Q
Can you just give us -- since the Koreans are today
sort of saying to the United States, enough of this talk; if you keep
try{ng to inspect us, we're going to drop out of nonproliferation
could you give us a answer on how the U.S. is responding to that
today?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: We have been in touch
with the Koreans.
Our position has not changed. The focus right now
is on the negotiations between the North Koreans and the IAEA. And
we hope that the North Koreans recognize their interest in achieving
an agreement on inspections that will allow the IAEA to certify the
continuity of safeguards, and that those negotiations continue.
I
Q
But the U.S. has no sense of suggesting that there
not be full inspections and the Koreans kind of get what they want?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: No.
No, our position
has not changed in the slightest in the last few weeks.
MS. MYERS:
We'll take one more question.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:. One question about the
liaison office. Can you tell us when the liaison office will be set
up and also, will the top officers at the liaison office have the
ambassadorial rank?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:
The answer to the
second is almost certainly -- no, is the quick answer to the second
one, I think it's fair to say.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Absolutely.
Because
we're not talking about diplomatic relations or anything that high
profile.
This is a practical step that is needed for the purposes
that we've already outlined. We will sit down shortly with the
Vietnamese and begin to work out these details, but we just don't
have them today.
I can't give you more than what we have.
THE PRESS:
Thank you.
END4:35 P.M. EST
•
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
c-~------
-:, __ PRESS BR_IEEi~-7
---BY-
NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR TONY LAKE,
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS JOHN SHATTUCK,
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR ASIAN AND
PACIFIC AFFAIRS WINSTON LORD
AND
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR ECONOMIC POLICY BOB RUBIN
The Briefing Room
5:52 P.M. EDT
MR. LAKE:
Hi. I'know you're all very close to
deadlines, so we will be very brief.
Let me simply begin by
emphasizing five points.
First, the President wanted to make this
decision.and present it based on an honest assessment of progress
that had been made over the past year.
We'll be handing out a fact
sheet soon that analyzes that.
I will not bore you then by repeating
it .
•
Secondly, a~executive or9,er, -~e believe, did lead to
progress over the pastlyear,- but that appr_o_ach __ has.-taken_u_s_ as far as
it could take us and, th~:r:efore, tliTh:i, the President- wantedtoadopt
;-:~a-new::::_approach~a:irned::;:aE--the=.s-am€( strategic object--i-ves and to· makes' a
;::;;- clear decision to delink-a:nd has done so,; -- ------· _:;
(
- - - - - - -- -- -- ---''
Fourth, the President's decision is designed to lay the
basis for a long-term, sustainable relationship with China through
which we can pursue both our human rights interests and our security
and economic interests as well.
______
And, fifth, we will be now pursuing a very active human
rights policy with China in the context of that broader relationship
that Win Lord will be describing to you. And John Shattuck,
Assistant Secretary for Human Rights at the State Department, will be
her~ to answer questions as well._
We'll have just a little more to say first.MR. RUBIN:
Thank you, Tony.
Let me comment for a
moment on the process, if I may.
This was really a terrific example
of how a process should work.
The human rights, the foreign policy,
the economic considerations were all brought together at the same
time for the President so he could make a fully informed decision
based on all of the variables being in front of him at the same time,
the same place, with all of the relevant people at the table.
•
Tony and I worked very closely together; it's exactly
what the President wanted from the beginning of the administration,
the foreign policy and economic people working together in the White
House to work on the White House component of this.
Senior administration people agreed from the beginning
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~-------
I
-----
---·--
;---------- -----------,..--.-,..- ----·,---.-,
~---
. -~
the,...:.re:v;o.catign _o_f !:1FN did- ri.o-t -m.E;ke- s-ense, that democracy and huf[lan '
ri_ghts C'C>uld be better served by engage!!!_~!'!-, int_e_gr_aj:i,QQ_in:to__t)l.e;
glo}:)al co~u_nij:y_ Q:[j::_hin§.. ·-As time we-rit on. and we studied this more,
we all--agreed there has not, as Secretary Christopher has advised us
_,--==--there--has not been overall significant progress. We agreed on
f delinkage_)s the best way to proceed in terms of human rights and
·---other-interests of the United States. And we agreed on a vigorous
human rights agenda.
Let me add one more thing, if I may, and that is, this
has been a very signific~nt week with respect to Asian-United States
policy in general. We cleared away the underbrush with respect to
Japan. And we have begun, or we're about to begin, talks again with
Japan on the various sectors under the framework agreement.
Secondly, we've opened representative -- or have agreed to open
representative offices in Vietnam. And thirdly, as you know, we now
have a new policy with respect to China, forward-looking policy, as
the President has just announced.
Thank you.
)
ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHATTUCK: Because of your deadlines
and because the President and my colleagues have really covered the
essential ground, I will speak at New York speed and be very brief
here.
•
You have fact sheets -- you'll be getting more. s'o you
have a sense of what progress has been made and what progress hasn't
been made. The main point here is both the Secretary and the
President, indeed, the entire administration was determined to make
sure we gave an accurate, credible rendition·of the situation in
China. We believe we have done that. We have made some important
progress, but there is some glaring deficiencies.
We've worked intensively. We've shown the spotlight on
the human rights situation in China more than ever before. There has
been progress, but China falls short, obviously, of international
standards.
(
--------- ----
Now, -whe-re- are we going in. the _futur_e? [.:.There is a
-)
\comprenensive approach outside of' MFN that the President has outlihed:-::~-
l aqd you_ha:v:e _further _facts in front of you. -~
·-~
Very briefly, our rationale is the following: There are
various. ways to approach human rights and we have an initiative here
on each of the sectors or elements that can do that. For example, we
believe the business community can and should help. The President is
going to sit down and talk with the business community and see
whether we can develop a set of principles for operating in China.
It would be voluntary and it would be cooperative. And so that is
one element.
Second, obviously, in an age of information and
technology; international broadcasting, bringing the facts and
outside opinions and values to the people around the world including
China, is another factor for liberalizing societies. Therefore, we
will be stepping up our Voice of America programs, . as. well as
launching the new Radio Free Asia.
I
Thirdly, it's obviously more effective whenever you can
act multilaterally rather than bilaterally, and reflect the
international community's consensus and not just the American views.
And, therefore, we will put increased emphasis in working with other
countries and an international fora.
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�Page 3.of8
And, ·finally, you have to look at the long-term and not
just what is happening from week to week or day to day.
And over the
long-term, the development of nongovernmental organizations, a civil
society, legal reform, parliamentary exchange we believe can have a
major impact on Chinese society and human rights.
So we'll be
developing programs in that area as well. All of us will be
accompanied, however, by an intensified, broad dialogue in the
governmental channels which we have pursued, which we will continue
to pursue, but as the President said, we believe in a more
constructive and broader framework.
I
Thank you.
Q
When did the President actually make the decision
to delink? And it sounds like you just threw out the rules of the
game so that you could reach a different decision than what you
started out pursuing.
~----MR. LAKE:
The President reached the decision
delink _____ }
-- which was, of course, not .the whole of the decisions he maae ~--~ would say, some weeks ago as he was thinking this through.
That
became -~ Bob, would you disagree -- that became one of the basic
points of agreement between the Pres_id~_r:!"t g___11_d ~h-~s '-?ei1ior.cadv-isor~~;-- · c .J
T)1at-, _ a so L.said, --was~not--the-~oniy
made, and there
__.>.
r-remained a series of decisions then aoout·wl1a-CtBe :i::>est =humim rights. __ _,. .
~strategy would be to take advant~g_e __of the __ new _rela:tion-?hip we could
-,
-build then with the Chinese; ___ what, if any, sanctions to impose -that
~ereno-t:-·in the MFN context, et cetera.
to
deCision- be
c-
•
On your second question, the point here is that we have
a very important strategic objective here, and that is to build a
relationship with China within which we can seriously pursue human
rights as·well as our other security and economic interests.
The importance of that goal makes it imperative that you
proceed in as practical a fashion you can at every stage.
Therefore,
for example, last September when it became evident that we needed to
broaden the range of our contacts with China in order to be able,
effectively, to pursue the human rights provisions of the executive
order, we did so.
The President decided that we should meet with the
Chinese, expand those contacts. _That meant Secretary Christopher and
others were meeting with them, and that meant that the President met
with President Jiang last year.
That was a tactical shift towards the same goal.
We are
doing exactly the same thing here.
The executive order took us as
far as it could. We think now the next 'stage is to pursue the human
rights dialogue that the executive order allowed us to establish.
This is the first time over the past year that we have
really gotten ourselves into a serious human rights dialogue with
China thanks to the executive order. We are convinced that this now
is the best way to pursue that dialogue in an effective fashion.
Q
Have you communicated the decision to the Chinese.
government, and if so, have you had a response from them?
MR. LAKE:
I
Yes.
We did that today.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHATTUCK: We informed the Chinese
government today about the decision.
They basically listened, and
indeed, we're having further discussions with them today, and also
Ambassador Roy in China tomorrow.
So we don't have •any response at
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this point.
•
We'll let them speak for themselves.
Q
Over the past year, administration officials
repeatedly emphasized that what you'were asking China to do on human
rights was very minimum, that there were conditions which could be
met. And yet, they weren't met. Was the position, both the rhetoric
and the position taken during the 1972 campaign a mistake?
Q
The '92 --
Q
Excuse me, the 1992 campaign.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHATTUCK:
-- 72 also.
I remember
very strong statements in 1972_when we-~ (laughter.)
There was
immutable interest.
Q
Was the 1992 campaign position a mistake?
executive order a mistake?
Was the
MR. LAKE:
You'll not be surprised to know that I would
say, absolutely not. Again, the executive order and the approach in
the executive order, which laid out serious conditions, allowed us to
achieve, we believe, the progress as'shown in the fact sheets that
has been achieved this year. Wang Juntao, who I met with a couple of
weeks ago would not, 'in our view, be free today were it not for the
approach we have taken over the last year.
There are many ways in
whi~h we have made progress.
•
The President, by making China an issue in 1992 and
through the executive order, has allowed -- has created an impulse
for the progress we have achieved -- and again let me emphasize this,
because I think it's very important -- has allowed us to get into a
serious dialogue on human rights with the Chinese that we have not
had before. And we think that this approach now will allow us best
to exploit that opening into further progress on human rights in the
future.
.
·
And as the President said, let us a judge a year or two
from now in the longer-term whether this approach is the right one or
not. We believe that it is.
This is the best tactic towards a very
serious goal.
-------:-- ----------- ---- -- .,
-------------- -Q
Tony, does this mean that the United States is now I
(delinking trade and human rights as a matter of foreign policy, or
\ delinking that kind -- or MFN with human ri.ghtsc? br does it simply '
' mean that if the trading partner is big enough and powerful~eno~gh
dna, politically influential endugh that it will be- ·del inked? ~':-:.
1
-(.___
---- - - --- -- - -'
MR. LAKE:
I think neither.·· On the first p()int -- for
example, on the sanctions now on munitions, the Secretary of State
will determine when he believes -- or, in the future, she perhaps -believes that that sanction should be lifted with regard to the
overall state of American relations with China, which includes human
rights.
This is not to say that we are delinking human rights and
economics around the world.
~-------
-~----
--------~
!
~
•
The answer to both of your points is that since
societies differ, since situations differ, and since human rights
matter, we will pursue in each case what we believe is the most
effective strategy to achieve the greatest-possible results. And we
are convinced that this approach in China is the best one now to
pursue.
Q
Presumably, you've had some input from people on
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I
the Hill and gotten just a feel for the reception that this decision
will probably receive there.
Do you think now-- I'm thinking now
particularly of Senator Mitchell -- do you expect that Senator
Mitchell might go one step better and introduce the bill that he's
threatened to that would impose more expansive sanctions against
China?
MR. LAKE:
I think we'll have to see what Senator
Mitchell and others now do.
The President has spent a great amount
of time today, and over the past weeks, speaking to members of
Congress, across the whole spectrum of opinion. As the President
said today, he has no doubt that some of our friends and some of
those who believe very strongly in human rights as we do will
disagree on what is the best tactic here.
I think we all still agree
on the goals; they will have to decide how they will proceed; those
who may dfsagree with thii tactic.
I would say all of the conversations that he had with
members of Congress, however, were very positive and respectful, and
with both the President and. other administration officials speaking
with members of Congress, and the members I think respecting each
other's basic commitment to human rights.
Q
How important was the emergence of the Korean
situation strategically dangerous in causing the President to put
human rights perhaps on a lower stage of significance? The President
seemed to hint at a changing strategic .situation.
·
•
MR. LAKE:
Certainly issues like Korea, issues that come
up at the U.N., the Chinese vote and veto at the U.N. --all of those
things reinforce the importance of our having a positive,
constructive relationship with China -- issues of nonproliferation.
At the same time, that does not mean that he has one inch backed away
from the importance he places on human rights.
In my view, throughout, the Chinese h~ve made their
decisions with regard to Korea based on China's interests.
That has
not been a function pf our relationship wi~h China.
So the President
did not pull back on human rights because of Korea or other issues.
He does believe that the importance of our working with the Chinese
on such issues reinforces the approach we are taking, which will also
allow us to pursue the human rights dialogue. And we certainly hope
that it will help us communicate all the more with the Chinese on
Korea.
But I don't think it will affect their fundamental
calculus about what they should do on Korea.
They have a basic
interest in a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. And they have a basic
interest in seeing the Koreans choose the path of greater engagement
with the international community, rather than going down the road of
further isolation and possible sanctions.
Q
I'd like to ask Mr. Rubin, now that we have these
new rules of the game, could you give us either a two-year or fiveyear economic projection of the level of trade we're going to have
with China?
I
MR. RUBIN:
The answer to the question basically is no,
I don't know.
But I do think there is -- there is i broadly-held
view that sometime in the next two or three decades China is likely
to be the largest economy in the world.
Furthermore, as you know, it
does not have a trade surplus with the rest of the world.
It's not a
mercantilist society in that sense.
I think business in this country
has been somewhat held back in terms of developing markets in China
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I
because of the uncertainty of the relationship.
But I think that
with the steps the President has taken today, there will be all the
more incentive for developing markets in China.
I think it will
become an ever-larger and ever more important trading partner; but I
don't have specific numbers.
I don't think it's possible to make
judgments at this point on th~t.
r
Q
But you see a fairly substantial increase in U.S.
exports?
MR. RUBIN:
If you speak to people who are involved in
running large companies, and they talk about the various countries in
the world and parts of the world in which· they see great opportunity,
China ranks number one or number two -- right at the top of anybody's
list.
The answer is, absolutely yes.
Having said that, let me repeat something that Tony
said.
There was no question -- and we all sat through every one of
these meetings with the President -- that the President put enormous
emphasis on what is the b.est way to accomplish human rights
·
objectives. And it was this engagement and integration of China to
the rest of the world that -- was his judgment, was the best way to
accomplish our human rights objectives.
Q
Since Mr. Rubin was up there, maybe I'll -- you and
·Win.
If any stiffer sanctions had been placed on China, do you think
that the Boeing sale, potential Boeing sale would be jeopardized?
(Laughter.)
•
MR. RUBIN:
Win, you're the expert on China.
You were an ambassador at one time .
ASSISTANT SECRETARY LORD: China expert's an oxymoron.
I don't want to speculate on what the Chinese may have done or might
not have done.
I don't think that's useful.
China will act in its
self-interest, whether it's Korea or whether it's a need for good
aircraft.
And, of course, American companies have the best aircraft
in the world.
Q
Mr. President and you just both mentioned that you
think the question is, what is the most effective way.
Some have
suggested that to influence China, to increase contact with Taiwan or
Tibet probably would be very effective.
I was wondering, is that
under consideration as a future tool?
MR. LAKE: As you know, the President has met with the
Dalai Lama now both last year and a few weeks ago, and I assume
within the context in which we have met with him previously, we will
continue our contacts with the Dalai Lama as well.
Let me emphasize_ th_a_t,__ because .. we .have not .spoken a
,
great deal about it, we-are-'-'-very-disappo2nteC! that -th-e ·chinese
-:
g9vernment -did-not· yet~ agree to _§...Qter into -a_ clYalOgue-"'w.[fflthe DaTa~
L'ama in the waKe.-of"-the Dalai Lama's statements' that._the -'question of- - ·.
i'ooependence- would n6Coe-- on ·the- agenda--for-tnose-Tafks -.---Anci ·we·-a·re , - - - -~--~ ~,
of course, very disturbed by many of the Chinese actions in Tibet
with regard to the Tibetan culture and people.
So that item will
remain very much on our agenda.
Q
What about Taiwan?
You didn't answer the question
about Taiwan.
I
ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHATTUCK: We have a very strong,
unofficial relationship with Taiwan.
If anything, we believe it's
become even stronger in this administration. We will pursue that.
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We've also had a policy toward Taiwan through several
· administrations, Republican and Democrat, that has essentially been
very successful, on the one hand allowing ·us to improve our relations
with Beijing, on the other hand, creating the context_not only for
strong friendship with Taiwan, but for a strengthening of their de
facto security, amazing economic development and a movement toward
human rights and democracy in Taiwan.
I
So we will not play games or alter our One China policy.
We will continue to strengthen our unofficial ties with Taiwan.
It's
worked for many administrations.
It's going to work under this
administration.
Q
I'd like to follow up on your answer.
I'd like to
know the status of the Taiwan policy review.
Now that the MFN issue
is out of the way, are you going to move on with that policy review,
which I understand, because of the MFN debate, has been sort of put
on hold.
And also, I'd like to know personally-- it's being
suggested that you might be made the fall guy because of this MFN
issue because you're obviously the architect of that policy.
It's
been suggested you might leave government or-- (laughter.)
(Laughter.)
ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHATTUCK:
I'll take both of these.·
Are you trying to make me leave?
(Laughter.)
MR. LAKE:
I think I should answer that .
. ASSISTANT SECRETARY SHATTUCK:
•
I have a funny answer.
(Laughter.)
As far as I'm concerned, if the Knickerbockers and
Rangers win, it's still a good spring no matter what happens.
I'll
, let Tony answer both questions.
But on the schedule, seriously, the
NSC advisor and the NEC, if it's an economic issue, control the
schedule.
I will not accept the premise of your question that's been
held up. We had an intensive review, and I ' l l let you know when
we're going to have a high-level meeting on it.
MR. LAKE:
I think it will .be moving along in the next
few weeks.
I would prefer to say th~t it is ~roceeding apace rather
than was on hold.
Let me say very, very strongly, first of all, that as a
Red Sox fan with a sense of tragedy, I don't think it would be a good
summer at all.
But the policy of the executive order was last year
put together jointly in the White House and with the State Department
and other agencies.
It is wrong to say that any one individual is the
architect of that policy. And again, I think it has been a good
policy, and it has taken us as far as it has, and it has placed us in
a good position now to pursue our human rights dialogue with the
Chinese. And I absolutely have no expectation that a year from now,
as we discuss the progress made under this new policy, that Win Lord
will not be standing here with us.
r--- -n:cst-·backed"
•
-~Q___
;What··cto-e·s -u-~mean when you s-ai·d- -the--Pres-ident__has
away on human rights? But what do you think the impact-
~~J~~;~o~~~-~~;~~~~~r-~~i~~ ~-~ ~ '!c~~e~,~:~=-~~~!:~
; -- --~:~;-e~~~~n~d{~}~i~~ -~ ~ _
with sufficient amount of pressure.
·
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·Page 8 of8
MR. LAKE:
This policy was not -- this decision the
President has reached was not made as a result of pressure.
I
Q
J
pr~ssures
from the interests here --
MR. LAKE: Absolutely.
A lot of different people had a
lot of different views.
There were pressures -- if you want to use
that word -- from a lot of different directions~ And at a certain
point, after you have consulted and heard different points of view,
you simply sit down and decide what is right; what is the best
approach to advance our interests, including our human rights. And
that is precisely what the President did. And those of us who sat in
every meeting with him will -- I think all of us -- tell you
precisely that.
THE PRESS:
Thank you.
END6:16 P.M. EDT
•
•
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
s-F~brdaty
L~--~--~---
3, 1994----
--
~
---~---
__ .)
.c--~o~·REMARKS- BY'-TfiE"PRES:[J)ENT ·-;
,I-N;::ANNOUNCEMENT 'or': LIFTING TRADE EMBARGO ·oN VIE!I'NAM
)
L-------~---------;-:.::_--- ~-------
-- ----·--
(. --The Roosevelt Room
"~-- --------'
5:06 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much. I want to
_haye. come_h~_~e- _Qn __ ~uch _shor_t __ no_t~~e.
(Fr.om,othe beg'il.-nn!il.ng ·of :nY iadmJ:;m,s:tra·t;t.on, I have sal!,? that ~lilY
· - -( d~c:isi9.,.ns about .;,our relation-?hips .w~th Vietr;am should be g.~,ided py
Cone fac~or. ancl. one fa~tor:.. only:·.,;t,'s!.~intng the ~ul~est-:-possi~le- ~
..
·account1ng fo_r our pr1soners of war and---our mlSSTng-ln--·act·lon. --We__,
owe·-tna·t Eo- ~ar ·who--served· in ·vietnam and·to the--families of· those,
whose fate remains unknown.
e~p_ecia~l-~:,:--t~aR:~-all-oL.you -~h~
I
___ ~--~·-- ____ Today I.:.-am':Ii:f'fing.=--fJl.e tradec-e-rnoaYgci:,--:agai'='ri~C-Viet'na·m:-:-~~:--::=-- __
·because Lam absp):'utely conV.lncecL ~~t 9ffers the best: 0~Y to-resolve
'the fate of those who-remaTrl'missin"'g 'and about whom we''arE!''not--sure.
We I ve--worked 'h.ard." over-the- last' year to a-chieve pro'gr'e~ss. - On ... ;-"-:Memorial Day I pledged to declassify and make available virtually all
government documents related to our POWs and MIA. On Veterans Day I
announced that we had fulfilled that pledge. Last April, and again
in July, I sent two presidential delegations to Vietnam to expand our
search for remains and documents.
We intensifieq our diplomatic efforts. We have devoted
more resources to this effort than any previous administration.
Today, more than 500 dedicated military and civilian personnel are
involved ~n this effort under the leadership of General
Shalikashvili, Secretary Aspin and our Commander in the Pacific,
Admiral Larson.
Many work daily in the fields, the jungles, the
mountains of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, often braving very dangerous
conditions, trying to find the truth about those about whom we are
not~ sure.
La~·t",:-Ju:]fy:-I,~s-afd--§,)1Y::-.;tmpro:vement in•-ouE --relations_ with
Viletnam would'fc;:iepeJ1.9 or\ tang±ibJ:e, R~.Q_g:r:.§ss in· four specific,,. areas:.
- -·
.
-- .. ----
~---
-~
·
_[' rir~~,Jthe -r:~c<?~v~!Y and -ret~-;-;£--rei!l?ii!'ls,.~~£-;~~P-OWs.
and MIA. Csecond/ the tontTnued resorutiori oYfdisc~pancy--cases· __ ,
cases in which-there is reason to believe individua:1s·could have
survived the incident in whi_ch-they were lost.[ "Thira, )further
assistance from Vietnam an'd Laos Jbn investigat'ions along their common
border, an area where many u.s:-servicemen were lost and pilots
downed. And,ffourthJ?cce}erated efforts to provide all relevant
POW/MIA-related '.documents;
.
-
I
l
Today, I can report that significant, tangible progress
has been made in all these four areas. Let me describe it. First,
on remains. Since the beginning of this administration, we have
recovered the remains of 67 American servicemen. In the seven months
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•
since July, we've recovered 39 sets ·at remains, more than during all
of 1992 .
Second, on the discrepancy cases. ! Since the beginning
of the administration, we've reduced the number of these cases from
135 to 73.
Since last July, we've confirmed the deaths of 19
0
servicemen who were on the list. A special United States team in
Vietnam continues to investigate the remaining cases.
Third, on cooperation with Laos. As a direct result of
the conditions set out in July, the governments of Vietnam and Laos
agreed to work with us to investigate their common border.
The first
such investigation took place in December and located new remains as
well as crash sites that will soon be excavated.
Fourth, on the documents.
Since.July, we have received
important wartime documents from Vietnam's military archives that
provide leads on unresolved POW/MIA cases.
The progress achieved on
.unresolved questions is encouraging, but it must not end here.
I
remain personally committed to continuing the search for the answers
and the peace of mind that families of the missing deserve.
I
There's been a substantial increase in Vietnamese
cooperation on these matters over the past year.
Everyone involved
in the issue has affirmed that.
I have carefully considered the
question of how best to sustain that cooperation in securing the
fullest possible accounting.
I've consulted with my national
security and y_eterans af-fairs ady:i_sers, with· seve_r_al outside- exper.ts,
such a_~Ge~al John Vessey,: the former--cnaiirrla.r1 of the Jo_~nt Chiefs-)
of rsfaff, who has been an emissary to _Vietnam :for; th:r:-¢e presidents -- ·
no~~
It was their view that the key to continued progress liei in
expdnding our contacts with Vietnam.
~
- ·- - \
This was also the view of many distinguished Vietnam
veterans and former POWs who now serve in the Congress, such as
Senator Bob Kerrey and Congressman Pete Peterson, who are here. .And
I want to say a special word of thanks to Senator John Kerry -- is he
here? There he is.
He just came in. And Senator John McCain, who
had to go home on a family matter and could not be here.
But I thank
the two of you so much for your leadership and your steadfastness.
And all the rest of you -- Senator Robb and so many others,
especially those who served in Vietnam, for being counted on this
issue and for taking all the care you have for such a long time.
I have made the judgment that the best way to ensure
cooperation from Vietnam and to continue getting the information
Americans want on POWs and MIAs is to end the trade embargo.
I've
also decided to establish a liaison office in Vietnam to provide
services for-Americans there and help us to pursue a human rights
dialogue with the Vietnamese government.
I want to be clear:
These actions do not constitute a
normalization of our relationships.
Before that happens, we must
have more progress, more cooperation and more answers.
Toward that
end, this spring I will send another high-level U.S. delegation to
Vietnam to continue the search for remains and for documents.
I
Earlier today, I met with the leaders of our nation's
veterans organizations.
I deeply respect their views.
Many of the
families they represent have endured enormous suffering and
uncertainty. And their opinions also deserve special consideration.
I talked with them about my decision.
I explained the reasons for
that decision.
Some of them, in all candor, do not agree with the
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action I am taking today.
•
But I believe we all agree 6n the ultimate goal -- to
secure the fullest possible accounting of those who remain missing.
And I was pleased that they committed to continue working with us
toward that goal.
Whatever the Vietnam war may have done in dividing in
our country in the past, today our nation is one in honoring those
who served and pressing for answers about all those who did not
return.
This decision today, I believe, renews that commitment and
0
our constant, constant effort never to forget those until our job is
done.
Those who have sacrificed deserve a full and final accounting.
I am absolutely convinced, as are so many in the Congress who serve
there and so many Americans who have studied this issue, that this
decision today will help to ensure that fullest possible accounting.
Thank you very much.
*
*
*
*
Q
Mr. President, aren't you giving up some leverage,
though? Could we ask you about that? And what do you anticipate in
terms of American trade? What's the size of the market? What do you
think the opportunities are?
THE PRESIDENT:
I have no idea.
Because I can -- I
wanted to make sure that the trade questions did not enter into this
decision.
So, we never -- I never had a briefing on it, and we never
had a discussion about it.
I thought it was very important that that
not be a part of this decision.
I don't think we're giving up anything.
It was the
of all those who had been there, who had worked there that
we had gotten so much more cooperation that we needed to keep moving
the process forward, and that we would lose leverage if there were no
forward movement.
Have we given up anything? I don't think so.
Nothing we are doing today is irreversible if the cooperation ceases.
So I am convinced we are moving in the right direction for the right
reasons.
con~ensus
Q
Mr. President, you mentioned people who had served
in Vietnam had served; you did not.
Did this have any role in your
decision, and did it make it'rnore difficult for you to reach this
decision?
THE PRESIDENT: No.
I do think, however, everybody my
age, whether they were in Vietnam or not, knew someone who died
there, knew someone who was wounded there. And I think people in our
generation are perhaps more insistent on trying to get a full
accounting, more obsessed with it than perhaps people who are younger
and people who are older, except those who had children there.
I
I have spent an enormous amount of time on this issue.
I got a personal briefing when I was in Hawaii last summer.
I have
talked to some of the young people who were there digging in the
jungles for the remains.
I have really thought about this, and I
have tried to listen hard to -- when Senator Kerry and Senator McCain
and their delegation carne back, we had a long meeting here about it.
I think the people, all the people my age just want to know we've
done everything we can. And I think this is consistent-with doing
that.
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•
Q
Mr. President, on another subject, what do you hope
to achieve with the immigration crackdown that was announced today?
And do you have any concerns that people's rights will be violated?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we're going to do our best not to
violate anybody's rights. What we hope to achieve is a continued
environment in which America will be open for legal immigration. We
are a nation of immigrants which we are a nation of immigrants -which we can do our best to protect our borders.
Q
You've had, sir, two influential business groups
say that they prefer other plans than yours to health care.
Does that hurt you?
THE PRESIDENT:
One was the Chamber of Commerce.
0
Q
Does their stand, saying that other directions are
the way to go, particularly the Business Roundtable, does that hurt
you in negotiations as you move forward?
THE PRESIDENT: All I know -- I don't want to make too
much of it, because the people who came in here to see me said it was
a negotiating strategy. And I said, well, if all of you are
providing health care coverage to your employees, I don't think you
want to come out for a position against providing guaranteed health
insurance to all American workers.
So I don't know ·what to make of
it, but I wouldn't read too much into it. This is the beginning of
what will be a protracted legislative discussion.
I
Q
Tonight, sir, Ronald Reagan is apparently going to
take issue with some of your criticisms of him.
Do you feel that you
have been unfairly savaging his record in the 1980s?
THE PRESIDENT: Gee, I don't think I've been very
critical of him at all.
You know, I disagreed with the economic
policy, I said so.
But I don't -- I think if you go back over the
rhetoric of this last year, it's been fairly free of obsession with
the past; I'm not much into that.
I'm looking toward tomorrow.
Q
You hired Gergen, after all.
THE PRESIDENT:
President Reagan?
MR. GERGEN:
(Laughter.)
What greater compliment could I pay
Last question.
(Laughter.)
END5:17 P.M. EST
I
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THE WHITE HOUSE
•
Office of the President
[July -~-1993
For Immediate Release
----------~
--·
s~atement-bythe -Pr~~-icient·-~;-u-:-s:--J?-;1ic;- To~ard vi~tnam
'----·-. - - -- -·- -······
.... ---------·-··-----·-- ______ .. ·-·-----
~
.l
..
}
f.t~~~~;sarwa.Ys-be~-~ ~Y firm oeiief ·tha-t -Ainet;ic~'' s highest prior-ity
i\i~l{f:s app(o:ach·' ~oward-oV-ietnam:_is__ _t_o $~Cu_re a full accounting 'on
our--Pr-isotle:r.:s of War. and Missing in -Acfion:~...:;,--- -- _/
.
\;'
---·
·--------~--.--------·
}
·------
Tqday, I am a~nouncing tw9. new sy::ps towa~,d .. t.hat goal. The-f-icrs.t
in}rol ves -access by Vietnam to the Internatiqnal Monetary Fund.
)
,-T[le second· is .my, depision t.o · sena a new, hi<gh- level delegation- to~
~Vietnam to__ p.Eess., for fu:r:ttie~ ,pi10~ess 'on ·uf1res6l:Vebr POW /MTJ.\
·. ·
1
isBues .'::'''1'Tog.Elther, thes~ "h1
ep'S drffer the nest hope"-of-provi(;ling
.;'
;/~
·Ai!lerica ~~§ PQW/~IA families t_Q~ ~Q_s~-~~-~- 9JJ.d p~§C~ of rilind theY.·--aeserve. . _____ ';.
_
_;
/,..c _
_...---
_,
----~ -
Over the past several months, I have given intense tho~ght to how
best to achieve the fullest possible accounting for our POW/MIAs
and how to shape U.S. policy toward Vietnam to achieve that goal.
I have met with Veterans, with the families whose loved ones have
not returned and with Members of Congress who have a strong
interest in this issue, including some who were held as prisoners
of war.
Last night, I met with a group of impressive, dedicated
representatives of veterans organizations and families who care
deeply about our government's efforts to achiev_e__the .. fullest _ ._
~P.OS_sibl_e__~_g_s:o~_!l_ting_ o_f_ Q~_rni_~sing. _c-'f'h.ey- sh-are my own belief
-...
( that our policy toward Vietnam must be driven not by commercial
'
\ interests but' 'by the overiidi"ng J:>Urp9se o.f achieving furth,er
.
.!
\,r progress toward 'the fullest possible accounting of our. POW/MIAs.
.
.
. .
.
·Vietnam ·has l-ong been ·a· divisive· is-sue for America. It remains
so today. I know there is strong disagreement among all those
with an interest in the POW/MIA issue on how best to further our
mutual goal. Where there is no disagreement, however, is on the
need to ensure that any decision taken is made in answer to the
only relevant question: will it help us discover the truth about
our missing?
I
)
One of the tragedies of this issue is that our own government has
often denied unnecessarily ihformation about this issue to the
American ·public. That is why I have instructed all U.S.
Government POW/MIA related documents to be declassified by
Veterans Day of this year, except for that tiny fraction that
could still affect our national security or invade the privacy of
the families.
I have also been working to consolidate the
POW/MIA agencies and resources to enhance the efficiency of these
operations and access by the public. They have a right to know
and I intend to ensure they do.
•
Since taking office, I have reviewed the progress made to date in
resolving unanswered questions concerning the fate of American
service personnel who did not return from Vietnam. I have
insisted on the fullest possible accounting from the Vietnamese
government and_ pressed for further progress. As part of this
effort, I dispatched General John Vessey to Vietnam last April as
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l
•
~-- ---- ----....,
my Special Emissary for POW/MIA Af(airs to pre. ss for further
p\rog·re·ss-:- ·In·· addition;· Members of Congress and representatives
of veterans groups have travelled to Vietnam to press for that
goal.
In an effort to encourage further progress, it is appropriate at
this time to ~ecognize what the Vietnamese have done in our
effort to account for our missing. Attached is a summary outing
that progress.
Therefore, I have decided to end our opposition
to the efforts of other nations to clear Vietnam's arrears in the
IMF.
I believe, as do former POWs John McCain and Douglas "Pete"
Peterson and others veterans such as John Kerry and others in
Congress, that such action will best serve the goal of achieving
further progress toward the fullest possible accounting.
Any further steps in US-Vietnamese relations will strictly depe11_d
on_____ fur.ther___ progr(2ss by the Vietnamese on· .the POW/MIA_issu~.
We --~ •
should not be swayed from that course; America-- owes no less to --J
\
.
,.____
.
tJ:l_e brave _m~n and women who fought in Vietnam and f·o their -loved
6n€s.
Progress to_date is simply not sufficient to warrant any
change in our trade. embargo oC any further ·steps toward
~ormalization. - - - - :'
""---
f
In order to press for further progress and send a clear message
_to the Vietnamese government, I will send to Hanoi a high level
delegation.
The official delegation will include Deputy
Secretary of Veterans Affairs Hershel Gober, Assistant Secretary
of State Winston Lord and Lieutenant General Michael E. Ryan.
•
I also have invited representatives of the three largest veterans
group to accompany the delegation.
The American Legion, The
Veterans of Foreign Wars and the Disabled American Veterans have
each agreed to send representatives with the delegation and I am
grateful for their willingness to participate in this important
mission.
In addition, I have invited the National League of
Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia to
send a representative.
I have also asked our current Ambassador
in Thailand, David Floyd Lambertson, who has extensive experience
in Vietnam, to assist the delegation.
The delegation will make clear to the Vietnamese that any further
steps in relations between our two nations depend on tangible
1
progress on the outstanding POW/MIA cases. We insist upon
efforts by the Vietnamese in four key areas:
Remains:
Concrete results from efforts on their part
to recover remains and repatriate American
remains.
Discrepancy cases:
Continued resolution of 92 discrepancy cases,
live sightings and field activities.
Laos:
Further assistance in implementing trilateral
investigation with the .Lao.
Accelerated effort~ to provide all POW/MIA
related documents that will help lead to
genuine answers.
Archives:
The individuals on this delegation share my own determination to
do all we can to find the truth surrounding those who did not
come home.
They will press hard for results.
The delegation will also raise with the Vietnamese continuing
human rights concerns and press for progress in the areas of
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basic freedoms; democracy and economic reform.
I
For many Americans, the Vietnam War left deep wounds that have
. yet to heal.
One of the ways to help the process of healing is
to help the friends and families of POWs and MIAs learn the
truth.
The steps I have outlined today will advance that goal.
-30-
•
I
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
Renewal of the Trading with the Enemy Act and
U.S. Policy Toward the Embargo Against Vietnam
In order to maintain the embargo against Vietnam and other
countries, the President today signed a determination which
renews his authorities under the Trading with the Enemy Act
(TWEA). This action extends the President's authority to impose
and maintain certain trade assets and fund controls variously
affecting Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia and the Baltic
nations. It does not alter the specific controls on the
countries involved.
••
The President strongly supports the embargo against Cuba where
the people continue to suffer Castro's unrelenting dictatorship.
The embargo must also be maintained against North Korea which
continues to pose a threat to peace in Asia. We continue to hold
certain assets frozen involving Cambodia and the Baltic states
pending a resolution of claims .
With-respect~to--:-v:L"etnam,-
the PEesTCient--wH-1 maintain the embargo
0ith-~I1::adj ustmentc_r_elating t:o international financ:iar_:::::;--)
The President ~s committed_ to achieving., the
1 -instfi:ution lending.
) fullest possible accounting of our POW/MIA' s~-f-rom~th~ Vi~tnarr\
\ war. Tod_gy' s action- will advance that· goal. First~-to recognize
·--the receri_f__ s.teps--'1:-a-ken-by--the- Vietname-se government_ and, most.
importantly to encourage further progress, the President- ha·s;- · ·decided to permit American companies to participate in
development projects in Vietnam funded by International Financial
Institutions. Second, to make clear to the Vietnamese that more
needs to be done, he will otherwise maintain the trade embargo
pending further progress on POW/MIA accounting.
0
_-
-
•
BACKGROUND
To advance the objective of achieving the fullest possible
accounting for our POW/MIA's, the President in July set forth
four areas upon which further steps in relations between our two
nations depend: obtaining additional remains, resolution of
•
discrepancy cases, trilateral investigation with the Lao and
access to POW/MIA-related documents. Some progress in each of
these areas has been made in recent months .
The United States has recovered a large number of remains from
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Vietnam which await identification by our forensic specialists.
Together with remains already received this year, this represents
the third highest number of remains returned since 1973.
Recent
increased efforts to resolve discrepancy cases are generating
important information which could lead to resolution of a
significant portion of the remaining discrepancy cases.
For the
first time, Vietnam and Laos have agreed to conduct border-area
inv~stigations with our teams, cooperating bilaterally and
trilaterally with the United States. And, the Vietnamese
government has located and provided us access to key POW/MIArelated documents that we have sought since the end of the war.
Further details on these steps are attached.
While these efforts by the Vietnamese are welcome, the results
are not yet sufficient.
To ensure further progress is achieved,
our military personnel in Vietnam involved in the POW/MIA mission
will continue to travel throughout the country to investigate
leads on live sightings and locations of remains, interview
Vietnamese witnesses, and excavate possible crash sites and
burial locations. We will continue to press Vietnam to recover
and return remains and for more information that could lead to a
resolution of cases, especially those in which we have reason to
believe the Vietnamese at one point recovered remains.
·-
In addition, the .Administration is actively investigating the
latest document turned over to Ambassador Malcolm Toon, CoChairman of the U.S.-Russia Joint Commission on POW/MIA Affairs,
alleging the Vietnamese may have held larger numbers of American
POW's than known at the time.
The President is committed to
pressing the Vietnamese and Russian governments for further
information.
The Administration will leave no stone unturned in
the effort to determine the fate of those who served our n~tion.
The issue of whether the Vietnamese have made sufficient progress
in POW/MIA accounting will remain under constant review.
In
evaluating how best to achieve the fullest possible accountin~,
the President looks forward to the continued counsel and advice
from the families whose loved ones are missing and the veterans
whose fellow soldiers did not come home.
The President shares
with them a deep commitment to obtaining answers and to ensuring
our POW/MIA's the honor of being returned to the country for
which they fought.
The President believe~ firmly that the
decisions announced today will serve that vital national goal.
Progress to Date in Meeting the Four Areas in POW/MIA Accounting
•
On July 2, 1993, the President announced four key areas in which
he sought further progress by the Vietnamese in POW/MIA
accounting:
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Remains:
I
Concrete results from efforts by
Vietnam to recover remains and
repatriate American remains.
Discrepancy cases:
Laos:
Continued resolution of 92 discrepancy cases,
live sightings and field activities.
Further assistance in implementing trilateral
investigation with the Lao.
Archives:
Accelerated efforts to provide all POW/MIA
related documents that will help lead to
genuine answers.
To help achieve progress in these areas, the President sent a
high l~vel delegation to Vietnam in July to press for further
progress and achievements in these key areas; a delegation met in
August with the Vietnamese and the Lao to work toward more
results.
Since the President's announcement last July, the
government of Vietnam has increased its,efforts in each of the
four areas.
Below is a summary of the progress since July 2.
•
1. More Concrete Results to Recover and Repatriate American
Remains
Since July, remains of 22 individuals were turned over;
added to 28 remains returned earlier in the year, 1993 has
already produced the third highest number of remains
returned since 1973.
On September 6, Hanoi turned over further reports on
investigations with respect to specific cases.
In August, Hanoi boosted publicity of
program over radio and in the print media
citizens to locate and turn over remains,
reimburse expenses incurred in recovering
proved to be American.
its amnesty
to encourage
~ith a pledge to
any remains which
At the request of the July delegation, Hanoi set up a
permanent office in Ho Chi Minh City dedicated to POW/MIA
work; its current priority is to recover the remains of some
POW's known to have died in captivity.
I
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I
2.
Resolution of 92 Discrepancy Cases and Investigation of Live
Sightihgs
"
As of August 30, all necessary field investigation in
Vietnam of live sighting reports had been completed, with
assistance from the Vietnamese.
In July and August, 25 of the 92 priority cases were reinvestigated; as a result, determination of fate has been
made on an additional 12 cases, removing them from the
priority last-known-alive discrepancy list.
Such cases
originally numbered 196.
3. Assistance in Arranging Trilateral Border Cooperation with
Laos
In August, Vietnam's ministries of defense and interior
for the first time pledged to cooperate on border cases
(mainly along the Ho Chi Minh trail).
Discussions with
Vietnamese and Lao authorities led to a trilateral agreement
to collaborate on investigations along the border where
there are scores of aircraft crash sites and other locations
where remains are likely to be found.
l
4.
Accelerated Efforts to Provide Documents on POW/MIA's
On August 30, Vietnam provided us access to wartime
aircraft shootdown records which may related to 14
individuals heretofore unaccounted for.
September 1, we gained access to perhaps the largest
compilation of POW/MIA-related documents we have ever
received from the Vietnamese:
a 46-page document on
shootdowns of 2466 aircraft which could lead to
determination of the fates of many unresolved cases; longrequested military political-unit documents on POW's which
could prove very useful in locating aircraft crash sites
inside Laos, and in verifying numbers and other facts about
our POW's during the war .
•
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THE WHITE HOUSE
~
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 22, 2000
February 18, 2000
Presidential Determination
No. 2000-14
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE
SUBJECT:
Vietnamese Cooperation in Accounting for United States
Prisoners of War and Missing in Action (POW/MIA)
As provided under section 610 of the Departments of Commerce, Justice,
and State, the Judiciary, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act,
2000, as contained in_ the __ consolidated . _Appropriations. Act for FY 2000
_ ._(P-ubl-j,c ~Lay.r _1_():_6-1-BJ,; I hereby determine, based on all informatioi}>
available to the United States Government, that the Government of the·--"~ co
'.--/._Socialist Republic of Vietnam is fully coof)erating in good faith-wi-t-h~c- _---·-:~/
the-United States -in- the-~fol·lowing -fli"ur-:'"~.;::t8acso_:;;:e:lated_ t:9"~~acni;~ving -.:t-he_--_:~~·'fullest. ---- .
------ -.
- - - "-- ----possible-accounting--for---Americans- unaccounted-.for_as_-A._ result· 6L::::: _--:::---
f ·_
-
[_he
•
--- --------~
·vietn~rr\ w~~T;:
r---
1)
---v-
-~---- -~~
___,-
-- -·
-
-·_
.-..r
·~----------,
7
!res~l:ri~g _?:~s~rep_~n_cy_ c_as_e_$,"J;li:_~~-~i_g_!l_t_~ngs,
/(·----.
-~2'
------
and __ fJ,.~l_~-
-j
~~_s::t_J,_ VltleS;
2)
r
;e~~v~-;i_-;;g-and-;~p~t~iating-~eric-a-;;- r~mains;
----------
--_- __ :__:_ -- -_ ---__ ,-__ =__-__ ::: ______ -)
3)
accelerating efforts td P_!Qyj_de _docul!!.§!_n_ts :J:h~~ will help lead
to the fullest possible-accounting of POW/MIAs; and,
4)
providing
~_l.!rther.-assistance
investigat~ons
.,
in implementing trilateral
with Laos._ j
- -
I further determine that the appropriate laboratories associated with
POW/MIA accounting are thoroughly analyzing remains, material, and other
information and fulfilling their responsibilities as set forth in
subsection (B) of section 609 of the Departments of Commerce, Justice,
and State, the Judiciary, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act,
1999, as contained in the Omnibus Consolidated and Emergency
Supplemental Appropriations Act, 1999 (Public Law 105-277)., and
information pertaining to this accounting is being made available to
immediate family members in compliance with 50 U.S.C. 435 note.
I have been advised by the Department of Justice and believe that
section 610 is unconstitutional because it purports to use a condition
on appropriations as a means to direct my execution of responsibilities
that the Constitution commits exclusively to the President. I am
providing this determination as a matter of comity, while reserving the
position that the condition enacted in section 610 is unconstitutional.
•
In making this determination, I have taken into account all information
available to the U.S. Government as reported to me, the full range of
ongoing accounting activities in Vietnam, including joint and unilateral
Vietnamese efforts, and the concrete results we have attained as a
result.
Finally, in making this determination, I wish to reaffirm my
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•
continuing personal commitment to the entire POW/MIA community,
especially to the immediate families, relatives, friends, and supporters
of these brave individuals, and to reconfirm that the central, guiding
principle of my Vietnam policy is to achieve the fullest possible
accounting of ou~ prisoners of war and missing in action.
You are authorized and directed to report this determination to the
appropriate committees of the Congress and to publish it in the Federal
Register.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
#
#
#
•
•
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Aboard Air Force One en route Washington, D.C.)
For Immediate Release
September 15, 1999
NATIONAL POW/MIA RECOGNITION DAY, 1999
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A PROCLAMATION
As we look back over this century that is swiftly drawing to a close,
we recognize that the light of freedom still burns brightly in our world
today because of the service and sacrifice of America's men and women in
uniform.
Through the devastation of two world wars and the brutality of
numerous regional conflicts; on peacekeeping assignments and
humanitarian missions; from the darkest days of the Cold War to the fall
of the Berlin Wall, our Nation's servicemen and women have fought the
forces of tyranny and won signal victories for liberty, human dignity,
and the ideals of democracy.
On every continent, on the seas, and in
the air, gallant young Americans have paid for our future with their
own, and many have preserved our freedom by sacrificing their own.
•
On National POW/MIA Recognition Day, we remember with profound
gratitude those who suffered captivity and those whose fate remains
unknown.
Many American POWs were tortured at the hands of their
captors; all experienced the ordeal of being held against their will and
the anguish of indefinite separation from their families and their
homeland.
Today we also honor the valiant families of our fellow citizens who
remain missing -- families who have had to suffer not only the absence
of their loved ones, but also the uncertainty of their fate.
As
Americans, we remain unshakable in our resolve to achieve the fullest
possible accounting of those missing and to strive to bring home the.
remains of those who have died.
Only by doing so can we begin to
acknowledge the debt we owe to these patriots and assuage the grief of
the famil.ies they left behind for the sake of our Nation.
On September 17, 1999, the flag of the National League of Families of
American Prisoners of War and Missing in Southeast Asia, a black and
white banner symbolizing America's missing and our unwavering
determination to account for them, will be flown over the White House,
the U.S. Capitol, the Departments of State, Defense, and Veterans
Affairs, the Selective Service System Headquarters, the Vietnam Veterans
Memorial, the Korean War Veterans Memorial, national cemeteries, and
other locations across our country.
I
NOW, THEREFORE, I, WILLIAM J. CLINTON, by virtue of the authority
vested in me by the Constitution and lqws of the United States, do
hereby proclaim September 17, 1999, as National POW/MIA Recognition Day.
I ask all Americans to join me in honoring former American prisoners of
war and those whose fate is still undetermined.
I also encourage the
American people to remember with compassion and concern the courageous
families who persevere in their quest to know the fate of their missing
loved ones.
Finally, I urge Federal, State, and local officials and
private organizations to observe this day with appropriate ceremonies,
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programs, and activities .
•
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fifteenth day of
September in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety-nine, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and
twenty-fourth.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
# # #
•
I
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~·
•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Philadelphia, Pennsylvania)
For Immediate Release
April 9, 1999
NATIONAL FORMER PRISONER OF WAR RECOGNITION DAY, 1999
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A PROCLAMATION
~------
...
.
"We are honored to have had the opportunity to serve our country .
1
C.. ..
. .
• " _With these simple. words, Navy .Commander-Jeremiah .. Dent_QDc _. _ _--;:;:----jl----rereased in 1973 from North Vietnam with his companions after the
longest wartime captivity of any group of Americans in our history,
summed up the courage, selflessness, and indomitable spirit of
generations of American prisoners of war.
1--
•
-
For more than two centuries, Americans have risked and lost their
own freedom to defend democracy, preserve America's liberty and values,
and protect our national interests around the world.
In Andersonville
or along th~- Yalu_River., .. confined in Nazi stalags or-enduring-torfure-·i'n-··.------the ··Hano:C Hilton, <:Jt!_r p_risoners of war have set an ~~~traordinar-y-example. _
of valor, patriotism, and devotion to duty in the face of enormous
\
·"----.-n.ardship and adversity.
The somber black and white POW/MIA flag serves
as a reminder of their sacrifice and symbolizes our Nation's deep
concern for and steadfast commitment to these brave Americans and their
families.
But, however dark and trying the ordeal for our prisoners of war,
their sacrifices did indeed serve a grand purpose.
Inspired by their
bravery in captivity, our Nation has been resolute in its defense of
liberty. And, because of their sacrifice, the United States today is
strong, free, and prosperous, looking forward to a future of limitless
possibility.
Today we pay special tribute to our Nation's former prisoners of
war and their families and express our heartfelt gratitude for their
many sacrifices.
They have embodied the ideals of a strong people and a
free Nation.
They have represented America at its best, and they have
served a grateful Nation with honor, dignity, and distinction. As we
honor them, let us also keep foremost in our thoughts and prayers Staff
Sergeant Andrew Ramirez, Staff Sergeant Christopher Stone, and
Specialist Steven Gonzales of the United States Army as they endure
unjust captivity in Yugoslavia and as we work for their safety and swift
release.
I
NOW, THEREFORE, I, WILLIAM J. CLINTON, President of the United
States of America, by virtue of· the authority vested in me by the
Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim April 9,
1999, as National Former Prisoner of War Recognition Day.
I call upon
all Americans to join me in remembering former American prisoners of war
who suffered the hardships of enemy captivity.
I also call upon
Federal, State, and local government officials and private organizations
to observe this day with appropriate ceremonies and activities.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this ninth day of
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•
April, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety-nine, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and
twenty-third.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
#
#
#
•
I
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THE WHITE HOUSE
~
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 3, 1999
February 3, 1999
Presidential Determination
No. 99-12
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE
SUBJECT:
•
Vietnamese Cooperation in Accounting
for United States Prisoners of War and
Missing in Action (POW/MIA)
As provided under section 609 of the Departments of Commerce, Justice,
and State, the Judiciary, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 1999,
as contained in the Omnibus Consolidated and Emergency Supplemental
Appropriations Act, 1999, Public Law 105-277, I hereby determine, based
on all information available to the United States Government, that the
Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is fully cooperating in
good faith with the United States in the following four areas related to
achieving the fullest possible accounting for Americans unaccounted for
as a result of the Vietnam War:
1) resolving discrepancy cases, live sightings, and field
activities;
2) recovering and repatriating American remains;
3) accelerating efforts to provide documents that will help
lead to the fullest possible accounting of POW/MIAs; and,
4) providing further assistance in implementing trilateral
investigations with Laos.
I further determine that the appropriate laboratories associated with
POW/MIA accounting are thoroughly analyzing remains, material, and other
information and fulfilling their responsibilities as set forth in
subsection (B) of section 609, and information pertaining to this
accounting is being made available to immediate family members in
compliance with 50 U.S.C. 435 note.
I have been advised by the Department of Justice that section 609 is
unconstitutional because it purports to use a condition on
appropriations as a means to direct my execution of responsibilities
that the Constitution commits exclusively to the President.
I am
providing this determination as a matter of comity with the Congress,
while reserving the position that the condition enacted in section 609
is unconstitutional.
I
In making this determination, I have taken into account all information
available to the United States Government as reported to me, including
the full range of ongoing accounting activities in Vietnam, joint and
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•
unilateral Vietnamese efforts, and the concrete results we have attained
as a result of these efforts .
Finally, in making this determination, I wish to reaffirm my continuing
personal commitment to the entire POW/MIA community, especially to the
immediate families, relatives, friends, and supporters of these brave
individuals, and to reconfirm that the central, guiding principle of my
Vietnam policy is to achieve the fullest possible accounting of our
prisoners of war and missing in action.
You are authorized and directed to report this determination to the
appropriate committees of the Congress and to publish it in the Federal
Register.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
# # #
•
•
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'I'
•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Cincinnati, Ohio)
For Immediate Release
September 17, 1998
NATIONAL POW/MIA RECOGNITION DAY, 1998
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
A PROCLAMATION
For more than two ce'nturies, America has been blessed by the service
and sacrifice of the men and women of our Armed Forces.
Often leaving
home and family, they have fought to preserve our freedom, protect our
national interests, and advance American values and ideals around the
globe.
These valiant heroes have risked -- and many have lost -- their
lives in service to our Nation and for the well-beirtg of their fellow
Americans.
•
Each year, on National POW/MIA Recognition Day, we acknowledge with
special gratitude and profound respect those who paid for our freedom
with their own, and we remember with deep sorrow those whose fate has
never been resolved.
Americans who were held as prisoners of war
throughout our history endured the indignities and brutality of
captivity without surrendering their devotion to duty, honor, and
country.
With steadfast hearts and indomitable spirit, these patriots
never gave up on America because they knew that America, and the
American people, would never give up on them.
In the same way, we will never give up on our efforts to obtain the
fullest possible accounting of every American missing in service to our
country.
We reaffirm our pledge to their families to search unceasingly
for information about those missing and to seek the repatriation of
those who have died and whose remains have not been recovered.
By
doing so we keep faith with our men and women in the Armed Forces and
with the families who have suffered the anguish of not knowing the fate
of their loved ones.
On September 18, 1998, the flag of the National League of Families
of American Prisoners of War and Missing in Southeast Asia, a black and
white banner symbolizing America's missing and our fierce determination
to account for them, will be flown over the White House, the U.S.
Capitol, the Departments of State, Defense, and Veterans Affairs, the
Selective Service System Headquarters, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial,
the Korean War Veterans Memorial, national cemeteries, and other
locations across our country.
•
NOW, THEREFORE, I, WILLIAM J. CLINTON, by virtue of the authority
vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do
hereby proclaim September 18, 1998, as National POW/MIA Recognition Day.
I ask all Americans to join me in honoring former American prisoners of
war and those whose fate is still undetermined.
I also encourage the
American people to remember with compassion and concern the courageous
families who persevere in their quest to know the fate of their missing
loved ones.
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•
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this seventeenth
day of September, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
ninety-eight, and of the Independence of the United States of America
the two hundred and twenty-third.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
# # #
•
•
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
'
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
December 9, 1999
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
I was saddened to learn of renewed flooding in the central provinces of
Vietnam, which were already inundated by heavy rains last month.
On
behalf of the American people, I extend my deepest sympathies to all
those who have suffered losses and are struggling to rebuild, including
the families of many Americans of Vietnamese descent.
The United States is
relief efforts, just
deliver supplies and
provide further help
flooding and to help
flooding.
providing emergency assistance to support flood
as we provided almost $600,000 in November to
build flood-resistant homes.
We stand ready to
to meet the urgent needs of those affected by the
the Vietnamese people be~ter withstand future
# # #
•
(
I
'
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Shanghai, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
June 30, 1998
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
Identification of Vietnam War Unknown Remains
DNA testing positively identified the remains of the Vietnam War
unknown disinterred from the Tomb of the Unknowns in May as those of
the Air Force lst Lt. Michael J. Blassie.
The Defense Department has
notified the Blassie family and the other families involved in
resolving this difficult case.
I am pleased that one more family has
finally learned the fate of a loved one, and I remain committed to
seeking a full\accounting of the missing in action from that conflict.
-30-30-30-
•
I
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THE WHITE HOUSE
~
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 23, 1996
PRESIDENT CLINTON NAMES DOUGLAS "PETE" PETERSON AS
U.S. AMBASSADOR TO THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM
President Clinton today announced his intent to nominate Douglas
"Pete" Peterson, of Marianna, Florida, as Ambassador to the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam.
Congressman Peterson has represented the Second Congressional
District of Florida since 1991.
Prior to b~ing elected to Congress, Mr.
Peterson served as Director of the Specialized Treatment Program in the
Psychology Department of Flbrida State University.
Mr. Peterson served as a fighter pilot and commander in the United
States Air Force from 1954-1981 and attained the rank of full colonel.
He served in worldwide assignments, including combat experience in
Vietnam, where he spent six and one-half years as a prisoner of war.
Currently, Congressman Peterson serves as chairman of the working group
on Vietnam on the U.S.
Russia Joint Commission on POW/MIAs, working
with Russian officials to uncover information about missing American
servicemen.
~
Mr. Peterson has maintained a close involvement in Vietnam affairs.
During two congressional visits, he met with senior government
officials, traveled in both northern and southern parts of the country
and visited the prison where he was a former POW.
He played a key
advisory role in President Clinton's decision in July 1995 to establish
diplomatic relations with Vietnam.
Born June 26, 1935 in Omaha, Nebraska, Mr. Peterson earned a B.A.
from the University of Tampa.
He is a widower and has two children.
-30-30-30-
I
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THE WHITE HOUSE
~
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 14, 1996
EXECUTIVE ORDER 13002
TERMINATION OF COMBAT ZONE DESIGNATION IN
VIETNAM AND WATERS ADJACENT THERETO
By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and
the laws of the United States_of America, including section 112(c) (3) of
the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 (26 U.S.C. 112(c) (3)), June 30, 1996,
as of midnight thereof, is hereby designated as the date of termination
of combatant activities in the zone comprised of the area described in
Executive Order No. 11216 of April 24, 1965.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
~
THE WHITE HOUSE,
May 13, 1996.
# # #
•
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THE WHITE HOUSE
1la
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 16, 1996
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
Warm greetings to everyone observing the Vietnamese Lunar New Year
as you welcome the Year of the Rat.
This ancient annual festival unites people of Vietnamese heritage
across America and around the globe in an exuberant celebration of hope
and new beginnings.
Family and friends gather to renew the bonds of
love and to rejoice in the rich cultural traditions of Vietnam.
The
joys of the coming year are anticipated with a flurry of fireworks,
flowers, decorations, and feasting.
Tet is a fitting occasion for us to reflect on the many gifts that
Vietnamese Americans have brought to our national life -- among them a
reverence for family, an unquenchable optimism, and an unwavering
determination to make tomorrow better than today.
Let us rejoice
together in this season of renewal and resolve to work for a future of
harmony and prosperity for us all.
•
Best wishes for a new year of happiness, health, freedom,
and peace.
-30-30-30-
I
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THE WHITE HOUSE
~
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 7, 1995
STATEMENT BY THE PRESS SECRETARY
Lake Meets POW-MIA Representatives on Relations with Vietnam
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Anthony Lake and several other senior Administration officials met on
November 2nd with representatives of the American Legion, Disabled
American Veterans, Veterans of Foreign Wars, American Veterans of
World War II, Korea and Vietnam, Vietnam Veterans of America, and the
National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing In
Southeast Asia to review the issue of POW/MIAs and the current state
of economic relations betweeri the United States and Vietnam.
Mr. Lake underscored to the representatives of the veterans
and families that achieving progress on the fullest possible
accounting of our POW/MIAs remains the highest priority in our
relations with Vietnam.
They discussed the Presidential delegation,
led by Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs Hershel Gober, which will ·
tra~~l to Vietn~m later this month to press for further progress.
~
Mr. Lake also briefed the representatives on the tasks and
goals of an inter-agency fact-finding delegation that will travel to
Hanoi this week to discuss the economic relations between our two
countries.
The delegation will gather additional information on the
economic situation, freedom of emigration, labor rights, bilateral
debt and other issues important in our bilateral relationships.
It
will also expl~in our statutory requirements of the various economic
programs.
Mr. Lake agreed to stay in close contact with the
representatives as we work through these issues.
# # #
•
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Kiev, Ukraine)
For Immediate Release
May 11, 1995
STATEMENT BY THE PRESS SECRETARY
President Clinton has asked a top-level delegation to travel to
Vietnam and Laos in order to facilitate further progress in achieving
the fullest possible accounting for our POW-MIAs.
This presidential
delegation will travel to Vietnam May 13-16 and Laos May.17-18.
The delegation will be jointly led by Deputy Secretary of Veterans
Affairs Hershel Gober, Assistant Secretary of State Winston Lord and
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for POW/MIA Affairs James Wold.
Similar high-level delegations went to Vietnam in July 1993 and July
1994.
While in Vietnam, the delegation will reaffirm the priority
President Clinton attaches to achieving additional tangible progress on
the outstanding POW-MIA cases. The delegation will emphasize to
Vietnam's leaders that the President is looking for concrete progress in
four key areas:
•
Remains:
Concrete results from unilateral
and joint activities on cases, live sightings and
field activities;
Discrepancy Cases: Continued progress in
resolving discrepancy cases, including the 55
cases in which no determination of fate has yet
been made;
Laos:
Continued cooperation in implementing
'trilateral investigations with the Lao; and.
Documents: Accelerated efforts to locate and
provide all POW/MIA documents that could help lead
to genuine answers.
In Laos, the delegation will meet with senior Lao officials to
discuss ongoing activities to achieve the fullest possible accounting of
Americans missing in Laos.
In particular, the delegation ,will emphasize
the importance of continued trilateral cooperation with the Vietnamese
and seek broader access to Lao Government archival holdings.
# # #
•
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•
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
April 11, 1993
For Immediate Release
Statement by the Press Secretary
Announcing Mission to Vietnam by the President's
Special Emissary for POW/MIA Affairs
The President has asked General John W. Vessey, Jr. to
travel to Vietnam April 18-19 to assess Vietnamese cooperation on
accounting of American POW/MIA's and to seek further progress.
The government of Vie'tnam has agreed to receive General Vessey.
President Clinton has pledged that the fullest possible
accounting for our service personnel must lie at the core of our
policy toward Vietnam.
General Vessey's trip is a step in the
Administration's effort to make progress on this critical
issue.While important advances have been made in recent years,
the President seeks to determine whether the Vietnamese are
cooperating fully.
•
The President is grateful that General Vessey has agreed to
undertake this important mission.· No one is better qualified to
provide the best possible assessment of the progress to date on
this issue or commands greater respect among the American people
for his decades of dedicated service to the nation. As the
President's Special Emissary to Hanoi for POW/MIA Affairs since
1987, he has been responsible for much of what has been achieved
in recent years.
The President is looking forward to working with him, with
the families of POW/MIA's, with veterans organizations, and with
the United States Congress to assure the fullest possible
accounting of our service personnel in Vietnam.
Attached is a biography of General Vessey.
####
•
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Vietnam [binder] [2]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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5/13/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-002-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/a208334e5325b6096ba9b92043eee9c0.pdf
da7ac0437daea0316c3e06fcdc38aba5
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Vietnam
[bind~r]
[3]
i).
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OAIID Number:
4021
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
9
1
v
��9/6/99 Albright Press Conference, Hanoi
Page 1 of5
I
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Good afternoon. I am pleased to be back in Vietnam. And
before continuing on to Ho Chi Minh City, I wanted to say a few words about my talks
today with the Prime Minister, the Vice Prime Minister, and the General Secretary.
l progress on two key y~~s a~o, th~ Un~ed St~tes and Vietn~ have consolidat~d om:
Sin~i_iist vi;it ~~
remam grateful for VIetnam's cooperatiOn wtth
ISSl!~S. For~most,_~e
our effort to obtain th~,fullest possible aCCOim"")ing of Americans still missing or
otherwise unaccounted for-in.-soutlieastAsia. This issue remains paramount to us.
We are proud of the efforts being made by the Joint Task~Forc_y_-- the results of which I
will witness in a solemn ceremony tomorrow mo!lling. kd-we-hope tlfarour assistance · · ·,
Cis"usefulto-Vietnam as it seeks to account for its own h,eay)rJosses.duringJhat tragic war.~_)
~-----
···-····.
.
.
..
-- ~
------
.
.
.00
- · -··--··· .• -
....
Another stepping stone to more normal ties has beefi 1mm:igra:ti6h. Vietnam's strong
performance has permitted us to renew our Jackson<.:-van.if waiver and to normalize
consular relations -- as signified by the new consulate I will commission tomorrow .in Ho
Chi Minh City. And we look forward to processing the remaining refugee resettlement
cases by the end of this year.
In my talks today, however, I also emphasized that Vietnam needs to conclude a number
of pending agreements that would help to revitalize growth and strengthen economic ties
with the United States.
'
~--·--
.
_.
....
_____
.
Most importantly, we must reach closure ott a l!ll<!!!l~kJrade_agr~~P.lent ~hich --if
approved by Congress -- would open the door to normal trade relations between our
countries. After nearly four years of effort -- and in light of the Congressional calendar -prompt action is needed if this major opportunity is not to become a missed opportunity.
~--~-----
.~
Second, I pointed out that an E2f!MBANK.frameworkagreementwould reinforce
Vietnam's efforts to attract U.S. investors.
·
And third, a pact to enhance a:irline-service=between our two countries would be in
Vietnam's interest by.-.fostering people-to-people ties.
·
Of course, Vietnam's economic development depends on far more_than.agreemen~s_ with
the United States. T~-~Pl.l! overall foreign investment and trade; Vietnam ~usCcontii:iue ·')
and:intensify:itsereforms;:::This is also necessary to boost Vietnam'soia-to join tlie-WTO--)
- Which+stressed·theUiiited States supports on commercially viable terms.
•
I also urged Vietnam's leaders to move decisively on a variety of non-economic matters
that are ripe for progress. These range from stepping up our work together against 11arco~:.;:_:;
(tfaffiyking:to=con_9l_uding a pact that will facilitate joint research on a range~o~ience---:::>
and health issues.-=<,_______..~--.
F~nally,_Lspo~~pl~inly_a,n_<l~I!JP~atically today a?out~.s~veral-issu_es on w~ich our
differences with VIetnam persisf.l The most promment IS human nght§_.y
";;.._ --..-~--:-L .-~"
,~
··-· .. - -----------.)
y
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We value our dialogue with Vietnam o~_liumanorights;aiia~t:eligious freedoll!~' as we do
see some recent signs of progress in these-areas;-Butby not pemiittihg
open and
inclusive politics and media, Vietnam is denying itself the benefits of greater
international standing -- as well as those of more productive public participation in civic
and economic affairs.
more
Once more, I want to thank Minister Cam and his colleagues for their welcome. We've
got some work left to do. But if Vietnam does its part, the United States is willing to
redouble our efforts in the weeks and months to come. And now I would be pleased to
answer your questions.
QUESTION: A couple of questions on East Timor. Can you tell us how the United
States feels about the possibility of international intervention to end the violence in East
Timor and do you feel that the Indonesian government has been remiss in providing
security and will this have any affect on the multilateral aid to Indoneasia in the near
future?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, we are obviously very concerned about the violence
that is going on in East Timor and have made clear in a variety of ways our displeasure
with what is going on. We have made quite clear to the Indonesians that they should be
dealing with this themselves, that they have a responsibility to make sure that this kind
of violence, one, did not start and (two) certainly doesn't continue or they have to let the
international community deal with this issue.
The Security Council has deployed a team to see what further United Nations action is
warranted and we're following all the events closely. We have spoken to various
members of the Indonesian government in the last hours and certainly the last day. I have
been in touch also with other foreign ministers of countries that have a great interest in
this, which frankly is a huge number. And, we are all deploring what is going on
especially after the remarkable election that took place where such huge numbers of East
Timorese made known their views about their desire for independence. And, yes, I do
believe that this will affect Indonesia's international standing.
We have all been very hopeful about the fact that Indonesia, that is a huge country with
large strategic importance, would in fact make use of this remarkable period of this
opening to democracy. And be able to stride along with other countries into the 21st
century in a way that puts it much more squarely into the democratic column with the
free market system.
So, we are concerned about what this is doing also to Indonesia's international standing
but the main point here is that either the Indonesians have to take care of this violence
themselves or the international community is going to or they have to let the .
international community in some form or another be of assistance so that this does not
continue.
QUESTION: Madame Secretary, another part of the world where you just left in Israel
there have been two car bomb explosions after your successful brokering or successful
helping ofbrokering of the Israeli-Palestinian re-implementation ofWye. What's the
United States reaction to this, especially given the fact that we left with such high hopes?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, first of all, obviously, I am appalled by the news of
the car bombings in Israel. Coming as they do exactly a day after a breakthrough
agreement that we signed at Sharm-el-Sheik. And, frankly, the purpose of those who set
these car bombs off is unmistakable. And, it is these enemies of peace and, always the
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Page 3 of5
closer we get to peace the more likely it is that those who want to kill it come out and
kill innocent civilians and we cannot and will not allow the terrorists to succeed. And
they have nothing to offer the people of the Middle East except misery and hopelessness
and as I have been·informed that Prime Minister Barak has spoken to Chairman Arafat
and that they ... these car bombings have been condemned.
Our response has to be two-fold to wage peace intensively over the year until the next
comprehensive agreements are reached and to wage war relentlessly against the
perpetrators of violence and these acts of terrorism, and indeed, the security cooperation
which is very much a part of the Wye Memorandum is the sine qua non of the peace
process. And, I think that I would still say as I did when we were at Sharm-el-Sheik that
we're on the brink of an opportunity to extend the benefits of peace and prosperity to all
the people in the region and we will not be defeated in this effort by those who only seek
to undermine it because they don't have a stake in peace, they only have a stake in
mayhem.
p!lli§JI 0 N: ~h~_Yietname~.e_ gQve~ent ~~s- ~fw~y~_l?r[stl~~at slfgg~~t~q_ni"![~fi( ~~. ~::~
goes not honor baste human nghts;- Gould you gtve us an tdea of any specifics that you
brought uptodayand-whaHheir reactiorf was to any criticism that you did have?
·~ ~.;
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, first of all, we spoke generally about the importance
of human rights and we spoke about the importance of the human rights dialogue that we
CMIT on w!!h_them andthej111portance of pursuing it;.-Hoday-raised~particularlyosome~
~cases of religious rights, the~ability"ofpeople'tO"worship as they see fit. And~we"Jtlso --3
· (Aiscussed=laborcrights,Jhe:ability of_workers-toj)Jganize_freely_~c!.ge~~r~\!Y·the'
catmosphere-necessary-forpeopleto-be-able to-assemble freely: and the Importance of a
fre5!..1Jl~dia. I had_g9tten several letters from Members of Congress relating to a couple of
\ specific c~ses ~~_>ve discusse? those and I as~ed ~bas~ad?r Pete~son to follow ~p.on
~them-and made qmte clear agam that our relatiOnship, while 1mprovmg and normahzmg,
can never be totally normal until we feel that the human rights situation has been dealt
with. <>
QUESTION: The Vietnamese government made quite clear its opposition to the NATO
intervention in Kosovo by showing of the pictures of B52's bombing another socialist
country. Did they express this displeasure to you and, if so, did they do it in the context
of the human rights issue which you brought up with them?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: They never raised the issue.
QUESTION: Earlier today you said that you'd been given some very positive signals
regarding the trade agreement and tonight you sort of mentioned the U.S. needing toredouble efforts. Do you believe the agreement will be signed at APEC or are you feeling
less optimistic?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, now we spent a great deal of time in all of the
meetings that I had today talking about the bilateral trade agreement, and its importance
to Vietnam in terms of being able to have access to our markets, and obviously also to
the United States in terms of increased access. We spoke about the importance also as a
result of a bilateral trade agreement of a number of measures that need to take place in
terms of transparency and a variety of commercial codes that would make the investment
climate in Vietnam, more salubrious to investors, all investors. And the impression I got,
frankly, is that they have been working very hard to try to get the agreement into place,
that there are some technical issues that still remain. But on the basis of my
conversations, I would say that I'm hopeful for a signing in Auckland, but it's very hard
always to predict when the problems are stated as being technical, and you never know
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the extent of how difficult those are to work out. But I felt pretty good about certainly the
attention being paid to the BTA and their desire to get it done. ·
·QUESTION: (in Vietnamese) I'd like to ask a question. Why do you put so much
importance on the human rights issue as you just indicated, for the exchange of
normalization of relations between Vietnam and the USA? As a journalist, I understand
that the highest value of the human rights is the right to live, which means the right to eat
and to exist. And in relation to this issue, what is your opinion to the issue that FBI is
suppressing the Waco organization in Texas state where more than 80 persons got killed
in the accident. And what do you think about the U.S. using force to kill civilians in the
states where the economic, living conditions are much lower than in the United States
and what do you think about the human rights of the aboriginal people in the USA?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, first of all, let me say that it is central to American
foreign policy in countries with which we deal to have a dialogue about human rights
because we believe in the sanctity of individual life, and the ability of people to live in
the way that they choose, to worship God in the way that they choose, to be able to
assemble and meet with people as they choose, to belong to more than one political
party, or to have the possibility to live in a country that has more than one political party
so they can choose their views. And clearly, it is important for there to be the full ability .
of people to live, that is to eat as well as to think, and so that is ... while we un~erstand
tb_at countries have different capacities at differentperiod~;_this~is·nonm.Affiericruf idea~
Dt isllie~Uni~t:saLDeclaratiorrof=Hlinf!fifRiglits=tnaftlie{Jnited-States-supportsaildtries_J
~-to-make sureis-carried-outthrougliouf1lie worfcL And, mosf democratic countries,
support us in that effort.
When we have a problem in the United States, thanks to our free media, it is totally
exposed and then investigated by the appropriate authorities. And none of us make
excuses for things that have gone wrong, and we all, including the Attorney General who
is responsible for investigating this, saying that she wants to get to the bottom of it. As
far as using force, I believe you probably are referring to Kosovo. There the United
States and not alone, but with a huge, with a NATO alliance, an alliance of 19
democracies, decided that it was essential for ethnic cleansing, murderous ethnic
cleansing and rape to be stopped so that the people in that area could be given the ability
to live freely. And I fully believe that the civilian casualties that took place there were
accidental, and that it was thanks to the leadership of President Clinton that we were able
to put a stop to some of the worst ethnic cleansing that we have seen since the end of the
Cold War.
·
QUESTION: (in Vietnamese) My further question is with the human rights standards
the United States sets up. Do you rank your standards higher than the human rights in the
world or what?
·
·
,_____
--
-
----
-
.
.
__ .,- ___ ·-
~:-
.:~·:
----- . .--
)
SE£_RETARY ALBRIGHI:SAs I said previ~l),.,Jhe-United-States-abides-by-the_:_j
fUniver~arDeclatati~fHum~~gh!.s_: ~~-Izelieve that all countries should ~bide by
tlie tJmversal-I>eclaratwn-ofHuman Riglits,-and wherever there are problems m the
United States, there are legal authorities with the support of an ever-investigating press, I
think, routs them out and deals with them legally, according to the due process of law.
•
QUESTION: Madame Secretary, I'd like to return briefly to your answer on the
situation in the Middle East and the bombing in Israel. You said that the response must
be to wage war relentlessly against terrorism. Does that imply some new action that we
have not seen before, or merely in doing the same thing?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, I think that the parts of the Wye Agreement are very
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�9/6/99 Albright Press Conference, Hanoi
,
•
Page 5 of5
specific about the necessity to deal with terrorist acts and to hold those responsible for
them. We have all along been working with those who believe that the situation in the
Middle East can only be solved peacefully and that no one gains when terrorism is
allowed to go forth. And, frankly the very sad part is, and I have now seen it myself so
many times, that when we make progress on peace, the enemies of peace try to kill it.
And, the main issue here is the strength of the leaders in that region who believe that all
· the problems can be solved through negotiations and the strength, frankly, of the Israelis
and the Palestinians who believe that their future lies in peace and not in wanton terrorist
acts.
[End of Document]
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•
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�917/99 Albright on remains repatriation ceremony, Hanoi
Page 1 of 1
/
Secretary_ of State Madeleine K. Albright
•
Statement following remains repatriation ceremony, Noi Bai International
Airport
G--Hanoi, Vietnam;;_,September 7, 1999/
As released by theUffice·oftheSpokesman
U.S. Department of State
!
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Good morning.
Together with Vietnamese officials, I have just
participated in a deeply moving and solemn
ceremony: the repatriation of four additional sets
of remains to the United States. I want to thank
Ambassador Peterson, Brigadier General Axson,
Lieutenant Colonel Peppers and all the members
of our Joint Task Force who have.worked so
hard to make this possible.
From here the remains will be flown to a special
Army lab in Hawaii, where they will be analyzed
and identified. Our hope is to provide some American families with the limited and longdelayed solace that certainty can provide about the fate of their loved ones.
••
The work of recovering remains is emotionally brutal -- and there is no guarantee of ·
success. But wt:persevefe,-ih·-thls:intensive,effort-=because.the=United~,states_will-never
forg~LOJI(faUen; ~a.nd=-our:missing,-:and·the sacrifice of their families;-:-This~is-a=:~ .:c~:-.5:
Iillinanitarian inission~we;do:for:::-America~--=~ -----~-· ·-·----~ .;_:,
I
-
.. - - __::_: ____ .. ::_.:.. ---~-
I also want to thank the government and people of Vietnam for all that they have done to
help us obtain the fullest possible accounting of Americans still missing or otherwise
unaccounted for in Southeast Asia. By cooperating fully in this effort in recent years,
Vietnam has paved the way to deeper diplomatic, political and economic ties between
our two countries.
Meanwhile, this issue remains paramount to the United States. We hope that our
assistance is useful to Vietnam as it seeks to account for its own heavy losses. And our
thoughts are with all those families -- American and Vietnamese -- who for too many
years have borne the burdens of that tragic war.
America is always proud of its fighting men and women. When they die in battle, no
matter how difficult or how long it takes, we will bring them home.
Thank you.
[End of Document]
Photos taken at repatriation ceremony, Noi Bai International Airport
•
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917199 Albright remarks en route to Ho Chi Minh City
•
Page 1 of 1
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
,Fress.availability·alioard aircraft en route to Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
:S~IJ!~mher7, 1999
As released by the Office of the Spokesman
U.S. Department of State
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: As you know, yesterday I made a statement in which I
made quite clear that it was essential for the Indonesians to do everything they could in
order to make sure that more people did not die or disappear. What they have done, and
let me just say I just finished speaking to Foreign Minister Alatas, is obviously put in a
state of military emergency. They did this, according to him, in order to be able to arrest
people and be able to remove those people that were causing the problems. They are
sending in different kinds of military forces who have no attachment to Timor, who have
served in· different places, and are seasoned forces that should be able to deal with this. I
said to him that they did not have much time, that they had to deal with this, otherwise it
was essential for them to invite the international community to take care of this. And he
said that they were operating under the idea that they had to do things quickly and that
we would talk again and they were very concerned. They wanted to be able to try to deal
with this themselves.
QUESTION: In the meantime though, are preparations still being made for some kind·
of international intervention?
·
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Discussions are going on. I spoke to Foreign Minister
Downer and obviously the UN team is going 'but and they will be assessing the situation .
In Washington, I've spoken to them many times, they are considering a variety ofoptions
on how to deal with this.
QUESTION: (regarding Australia)
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Everybody is doing the same thing which is assessing all
the different options.
[End of Document]
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10116/2000
�917/99 Albright remarks re new consulate, Vietnam
Page 1 of2
,.
Secretary of State Madeleine J( ... AlbrighJ ____~-"'~------~-~----..... _ _
.
Consulate Building in Ho Chi Minh City]
Ho Ch1 Mtnh Ctty, V1etnam;September 7, 1999 . . 1
As released by the Office ofthe Spokeshian
U.S. Department of State
I
Remar~s ~t Co~iss~oning of~New
As Prepared For Delivery
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I want to welcome our extraordinary Ambassador to
Vietnam, Pete Peterson; Consul General Ray; our distinguished Vietnamese friends and
members of the diplomatic community; consulate staff, family and friends.
In the spring of 1997, I had the high diplomatic honor of throwing out the ceremonial
first pitch of the season for the Baltimore Orioles. So at the ground-breaking here two
years ago -- with that very different Opening Day fresh on my mind -- I said that was the
first time I had ever been asked to throw out the first brick.
That's why it's especially gratifYing to come back today and see what became of that
brick -- and what a magnificent new Consulate has been built upon this site. It even takes
the sting off the fact that Senator Hagel beat me to the punch here three weeks ago.
I
I want to express special thanks to Chairman Thanh and the other authorities here in Ho
Chi Minh City. Their cooperation allowed us to complete construction here not only on
time, but ahead of time. And I want to congratulate our foreign buildings staff for its
major role in that achievement.
.
This Consulate General marks another important step forward in the relationship__ ___ __
between the United States ancLYiet11am. For in_this__place .:P=-surroimaec¥ofreminaersoe~--::=:;
the:past~-.:;our~fuidi:duntries-wilfoe moving i:esolutelitoward a better--futur~__)
---'-"..~c.::::__::-'-"--'~..:_::_:_:__;>
Soon we will be able to provide full visa services here for the first time in almost a
quarter century. And within a year, we expect this consulate to be one of our busiest
visa-issuing posts in the world.
This new facility will allow us to accelerate refugee processing and foster family
reunification -- two important humanitarian goals.
ou(~~-to-people ..ties-\Vith~~ietnam, as tourism andftfavefhe<Some-:· ~
It will enhance
· easier in both directions.
0
c.------~-------..J
It will deepen our commercial ties, as bilateral trade grows and Vietnam moves ahead
with reforms that encourage entrepreneurs and attract investors.
I t-will-help ..u~ better serve the,f'Alliericall-ousiness~c-olliiiillfiitY ~li1~}i is~ cori.~entrat~
~uth:J
.;__
·
'
r------_,
It "Y,ill-enhance-our capacity to follow up concerns OIJ. -human riglits, laoor·rights-aild
religious-freedoms~
(- --------
•
'z.. ... -
,----------------- --.
-·
-~
And it will help us pursue_ ~hat remain.s our p_itfamount goal in Vietnam, which is to
obtain the(fullest possible accounting of ~ericans still mis-sing-or-otherwise)
-------···.
--- ----
___.}
.
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917199 Albright remarks re new consulate, Vietnam
Page 2 of2
unaccounted for in Southeast Asia. Vietnam's cooperation with this effort in recent years
has paved the way to the normal consular ties our two countries celebrate today .
The United States and Vietnam will forever be linked by history. But by continuing to
work together to transcend that tragic legacy, we can add to our shared history bright
new chapters of hope and mutual prosperity.
It is in this spirit that I commission this Consulate as a symbol of America's commitment
to continued progress towards full reconciliation and normalization between the people
of America and the people of Vietnam.
0rery
specialFi~a-1:9 be
And it is in this same.spirit_th.at I will now present
issued by__111is_new Consulate. Congratulations-;Miss Lien -- on-5oth your engagemen:r-- -::;) .
,......an_d~.y.oiiF-visa:zYoifhave our best wishes. -~
-----J
~~
~-::_.:;--- ~-
.
-_· ··=·
And thank you all very much~
-:~~-.r"
~-
·oc..
[End of Document]
Secretary's Home Page I State Department Home Page
•
•
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10/16/2000
�9/7/99 Albright Opening Remarks to Business Roundtable, Vietnam
Page 1 of 1
Secr~tary of State Ma~leine-K.-Albright- ')
Opemng Remarks to Busmess Roundtable L __ ~
Ho Chi Minh City~Vietnam~ September 7, 1999 /.
As released by the Office ofthe-Spokesman - U.S. Department of State
••
As Prepared For Delivery
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Good afternoon; I'm pleased we could get together. This
has been an eventful trip-- but what I'd really like to spend most of this valuable time
with you on is listening, not talking.
Because as hard as the Administration has worked to open foreign markets and expand
business opportunities for American companies, it's not that often I get a chance to hear
directly from world-class business leaders about the special challenges you face in a
particular country or region.
I do want to report very quickly on the status of the bilateral trade agreement, based on
my meetings yesterday with Vietnam's leaders. We can get into greater nuance later, but
bottom line, I am cautiously optimistic that we may -- underscore "may" -- get an
agreement in the reasonably near term.
•
The business community has done a great deal to help bring us this far in the last four
years. ~th.~_y_r_ow.ged_Congrt:,s_sional calendar,,your support will be absolutely
crucial i.n getting the agreement ratified promptly -- in the event we all should have that
(._.
- - , - ------.1
opportunity. _
·
You know better than I do what normal trade relations with Vietnam could mean for
U.S. business. That's just one reason I want to open the floor to you now, for your
comments or questions .
. [End of Document]
Secretary's Home Page I State Department Home Page
•
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10/16/2000
�97/06/26 Albright press briefing enroute Vietnam
•
Page 1 of5
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright- ____ _
Press Briefing Enroute Honoi:-June 26 1997 . l
As released by the Offieeofthe'Spokesman-;-Jun.e-27~ 1997
Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, U.S. Department of State
to
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, we are all going to spend a lot of time together over
the next few days. I am looking forward to it, and I am very glad to be getting back to
Asia. I had made a point in my first trip to say that our relations with Asia are very
important to the United States and to me personally, so I am very glad to be doing this·
now and of course I will be back again in three weeks for the ASEAN meetings.
Also, I have to say that I am sorry that we had to cancel the Cambodia stop. The United
States has been very supportive of the evolution of democracy in Cambodia and I had
wanted very much to be able to give a message that would make very clear that we want
the violence to stop and for the various parts of the government to begin working .
together again and prepare for elections. I have had a long time interest in Cambodia.
First of all I was there three years ago as some of you may know, visiting the
peacekeeping operation. Before that the Center for National Policy where I was president
had a project about Cambodia so I had met Hun Sen and now King Siahnouk and Prince
Ranariddh. I have dealt with those people before and I have had an interest in it for some
time.
•
I am g~ing to V~~~am_with:the-fol_lowi~g.agenda and that is thatr;;e have been able toj
\ normalize our political relatiOns With VIetnam and exchange ambassadors and we-now
\ want to lay greater stress on normalizing and moving forward in our economic · -- -· !
~' relation~hi~._O.fEo_ill_se wliafis-thehig~esrpriori~yisto deal~itnt~~_!'~W/MIA i~sue--J
~ -and-I-wlll-be discussmg that. Also, I will be lookmg at and discussmg tlie. human nghts
--:.1
situation.
·
\ -~~--------- -_.,.
m
At the same time on the issue of economic normalization we are going to be focusing on
trying to develop increased trade, which requires them to improve their situation with the
returnees --the ROVR Program and immigration issues so that we are in a position to
waive Jackson-Vanik--and then be able to have an EX-IM program and an OPIC
program. Then be able to negotiate a trade agreement and ultimately move to MFN. So
those are the issues that I am going to be discussing.
I am also going to have the opp_9rtunity-to throw out-the-firsrbricK.~r,;maybe more
accuratelY\ lay the brick for our new C.Q!J.~ul.ate_for.Ho-Chi-Minh-GitY, We expect there to
be about 12;0oo-irrfifligranfvisas-l()deal with, plus the 75,000 or so Americans who visit.
There is a lot of business, so that's what we are about.
•
QUESTION: There are so many things on the agenda, I want to go back to your speech
in San Francisco. I want to clear up something that you said in your speech in San
Francisco that Mr. Berger also said in his earlier speech with relations with China. On
the list of positive developments that have taken place with China, you mentioned their
signature declaration adherence to international non-proliferation and missile control
agreements. Is it your view that the Chinese are in fact adhering to the spirit and the
letter of missile technology and missile control agreements?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think the issue here is first of all that there really has
been progress in getting them to abide by various international non-proliferation regimes.
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97/06/26 Albright press briefing enroute Vietnam
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I won't go through all that. Are they abiding by the MTCR? I think that for the most part
they are, but we need to examine further whether they are fully in compliance with it.
Obviously there are concerns, but there has been no determination on specific cases
recently.
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, you mentioned earlier the waiver of Jackson-Vanik.
The American business community is very anxious, almost impatient, to get going on
that. Some people I spoke to before we came out here in the business community said
they would like to see the Administration make a decision on that by August. Do you
think that's possible and what sort of concrete promise or any promise will you be able to
· make to the Vietnamese during your visit there?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: One of the things that I have to actually look at is how
this ROVR program is working in order for there to be a waiver. I will be explaining to
them what more needs to be done in order to move the process forward. I think there
have been some questions about the number of exit permits that have been provided and
how the ROVR program generally is working. So I will see. This is one of the first steps
that's really important in order to move the whole trade relationship forward. I am going
to be making clear to them the importance to us that the ROVR program, generally the
refugee issues, are worked out in a way that would allow us to move forward.
QUESTION: Inaudible
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I don't know. I won't know until I have ,really had a
chance to look at it.
•
QUESTION: A lot ofbusiness people have said in the two years since many of us were
there that the progress they had hoped for has not taken place, that the bureaucracy had
been much more sporadic than they anticipated. Are you going to send a message to
them the leadership that they need to?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: The prime purpose of my trip, bbviously is dt.l~ling~with .
the POW/MIA issue, but at the saine timetellingJhem-thatthey--do,need-torgive new Lc:-empliasis to the economic refo1'1118otliafthere is inf?sLa_good_climate-for-investors. - _.
~~:rhey-haveto·dealwith·some-oftheir l~gislation_tO-do with investment and generally
getting a rule of law plus giving thei~doi moi campaign tl}bir economic reform campaign
greater impetus. So that is partially wlianfi.yme!!fsage-ii::rabout. That there have been
complaints by business people that there has been sort of a slow down and that they need
to revitalize that effort and how important it is from the perspective of the United States
and generally in order to revive them.
__
0
QUESTION: How do you analyze the elections slate? Does this seem to you a time that
they are going to be moving in a new direction with a change of generation?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: We have to look at that very carefully. There does seem to
me that these three older people are not running for the national assembly and therefore
they are not going to be able to have the elected or appointed jobs as leaders of the
country but they will continue to be major leaders within the Communist party. Also, I
will be looking to see what the next generation is. I think part of the issue here is that it is
very hard to tell exactly at this moment about the new leadership.
•
QUESTION: On a personal level could you tell us how in the Sixties you were effected
by the war? Did you have any close relatives that either fought it or refused to fight it?
What was your position?
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Page 3 of5
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: On the latter question, I did not. But I was in graduate
school during the war at Columbia. I was not a demonstrator but I was very much a part
of the whole scene there. In '68 I was taking my comprehensives and at that stage I had
three children, so I was in somewhat of a different phase than a lot of the students. But
clearly the war affected everybody in the United States, and affected me and the role that
the U.S. ought to play internationally.
QUESTION: Were you for it? I mean, everybody was for it or against it in those days.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I thought that it was a war that, as it was being carried
out, created such dissension in the United States. It troubled me a great deal. Originally,
when the war started I think that I had more of a sense that there was a Communist
monolith and having come from where I had come, I was more likely to view it that way.
Lcame to see what everybody came to see -dhat-itw.Jls-not-the-same-kindof a war:-There"(_
~~~ys_tems~otco~':l}jlim &n.d. ~ _SeJ!S~ of_!!~tion~li~1Jl ~mt~.9_l!Pink l ~~n4 <?! _ . ,
was-wlie(e.most,people were on 1t.
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, it will soon be two years since relations were restored
and POWs is prime on your list MIAs, have the Vietnamese done what the United States ·
has expected in these two years?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: First of all I think President Clinton has made clear that
they have and it is really in four areas. One_is_in_dealing_\\;'ith the dfscrepancies-in live
csightings,.the.second is in trying to get tHe archives turned over,\he-third-is-gettihg the
1 remains also tubed over, and the fourth i'sdealing witli-tlle issue ofPOWs/MIAs in the
~~si~~bn.
.
I think that also we now have, if it is possible to say this, the most representative kind of
an Ambassador there dealing with the issue. Clearly Ambassador Peterson is dedicating
himself among other things, to really dealing with the POW/MIA question. He is
focusing on it and at the same time understanding the importance of moving forward. To
restate what I think is a great statement: We have to think of Vietnam as a country and
notas a war. The POW/MIA issue is the single issue that we have to focus on, but at the
same time we have to think forward and Ambassador Peterson is a great representative
for us on that.
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, this is sort of two parts. To what extent will the United
States ever be able to put the POW issue behind us? I mean will it always be an issue
because realistically you are never going to be able to settle all those cases? The other
question is how important is human rights as you go into this visit? How important it as
the United States proceeds with developing crises?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think that for thousands of Americans the POW/MIA
situation will never be fully resolved. It will clearly be part of the agenda and it will .
clearly be part of a priority issue that we keep pressing. On the other hand, I think people
know the importance that has to be attached to dealing with Vietnam as a country, as a __
SQl!lltry_thatjsjmport~tinJerms_of_r_e~iolla~ stability in our relationship with thfsecond \
1
mo~t_P.~£uli~uhS.~~~~~~ nl_Stouth~~st;.~-~~ad._§~ we can not forget the POW/MIA and-arthe-(._...----same time t lu.l\. we uave o move a.uea .
.
F
•
On the human rights issues, again, human rights are central to the way that the United
States describes itself and describes our relations with other countries. I will be raising
specific human rights cases with the government and pressing them on improving their
human rights record. And that will be very much a part of our agenda and doing that on a
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97/06/26 Albright press briefing enroute Vietnam
Page 4 of5
parallel track with also pressing them on improving our trade relationship.
QUESTION: Talking about Vietnam, our experience there was so complicated and it
spilled over into Cambodia and we have done a lot of talking about Cambodia, Pol Pot,
our own responsibility is there too. But I really wanted to ask you with all this talk about
Pol Pot do you really think Ieng Sary is any less responsible for the crimes against
humanity than Pol Pot? And if we are talking about extraditing Pol Pot should not we
also be talking to the Cambodians about extraditing Ieng Sary?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: First of all I think it is very hard to find anybody
comparable on mass murder characteristics than Pol Pot. I think that you know the horror
of what he directed is something that is seared into American minds and obviously into
the minds of the Cambodian people. It is hard to make comparisons, but Pol Pot is
clearly one of the greatest mass murderers of history. I think that the U.S. believesthat
Pol Pot needs to be tried internationally and we are going to be dealing .with that issue.
QUESTION: Ifl could just follow up for a second: Does that mean that Pol Pot will
stand alone for all the crimes of the Khmer Rouge and that no one that worked for him,
no second in command, third, fourth should also be tried?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Steve, I think we will have to look at all that. We are just·
coming to the possibility of being able to deal with Pol Pot. I always be!ieved that others
were also responsible but I think we have to deal with the top man on this.
QUESTION: Could you tell us your understanding of what is happening vis-a-vis the
four-party talks? The four-party talks vis-a-vis North Korea. What is happening? Is there
·
a breakthrough?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: We are looking forward Monday toa tri-hiteral meeting in
New York and we will have to see where those lead. We have looked at this situation
before. It looks hopeful but we will have to see. There is this tri-lateral on Monday.
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, you said you want to raise human rights cases, but what
about the general human rights situation? Are there any specific situations that you are
looking at with them?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think generally there is the question of how those who
are dissidents and who would like to practice. their political rights and human rights are
treated within a country that is still a Communist country that is working towards reform
but has still some serious characteristics that make it difficult for people to be able to
exercise their rights. Also, pressing them to understand that if they wish to join the
international community then they need to do a better job in the area of human rights.
Evolution and democracy and free markets are the future and that is the way to try to
make Vietnam a healthy and prosperous country.
Thank you.
(###)
•
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�97/06/27 Albright.press conference in Hanoi, Vietnam
Page 1 of5
I
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Press Conference, DaewooJ]Ifatl ~----- ,,,,
•
·
~~f~;~fif~th~~~~fth~~§~~~e~~an in Hong Kong,
June 29, 1997
U.S. Department of State
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Good afternoon everybody. I am pleased to be here on my
first visit to Vietnam. Before continuing on to Ho Chi Minh city I wanted to say a few
words about my talks this morning with the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister
about U.S.- Vietnam relations.
In recent years, Vietnam has moved steadily in the direction of greater openness to the
outside world and greater participation in regional organizations. I made clear in our
meetings today that the United States welcomes this. As I said at Harvard earlier this
month, today the international system should be open to every nation_that is willing and
able to abide by its rules~ Thisapplies.emPvhq!i~ally••Jo~V.ie¥1-am<'l'Al~
~l~~~S.iii~~ib.V~e:to/IG0~lf&,~li'etwtl1l!llirrg~Q_f,~~ptfi~ast
~~sm." •=---
•
.
programs.
·We had good discussions this morning about how to make progress in interviewing
Vietnamese returnees from first asylum countries for possible resettlement in the United
States. Progress in the resettlement
·
humanitar~iian~~~~~~y~]~::~~'~·-_;]
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�97/06/27 Albright press conference in Hanoi, Vietnam
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As I stressed to Vietnam's leaders todayreConomic and political openness are two sides
\
'C"::()ftlie same coi!LUltimately;you cannot have one without the other. Both ar~ required- -- -v
·for development-and both depend on creation of a viable civil society and respect for the
rule oflaw. Although U.S.-Vietnam relations are broadening, one issue remains
paramount. That is obtaining the fullest possible accounting of Americans still missing
or otherwise unaccounted for in SoutheastAsia._As Ambassador Peterson can .explain,
c::-perhaps-better-than-anyone else;-Americans want to learn everything that can be learned
about the fat~ of9ur fOuntrym~n .. We_~e proud:-of the-~fforis being maae-by~hefJ:Qint _ ,_ ;
--::='-}'ask Force, from which I received a bnefing this mornmg. We are pleased with1he help
c:: we've received both from the government and from the people here. And we understand
that ours is not a unique sorrow, for the burdens of loss are heavy as well among the
·
families ofVietnam.
d
One of the great tests of our era is the ability of nations and peoples to overcome past
differences and go forward together. That challenge, whether in the Middle East the
Balkans, Southeast Asia or elsewhere, must be met, both at the bargaining table between
governments and in the thoughts and actions of average citizens. Although the rate of
forward movement may be deliberate by any measure, America and Vietnam are on the
road to passing that test. For the United States, there is no better guide as our journey
unfolds than Ambassador Peterson, whose own journey from airman to POW to
legislator to diplomat is an inspiration for Americans and Vietnamese alike.
In closing, I would like to thank Foreign Minister Cam and his colleagues for their
hospitality, and I look forward to returning the favor in the not too distant future. And
now I would be pleased to respond to any questions you may have .
•
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, to take you forward a little bit to Hong Kong. We've
heard the U.S. rationale from your aides, but I'd like to hear from you why you decided
to ask the Consul General Richard Boucher to stay for the legislature swearing-in in
Hong Kong? What does that say to democrats in Hong Kong, who are making public
their disappointment that the U.S. boycott of that ceremony is not total?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: First of all, let me make very clear that I had announced
very early on that l would be attending the reversion ceremony in Hong Kong, not only
because of it's historic value and importance, but also in order to very carefully watch
what is going to be happening in terms of the ability to preserve the way of life of Hong
Kong. That is part of the Sino-British Agreement. I believe that my being present at the
reversion ceremony, but not being present for the swearing-in of the Legislative Council,
is a significant political act, and one which I think carries a fairly important message. I
am being joined by Foreign Secretary Robin Cook. I am as yet unclear as to the number
of other foreign ministers who will be taking similar action.
•
But it is also, I think, very important as we made clear quite a long time ago, that
American interests have to be protected in Hong Kong. We have large numbers of ship
visits, there are American citizens and businesses that are in Hong Kong, and it will be
important to carry on business with the authorities in Hong Kong. The swearing-in
ceremony, while it does include a swearing-in for the Legislative Council, also does
swear in other authorities, the Government of Hong Kong, with which our Consul
General will have. to have business. So we determined immediately that it was important
to have working level representation at the ceremony while making a strong political
statement by my not being there.
·
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, as I understand it the United~Statescsubmittei:Fa~araft~-=-~-~~==~.:: ;
trade agreement_to Nietnam~three;months ago. -Did-that subjectcome _up-to-day;and-can--- - · - l
~~..--~·~---~
·-- -· ·--
____ - ____-.·--.~-:...:----=----~--:;
.~
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�97/06/27 Albright press conference in Hanoi, Vietnam
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you report any progress?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Yes, we spoke quite a lot about the importance of the
trade agreement. I explained at some length both to the Foreign Minister and the Prime
Minister the importance of steps that had to lead up to that and the importance of their
cooperating in what is known as the ROVR program of the resettlement of Vietnamese
refugees, arid that it would be difficult for me to recommend a waiver of Jackson-V anik
which needs to precede a trade agreement if, in fact, there was not a more speeded up
approachJQ_the ROVR program. We discussed this at some kingtll.q~oiiitecrou:rthat the·- Vietnamese liave been slowinitialing
visas,-because w€, the U.S., caimot interview- - ___ __,
Uritinhoseexit visas are· in fact issuect Both~of the officials-took my explanation on
board so that they would do everything in order to be. able to speed it up. And also that
we would extend our dialogue about various parts of the text of the trade agreement.
f
-exit
QUESTION: I'm from Vietnam Central Government Television. Good evening, first of
all, if it would be possible to have an exclusive interview with you after this press
conference.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think it will not, so go ahead arid ask your question.
QUESTION: What are the difficulties our two countries (inaudible) bilateral relations,
and when will Vietnam be given MFN status and GSP status? Another QUESTION:
What is your opinion of the development of A SEAN 10? Does it make any influence, if
·any, on the U.S. policy on the ASEAN 10?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: On the first question, I think that our bilateral relations
have obviously deepened in the last years with our exchange of ambassadors and our
much more developed political relations. I came here for this trip to talk a great deal
more about the deepening and broadening of our economic relations and the economic
normalization process, which does require that there_ be several things put in place ..!
~hinkthe copyright agr~ement that I signed today with For~ignMinist~.r_<:am js an '
exampleofthenecessity of having a basis ofthe"rule-oflaw and a better investmeni
climate in order for trade relations to go forward.
_Second,.asJ~ustanswered_in
the previous question, I think it is important that the
( immigration policies be regularized to this ROVR program so that I can recommend a
- waiveiinthe-Jacks-on~Variik scfthat the Most Favored Nation treatment can go forward.
So, what we have to do is create a climate that will allow the economic relations to go
forward.
At the same time, an issue which is always of the highest priority in dealing with our
bilateral relations is for a full accounting on the POW-MIA program and of living up to
what the president has asked be rectified in the program. First of all, that they are able to
deal with the issue of live sightings, that remains be returned, that there be trilateral
cooperation with Laos, and that we have access to archives. I was well-satisfied with the
fact that process is moving along, and at the same time I made quite clear the centrality
of the POW-MIA process to our bilatenil relations.
•
I also stressed the very high degree of importance we place on an improved human rights
. record in Vietnam, that we are very concerned about some specific cases and are
generally concerned about the fact that there is not enough freedom of press, religion and
association. On the question of ASEAN, we believe that it is a good idea that Vietnam is
a part of the ASEAN group, has been a part of it. In meetings that I have attended in New
York where Secretary Christopher met with the ASEAN members during the General
Assembly, I think it became very evident that Vietnam's membership there served .
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Vietnam well and also that it helped to broaden the reach of ASEAN, an organization for
which we have great respect.
•
QUESTI![!N:-Madam Secretary, knowing how central the issue ofMIAs is to the
r~~tiplJ;shi_R,Twonder, given the nithe~ ":ast:surn:of.mo~ey""-we-weret<;>-J>eliev~:-!Lwas~~-:
J)OIU,~thmg on-the
order- of about ten mtlhon_a yeaus.bethg.spent_cm_ th1s effort all tptal _ -- ~
withforty-eightservices=basicallyunaccounted-Jor--how long will the-United-States be -~-~
. willing-to-expend-this-kind-ofmoney·on·this program? IS there some point at which it
will be seen as not cost effective any longer?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think, Steve, it is very important for all of us to
understand the depth of emotion and depth of pain and suffering that surrounds this
whole issue and the necessity in many ways to first of all understand the toll on families
involved. Also the deep effect it has on everybody in the United States in terms of our
ability to move forward. Ambassador Peterson, I think, is probably the finest example of
someone who is able to put the past behind him and move forward. We would like to
have this issue be dealt with so that we can focus on the future__._Itjs_very~hard.to_put a
pri9e_on this. kind of an effort ~d it is my sense:wewilfbe Willinfio expend_mcmies· c-
untWwe·ar~~satisfiectthat·everything_=h~I15-eeii_done_to_deaLwith_whatissuch-a.dirficultJ
·(_~~sue:forsomanype~~l_e_-'-~--~--~=----~~---~
-----~---J
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, did your talks today include any discussions of security
issues, specifically the prospect of some kind of military-to-military cooperation between
the two countries? And what would be the prospect over the immediate term?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Bob, we did not discuss that subject. There is some lowlevel military cooperation going on now, mil-mil cooperation but that is not the key
aspect of our relationship at this stage.
•
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, other than the immigration issue, purely in economic
terms, why do you think progress has not been better in the last two years since
normalization and since Secretary Christopher's visit? Whatis it about the democracy
here that has held things back?
.
C ' - - - - - -- -
.
----·
-""' .
-
- :,. . .
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think that there has been some slowmg down m terms of
(' -- their doi moi process and a certa.i_11 IDTIOunt of bureaucratic-recalcitrance;-arleasnliaeis ---,_--·the-sense--I-got in terms oftalking. Particularly in talking with the Prime Minister, who I
think is very personally enga.ged_in___the__whole.economic-reformprocess.andis.desiroqs_
ofhaving_it moveforward:Tdo think, from having watGhed othercountries either reforiil--;
· comniunism or emerge from communism, is that we need to understand that this is not -- ,an e~~Y process wliere-there are large numbers of state-oWned-companies;' enterprises, - -- ·
land how one moves-away from thatkind·ofa-system to-a -free -market ~x,~te_m. ·-- > . ~- _ ~ ••-
•
Also, I think it is a little bit of a vicious circle, in that if the reform process slows then
there is much less inclination for foreign investment to come in which then in some ways
does not show enough of a reward to those as they are trying to adjust the system inside.
Where they say what are we getting for our reform process? That's why I think, for
instance, signing a copyright agreement was important in terms of protecting intellectual
property. And, being able to explain to American investors that there is movement here
in terms of the rule of law for business. The TBA announcement that I have just made, I
think, will also help, but I have also made very clear that they need to move faster on
their reform, deal with privatization of some of their state enterprises .
'(..
--·
~
..,._
----~··
---
--
---~
---~~---
------ --
..
~·-
.- -
Q_!LESTION:- (ina_u¢Jbje) nearly two million Vietnamese people contaminated and badly~:am:cteci by_AgerifOrarige-during-the Vietnamese_war.J~.fu~re_ '!ny solution on the part
...--
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)
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�97/06/27 Albright press conference in Hanoi, Vietnam
Page 5 of5
· on the USG to resolve this problem to Vietnam?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think we are all aware of the existence of this problem
and while we believe it is very important to operate not on the basis of emotion but on
the basis of scientific fact, and we obviously will be continuing our work on this. But it
is very important to base information on scientific fact and not anecdotal information.
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, two questions if I may. Was there, besides the issue of
POW/MIA, any kind of discussion of the American war in Vietnam with officials you
met today, anything less specific and more philosophical? And secondly, just out of
curiosity, if you did raise specific human rights cases with the Vietnamese, as you seem
. to imply that you did, what was their reaction?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: On the first question, interestingly enough there was not a
lot of discussion of the war. I think there is very much a sense that I got from dealing
with these officials as well as with Ambassador Peterson that there is a great desire to
look to the future rather than to the past. And I must say that all of us who have spent a
-~- .
great deal of QurJi:v:esJal)dng,walking, and studying ab.outVietnam,:.:I-thil1k we.are
roverwhelmeq by the fact that one drives through the streets _of}j@Qi with.an Atri~rj~ag
Z :flag and people wave and are friendly. There .is a little traffic problem but basically there
. is a sense-that one can·feel good about being. an American in Hanoi.
•
I did not imply that I allegedly spoke about the human rights issue, I did speak about the "
human rights issue very directly, provided some names that we have particular interest in
and spoke generally about the importance of human rights. I was told they expected me
to raise thjsjssue.-lalways like-to-live-upto my billing.and soJ.dicl._r~ise the issue quite
str~:mgly.-They responded that they woul4lo_ok·into the spedtic cases I raised .. But also
J
..as might be exrected, t!iey g~y~ me: an answer, which was~theirapprqach to human rights
! js_(!iffsis:.nffr.Omours.lresponded that from my travels around the world, I believed that ·
there was <!_universaL~~!lSe__!iQOUt the importance of human rights within every country. .
'-"A:!l(fit ~as very difficultfor·CO\llltries to moveforward.in teqns Oltheiroernocracy·or··---.. _
.·
) market.JefOf!IlS or h~~the re_~p~ct ofJhe entire international GQmmunity if they did not · ·
'-liv~ _up to some universal human rights standards.
·
..
· - . ·
Thank you.
(###)
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97/06/28 Albright and Vietnamese Foreign Minister remarks
Page 1 of2
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and
Foreign Minister Nguyen Manh Cam
,Press remarks, Government Guest House
.
~HaiioCVietnam, June 28-;1997---/
·
As_relegt~e~t1Jy_the-Office-of-the-Spokesman in Ho Chi Minh City,
Vietnam, June 29, 1997
U.S; Department of State
[
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Good Morning. I am very pleased to be here in Vietnam
to discuss a wide range of issues with Foreign Minister Cam. I am also very pleased that
I have just come over to join the foreign minister in signing a bilateral agreement on
copyrights that will provide needed protection for intellectual property. This agreement
is an important step in normalizing the U.S.-Vietnamese relationship based on the rule of
law. I congratulate the negotiators from both countries for this agreement and look
forward to its vigorous enforcement.
I am also pleased to announce the United States' intention to establish a consulate in Ho
Chi Minh City and tomorrow morning I will participate in a ceremony celebrating the
start of construction. This initiative is a very clear reflection of the steady broadening of
U.S.-Vietnamese relations and the very substantial presence of American business,
students, tourists, private voluntary organizations and other Americans here in Vietnam.
•
I would like to thank the Foreign Minister for the excellent dialogue we have had this
morning where we were able to cover a whole range of issues . This signifies, I think,
also, the increased deepening of our relationship.
FOREIGN MINISTER CAM: Your Excellency, Madam Madeleine Albright,
distinguished American guests, ladies and gentlemen. This morning we had very
substantial talks to cover a wide range of issues relating to the bilateral relations between
the two countries. After the talks this morning, we believe that together with the visit of
Madam Secretary, we will be able to contribute a great deal to the further advancement
of our bilateral relations in the time to come. Just now Madam Albright and I, on behalf
of our respective governments, have signed an agreement between the two countries on
the establishment of the copyrights. This agreement indicates the aspirations and
determinations displayed by our two governments in building a legal framework
appropriate for the development of multifaceted relationship between our two nations.
I would also like to take this opportunity to welcome the decision made by the U.S.
administration to open its consulate general in Ho Chi Minh City on the basis of the
mutual agreement between the two countries. Vietnam is also actively preparing for its
early opening of the consulate general of Vietnam in San Francisco. Those are the
important and significant steps forward in the overall relationship between our two
nations. We hope that the two sides will continue to carry on these positive cooperation
into many other fields especially in a process of moving forward-to the full normalization ·
of our economic ties.
•
We welcome once again the visit by Her Excellency, the Secretary of State ofthe United
States of America, and stand ready to cooperate together with the U.S. to do whatever we
can in supporting the further growth in our bilateral relations meeting the aspiration and
interest of our two nations and for the sake .of peace, stability, and development in the
region and the world at large. Once again I would like to warmly welcome Her
Excellency on her visit to Vietnam. I believe that her visit will be a great success.
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97/06/28 Albright and Vietnamese Foreign Minister remarks
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!
•
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�.,,
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Secretary of State Remarks
Page 1 of2
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Remarks to _the American Business Community, Equatorial Hotel
flo-Chi Minh City, Vietnam, June28,J<)97
As tel eased by the Office of the Spokesman in Hong Kong,
June 29, 1997
U.S. Department of State
J
Mr. Scown, Ambassador Peterson, members of the American business community in
Vietnam. Good morning, thank you all for coming. I would have said "Good Morning,
Vietnam" but we just signed an agreement yesterday to protect intellectual property and
the State Department does not want to get a bill from Robin Williams.
_Aelighted_to_ see all_of_you, and I ~am very pleased to be ~flie first Secretary of State to
I am
z;-vi~it thi~_ c~~y__~i11~e !he end ofthe w~. 'fhe mess,age I ha~e btoughn<YHano~-an.d-Ho Chi· Mmn-Ctty IS straightforward: the Umted States 1s committed to full normalizatiOn of
diplomatic, political and economic relations between our country and Vietnam.
•
J
-
j-Wewa.iittosee the people of Vietnam prosper and their society play a c~~structive-role
(- in the region and the world. Yesterday~ I-had excellent meetings-With the Prime Minister,
' -the ·foreign Minister, General Secretary of the Communist Party and City Council
Chairman. We covered a full range of issues on our bilateral agenda from our highest
priority which is accounting for American POWs/MIAs to human rights, to going
forward with economic normalization. On this last issue, I stressed our hope that the
process of reform here in Vietnam would regain its momentum. Barriers to trade and
investment must be brought down. The role of state run monopolies must be reduced. A
fni.mework of law that will protect domestic and foreign_ investors alike must be
established.
The United States Government is prepared to do its part. The visit of Secretary Rubin
and the arrival of Ambassador Peterson, and now my own visit, are evidence of our
interest in going ahead as fast as our laws permit and Vietnamese policies warrant.
Although progress to date has not always been as fast or as far-reaching as we had
hoped, movement continues in the right direction. Yesterday, as I said, we signed an
important agreement to protect intellectual property. This morning, I was honored to .
participate in the ceremony commemorating the start of construction at our Con~ulate-to
be here in Ho Chi Minh City, and never has a Consulate been needed more.
I have also authorized the Trade and Development Agency to consider Vietnam for the
full range of its programs. This will be the first U.S. agency directly supporting
American investment in Vietnam, and I am confident it will not be the last.
•
I
In this connection, I was very encouraged by commitments I received yesterday from the
Vietnamese officials concerning the refugee resettling program. The officials
acknowledged that problems had occurred at the outset but promise significantly more
rapid progress from here on out. If that progress materializes, I expect to be able to _
recommend to President Clinton that he waive the Jackson-Vanik provision very soon.
And as you know, this would then clear the way or Ex-ImBank and a number of other
programs .
Finally, we are continuing with efforts to reach a comprehensive trade agreement, which
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�Secretary of State Remarks
Page 2 of2
is a prerequisite to fully normal trade relations. Caution in all this is that it takes two to
reach a trade agreement. An agreement that does not open markets and assure fair
treatment for U.S. investment, goods and services neither can nor should pass muster
with Congress.
j
•
The members of the American business community have played a key role in facilitating
closer relations between the United States and Vietnam. You have supported our efforts
which have been successful to gain the cooperation of the government and seeking the
fullest possible accounting of American POW/MIA. You are an ally in our effort-- so far
not so successful -- to convince the government to provide greater economic openness
with greater political openness and fuller respect for human rights for all individuals.
And as I look down here, there are some people that I just saw as I was looking at
Operation Smile which I think is a very good example of how American humaneness,
with American businesses-- which is also humane-- is helping the children of Vietnam.
What better example of cooperation among all of us to bring progress.
You, the business community, are pioneers who are in Vietnam because you understand
the quality of the people here. You believe in the potential of this society, and you have
faith in the future. I think you are right on all counts. Patience is not always a virtue, but
in this case I believe it will in fact be rewarded.
As Secretary of State, I can assure you that we will do everything appropriate to support
and assist you. We want to make sure that you are treated fairly and we want you to
succeed .
•
very
pleased UiatAffierica is being represented. here~in ·
.
. _·- _Finally; kt, ~esay that-lams:uch_a responsible and diy~rse business community, by private voluntary---:'
organizations that are·working·to repair the legacy of the war'while ·also looking to the ·'
/rutille, ang by and-Ambassador whois Clearl)i tlie-oestpersoifthafPiesiderir Cliritorc ·-coula-have chosen to bring the United States and Vietnam close together. Ambassador
P~terson is.one ofthe most remarkable people that I have ever met and he is exactly the
~mbodime~t 9[ reconciliation and what is necessary to bring this society closer to the
United States. So I am very grateful to be here with Ambassador Peterson, and I am very
grateful to all of you for giving.a lot ofvroom to the pizzazz that I see in Ho Chi Minh
City.
. .
i __
Vietnam,by
Thank you very much.
(###)
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�97/06/28 Albright and Amb. Peterson at ground-breaking ceremony
Page 1 of2
l+s >BAr&Rl?AoL -ud~
•
)6t-~t1rro
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and
Ambassador Pete Peterson
~~tp.~~s ~t_G~o~<l::~r_eaking C~I]lony-at Gonsulate Site
}:lo Cli1 Mmh C1ty, V1etham,--June 28, 19?_7 ~J
As-released-oy the Office.o(the-SpoKesman in Hong Kong,
June 29, 1997
U.S. Department of State
~(qo0 11 ~ vn
AMBASSADOR PETERSON: Good morning. Your Excellency, Deputy Chairman of
the People's Committee, Vu Hung Viet, Your Excellency Ambassador Vu Hai Bong,
distinguished guests, I am very pleased to be here at this historic event, my first official
public appearance in Ho Chi Minh City. I can think of no happier occasion at which to
begin my official duties here. I am doubly honored today, first by the presence of so
many distinguished representatives of the government of Vietnam and of this beautiful
city, particularly that of Deputy Chairman Viet whose support for the construction of this
beautiful building is deeply appreciated. I want to thank Canadian Ambassador Christine
Desloges and all the Consul Generals accredited here, academia, business, the American
community. I am especially honored by the presence of our Secretary of State,
Madeleine Albright.
•
Secretary Albright was nominated by the President, confirmed unanimously by the
Senate and sworn in as the 64th Secretary of State on January 23, 1997. She is the first
female Secretary of the United State and the highest ranking woman in the United States
Government.
Prior to her appointment, Secretary Albright served as the United States Permanent
Representative to the United Nations and concurrently as a member of the National
Security Council. As an educator, she was a research professor of international affairs
and director of women in the foreign service program at Georgetown University. She is
the mother of three beautiful daughters. She is a woman steeled by her experiences in
war, enlightened by work in academia who has demonstrated great wisdom as a public
servant. Ladies and gentlemen, it gives me great pleasure to introduce to you the
Honorable Madeleine Albright, Secretary of State of the United States.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Thank you very much. Ambassador Peterson, our
distinguished friends from Vietnam, members ofthe diplomatic community, friends and
guests, I really am delighted to be here this morning. As some ofyo_u know, I have had a
little experience lately with opening days. This is, however, the first time at any .
ceremony that I have been asked to throw out the first brick. More accurately, I am
honored to lay in the first brick of what will become the symbol and substance of
America's first official diplomatic presence in a quarter century here in dynamic southern
Vietnam.
The establishment of this Consulate, and its sister Consulate in San Francisco is another
significant mile post in the development ofU.S.-Vietnam relations. I want to express my
special appreciation and thanks to the authorities here in Ho Chi Minh City who have ·
been of enormous help in preparing the way for this new and magnificent facility.
•
We stand here in a historical spot and this Consulate-to-be reflects, in particular, the
increasing multifaceted nature of our bilateral relationship. U.S.-Vietnamese ties have
broadened steadily as we have been able to deal more and more successfully with the
legacy of the past and thereby been able to focus more and more of our attention on the
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97/06/28 Albright and Amb. Peterson at ground-breaking ceremony
Page 2 of2
I
••
promise of the future. And it will be a very, very busy future. When this Consulate
General is fully up and running, it will be_Qne-ofour-busiest-visa-issuing posts:-We
expect the Consulate to process between 16~000 to 20;000 immigrant -visa applications
and about 75,000 non-immigrant application per year.
It will provide needed services to the more than 3,000 Americans who live in the area
and the tens of thousands annually who visit. It will improve our ability to monitor the
effort to achieve our highest priority in Vietnam which is to obtain the fullest possible
accounting of Americans still missing or otherwise unaccounted for from the war in
Southeast Asia.
It will enhance our capacity to pursue concerns ort human rights. It will assist the ·
American business conlln.unity which is conc.entrated here in the south and it will
accelerate refugee re-processing which has been an important humanitarian goal.
For Ambassador Peterson, a brick from the building in which he was once imprisoned
has become a symbolic cornerstone of rebuilding in Vietnam--re-building not prisons,
but businesses and hospital and schools. Re-building, as well, a structure of cooperation
between two peoples on a shared journey from tragic conflict to deepening mutual
respect.
It is in the same spirit that I will lay in a brick as a symbol of America's renewed
diplomatic presence, and of America's commitment to continued progress towards full
reconciliation and normalization between our people and the people of Vietnam.
•
And now the task.
AMBASSADOR PETERSON: On this occasion, the Secretary will lay this brick which
·will become part ofthe permanent building when constructed which states, "Site
Dedicated by Madeleine K. Albright, June 28, 1997."
(###) .
Return to the Secretary's Home Page. Return to the DOSFAN Home Page.
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'..__
•
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�97/06/28 Albright: Central Vocational School for Handicapped
Page 1 of3
'
•
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
_Press briefing,_ Central Vocational School for Handicapped Persons
LHo_Chi M!I_!h City, Vietnam,· June,28,-1997 - '·1
As released by the Office of-the.Spokesman-in-Hong Kong,
June 29, 1997
U.S. Department of State
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, the Chinese have announced that they are putting an
extra 4,000 troops into Hong Kong on July 1st, and Patton has denounced this move.·
Even if it may not violate the legal commitments that they have, he said it's a bad
symbol. How do you feel about it?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I said when I announced that I was going there for the
reversion ceremony it was not just to be present at the historic occasion but also to
underline the fact that the United States is going to be watching how the reversion is
carried out for a period of time. I think that what is important here is for the Chinese to
live up to commitments that have been made in the Sino-British agreement and to
provide reassurances to the people of Hong Kong that their way of life will continue to
exist and be protected. It is not just a situation now where actions can be taken that are
permitted in the agreement, but the signals that are sent and the message that goes out
and also the actions generally that are taken. This is not just a situation which is going to
take place on July 1st, but a continuing evolving situation of how the way oflife of Hong
Kong will iri fact be protected .
QUESTION: But do you think this particular situation is inappropriate?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think the issue here, as I have said, is not just what is in
the agreement but basically what message it sends.
QUESTION: Is it a negative message?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think we have to make some judgments as we watch
this. I think the issue here is one where the Chinese are taking over the sovereignty of a
portion of their territory, and we have to watch generally not just what actions are being
taken but what the signal is that it is sending.
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, on such a historic occasion can you tell us the
significance of your laying the cornerstone? Whether it is going to be possible to get past
the war to move into a different relationship?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: What has really moved me.so_deeply_her~ the last couple
of day§ is. that it is y_ery _hard to get away from the pasdWe all, whether Americans or ~
__./ Vietnamese, are never going to be fully able to put the past behind us. But whatLhave__ ';
C-. been deeply moved by is the desire of tliepe·opk too look-towato~tlie-ffifure: Whetller I
-liaVebeen-talking·to or-meeting-Vietnamese· peopfeorwhether-fall(irig-to the l)usiness
community, or the diplomatic community. Generally, there is just a sense of the desire to
move forward.
•
Symbolically, I think there in the shadow of that embassy that we all have seen so much
of, and to be able to lay a brick for not just an American Consulate, but an American
Consulate in Ho Chi Minh City, where in fact it seems evident to me that Americans are
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�Page 2 of3
97/06/28 Albright: Central Vocational School for Handicapped ·
•
very welcome. Ambassador Peterson, who himself is an embodiment of the need to
move forward, has said that this is going to be the third largest or the third busiest
consulate that we have in terms of the issuance of visas and the work that they do. So, I
think this morning was very symbolic ofhaving the shadow of the past but basically
being prepared to lay a foundation for the future.
QUESTION: As you look at much of the suffering you have seen today, do you, as you
leave here, take with you any sense of a need for the United States to do more? Realizing
of co·urse that means are very limited, the pie is only so big?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think that I am impressed with what we are doing. I
think we have a program. Let me just say that I happen to believe we ought to do more in
...A_)Ot O(.P-laces,_and_that the.pie is too smallflam-very·impressed"at·what·is·going Oll
}
\ here,-which is the c_ombinatio_n Qf private volunteerism,-the-support-ofthe business-' community. I founO, for instance, at Operation Smile a tripartite cooperation among
doctors and individuals and businesses in support of a program. But what I think we need
to do is broaden and deepen our relations. What we have said is that the political
relations have now been restored through the presence of Ambassador Peterson here and
what I tried to do on this trip was to deliver the message both to the officials and to
businesses. But it is very important for us to broaden and deepen our economic
relationships now. I think we have obviously a very special relationship with the people
of Vietnam. One that came out of suffering, and we obviously have a special sense that
there is a future here which Americans and Vietnamese can share.
•
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, you've said just now that you think the Vietnamese are
ready to look to the future. Do you think the American people and government are ready
to the future? You've been raising a number of issues that are still proble_ms-between-the--- .,
ctwo countries that are still impediments to a real economic relationship. Is America ready ___ . J
: - toJook at Vietnam as a country rather than a war?
>
----------
------------------~--~-----
.. j
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think that we are moving in that direction and it all
comes- from the fact we have been laying great stress on our top priority which is an
accounting of the POW/MIAs. I think clearly the process of trying to have that
accounting taking place is very impressive. President Clinton has said that he is satisfied
with the way that it is moving forward and that it has to continue; And I think the fact
that we are opening a Consulate here which will make it possible for Americans to come
here and Vietnamese to go to the United States is a sign I think of a increased
· normalization in relationships. But I think we have to tell the story more. I think what I
have been impressed by is the ability of the people here to move beyond the horrors of
the past to the future. I think, with the healing of wounds,-itwill-be-possible.for that to
t _
happen. J.keep repeating that I do believe that Ambassador Peterson is the single best
r :emissary of that message, both here and in the United States.-And if he can get over the
1___past,_so_can eyerybpdy else. __ - ·
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, we spend apparently about $10 million a year trying to
make a final accounting for the last forty-eight cases as the dead. We spend less than $3
·
million a year on assistance to the living. Is this the right proportion?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think that one can not discount the emotional nature of
the POW/MIA issue for the American people. The President and all of us are committed
to doing everything we can to get a full accounting. And I think it is very important. In
fact, the past can be put behind us. And, I think it is very hard always to assess where
money is well spent. But the truth of the matter is that this is a deeply emotional issue for
the American people, and I think we have to deal with it and an accounting is the way to
do it. And I was very impressed with the process that was taking place.
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�97/06/28 Albright: Central Vocational School for Handicapped
Page 3 of3
,
QUESTION: Madam Secretary, much of the Vietnamese population is under the age of
twenty-five. Do you think that the spread of American culture is actually having more an
impact on them than the war ever did?
•
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: We are always very impressed with how the young can
adjust to what it is that they are seeing and their ability, which some of us that older do
not have, is to live in the future, and to see the opportunities of being a part of the
international community. Vietnam has that opportunity now. Cleady, I think the thing
that has impressed me probably more deeply than anything else here is the dynamism
and the sense of hope and a spirit that people want to look forward. As I look around
there is kind of sensory overload. But you see so many young people out doing various
things and I think those young people can look forward and are enthusiastic and
optimistic are the wave of the future. Not only in Vietnam but obviously every where.
Thank you very much.
(###)
•
Return to the Secretary's Home Page. Return to the DOSF AN Home Page.
This is an official U.S. Government source for information on the WWW. Inclusion of non-U.S .
Government links does not imply endorsement of contents .
•
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'
10/16/2000
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Vietnam [binder] [3]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-003-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e240c9d3416a2a29512540121e2e1eeb.pdf
82919866e4e42e774766d367ef60d8e3
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
Vietnam [binder] [4]
,
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
,
Original OAIID Number:
4021
Row:
Section: . Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
~
1
v
9
��American Embassy Hanoi- Ambassador's Speeches
I
Page 1 of8
U.S. Ambassador Testimony on Vietnam Trade Status
(Integration gives Vietnam greater global stake)
Date: o6j18j1999
· Washington-- A prosperous Vietnam integrated into world markets and
regional organizations will contribute to regional stability, according to
Douglas "Pete" Peterson, U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam .
Extending the Jackson-Vanik waiver to the Trade Act of 1974, which
renews Vietnams normal trade status with the United States, and taking
other steps along the path of normalization, will encourage Vietnam's
on-going transition, he said.
In testimony before the House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Trade
June 17, Peterson said: "The U.S. seeks to encourage Vietnam along the
path of reform so that as it enters the 21st century, it will become a
reliable and peaceful regional and international player. The best way to
achieve this is to work with other nations to increase trade, the free flow
of information and know-how, and people-to-people exchanges with
Vietnam."
•
As Vietnam increasingly integrates itselfjnto regiomil organizations l~ke
the Association of Southeast Asjan Nations-(ASEAN) and-the Asia- , '
Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum; Peterson said, it gains a
greater stake in being a constructive world player. ·
Vietnam," he emphasized, "has also placed high priority on improving
relations with the United States. It is in our national interest to respond
positively to these overtures."
..
Peterson dismissed critics of U.S. policy who advocah:! -cutting off contact
with the_ country and its cominlihist regime.'"To do so would be to deny
-~~_;otifselves the most~effective tool_we have to encourage the process-of- -· ·
change-in.:Yietnam ,"he said.. "As Vietnam liasopenedtotliew6rld, ·~
p~rmt~ting foreign goo_ds, ideas, people and inyestm.~nt to enter its ·- ~orders, f~m-~i~!~-~~~~~e has o~~l!~re_d.~' __· __ -·--- . >
••
Vietnam will evolve into a more open society, Peterson said. "But change
comes in increments."
Following is the text of Peterson's testimony, as prepared for delivery:
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�American Embassy Hanoi - Ambassador's Speeches
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Page 2 of8
(begin text)
TESTIMONY OF
DOUGLAS "PETE" PETERSON
U.S. AMBASSADOR TO VIETNAM
\
HOUSE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
SUBCOMMITTEE ON TRADE
JUNE 17, 1999
I
I
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you for once again inviting me to
consult with you about the President's decision to discuss Vietnam's
Jackson-Vanik waiver for another year. Last year, I told you that U.S.
engagement with Vietnam had produced progress on top-priority U.S.
foreign policy goals in Vietnam. This year, too, has been marked by
progress in the effort to account for our missing from the Vietnam War
(MIA issue), freedom of emigration, improving respect for human rights,
promoting regional stability and opening markets for U.S. business.
Since it was first granted in March 1998, the Jackson-Vanik waiver has
been an essential component our policy of engagement and has directly
furthered progress with Vietnam on these and other U.S. policy goals. I
am confident that extension of the waiver this year will continue to
advance U.S. national interests in Vietnam.
In June 1998, when we asked Congress to support the waiver, we had
only a very short track record to judge the impact of the Jackson-Vanik
waiver in achieving the results it was intended to achieve. We had more
hopes than we had evidence. We promised then to review our
achievements after one year. Now, a year later, clearer evidence is in, and
overall our hopes have been well-rewarded. The results have been very
positive. We have made good progress on emigration issues and expect
imminent completion of a number of special refugee programs in
Vietnam . The waiver, itself, has substantially promoted greater freedom.
of emigration from Vietnam; the primary objective of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment. The waiver has helped the U.S. government influence
Vietnam's progress toward an open, market-oriented economy. It has
also benefited U.S. business by making available a number of U.S.
government trade promotion and investment support programs that
enhance their ability to compete in this potentially important market. At
the same time, Vietnam has continued to work with us closely on the
MIA issue where we are moving from cooperation to what we hope will
be a partnership. The U.S. policy of engagement has built on Vietnam's
own policy of political and economic reintegration with the rest of the
world which led most recently to Vietnam's admission to the Asia Pacific
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�American Embassy Hanoi - Ambassador's Speeches
I
Page 3 of8
Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. We also have seen some
improvements in Vietnam's human rights performance, although the
picture there is still mixed.
President Clinton decided on June 3 to extend Vietnam's Jackson-Vanik
waiver because he determined that doing so would substantially promote
greater freedom of emigration in the future in Vietnam . He based this
determination on the country's record of progress on emigration and on
Vietnam's continued and intensified cooperation on U.S. refugee
programs. Overall Vietnam's emigrClti()n policy has opened considerably
in the last decade and a ·haif: As- a consequence, over 500,000
:vietnamese have emigrated as refugees or immigrants to the United~r States under the Orderly Departure Program (ODP), and only a small
' number ofrefugee applications remain.
Thousands of Vietnamese have left Vietnam and gained admission to the
United States under our immigration laws. In 1998,9,742 immigrant
visas were issued to Vietnamese under ODP. The Department of State
expects that over 25,000 Vietnamese will apply for immigrant visas in
this fiscal year and projects that number to rise to 30,000 in fiscal year
(FY) 2000.
.
•
Understandably, greater scrutiny has been given to Vietnam's
performance on those special refugee programs established by the
United States as part of our humanitarian response to the consequences
of the war including the program for Former Re-education Camp .
Detainees ("HO") and the Resettlement Opportunity for Vietnamese
Returnees (ROVR). I am pleased to be able to inform you that Vietnam's
cooperation has intensified in the last year, in large part as result of the
Jackson-Vanik waiver. Consequently, we anticipate that we will
complete processing of nearly all the current ODP caseloads, including
ROVR, before the end of this fiscal year. Vietnam has pledged to take all
necessary steps to meet this goal. Moreover, the Vietnamese government
recently agreed to help implement our decision to resume the ODP
program for former U.S. government employees that we suspended in
1996.
After getting off to a disappointing start, ROVR processing accelerated
dramatically in 1998 and is nearly completed. As of June 1, 1999, the
Government of Vietnam (GVN) had cleared for interview 19,975
individuals, or 96 percent of the ROVR applicants. By contrast, at this
time last year, the GVN had cleared 78 percent of applicants. The
Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) has approved 15,833
ROVR applicants for admission to the United States as refugees, 14,715
of whom have departed Vietnam .
I
At the end of May 1998, the GVN had not yet taken action on 1,353
ROVR cases. By June 1 of this year, the GVN reduced that number to 79
cases. Likewise, progress has been made on cases initially denied
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�Page 4 of8
American Embassy Hanoi- Ambassador's Speeches
I
clearance for interview by the GVN. As of May 1998, 776 cases were
listed by the Vietnamese as having been denied clearance for interview.
Most were denied because of incorrect addresses or the failure of
individuals eligible for ROVR to attend a clearance interview. ODP
provided updated information to the GVN, and as result, many denials
were reversed and the number of cases denied clearance fell to 422 cases
by the beginning of this month.
ODP has given particular attention to completion of the HO program for
applicants detained for at least three years in a re-education camp
because of their association with the USG.
As of the end of May, there were only 287 HO cases involving 1,480
individuals who had not yet been interviewed by the INS. A sub-group of
the HO program consists of applicants covered by the "McCain
amendment," which includes eligible sons and daughters of former reeducation camp detainees who were approved for entry into the United
States as refugees before April1, 1995. At the end of May, there were
only 558 cases remaining. The primary obstacle to processing the
remaining HO and McCain Amendment case loads is failure of the
applicants to apply to the GVN for exit permission, a factor beyond the
control of either the Vietnamese or the U.S. governments.
I
As these programs draw to a close, U.S. officials will work closely with
the Vietnamese to ensure that all interested applicants have the
opportunity to be interviewed, and if qualified, emigrate to the United
States. Completion of ODP and ROVR programs will not mean the end
of U.S. refugee processing in Vietnam . We are designing a new program
to address the rescue needs of individuals who have suffered recent
persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership of a
particular social group, or political opinion. In sum, I expect Vietnam's
cooperation on immigration will continue and be reinforced with the
extension of the Jackson-Vanik waiver.
Whenever consideration is given to taking any action with respect to the
normalization of our bilateral relatiO!l$_hip with-Vietnam-,.WeJ!lUSt
review progress on obtaining the~'!fullest possible accounting" for our
missing from the Vietnam War. This remains our bighestpriority_with
Vietnam ,_one_of_gr~_Cit :Qersonal interest to me. Here, Jam pleased Jobe
able.t<:>"say Vietnam's cooperation on obtaining the fullesf"possible
c· --- accounting of our missing from· the Vietnam.war continues to be
--- .
,
.
r excellent. As a result, the President once agam Issued, on February 3, a
-- -- determination that Vietnam is "fully cooperating in good faith with the
United States;" Since the President made his annual review for this
determination, the United States and Vietnam have conducted three
Joint Field Activities; we have repatriated six remains and identified
remains of nine individuals representing eight cases; and Vietnamese
teams have provided reports regarding their unilateral investigations of
· 38 cases. In addition, the Vietnamese recently provided 12 documents in .
'c.
I
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-·--
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�Page 5 of8
American Embassy Hanoi - Ambassador's Speeches
•
two separate turnovers to support a U.S. study of Vietnam's collection
and repatriation of American remains. Also, since December 1~ 1998,
Vietnam has identified eight witnesses for participation in future
trilateral investigations in Laos.
Nonetheless, we have seen some improvements which we believe can be
attributed to deepening U.S. engagement with Vietnam as well as to
Vietnam's increased contact with the outside world. In recent years,
increased citizen-to-citizen contacts through the media:, internet, trade
and investment, travel and cultural and educational exchanges have
exposed the Vietnamese people to international standards and values.
Let me tell you about several important gains that have been made. Last
•
~~
.
.
.
.
observance also have improved
,.,
•
··'
by the Vietnamese Gener~a~il"~~~i~~~mf~;{.
Labor, the party-dominated umbrella labor organization, suggests
perceptible progress in the regime's attitude toward independent worker
activities. The GVN is currently drafting legislation on freedom of
association. Improvements are also being made in collective bargaining.
Multi-year contacts are increasingly being negotiated. And, labor leaders
are more responsive to worker concerns in selecting the issues to address
in contracts .
We have both ongoing and regularly scheduled dialogues with Vietnam
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�.American Embassy Hanoi - Ambassador's Speeches
Page 6 of8
on the issue of human rights. These discussions offer a constructive
forum where the U.S. government can inform Vietnam of U.S. views and
concerns and to press for progress. The next human rights dialogue is
scheduled for July 12-14. We will raise freedom of speech, association
and religion, Vietnam's administrative detention decree, prison
conditions, labor rights, information on former prisoners of conscience,
as well as specific detention cases of concern.
I
Between rounds, the pressure on the Vietnamese does not abate. My
staff and I, as well as State Department officials here in Washington,
raise human rights concerns at every opportunity and at the highest
levels. _Secretary Albright discussed human rights with Vietnamese
Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Nguyen Manh Cam when
,
he
Witli her-last ·october. Ambassadorfor ·Religious-Affairs·Robert---- Seiple plans to visit Vietnam next month. The objective of all of these
encounters is to engage the Vietnamese and persuade them to make
positive changes. The more we engage, the greater opportunity we h~ve
to urge greater respect for human rights.
--·· ...... - -· .. ..
(
met
("/
(
•
.
.
.
.
'
Vietnam-f;~es·-~any ser~ous economic issues as it enters the 21st
century, ones with significant social and political ramifications. It must
cope with globalization by integrating into the regional and world
economy. It must promote development of the private sector to increase
economic productivity and sufficient growth to meet the aspirations of a
young and growing population. It must develop a transparent,
predictable business climate based on the rule of law. And it must
complete the transition from a centrally planned to a market economy.
The Vietnamese leadership has recognized the need to pursue these
goals, and gradually, progress is being made.
U.S. business still finds Vietnam a tough place to operate. Reform has
not progressed at the pace that many had hoped. Nonetheless, U.S.
businesses continue to view this nation of nearly 78 million as an
important, potentially lucrative market. They believe that the U.S.
government has an important role to play in encouraging the GVN to
accelerate and broaden its program of economic reform. For business
too, the answer is engagement not isolation.
I
Bilateral trade negotiations and WTO accession provide additional
leverage, holding out the prospect of normal trade relations. These
processes provide us with the opportunity to obtain from the Vietnamese
commitments to undertake necessary economic reforms and to make
changes to their trade and investment regimes that will directly benefit
U.S. businesses. This week in Washington, another round of
negotiations on the bilateral trade agreement is taking place, and I feel
that an agreement may be within reach in the coming weeks. This
agreement is necessary if we are to fully normalize our bilateral
relationship extending normal trade relations to the country. It also will
act as a catalyst to simulate fundamental and far-reaching economic
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reforms improving the transparency and predictability of its business
regime and moving Vietnam significantly closer to WTO and other
international economic standards~1iit"act~rominent-dissident- Nguyen ____ _
Dan ·Que;ina·June i3comiiiun1que, announced his support for a , - __ .
bilateral trade agreement based on his beliei tliattheagreement would
·be a force for change in Vietnam . And it will be open-up.Vietnam's
'economycreatingnew, cominerdally'in.eaningful opportunities for u.s.
firms. Withdrawal of the waiver at this time would certainly derail these
negotiations at a critical juncture.
--)
U.S. business also· benefits from continued access to U.S. government
export promotion and investment support programs such as those
offered by the Export-Import Bank (EXIM), the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation (OPIC), the U.S. Department of Agriculture
(USDA) and the Trade and Development Agency (TDA). U.S.
manufacturers, farmers and workers stand to gain significant
opportunities from these programs, including opportunities that lead to
the development of jobs in the U.S. OPIC financing and insurance
programs are available for U.S. investors and several potential projects
are currently in the pipeline. EXIM is putting the finishing touches on
agreements which will allow it to make a range of export support
programs available to U.S. exporters. USDA also has made available
grants and credit guarantees that will open the Vietnamese market to
increased U.S. agricultural exports.
·
TDA has made numerous grants for feasibility studies that will give U.S.
companies the leg up to win project bid. These programs have just begun
operating since last year as a result of the Jackson-Vanik waiver, and we
now stand poised to reap the considerable benefits they have to offer.
Withdrawal of the waiver would end the availability of these programs to
our businesses operating in Vietnam , restricting their ability to compete
on a level playing field with Asian and European competitors who have
access to similar programs.
A prosperous-Vietnam integrated into world markets and regional.
organize!tlQJ;l§. :will contribute to regional stability. The U.S. seeks to .
encourage Vietnam along the path of reform so that as-it entersthe.21st
. century, i~ "Yill b~come. a_reliable and peaceful regional and international
~ pl(!yer. Tge best way to achiev~ this isto work withothernations to
increase trade, the free flow of information and know-how, and peopleeta-people excll.anges with Vietnam_. Vietnam itself decided over a decade
ago 'to embark on an economic reform program, known as doi moi, and a
policy of political and economic reintegration with the world. Already a
member of ASEAN since 1995, Vietnam took another step forward when
itjoinedAPEC in November 1998. As Vietnam increasingly integrates
itself into these regional organizations and the rest of the international
community, it gains a greater stake in being a constructive world player.
Vietnam has also placed high priority on improving relations with the
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United States. It is in our national interest to respond positively to these
overtures.
To those who would argue that rather than incrementally normalizing
our relationship with Vietnam , we should eschew further contact with
the country and its communist regime and withdraw the Jackson-Vanik
waiver from Vietnam , I would reply that to do so would be to deny
ourselves the most effective tool we have to encourage the process of
change in Vietnam . As Vietnam has opened to the world, permitting
foreign goods, ideas, people and investment to enter its borders, tangible
change has occurred. Vietnamese society in 1999 bears little resemblance
to the isolated, bankrupt and tightly-controlled society of a decade ago.
With continued opening of the economy, the middle class will grow, the
population will become more educated and exposed to more ideas, and
Vietnam will continue to evolve to become a more open society. But
change comes in increments. By extending the Jackson-Vanik waiver
and taking other steps along the path of normalization, including
extension of normal trade relations, the U.S. will advance our interest in
encouraging Vietnam's on-going transition.
(end text)
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TEXT: AMB. PETERSON TESTIMONY BEFORE HOUSE TRADE
SUBCOMMITTEE
(Encourages panel to renew Jackson-Vanik MFN waiver)
;
Washington-- U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam Douglas "Pete" Peterson encouraged
members of the House Ways and Mearis Trade Subcommittee to renew the waiver of the
Jackson-Vanik amendment to allow Vietnam most-favored-nation (MFN) trading status.
In testimony before the subcommittee June 18, Peterson applauded President Clinton's
March 10 decision to grant, and later, to renew the Jackson-V anik waiver. Peterson said
renewing the waiver is, "in the national interest of the United States and enhances U.S.
foreign policy goals."
Peterson also stressed the importance of reviewing the progress of locating Prisoners Of
War (POW) and those Missing In Action (MIA). "I have consistently emphasized to the
Vietnamese that obtaining the fullest possible accounting of our missing continues to be
the highest priority in our relations with Vietnam," he said.
According to Peterson, "Vietnam is a nation undergoing an enormous political, economic
and generational transition." Vietnam has made significant strides, Peterson said, in
achieving regional and world integration by joining the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), gaining membership to Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC),
and working towards accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO).
I
"The renewal of the (Jackson-Vanik) waiver will substantially promote greater freedom
of emigration from Vietnam thus fulfilling the major objective of the amendment," he
said.
Although Vietnam does deny or curtail some basic freedoms to its citizens, Peterson
said, engagement with Vietnam has produced tangible results. The prospect of a JacksonVanik waiver, Peterson said, was an important factor last October in loosening its
processing procedures for the Resettlement Opportunity for Vietnamese Returnees
(ROVR). According to Peterson, "Vietnamese performance in implementing the ROVR
agreement has improved dramatically this year."
Following is the text of Peterson's remarks, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
TESTIMONY OF
DOUGLAS "PETE" PETERSON
U.S. AMBASSADOR TO VIETNAM
HOUSE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
SUBCOMMITTEE ON TRADE
JUNE 18, 1998
I
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to consult with you today
about the Jackson-Vanik waiver for Vietnam. As you know, I arrived in Hanoi a little
over a year ago to take up my duties as U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam. This is an
important posting for me personally as I am able to focus on the future and put the past,
and the memories of my earlier years in Hanoi firmly behind me. More to the point,
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through the exchange of ambassadors the United States took another significant step in a
process of incremental.normalization of our bilateral relationship with Vietnam. On
March 10 of this year, the United States took a step forward when the President signed a
determination granting.a Jackson- Vanik waiver for Vietnam. And earlier this month, the
President decided to renew that waiver for a period of one year and has asked for
Congressional concurrence.
The President made the decisions to grant, and later, to renew this waiver, first, because
the Vietnamese Government had taken several positive steps to accelerate immigration
processing as requested by the U.S., second, because it is in the national interest of the
United States and, finally, because the waiver enhances U.S. foreign policy goals. The
record unequivocally shows that incrementally building a bilateral relationship with
Vietnam supports important foreign policy goals of the United States including
POW/MIA accounting, freedom of emigration, human rights, regional stability and
increased U.S. trade with Vietnam.
I
Whenever consideration is given to taking any step in normalizing our bilateral
relationship with Vietnam, it is necessary to once again review progress in the issue of
"fullest possible accounting" for our missing from the Vietnam War. On this point, I can
assure you that no one in this Administration -- and certainly not I -- has forgotten, nor
have we underestimated, the pain and suffering of those who have lost friends and loved
ones in the Vietnam War. I personally expend a significant portion of my time as
Ambassador directly working this issue and have consistently emphasized to the
Vietnamese that obtaining the fullest possible accounting of our missing continues to be
the highest priority in our relations with Vietnam. Every senior American official who
meets with Vietnamese government representatives stresses this point in order to ensure
that there can be no misunderstanding of our position.
. Vietnam does understand the importance of this issue to our government and to the
American people and has been providing us excellent cooperation in our accounting
efforts over the past several years. It was this excellent cooperation that enabled us to
establish diplomatic relations in 1995 and to develop normal relations in other areas of
mutual interest. On March 4 of this year, President Clinton issued a determination that
Vietnam has been "cooperating fully in good faith" with us to account for our missing.
This was the third time the Presidenthas validated Vietnam's cooperation.
Vietnam is a nation undergoing an enormous political, economic and generational
transition. After years of self-imposed isolation from its neighbors and the West,
Vietnam's lead(;(rs have adopted a policy of political and economic reintegration with the
world. At the same time, they also embarked on a policy of domestic renovation, or "Doi
Moi," which sought to reduce the role of central planning and encourage the
development of a free market system, particularly in the agricultural and retail sectors.
This policy unleashed a surge of economic growth in the 1990's and a steady stream of ·
foreign investors and traders going to Vietnam to seek new business opportunities. Our
policy of re-engagement with Vietnam builds on and supports these changes.
A prosperous Vietnam integrated into world markets and regional organizations will
contribute to regional stability. In recent years, Vietnam has made significant strides in
achieving regional integration by joining ASEAN in 1995, gaining membership to APEC
in 1998, and laying the groundwork for its eventual accession to the WTO. The granting
and continuation of a Jackson-Vanik waiver for Vietnam contributes to this positive
trend.
·
I
Insofar as the objectives of the Jackson-Vanik amendment are concerned, renewal of the
waiver will substantially promote greater freedom of emigration from Vietnam thus
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fulfilling the major objective ofthe amendment. I am confident that the prospect of a
Jackson-Vanik waiver was an important factor last October in encouraging Vietnam to
significantly modify its processing procedures for the Resettlement Opportunity for
Vietnamese Returnees (ROVR).
Specifically, Vietnam dropped its requirement for ROVR applicants to obtain an exit
permit prior to interview by INS, a change that has greatly facilitated implementation of
ROVR. Similarly, at the end of April this year, Vietnam modified its procedures for
processing former reeducation camp detainees under the Orderly Departure Program
(ODP), and, on June 3, Vietnam informed us that we may interview all Montagnard ODP
cases using accelerated interview procedures. The prospects for renewal of the JacksonVanik waiver, it is Clear to me, have favorably influenced Vietnam to continue to
facilitate improvements in ODP processing. The current efficiency and acceleration of·
ODP processing demonstrates that the waiver is achieving its desired results.
It should be pointed out that in a broad sense, Vietnam has a solid record of cooperation
over the last 10-15 years in permitting Vietnamese to emigrate to the U.S. Over 480,000
have emigrated to the U.S. via the Orderly Departure Program (ODP), and there are only
about 6,900 ODP applicants remaining to be processed. With the changes in procedures I
mentioned above, we. anticipate that we will be able to complete interviews for
applicants in several of the ODP sub-programs, including ROVR, by the end of 1998.
I
After a slow start initially, Vietnamese performance in implementing the ROVR
agreement has improved dramatically this year. As of June 15, Vietnam has cleared for
interview 15,322 or 82 percent of the 18,786 potential applicants. INS has interviewed
9,892 persons and 3,267 have departed for the U.S. under the program. Both sides are
working to move people through the pipeline as quickly as possible. Vietnam has not yet
provided clearance for 2,463 persons. However, it has provided an accounting for cases;
comprising 1,001 persons, that it has not cleared for interview. These are the remainder
of about 3,000 persons for whom we requested an accounting in January, 1998. We
expect that a significant number of these will. be cleared for interview once we are able to
provide additional information to Vietnamese officials on these outstanding cases.
However, it should be noted that as we near the end of the caseload, we can expect a
slowdown as we begin to process the remaining cases, many of which lack complete
addresses or other pertinent information. Nevertheless, we will continue to seek
information on these cases and an accounting for any cases Vietnam cannot locate or
finds ineligible.
Another area of concern for the U.S. is human rights, and we believe that engagement
with Vietnam has produced tangible results. Vietnam does deny or curtail some basic
freedoms to its citizens, including the freedom of speech, association and religion. There
are a number of people in jail or under house arrest for the peaceful expression of their
political or religious views. We have repeatedly told the Vietnamese that these practices
are unacceptable. I personally press Vietnam for improvement in these areas at every
opportunity and at the highest levels. Senior U.S. officials visiting Vietnam have brought
our concerns to the attention of Vietnamese officials, as did Secretary Albright and
Treasury Secretary Rubin during their visits to Vietnam last year. On May 26, our
Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, led the sixth session of
our bilateral human rights dialogue here in Washington. In that meeting we raised both
general human rights issues as well as specific detention cases of concern to us.
I
Continuing to engage Vietnam and encouraging greater openness and reform are the
keys to improving its respect for human rights. I am convinced that Vietnam's contact
with the outside world has led and will continue to lead to increased openness and
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relaxation of restrictions on personal liberty, in addition to improved access to
information and foreign media. Since normalization, several jailed dissidents have been
released. Over time, contacts via media, internet, trade and investment, travel and
exchanges the Vietnamese will likely move closer to international standards and values
relative to human rights.
Engagement, not isolation, is also the answer for U.S. business. U.S. business views
Vietnam, the twelfth most populous country in the world with a population of nearly 78
million, as an important potential destination for U.S. exports and investment. U.S.
exports to and investment in Vietnam ultimately translate into jobs for U.S. workers. To
be successful, U.S. enterprises seeking to conduct business in Vietnam need access to the
U.S. government trade support and investment promotion programs such as those offered
by the Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im), the Overseas Private Investment Corporation
(OPIC) and the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) in order to compete on a level
playing field with their foreign competitors who have access to similar programs.
Withdrawal of the Jackson-Vanik waiver would deny these important programs to U.S.
businesses operating in Vietnam with the end result that the U.S. jobs that might have
otherwise been created are lost.
:vietnam-is, admittedly, still a dirficult place to db business. -After- nearly a decade of
econ<lffiic;reform,.the pace oftnaiige has slowe · ·an
'".J Financial Crisis and, to some extent, due to e slow decision-making rocess in,
\ Vietnam. While U.S. businesses are not opti : , · _ _
· - erm prospectsfor
.. .increased.activity in Vietnam~ many U.S. businesses remain active -inVietnam and
anticipate improved prospects in the medium to long term. They believe the-U.S.
government has an important role to play in encouraging the government of Vietnam
(GVN) to improve the country's business climate .
Vietnam needs to undertake additional fundamental economic reforms to create the free
trade and open investmentEgimes that will allow Vietnam's economy to grow and
compete internationally. Recent policy changes indicate that the Vietnamese leadership
mjderstari~s that the country's economic perfoiniance will suffer further unless7it remains
._fiiinly committed to carrying out economic reform. This was confirmed to me during a
. :_one-on-one meeting with-v_i~tn<m!'S__prim.e_Mini~ter Khai_on Monday this week. The U.S.
' government has coiisisfeiltly joined the international donorcoriiiiiunity·in urging- - . '
Vietnam to further reform state enterprises, the financial sector and the foreign exchange
system, and to move ahead with trade liberalization.
The U.S. government is using a variety oflevers to encourage Vietnam to undertake
these reforms. We actively engage Vietnamese officials in an on-going dialogue on
economic reform and necessary improvements to their country's business climate.
Bilateral trade negotiations and WTO accession preparations provide leverage, holding
out the prospect of possible MFN treatment in the future. These processes make
available to us opportunities to obtain fromthe Vietnamese commitments to increase
U.S; access to that country's markets and to Make changes to their trade and investment
regime that will directly benefit U.S. businesses.
I
Withdrawal ofthe waiver at this time would certainly derail our trade negotiations. As
you know, a Jackson-Vanik waiver is one prerequisite for MFN trading status; the other
is a completed bilateral trade agreement. Both are necessary if the United States is to
support Vietnam's accession to the WTO. The waiver has already proved to be an useful
tool to seek economic reform and to address U.S. businesses' difficulties in Vietnam.
Shortly after the waiver was granted in March, the Vietnamese demonstrated renewed
interest in concluding the bilateral trade agreement by presenting a vastly improved
proposal. Vietnam's first formal discussions on WTO accession were also set around that
time. Vietnam would likely interpret our failure to renew the J-V waiver to mean that the
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United States is not a committed or credible party in these negotiations.
I
Extension of the Jackson-Vanik waiver for Vietnam directly benefits the United States
by supporting continued Vietnamese cooperation and dialogue on our most important
goals including POW/MIA accounting, emigration and human rights. Furthermore, it
will enhance our ability to credibly promote comprehensive economic reform and greater
international engagement on the part of Vietnam. Finally, by ensuring the continued
availability of U.S. government programs such as those offered by Ex-Im and OPIC to
U.S. business, the waiver will enable U.S. companies to compete effectively in this
potentially lucrative market. As U.S. exports to and investment in Vietnam expand, more
jobs for U.S. workers can be created.
During the 1980's, U.S. policy isolated Vietnam diplomatically and economically. In the
1990's, we have established diplomatic relations, exchanged ambassadors, and began to
normalize our economic ties. We have made significant progress toward achieving our
policy goals since we re-engaged Vietnam. I feel strongly that itis firmly in the U.S.
interest to continue to build a new relationship with Vietnam on a solid foundation of
cooperation on our priority interests.
(end text)
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Text: Ambassador Peterson Testimony on U.S.-Vietnam Trade
(Trade agreement may signal Vietnam on path to reform)
Date: o8/04/1999
Text:
If Vietnam is to succeed economically, it must integrate intoboth the
Asian and global economies and, to do that, it needs a transparent,
predictable business Climate based on the rule of law, and it must move
decisively from a centrally planned to a market economy, according to
Douglas "Pete" Peterson, U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam.
•
In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee August 4,
Peterson said: "The agreement we have recently reached in principal
with Vietnam on a Bilateral Trade Agreement will commit Vietnam to
undertake a broad range of measures to open its markets to U.S. goods,
services and investment and to establish a transparent, predictable
business market within reasonable transition periods. Good
implementation of this agreement, once signed, would signal a
fundamental shiftin Vietnam's economic policy."
That agreement, Peterson said, also may be an indication that Vietnam's
leaders finally are prepared to move forward with economic reforms in
other areas. "This agreement will.produce greater economic freedom and
commercial opportunity for domestic private enterprise empowering the
Vietnamese people to direct their own economic destiny," he said.
Vietnam's leaders recognize the need to pursue reform and are
struggling to pick the right mix of policies, he said. "A prosperous
Vietnam integrated into world markets and regional organizations will
contribute to regional stability," Peterson said. "For these reasons, the
United States seeks to encourage and support the Vietnamese leadership
as it makes crucial decisions on economic reform."
Following is the text of Peterson's testimony, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
I
TESTIMONY OF DOUGLAS "PETE" PETERSON U.S. AMBASSADOR
TO VIETNAM
SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC 'POLICY,
EXPORTS AND TRADE PROMOTION
AND
SUBCOMMITTEE ON EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS
AUGUST 4, 1999
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to provide
you with my views on prospects for the Vietnamese economy and U.S.
business and exports in that market. Vietnam faces many serious
economic issues as it enters the 21st century, all with significant social ·
and political ramifications. If Vietnam is to succeed economically, it
must integrate into both the Asian and global economies. As elsewhere
in Asia, it must promote the private sector to increase productivity and
growth to meet the aspirations of its large and youthful population. To
do all this, it needs a transparent, predictable business climate based on
the rule of law, and it must move decisively from a centrally planned to
market economy.
a
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Vietnam's leaders recognize the need to pursue these goals and are
struggling to pick the right mix of policies and timing to navigate this
difficult course. If they are successful, the Vietnamese economy will grow
and diversify, creating greater economic prosperity and empowering the
Vietnamese people to shape their own destiny. And, if Vietnam succeeds
_
economically, opportunities will expand for U.S. business in this
potentially lucrativ~ market of 78 million people'i.A-prosperous VietnaJ:!l
(imegrateo-iiito-world markets and regional organizations wilt~ontribute
to regional ~tability. For these reasons, the United States seeks to · --encourage and support the Vietnamese leadership as it makes crucial
decisions on economic reform.
When I was nominated to be the first U.S. Ambassador to a unified
Vietnam in 1996, enthusiasm about Vietnam's eco_nQmic future ran high.
f1n-thelate-1g8o's, Vietnam had begun making thetransitionfrom:
J-- command to an-open; market-based econpmy, in a process- known there
, -aig.oi ~ Th: feS'Yt~mpres~iy~, y_i,etnam became one of the- - "":
c-C:fa:stes(rowin econo:; _}h~,_'J9~Jd_
_<l\T~r~g~ng aro~nd-8% annual- /
GD~ growth from 1990 to 1997. Durmg this. same penod there was a
three-fold increase irdnvestmenrana a five-fold increase in domestic
savings. Economic reforms also led to a dramatic increase in foreign
trade, which now represents about So% of GDP, and foreign direct
investment inflows, equivalent to 8% of GDP in 1997. Based on
Vietnam's initiation of market-based reforms and rapid economic
growth in the mid-1990's, some even speculated that Vietnam was
destined to be the next Asian tiger. With the lifting of the U.S. trade
embargo in 1994, U.S. businesses rushed in to catch up to their foreign
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. American Embassy Hanoi - Ambassador's Speeches
competitors that had entered in the early 1990s.
I
, JHowever ,-o:Yi9-97,-VIetnam is economic reform "process-had stagnated. 1
the Asian financial crisis and falling world prices for
Vietnam'scommodity exports~ hit the Vietnainese economy hard irr--·--~
1998, causing exports to drop, foreign investment to plummet and
economic growth to slow dramatically. Many foreign businesses, having
grown weary of the difficult, non-transparent Vietnamese business
climate, began scaling back their operations and investment plans. A few
even left the market altogether.
~_This,_c<mpled with
The prospects for 1999 are little better. The International Monetary
Fund estimates that the Vietnamese economy will grow less than three
. percent this year. In the first quarter, exports and foreign investment
declined over the preVious year's already depressed figures. Vietnamese
· leaders have begun warning the country's population to expect more
belt-tightening before things get better.
I
Meanwhile, uncertain about the possible economic and political
consequences of reinvigorating and broadening the reform process, the
leadership is deeply divided over the content and pace of future
economic reform. Those who favor reform have until now been
stalemated in their efforts by those wary of change. Many worry that ·
economic reform will have unintended social consequences, such as an
increase in unemployment, especially in the inefficient state enterprise
sector. Their concerns have not been assuaged by arguments that recent
economic crises in Asia, Russia and elsewhere were the result of the
failure to reform enough not the failure of reform itself.
We should not ignore the tangible chal}ges al_!'~agy_wrQught in Vietnam _
~y_Jll~_process ofopening to theworl& Vietnamese society in 1999 bears
?little resemblance to the isolated, bankrupt andtightly-controlled soCiety
of-a -ciecade ago. With continued opening and expansion of ec~nomic
opportunity, the middle class will grow, the populatimi will become
more educated and exposed to more ideas, and Vietnam will evolve to
support those
become a more open society. We should ao alf we
;who favor economic liberalization.
--- --- --- -- ·
(
- _ .. --
canto
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The U.S. Government is providing support for economic change in
Vietnam both to maximize the opportunities for U.S. business and to
advance our interests in the rule of law and democracy. Both in Vietnam
and here in Washington, U.S. government officials actively engage
. Vietnamese officials in an ongoing dialogue on economic reform and
necessary improvements to the country's business climate. OPIC
insurance and financing programs are available for U.S. investors. EXIM
is close to signing agreements which will make its export support
programs available to U.S. exporters. We are providing technical
assistance on drafting commercial laws and formulating trade and
investment regime reforms as part of a rule of law program.
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Negotiations on a bilateral trade agreement and accession to the World
Trade Organization (WTO) provide leverage, holding out the prospect of
possible Normal Trade Relations (NTR) treatment in the future. The
agreement we have recently reached in principal with Vietnam on a
Bilateral Trade Agreement will commit Vietnam to undertake a broad
range of measures to open its markets to U.S. goods, services and
investment and to establish a transparent, predictable business market
within reasonable transition periods. Good implementation of this
agreement, once signed, would signal a fundamental shift in Vietnam's
economic policy. It may also indicate that its leaders are now prepared to
move forward with much-needed and long-delayed economic reforms in
other areas. U.S. business will not be the only beneficiary. This
agreement will produce greater economic freedom and commercial .
opportunity for domestic private enterprise empowering the Vietnamese
people to direct their own economic destiny.
We know from past experience that we can achieve significant results by
working in close cooperation with the Vietnamese government. The
excellent cooperation we have received from the Vietnamese government
and people resulted in the repatriation of dozens of remains of our
missing from the war in Vietnam and the collection of vast quantities of
information that will lead to the resolution of many more cases. This
cooperation has formed that foundation of ou_r_bilateral relationship and
has pennjttedus-to move forward in other ateas~IIke-wise, Vietiiarrihas ·-niade consistent progress on emigration-issues,in-recent ye~rs. With - - --- _Vietnam's cooperation, we are approaching completj9~ of many refugee
admissions categories under the Orderly Departure Program.
I am optimistic that Vietnam andits leadership may be poised to turn
the corner on economic reform. Vietnam's PrinCipal Deputy Prime
___. · Minister recently admitted to- the people of Vietnam that the country was
indee_q. fl:1Ging_grim economic prqspec~sa~dthat-failure- to move forward._
quickly With economic refor~ ~~s~JttJ~a~t in.-pait~ a cause. In so doing, ·
he took the first, essential step down the path to-economic reform by. ---admitting that there was a problem, that the government shares
responsibility for this problem, and that economic reform must form
part of the solution.
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'
We can help move this process forward by working with the Vietnamese
on implementation of their commitments under the bilateral trade
agreement. We will then continue working with the Vietnamese on
making the additional changes needed to accede to the WTO. We will
also maintain pressure to· expand economic reform to other areas
including state enterprise privatization, financial sector reform and
movement to a flexible exchange rate regime. U.S. business will benefit.
And the Vietnamese people will become more prosperous and better to
direct their own destiny. The world will benefit as Vietnam becomes
more integrated into regional organizations and the international
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community, gaining a greater stake in being a constructive world player.
I
Background on the Vietnamese Economy
Although traditionally an agricultural-based economy, Vietnam has met
some success in diversifying its economy. Thus, while agriculture's share
of economic output has declined, falling as a share of GDP from 40% in
1990 to 26% in 1997, industrial output has climbed from 22% to 31% in
the same period.
I
Vietnam is heavily dependent on agricultural exports such as rice, coffee,
tea, cashews and rubber for its future economic development. Earnings
from rice and other agricultural exports will remain an important factor
in funding Vietnamese industrialization. Land reform and the
decollectivization of agriculture produced improvements in agricultural
productivity in the 1990s, and the couJ1tiybecame the seconCLJ;m~t--t~
~--exporter of rice in the world~ However; Vietnamese agriculture j
, the lhnifofifs cil:)ilit)ri:o feed Vietnam's population, now growin
L _a year. Industrial development shows the most promise in thee ort
sector, particularly in light industrial products. Most branches of he~-~
industry -- cement, phosphate, steel, etc. -- have stagnated or declined.
State-owned enterprises which comprise most of the limited modern
industrial sector are marked by low productivity and inefficiency, the
result of a command-style economic system applied in an
underdeveloped country. Southern industry-- largely composed of
textiles, food processing and light manufacturing -- is somewhat more
efficient.
Subsidies have been cut to some inefficient state enterprises. The
government has also repeatedly stated its intent to privatize -- or
"equitize" as it is known locally-- state enterprises;, although few
enterprises have been privatized to date. These reforms have not been
sufficient to significantly increase Vietnam's industrial competitiveness.
For the time being, the low quality of the current output of state
enterprises will continue to prevent Vietnam from becoming a world ·
·competitor in advanced manufactured goods. Reform of the state
enterprises has been identified by both the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund as key to promoting higher economic
growth.
·
I
From the late 1970s until the 1990s, Vietnam was heavily dependent on
the Soviet Union and its alliesfor trade and economic assistance. To
compensate for drastic cuts in Soviet-block support after 1989, Vietnam
liberalized trade, devalued its exchange rate to increase exports, and
embarked on a policy of regional and international economic reintegration. As Vietnam's integration into the global community
progressed, bilateral and multilateral aid to the country resumed.
As a result of these reforms, exports expanded significantly, growing by
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..
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>
/20-36%-peryear: By i997; exports accounted for 35%_ofGDP.-Howevei,
--imports also rose during the same period, which led to persistent trade
and current account deficits. Despite strong export growth and
considerable efforts to control import growth, Vietnam rap a $1.7 billion
trade deficit in 1997.
Prospects for Vietnamese exports and overall current account
performance will improve once the country has completed discussions
now underway on accession to the World Trade Organization and for a
Bilateral Trade Agreement with the United States. The Bilateral Trade
. Agreement (on which much work has been done, but some work
remains) must be completed and approved by Congress before Vietnam
receives normal trading rights (formerly known as "most-favored
nation" treatment).
•
Foreign investment in Vietnam> grew rapidly until1997. By the end of
1997, more than 2,200 investment licenses had been issued to foreign
firms valued at $31.4 billion, with firms from East Asia predominating.
As of December 1g97, Singapore firms have received licenses to invest
$4.9 billion in Vietnam>. Other important international sources of
investment include Taiwan, Hong Kong, Japan and South Korea. The
United States is the eighth largest source of foreign investment with
licenses to invest over $1.1 billion in the country. Foreign direct
investment inflows reached an all time high of $2.1 billion in 1997, more
than covering the country's $2 billion current account deficit. However,
structural economic problems and the Asian financial crisis have taken a
toll, causing foreign investment license applications and approvals to fall
dramatically and warning of potential future balance of payments
probleMs. New investment reached only an estimated $8oo million in
1998 and $6oo million in 1999.
Among the serious~Jructura:l-ptol5lenis.that the Vietnamese government--_
must-still address are itEr perennially high current account deficit, a
felatively high level of external indebtedness at 36.6 per-cent ofGDP in . .
1998, and risinglevels of non-performing lo.ans- in the banking sector. In VJ J1
addition, Vietriam's·national saVings rate, at just over 20 percent in
()1
1998, is among the lowest in East Asia and must be raised to fund much
needed public investment. The international community has called for a
bold new round of structural economic reforMs. While the Asian
financial crisis has helped focus >Vietnam's lefd~t.~QI!!he importance of
~Lcontinuing.commitment to economic reform, the reforms implemented
to_ga_te have not adequately addressed the core issues. Both the. World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund have recommended that
Vietnam> promote private sector growth by increasing efficiency and
downsizing state enterprises. This will also require financial sector
reform, trade liberalization, and a flexible exchange rate system. These
reforms could produce higher growth by promoting the development of
small and medium private enterprises and attracting greater foreign and
domestic private investment. International financial institutions have
f
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indicated a willingness to support a well-targeted safety net to ease the
potential social impact. However, to date, the country's leadership has
chosen to follow a less ambitious, slow-paced reform program.
·
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U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam Douglas Peterson Says
Engagement Works with Vietnam
(June 15 Way and Means Testimony on Trade)
--"------·-...,
Datro671sl2ooo_____ .f
·-,___.-.---
U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam Douglas Peterson says engagement works
with Vietnam while urging normalization of trade relations with that
country.
Peterson offered that assessment in testimony before the House Ways
and Means Subcommittee on Trade in a hearing June 15.
The lawmakers were studying whether to support President Clinton's
recommendation to renew the Jackson-Vanik waiver for Vietnam
another year, or to support Representative Dana Rohrabacher's
resolution to deny Vietnam a waiver.
I
Vi~tnam's ceeperation withj>_ow/MfA.accollntingand its policy Qn
(
_.
el!ligration~were··exemplacy~:..Pet~rson-, aformer membetg.ft}le-ffouseof
-·
·· · -- . --=--~ --,._ _·
Representatives-tolcltlie panel. __
( - - - - - - -----
- --- -
- ~-- ~-=-~:--::
--~---------------~
"I am confident that the renewal of the Jackson-Vanik waiver this year
will further enhance the excellent cooperation and coordination we now
receive from Vietnamese officials," Peterson told his one-time
colleagues.
?Tlie-quesf for runeittios_~ilil; ~~~ountirig~or~r.Qw)M:IM tiit!i!!ri~ o~r 3
:rilimnerone foreign policy..priority witlfViefiiarii ~Petersori·-,:-a former~~.prisoner·of warin Vietnam·; said. -·-·-·- ---- -- · · ----- -- - - - --· -- - · - ·--
~
Peterson said he hoped Vietnam would formally agree to its Bilateral
Trade Agreement with the United States iri the near future.
Following is the text of Ambassador Peterson's statement:
(begin text)
JACKSON-VANIKWAIVERFOR VIETNAM,
I
2000
Testimony of Ambassador Douglas Peterson Subcommittee on Trade
Committee on Ways and Means House of Representatives
/
/1'>
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June15,2000
Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you for once again inviting me to
consult with you about the President's decision to waive Jackson-Vanik
again this year. Since the waiver was first granted in March 1998, it has
been an essential component of our policy of engagement with Vietnam .
I am confident this extension of the waiver will continue to advance U.S.
national interests in Vietnam .
Before opening our discussion of the current state of U.S. Vietnam
relations, I thought I might take a brief retrospective look at the history
of our relationship. In three weeks we will celebrate the fifth anniversary
of the normalization of United States-- Vietnam diplomatic relations.
This year also marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the fall of Saigon .
.Anniversaries provide a useful opportunity to put relationships into
some perspective.
-- -T4e~yearsbehveen19is:;~d. -~9-95-;~-l'i_diffi~Jt,_~iwe}acea:both
differences ·over history and our commitments to resolve POW/MJA
~-questions and to <i~E-1 .-"Y!th tb_e_t~Jl~ ofJhousands of refug~~~ fl()wing out
r.-·
•
• _________ /
pfV1etna,:r:n .. Progress smce 1995 has been much smoother, qmcker, and
more sustainable.~ an example; our-successful-and cooperative ~ -~ -- ..
,_ ,emigration programs have paved the way for nearly soo,ooo Vietnamese'
·- · --~~·
· citizens to resettle p~rtri~I!E!!l.!JYJil_theoUn'it~ci St~tes.:
--·
~---
-~
.
-~.
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Much of what has been accomplished over these five years can be·
directly attributed to the vigorous and productive executive/legislative
cooperation that has been developed relative to Vietnam policy. I would
like to take this opportunity to thank the members of this subcommittee
and the members ofthe House for their continuing interest in U.S.Vietnam relations. Your visits to Vietnam , meetings with Vietnamese
leaders visiting Washington, and other congressional interventions on a
wide range of issues have reinforced our policy of engagement. The
House and its members have made clear, both privately and publicly, to
Vietnam's leaders and its people that the United States remains
committed to enhanced U.S.- Vietnam relations. Progress on some
bilateral issues would not have occurred without direct assistance
rendered by members of Congress. In that regard, I would like .
specifically to thank Chairman Archer, Chairman Crane and the
members of this committee for your direct support and counsel.
•
Looking back at the last five years, there ifonecorrunon-theme to
everything involved in the development ofthe relationsliip;-one factor
that should be evident from our experience in Vietnam ~:'engagement
1
c -works.-CJilevecy issue in which we have been able to demonstrate-mutual---- J
l._interests-and in which both sides have been convinced of each other's
commitment to build a relationship, we have made progress. Each side
has made gestures to advance this process -- the United States lifted its
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trade embargo and Vietnam agreed to assume long-term debt and settle
property claims. Vietnam , by joining the ASEAN Regional Forum and
the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum, signaled its desire to play
a constructive role on regional security, trade issues, and economic
development. Vietnam will take over chairmanship of the ASEAN
Standing Committee (ASC) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) after
the July ASEAN Ministerial Meeting. This change marks the first
opportunity for Hanoi to assume leadership positions within ASEAN.
I
Bilaterally, engagement at all levels is building a spirit _of cooperation
-~e~_n o_ur ~~o-~~o~!es a~d p~odu_<;inK.r~su~ts in thos~ .~~eas that are -~ j
; most Important to us -- PO'Y/MIAs, emig!'~-ggn _
_ _, nd ; ·-/
economic reform. Vietnal!}.~~ cooperation --- migration polic
· -test
, -- ':issue for the Jackson-Yai1i~~aiv.er,.is_e m __ .~, n e past ve-years,
wehavecompletea nearly all immigration processing under the Orderly
Departure Program, Resettlement Opportunities for Vietnamese
Returnees (ROVR) sub-program, the Former Re- education Camp
Detainees ("HO") program, and the Montagnard programs. Since I last
spoke to you, a total of 3786 persons have departed Vietnam and resettled in the United States under all of our various refugee programs.
r-
This year we relocated refugee and resettlement processing from our
Embassy in Bangkok to our full-service Consulate General in Ho Chi
Minh City. This move has enhanced our ability to provide essential
services~ While this move was accomplished relatively smoothly, there
have been some start-up pains. We still hope to finish processing of
eligible applican~s under the ODP and ROVRprograms by the end of this
calendar year }I wanfto-empnasize tnatweWill not-consider our refugee
--programs to be complete~l'until the last eligible applicant has had the··.,
~ opportunity to be interviewed, or. we.have an.acceptable aG_C9l!nting of; ·
'~ each case. Vietnamese officials have continued their excellent -- ---··----cooperation over this past year and we will continue to build on this
strong foundation to gain authorization to interview all those who wish
to be interviewed for rese:ttlement in the United States under all refugee
and related programs. I am confident that the renewal of the JacksonVanik waiver this year will further enhance the excellent cooperation and
coordination we now receive from Vietnamese officials.
r
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~~·
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Li~e emigration, ~e- have establish;d ~~ i~pr~~si~~- spirit ~f cooperation
;- -·with the Vietnamese in the search for our servicemen and women still- , .
missing in action-from the war. In March Secretary Cohen's-vfsit
-~
. provided an enormous boost to our progress in building the people-topeople relationships that are slowly replacing suspicion with trust and
understanding. This is vitally important at this juncture because we have
finished the easy work; the tasks ahead are becoming progressively more
difficult. We are now searching in some of the most difficult and
dangerous terrain in the world -- in thick primeval jungle and on top of
rugged mountain peaks. We face unpredictable weather conditions from
torrential rains and high winds, along with increasingly treacherous
r___
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situations involving the clearing of unexploded ordinance. Nonetheless,
young volunteer American servicemen and women and their Vietnamese
counterparts continue to brave these severe and highly dangerous
conditions to locate the remains of our MIAs. I am never more proud
than when I meet these young people, most of whom were born well
after any of the loss incidents they are investigating.
I
Vietnam continues to support tpe-Presideiit's Four-Measur~~ 9L_-
}'
~C60perationorftlie.POW/MIA issue. Sipce1<j§3,-H1irty-nine (39) Joirit
,_ field·activities have-beerY conducted in-Vietnam , 288 possible American
·remains have been repatriated, and the remains of 135 formerly
unaccounted for American servicemen have been identified, including 26
since January 1999~-_This·would not·have·been·possible Without bilateral
~·
l~~~~~*~~i~~llie~t!~:Y~~t~;be~~t~!t~:.!'~1:~ ~~t41
')J'A
men. Many of the American losses occurred in Laos and Cambodia. To.
date, Vietnam has provided 39 witnesses for investigation of possible
loss sites along the border and within Laos and Cambodia. The
Vietnamese continue to provide documents and films to investigation
teams. Since 1993, approximately 28,000 items have been reviewed for
possible information that would lead to an accounting for our fallen
comrades. As presented here, Vietnam's cooperation in our efforts to
account for missing Americans from the Vietnam War remains excellent
and in good faith; without such cooperation, clost,1r~ for the m<!!lY_ __ _
families of our missing warriors would not occur.fL~thie assure)~Q!J., the --~)
quest for fullest po~sible accounting·o(PQW./M!~ re_m~in_~ o11f number
~~one-fo~~~~?J>olicypriority with.Yj~:tnartr..
-- ·
<-~
~----
Since my posting to Hanoi!,-:-l haveseen sJ.gnificant: hurilar{ dghts - - - l
we liave --·additional worKto-ao-inencouraging Vietnam to make further
improvements in this critical area. I share with the Congress and the
people of the United States a deep concern for the human rights
situation in Vietnam. We have established a serious dialogue with the
Vietnamese on human rights issues, and, just last week, we held annual
high-level human rights discussions with Vietnam's representatives here
in Washington. Secretary Albright raised human rights issues with
Vietnamese senior leadership during her visit last year. In addition, my
staff and I constantly work with Vietnamese officials to keep this issue a
cornerstone of the bilateral relationship. I am pleased to report that our
policy of engagement and dialogue has produced encouraging results.
i~iniprovemerits in Vietnam. lt-is-hofaperfecfsftlia'tlon
I
an'd.
['This year~ v!etnam liberali~ed it~~p_olicy_toward.toleratingpublicdissent, '··and-tlieVietmimese Communist Party continued its efforts to reform
procedures on internal debate and to allow a mechanism for citizens to
petition the Government with complaints. We have seen evidence of this
in various publications, but one of the clearest demonstrations can be ·
seen on the streets outside the National Assembly Hall, where delegates
are currently in session- Ordinary Vietnamese citizens are carrying
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placards demanding change on political and economic issues. Some
placards I personally witnessed complained about corrupt local officials
in their home districts.
----...:.-~
-------··-
c-:-Aciditiorg~Jly, tlie Vietnall}ese released nearly 2o ~religious or J.:folitical ~
· pfisbners and thousands of 9th~rsJrom jaiJ thj~:; ye_ar. Among·those~- -
j
·'
released were 12 Hmong Protestants and three Catholic priests .
.-·Participafiori ~in religious aetivities~througlfout tlie ~counfrycoiitinuedlcfgrow significantly.· Churches·are ~geneta:lly fiilron-daysof worsliip-ahd-on
special days ofremembrance large numbers of followers celebrate. ·An
estimated soo,ooo Hoa Hao gathered in An Giang province for a
religious festival and an estimated 200,000 Roman Catholics attended
the annual La Vang pilgrimage. Tlie-_Vatican,and.Yietnam.have~regular . ./
c-dialogue. We are also encouraging Vietnam to recognize more than one
lgroup~of Hoa Hao adherents. Ambassador for Religious Freedom Robert
Seiple visited Vietnam last year and witnessed many of the
improvements and issues first hand. Still, much remains to be done, but
there has been progress and we want to encourage further progress in
the future.
I
) Conditions-for workers}liv~~~l~ imi>r9~e-<!._Il)~ternational Labor:~
~:c~~ Organization has opened an office in-Hanoi and;has=moved-quicklyto : -~·assistVietnamfo implement its·newlabor law.·The~ILO-is also providing
technical assistance to help establish a workers' compensation and social
security program, to improve occupational health and safety standards
and inspectors, to train union members for negotiation of collective
bargaining agreements, and to review overtime procedures. The ILO also
conducted a two-day seminar in Vietnam to educate Vietnamese officials
on the importance ofiLO Conventions 138 and 182 on Child Labor. We
anticipate that the AFL-CIO, working with the ILO, will bring to Vietnam
in the near future its tremendous experience and dedication to the cause
of Workers' rights .
.
·-
)
)
. (Yol1sfioliidaiso-knowthat there-were inirrierous {:approximately 6o)
''-pr]vate~·a.nci~priblic~sftikesduri~gtheyear·,pfimiifili againsfforeign( .owned- or-jointventure companies, but a number also involved stateowned and private firms. The Government tolerated these strikes, even
though most were spontaneous and supported by organized labor after
the fact. In some cases, the Government disciplined employers for_illegal
practices that led to strikes. ;Iff0ctobe!_!99.9-the.Government redJ!c~9:. . )
~----uielei1gt!i ofth_~workWeek for_government employees and employees of
~·-companies in the state sector from 48 hours to 40 hours.
•
Organ.izin.g. ·t·h··is year's a. nnu.al Human Ri.g.l!ts Dialogue was the e-asiest I. ~ .
have yet experienced, arid for the first time Vietnam's delegation ineC ·
;With b.S.-bas_e_g ht!IJl...Q.nrights NGOs. In-lastweeK:'s~liuman figlits _____ ····. --·- _,
· dia]ogue: Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Harold Koh raised freedom of speech, association and religion,
Vietnam's administrative detention decree, prison conditions, labor
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rights, information on former prisoners of conscience,_a_s well as_ specific
detention cases of concern-t6Us:-Vietnam~s~delega1ion also· met Withlhe
Co-~iic!lcon1nter-I;~tionarReligib_us_ Ereedom._Tliefone of themeetings,,
was the best ever. I believe that we have finally established in-depth
mutual understanding on this issue that will encourage a spirit of
cooperation on human rights.
Expanding economic linkages between the U.S. and Vietnam has been
another challenging mission. Although we have made excellent progress
over the past five years in expanding U.S.,' exports to and investment in
Vietnam , this past year has been particularly frustrating. Perhaps the
relationship is just experiencing growing pains. When I spoke with you ·
· last year, we were in the middle of the 8th round of trade negotiations
with Vietnam . One month later in July, we reached agreement in
principle on the bilateral trade agreement. Following technical
discussions in August, we had high hopes of signing the Bilateral Trade
Agreement during the APEC Summit in September, but Vietnam balked
at the last minute. I know all of us were disappointed by this outcome,
because concluding the BTA will bring real benefits to both sides. Not
only would the BTA open markets to American companies, but
implementation of its terms would mean that, over time, Vietnamese
citizens would gain significant freedom to determine their own economic
destinies .
•
Nonetheless, I still hope we can complete the agreement before the end
of this administration. We are currently awaiting Vietnam's answer to
the United States Trade Representative's May 17 invitation to Vietnam's
Trade Minister for discussions in the U.S. to finalize the BTA.
Ambassador Barshefsky's invitation responded to Vietnam's March letter
indicating issues on which Vietnam desired further clarification. Without
access to the u~s. market on competitive terms, Vietnam cannot attract
the foreign direct investment and expertise to be able to compete in
international markets with its neighbors in ASEAN and China.
Over the last six months, selected macroeconomic indicators have given
the leadership of Vietnam a sense of comfort that has led to a slowdown
ip econom.i~ n~fqrmJAl~liOtigli foreign direct1?vestm.el1t flows have . /
plummeted as e~o_n_gtmc_reform-has stalled;-higher·ml·revenues,_ _ ~
improV!ng exports to recovering regional trading partners, increasing
remittances from overseas Vietnamese, and rising levels of official
development assistance have stimulated Vietnam's economy: Growth___ -}
~ha~~r,~~en{~QJJ:tl~ss:than-4%-one year·ago to an estimated s.6%1ii1lie-,--- ·
(C:.-first quarter of this year, seemingly validating-arguments for slowing the
pace of change.
I
We have seen some progress on economic reform, nevertheless.
Vietnam's State Bank issued important new prudential regulations and
took the first steps in restructuring Joint Stock Banks and State Owned
Commercial Banks. The National Assembly approved an important new
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foreign investment law and the new Enterprise law, which streamlined
domestic business formation. The government moved to simplify .
equitization, divestiture, tnmsf~r:,sale,_orJease of smalfSfatEd:5Wn.ea·- ---.,
g ___ ·Enterpris~s(SO~s)~~<fiiioweQ.fQr~ign~rs_to_ownequityinSOEs .. Mhior-' ·
steps were alsol:aken toward trade reform; the government reduced
tariffs, liberalized import/ export rights, removed some import licensing
requirements, and improved foreign exchange regulations. The National
Assembly has also extended, on a temporary basis, normal trading
relations status to United States goods pending completion of the
Bilateral Trade Agreement.
I
The reform agenda remains long and the next steps -- expanding
competition in the financial sector, removing further protections for
SOEs, and opening to the global economy-- can free Vietnam's people to
stimulate more rapid economic growth. With approximately 1.3 million
annual entrants into the job market, Vietnam's annual growth rate needs
to approach 10% to absorb new job seekers and to keep pace with its
neighbors.
This past year, Ex-lm, OPIC, TDA, and USDA programs made available
by the Jackson-Variik waiver began to have the positive impact on U.S.
Vietnam. commercial relations we all expected. USDA's Cooperator
Program is improving dietary sensitivities that can lead t9 greater_
demar;td_for U.S. agricultural products:=A?·s;ooo MT wheat donation - ·
. authorized und~r Section 4~~(b) of t~e. Agriculture A:t of 194?,I
generated considera~l~ positive publicity and good Will among the·;
1
,
Vietnamese~ people. The grain's timely arrival in Vietnam's Central
Provinces just before major flooding augmented a considerable United-c, -·..
States humanitarian effort to provide relief to thousands left homeless.
wlieaf will be - - Lo<;ircutrertcy ear'iie·d from· fne-cominerciaf
applied to disaster mitigation and rural development projects in
Vietnam. These projects build Vietnamese goodwill for the U.S. More
specifically, OPIC lent Caterpillar's local distributor $2.3 million for an
expansion of the company's facilities and OPIC has approved an $8
. million loan for a new ph<iirmaceutical factory. A few more project
finance applications are in the pipeline. The Trade and Development
Agency continued to support U.S. businesses through funding of ·
feasibility studies and technical training. Finally, Ex-1m Bank signed two
agreements making its insurance and loan programs available for the
first time to U.S. exporters .
•
i --
....
saleofthe
.
I
)
The Jackson-Vanik waiver remains a prime example of
executive/legislative cooperation on foreign policy and an essential
element of our engagement with Vietnam . It has promoted greater
Vietnamese cooperation on the total range of bilateral issues.
Congressional approval of the waiver sends a vital message to Vietnam's
leadership and people that the United States wants a cooperative,
constructive relationship with Vietnam . The policy tools the JacksonVanik waiver makes available build the people-to-people relationships'
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Page 8 of8
that will strengthen trust between our societies. I am confident that this
extension of Jackson-Vanik will further advance the national interests of
the United States in Vietnam. I urge members of the House to support
the President's waiver.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http:/ jusinfo.state.gov)
•
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Ambassador PetersonqncVietnarnto .ASfaSociecy-Febritary 4
----
-~---------------------~--·---~--~-----··-----------------
----~(Conditionsare
~--
-
rm.I>roVing in wo-rlo's
The political, economic, and social conditions are improving in Vietnam ,
says Pete Peterson, the first U.S. Ambassador to serve in that country
since the end of the war in 1975. Peterson is a former fighter pilot who
spent six and one half years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam .
I
In a speech to hundreds of members ofthe Washington, D.C. chapter of
the Asia Society February 4, Peterson said that greater economic
prosperity has led to greater interest in,the_workings_ofthe government
among the Vietnamese people, ~ho no"'nhave tp~ freedol}l to v.:oice their
-opiniens both-on t:ne-stfeet and Tn the 450-mell!l:>~x National Assembly.
'\.-
,·. -----------
--.
.. ..
------
With approximately 77 million people, VietnamjsJhe_l2th_most_
_
populQWLGOuntry on earth, Peterson noted?.-And·:wiJ:h_§QID_~85 p_ercent_of__ _
y;:tlie-pe(i)pi~Jl!H:ler fi._O_years_old most __onJ remember tlie War and are
·· ore ocusse on m mg a prosperous future, he said.
I
l
The Ambassador acknowledged that Vietnam has a long way to go to
make its investment climate more attractive to foreign businesses, but
the country is rich in natural resources, human capital, and economic
potential. He noted that a big step forward could be taken if the
Vietnamese government would sign a bilateral trade agreement now on
the table with the United States. ·
·
·
:If,in fact, Vietnam weretobe.wise enough and_visionaryenough, and to
sign,";that trade agreement -- and not just sign it;'.
)b11.t'J:o implement the provisions = Vietnam wo!l.l9:yery quickly become i
hav~ g)1ough courage to
·
/
· VIetnam from takmg this Important step, he smd~ --
.
Peterson praised the partnership that has developed between Vietnam
and the United States in resolving the MIA (missing in action) issue for
both American and Vietnamese war dead.
·
I
·
l
·~ "I wish every person here could meet those people who we use in our
excavation programs and go tl!r()ugh_til~~egl!!~!"_JT:f (Joint Task Force)
~~~~~~~i' ~'
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Page 2 of 10
Following is an unofficial transcript of Peterson's remarks from the .
Federal News Service (FNS):
(begin transcript)
SPEECH TO THE ASIA SOCIETY BY U.S. AMBASSADOR TO VIETNAM
PETE PETERSON TOPIC: U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS ST. REGIS
HOTEL, WASHINGTON, D.C. g:oo A.M. EST FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4,
2000
"
AMB. PETERSON : Thank you, Judy. I appreciate your very generous
introduction.
·
And hello to everybody. I see so many friends here that I've known in
other lives, that I appreciate very much you being with us today.
Also, if I might thank, on behalf of all of us out in the field, Coca-Cola
and the Asia Society for hosting these kinds of activities.
••
It is such a tragic circumstance that more Americans don't know what
their nation is doing outside of the Beltway. And it's just tragic that not
enough of us are coming back and speaking to groups like this as
frequently as we can .
a
And if I may even offer personal opinion, and that is that America
needs to watch its foreign affairs more closely. And I'm not talking about
the State Department; they're very involved! I'm talking about America.
I'm talking about you. However, I'm probably talking to the choir as
well. But you need to some way reach out and expand to America the
knowledge and also reemphasize the importance of their action and
interaction, with Congress and others, relative to our activities around
the rest of the world.
j
This is not an island in which we live. No nation is an island anymore,
.-. and I thinkTonrFrie<iman Cliaan-excelrentjoh-irlliis-c"The~t-.exus·ln-tlie:_ · · ,
C Olive Tree" in describing what the world really is. It's an inte!'?Qtiv~ _
. ;.J
( · group of nations working, hopefully,_with peaceful intent. )
·
'
.
----
---
-
-------
And so enough of the commercial, perhaps.
•
But again, thank you for inviting myself and my wife, Vi, this morning, to
join you. And I'm very pleased to see so many people out. I hope the
snow hasn't made you too feisty. And so I hope too that the questions
that you're writing down now aren't too tough. But let me try to answer
some of your questions and hold over perhaps those special things that
you want to talk about.
First of all, let me just say too that I could not be more proud to
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Page 3 of 10
represent our great nation as the first post-war ambassador to Vietnam .
It's a circumstance that very few people in their lives ever have, and that
is to have had the experience of.having been somewhere in a very
destructive circumstance, and then to go back and work in a constructive
one.
And I can assure you, this one is more pleasant! And there are no
fatalities -- maybe disappointments. But it is a fantastic opportuni~ for
me, and believe nie, I don't forget that. And I also know with that comes
great responsibility, and the responsibility has carried us to, I think,
bringing the two nations -- Vietnam and America -- closer and closer and
closer together.
·Now, looking around the room here, I see incredible experience levels
relative to Vietnam , and so some of you more studied individuals may
have to endure a little bit tonight -- or today, because I want everybody
to know with some idea of perspective what Vietnam is.
•
Vietnam is not a small country, first of all. Vietnam is the 12th most
populous nation in the world; 77 million people, roughly. Actually, I do a
little side bar here, since we're just getting ready to do our census.
Vietnam took a census in one day. It cost them about so bucks. And in
the process of that, they came up with 76.8 million people, give or take 3
or 4 million, probably. But maybe we ought to figure out how to do that
better here, I don't know!
In any event, there's a lot of people in Vietnam . And when you look at
this population, it's' absolutely breathtaking. This human resource in
Vietnam , because of its youth, is absqbJtely the. most- astounding thing L _
have eve~.s~en in my life;:76,-·78-riiilflon people,.and-roughly_6s.perc_en.t _ ~ ;
oftliafpopul~tiqnis_u:Qg~_r th~ age _26. And if you do the cut at age 40,
it's·aoouf8s percent. And so if you really think about it as to attitude,
there's only 15 percent of the population that probably actually carried a
rifle during the Vietnam War.
And so people are astounded when they come to Vietnam to meet people
on the street and otherwise, and they are not accosted with: ''You ugly
Americans. You were there"-- and you don't want to use that picture. I
want that film back.
But the point is that the folks out on the street aren't thinking war; they
are thinking peace-- becau~e in 4,doo·years~ofhistory,-for the first time
)n-Vietnam·esehistory,·that'p_s>p~Jhlioii__~anJooko_ut_oyer the horizon-an
,_see genetationsolpoteiitia1 peace and prosperL --~=--- eyef_b-:eeh_tliat..::.,'way-before:The-besrthey coulahope- -----as probably de ade. And
now, the attitudes have changed peace and prosperity.
a
I
-
o the world of assets. This is not a -- ,.., \An.~
ere was a day, not very long ago I VYir(\) ~
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Page 4 of 10
might add-- !SYe9-.!'~_ago, the aye(age Vietnamese person on the street
coul&car~less what the authorities did in the Politburo or otherwise ~- r
no
dtdn~fc~~e-:\¥hy?Th~ydicln't have anything to lose. They had
house,
-cno:-cat;no motorbike; rio TV, no VCR, no !"_~f:rig~_rator, no house_-~ no
nothing~ Iii fact, they were starvirtg.-Today, when someone up in the
Politburo makes a decision and it places those assets that these people
have acquired in jeopardy, they go ballistic.
And so what is happening on this occasion is that the Vietnamese people,
not only are looking into the future with peace and prosperity in their
minds, but they are also becoming empowered. They are becoming
empowered with assets just like you are, because it's your assets that gets .
you involved in government. And if it's not those assets that you have,
it's those assets that you want that get you in government. And so the
Vietnamese people are today thinking future, not past.
F-And
th~y ar;~;,~d at itcThisni.ind-boggl}ng.bright;s_chools run from 7:00 · · ~~~
population is
hardworking and iUst···
i'l~ .
This
~
iso'hurigryJoL~Q.ucation· it's
or (j:bo intlie morning-till the-wee hours ofthe.night;. not enough.-.. . .
· Classrooms, not enough teachers, not enough classroom books. But they
are out there just grabbing out in every way they can.
•
The average young Vietnamese person, working p~rson, will spend
roughly so percent of their income on education, and they're after
economics, business, language, history. They're going at all of those
subjects which make a society what it is.
·--<---................
f:··Nb\V;the hurriaiiresource is~Ju~ one of the very_ significant attribute_~
'
.. -. that Vietnam enjoys. Vietnam has abundant natural resources. Coal.
Petroleum is its number one export. It has mountains full of various- kinds of minerals, haven't exploited much of that. They have semiprecious gems. They have gold. They have various exotic minerals that
people want from all over the world.
---~-
-·-·-
)
;
And they have an agricultural base that is absolutely one of the most
productive in the world. In less than 15 years, Vietnam went from not
having food security, they couldn't feed themselves, to now the secondlargest exporter of rice in the world. And not only that, seafood, coffee,
all kinds of other kind of agricultural products, fruit, vegetables, those
things are being exported now throu
hole region. And the
a es uys a east 40 percent of the coffee right now,
even m a 1me Wit out a
ro a y 30 percen o e sea oo .
trade agreement. So you can just imagine what could possibly happen if
some of these things were developed to the degrees that they can.
•
So the human resource, the natural resource, and then finally another
attribute that can't be forgotten, and that is, where Vietnam is. Just roll
your globe. Just give it a spin and let that finger draw itself around just
above the Equator, and stop on Vietnam. And you'll see a geopolitical
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•
•
Page 5 of 10
positioning of a nation of great importance, one that has been, in fact,
the lever, in many ways, for either the stability or destabilized state of
that whole region.
It's a very, very long country-- narrow-- but covers a huge part of the
·latitudes in that region, and an incredibly important nation on the globe.
Some of you would be more accurate in your appraisal of how many
ships actually pass that coastline every week, but it's roughly 1,000 to
1,500, feeding North Asia. And that's simply because that's where the
action is. Those ships will be stopping at developed ports in Vietnam in
the years to come.
And so you have all of these natural attributes, and then the question is,
what are they going to do with them? Where's the leadership? What's
happening? Well, the fact of the matter is, a lot has happened in
Vietnam . Those of us that are sitting in there and working the issue
every day, we have this problem, frankly, of stepping back and taking the
long look. We'll have this problem ofloo~ing_at thing~ in d~tail, as ~~- opposed toJh~_macro.over a- period· of tirtie.· If§oii really step-back and
seewliere Vi~tnam has come, just since America renewed-its diplomatic
\relations-WitJ:rVietnam-,-it's·absolutely fantastic. Five years; we'll . '
: celebrate the fifth anniversary of our return to Vietnam this year. And if
you just did a cut on all of the things that have occurred and the
transition elements that have occurred over these years, you would be
astounded.
One of those pieces that has happened in that five-year period has been
the enormous, absolutely enormous progress we've made in theiriost --- - :;
irfiPOrtanfaspeeto£-our·relationship-withVietnam i·an<:Fthat's-the MIA
..-program.
----~ --------------..
~---~----
·-----~----
)
)
-'
It is indeedthe litmus test to what we do in Vietnam throughout,
whether it be economic, political, environmental, medical. It's that
program that drives everything else .
.:--And I'm happy to report to you that the progress that we've made over
these_[ve-yeais has taken·u~rroa ·oint here we· no longer-have-a - -.. ,_
r·cooperative ef:fo_rt, w~- h_~ve_ _ artnership. We ave a-partnership-with 5
··viefn-ail)to·h~lp them find their·
s asw~ll. They·nave-rouglily_____
MIAs. And tlianks to a lot of veterans>some·ofthem sitting in ------- ·
-tliis-room~-1 suspect:;an:dtb the American government, who has brought .
Vietnamese here to study our archives, and to the elements of work that
we're doing in country, they're making progress on their side.
r3oo-:-ooo
1
'
•
On our side, we're making progress too. We're going through and
discovering more documents all the time. The unilateral efforts of the
Vietnamese in helping us to search for documents and to search for the
crash sites and that sort of thing, and actually just doing the leg work on
a lot of the issues that we have to do, is enormous. So I am very, very
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, American Embassy Hanoi - Ambassador's Speeches
proud of what's happened on that program .
•
We have a great organization to carry out that program. We have the
best, the very best people assigned to it. In fact, I wish every person here
could meet those people who we use in o
·
d go
through the regular JTF prog
s. ~ t would brin tears~ to your eyes nd
·it does mine even just thinking a out . ·ou go out to an excavatiOn_s!te
and yoidook-down-iiii:o-tliis very, very tough place to go through the·
~xcavation, and you'll s~~_?llQftbeseyoung OJs,American Gis in there.
A.r!d a! the same time, working shoulder to shoulder with them are
young Vietn_a,mese.:--.alot of-them-minorities: Tliere won't be one person
doing that digging that was even alive when the loss occurrence ·
occurred.
That's commit~ent. It's not just individual commitment of those people,
which is clear and distinct, but it's a commitment of_:two nations to do..
1
something that's never been done before. [No two-nations have ever gone '
rbackand·donethe·kinds of things we're doing now t9 .Q.iscover the los'ses
( -pflndivi~l.l_al~ ~t1ri!lg ~Q;rnbat .. N~yer_~efol'r. If is a fantastic operation.
We have a film out now, finally, because I don't think we've really done a
good PRjob in letting America know-- and how proud America should
be -- about the activity of their government in working this issue. That
film is available to anyone who wants it. Call me direct; I'll get you a
copy, but you can get copies at various places and certainly at all the
m.i.litary stations, I ~ow, ~n? I_~ope~~,v~ g9t_t~~-Pl-?ll t.o_the vete~i:ms'
groups, a~ well. J'w~nty mmutes, you Will -- you ~II finci yours~lf ;
changed JUSt watchmg the film.
-
• 1
_
*
·
c
r
~-
- - ·-----·- ---·--- -- ....
--- ·-- - ... ----
.
But this is no small task. It requires funding; it requires continued
commitment, and I think it's all there. The Congress, in its wisdom, is
funding that program to the levels that will take us where we want to go.
But with that, we're working other programs. The whole country is going
through the enormous transition -- everything from economics to
political to cultural and generational.
f-Th~ ge~eration_al_i~ ne>t~djust b;Jooking atthe_detail~dn the human
·resource~l5ufactually, now, as we speak, that generational change is
taking place in Vietnam in a very big way. Ministers are changing seats.
Older individuals are leaving, younger people are taking their place.
That's happening in the military, that's happening in the political scene
as well. That change is happening as you and I are sitting here. They're
enjoying Tet right now, though, I think, so I don't know what's
happening out there on the streets. They take Tet pretty seriously,I
might add.
•
But that transitional process that we speak of in the generational sense is
also happening economically. The state-owned enterprises, there's an
age limit now on a CEO, for all practical purposes.
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It might not be spoken, but it's there. The younger people are stepping
into positions all over the nation, and that is ultimately going to make a
difference because you're going to have a different lead on life, you're
going to have a different approach, and you're more and more likely to
have international norms in the process of making decisions. And that is
ultimately what it's all about.
I
In the political scene, as I noted, lots of changes occurring there. The one
that I'll.spend just a l~~le wh_ile o~~whi\l.think~~ ~-a. CJ_f ~~a(~ ____ _
tii,v~
happenmg on the pohticalfr_ont, 1 ~!~~::-~he NatiOnal
;
Assemblyis a oody-of
people. Last e ectwn, t ey had roughly 900
. ·~canaiaates-for-those positions, and those candidates all went do~ to
their districts an<l. in _their provinces and -had to campaign. They ·
campaigned in real terms. They had to go door to door. They had to hold
placards. They had to get people to support them. Some of them have
even had some feeble TV ads that r~sembled.some-of- my old ones,
actually. But the fact is;:tl!~iwere out building constituencies~
4so
I
c·
-
.
/
And when it was all over, the 450 members of that body was much
higher-educated than the previous group. The spectrum of
representation had changed remarkably: 26.6 percent women; all the
minority groups are listed and shown; the religious groups are
represented; the military's in there; industry's in there. They've got a
very, very good representation of the constituency of which this body, I
think,_!!ow r:_epre~_~nts. And also when.itwas all-over, they-had, of tlios·e~45omembers, 61 members that were not members ofthe.Coll)munist· ·
~Piuty. S!xt)r~cnie. Three.ofthose were completely independent ;.'
individuals who in their districts said, "I w~nt t9 run, and they were
'C_ elected.
- ·
r
II
One of those three is a former ARVN major, a major of the South
Vietnamese Army. It was kind of cute actually; the day after the papers
came out and listed all these 450 members, they listed all of the party
members and listed those who had gone through the -- (fallen in ?) -front. And then they said, "And three members were elected with no
political support at all." (Laughter.) Only in Washington is that
understood well. (Laughter.)
But that body is becoming more and more representative of a
constituency. It is becoming more active-- pro-active in policy, and only
recently has dumped a deputy prime minister from his office and also a
leading member of the state bank and the vice chairman of one of-- well,
the Hanoi People's Committee -- and others are still on the way-- on
corruption charges.
I
(Fhey 11E-~e_rejected_partY r:_e~omme-ndations.f6r ministerial.:.level
poSitions. And when tliey hoid tlieir sessioifs out~in front-ofthe National
~semply. Building; gues~whaf?.Picketers_withsigps. But they are even ,
i
-------
-
·-
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Page 8 of 10
more creative than that. They'll have a T-shirt: And on the front the issue
is in Vietnamese; on the back, it's in English. They roam around, and
nobody bothers them. We even saw the local police take them water one
day. So things have changed; things have changed.
In the economic area, the potential is just fantastic.
We've been working with the Vietnamese to open their markets, of
course, to join the international community, relative to international
trade. We haven't been totally successful, but we've done a lot. We've
' done a lot.
We've had a copyright agreement with the Vietnamese that has
essentially been invoked nationwide and has, of course, benefited other
nations, as well as our own, in relative terms. And it's benefited Vietnam
most, because anything you do on IPR, intellectual property rights,
benefits the nation which creates the intellectual property before it does
anyone else's.
•
And in the case of Vietnam , they're building a fledging -- now -- IT
industry. They're prolific writers. You can see, from some of the popular
films that have been produced in the United States, the talents that they
have for producing first-class films, and they're doing it right now.
All of those things have to have protection in order to be commercially
·
. viable, and that is a piece of it.
But we're
hem very, very, very strongly to create a
ateral trade agreemerifpe en our ~Q_!latio!!~·Jhat bilateral trade
~~AAl~iiiffifW<o)'(11Ifct1_>Ee;:-,iimleies~sieemnce; the final loop -- piece of the lo-op in - -- -- -- .
renewing our -- or normalizing the relationship between our two _
m\tions, b.oth.in """'or, should I say;-politically-andin the economic sense
thrmigb-out. · -- --·
The economic objectives here, though, between our two nations are to
open up America to Vietnam and Vietnam to America, and we call it a
bilateral trade agreement. But to be honest with you, it's an international
trade agreement, because it's not just America that will be open to the
Vietnamese market; it'll be the world.
Vietnam has an opportunity to get Most Favored Nation status -- NTR
(Normal Trade Relations), as we call it now-- to America, and our
industries have the opportunity to go to Vietnam and do business.
Vietna~
I
hundredto4so~eric~I1-~
l--- ---~-~:'
,-------+hey!re-in-business how in
:Four
} _--- . ~,companies are doing business in Vietnam right now. Some are doing
'really well, some are doing okay, some are losing their tail. Some are
leaving. Some are coming. It's not anywhere close to what it could be, if
the bilateral trade agreement provisions are invoked.
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Page 9 of 10
If in fact Vietnam were to be wise enough and visipnary: e.nough, and to
rb_aye-enough-courage-to-sign-thattrade agreement -- and not just sign it, . · ):n.itto.:imp_leiDent the provisions -- Vietnam would very quickly become ·
t:otie of th~~:~nost prosiJ~r_o:us_nationsjnAsia,Jor_a]lthe reasons I've
already state-d: the human resource, the natural resource, geopolitical
positioning. But they're afraid to do it. They've never had a free market
before -- not in the nationwide sense. And you don't wake up one
morning and be competitive. It's like playing basketball; you've got to go
out on a court and dribble a lot before you really understand how to
dribble the ball, and then you have to shoot the ball, you have to
rebound, you have to guard -- you've got to do all of those things to play
basketball. You have to do exactly the same things to be competitive. You
have to practice. But first of all, you have to take the risk of putting
yourself out on the floor with another team. And Vietnam has not yet felt
that they could do that.
.
-...
_
Now, it's their business. America has survived 223 years without a trade
agreement with Vietnam , and the economy has done pretty well here, I
think.
TKe p~int here is, though, that ~e need Vfetiiam·,as·a-national interest
•
to the-United States, to be economically successful, because without
~, --~conomic success in Vietnam, that region stands a charice of becoming
\_ destabilizectagaill.It's ecoii'oinicsth-at brings stability now, ·not guns and
bullets. So it's in our interest to help Vietnam achievelis economic goals,
because when that economic engine gets cranked up, all of our national
goals are attached right on the back of that economic engine.
It's critical that Vietnam be successful in its economic quest for success.
If they fail to reach out to the rest of the world in a global fashion, not
just the United States --we're just one of what? -- how many nations
now; 160 or something like that? We're just one of those competitive
players. But if they fail to reach out to the rest of the world economically,
they won't make it any other way. They can't make it. No nation can
make it. America can't make it if it doesn't reach out to its foreign
friends.
And so right now we are waiting. We have a bilateral trade agreement
that's on the table. It's a great one. It was designed specifically for
Vietnam , based on WTO principles; it's the step toward WTO
membership. And it's up to Vietnam to say, "Hey, let's go sign this
sucker." We're waiting.
•
The United States, for our part-- Where's the table? I've got a pen. And
so we're waiting for Vietnam to make that decision, and if they don't
make it soon, the golden ring goes away. Because the political
circumstances in America don't wait for people who can't make a
decision.
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So we're at a point of a critical nature, not for America so much, not
initially, anyway. Ultimately, .it would be painful; but it's critical for
Vietnam to make this decision to move forward.
So with that, I'll stop and we'll take whatever questions you might have.
(Applause.)
MODERATOR: Thank you, Ambassador Peterson .
AMB. PETERSON : Sure.
MODERATOR: The floor is open.
AMB. PE .
•
I
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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��Page 1 of8
AMERICA AND ASEAN: SHARED VISION, SHARED DESTINY
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Prepared for Delivery
--
- - ----\ Ambassador Charle~~-Baishefsky~'---------
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U.S. Trade Representative
;--us~l\s~~f-\~~ine;~c~~~il--/
Washington, DC
( - ------ ---
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\ __ June-1-5, 2000 _/
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Thank you very much. Let me recognize the distinguished Ambassadors of the A SEAN nations, and
the American Ambassadors. And I thank Chairman Jim Kelly and President Ernie Bower of the USASEAN Business Council; the Ambassadors Tour sponsors; and the members and guests of the
Council very sincerely for the opportunity to join you this evening.
As we meet this evening, growth and confidence are returning to Southeast Asia after a very difficult
and painful time. All of us, on both sides of the Pacific, are reflecting on the opportunities of a new
century. This is, therefore, a timely moment for us to meet: one in which we can reflect on a new era;
the challenges it poses for us; and the principles we bring to it. And that is where I would like to
begin tonight.
.AMERICAN PACIFIC STRATEGY
The United States is a Pacific nation. More than a century of history has shown us that we have a
stake, and we are inevitably involved, in each of the great questions the region faces - peace and
stability, prosperity and growth, the protection ofour environment. And this fact is the foundation of
all our policies.
I
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We make an unshakable commitment to peace and security: through our military presence, our
alliances from Japan and Korea to Thailand, the Philippines, Australia and New Zealand; and our
engagement with China.
·
We promote the values of human rights, individual freedom, and the rule oflaw: which as Jose Rizal,
the inspiration of the Filipino anti-colonial movement, wrote more than a century ago, are the
strongest assurances nations can have of domestic peace and harmony.
We support long-term development and progress through education: as we see today, with well over
50,000 Southeast Asian students in American colleges and universities.
We work toward common approach to the environmental problems of the air and water we share:
conservation of fisheries and wildlife, development of environmentally beneficial technologies,
means of addressing climate change.
I.
And we work toward a healthy and open regional economy: as a source of sustainable growth and
mutual benefit, and as a contribution to a more peaceful and stable region. This is expressed in our
own open market policies, which made us the destination for nearly$400 billion in Asian goods and
services last year, and our Asian trade agenda:
- The broad commitment through APEC to "free and open trade" throughout the region.
-Our support for China's economic integration, through the historic agreement on China's accession
to the World Trade Organization, and our progress thus far on permanent Normal Trade Relations.
-Our work toward market-opening and deregulation in Japan, marked by 38 separate agreements
since 1992.
- The development of our trade and investment relationship with India, marked most recently by the
largest trade agreement in the history of our modem relationship, eliminating India's non-tariff
barriers on 2, 700 different products.
'
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- And of course the 20 agreements we have reached with ASEAN members.
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Taken together, the aspiration of these policies- as President Clinton said to the first APEC Leaders
meeting in 1993 - is the development of a "Pacific Community" which is based on a realization of
shared destiny and a commitment to mutual benefit; and which helps all the Pacific nations achieve
their aspirations for prosperity; development; social justice; and peace.
THE ASEAN VISION
This is also, of course, the vision of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations - evident in the
Bangkok Declaration's founding commitment "to secure the blessings of peace, freedom and
prosperity" for Southeast Asia; and in ASEAN's achievements over three decades.
-The steady growth ofregionalpeace and stability, and in particular the healing of the division
between capitalist Southeast Asia and Indochina: which has transformed this region of half a billion
people from an arena of conflict into a source of stability for Asia.
I
- Southeast Asia's consequent emergence as a center for world manufacturing, trade and education:
which has enabled the children of soldiers and subsistence farmers to become today's college
students, professionals, teachers, and entrepreneurs.
-The development of joint security and economic initiatives-- from sponsorship of the ASEAN.
Regional Forum to the series of trade and investment programs that culminate in the ASEAN Free
Trade Area: which has made Southeast Asia's modem leaders - to look at trade alone, Secretary-·
General Severino; Dr. Supachai Panichpakdi, soon to head the WTO; George Yeo; Dato Rafidah
Aziz and many others - more influential than any previous generation in shaping the Pacific
economic landscape and the world trading system.
This is a remarkable accomplishment -- and an accomplishment of imagination as well as of
economics and diplomacy. President Clinton, in accepting the Charlemagne Prize for support of
European unity, remarked that Europe's first steps toward economic integration after the Second
World War were the "foundation of something entirely new" in the 1200 years since Charlemagne
himself-- European integration achieved not by conquest, but by peaceful and voluntary choice.
Looking back across a similar span of Southeast Asian history -- far past the upheavals of the last
century, to the classical era of Angkor, Pagan, Sukhothai and Srivijaya --one could say the same
thing, with equal justice and well-earned admiration, ofthe foundation of ASEAN.
I
THE US-ASEAN ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP TODAY ·
From the American perspective, this is a transformation of great inherent value for Southeast Asia;
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•
and one fuliy consistent with our vision of the Pacific's future. Its practical results, likewise, are clear
-- as Council members can attest -- in the remarkable growth of our economic relationship .
With an economy now nearly $1 trillion, ASEAN is a market for American exports larger than all but
three countries and nearly equal to China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Macao together, with more than
$1 billion worth of semiconductor chips, 200,000 tons of wheat and 400,000 computers crossing the
PaCific to Southeast Asia every single month. It is also the recipient of $42 billion in American
investment.
We in turn are a market of central importance for Southeast Asia, with our imports from the ASEAN
· exceeding $80 billion in goods and services last year-- more than ASEAN's sales to China, Japan and
Korea combined.
'
•
The importance of this trade relationship is especially clear in the aftermath of the financial crisis.
While the suffering it brought is not yet over; and we will be studying the long-term lessons of the
crisis for many years, it is quite clear that our relationship, both in terms of government-togovernment links and human ties, eased the crisis and helped give the affected nations the markets
necessary for a more rapid recovery. I should also note that the US-ASEAN Business Council's
humanitarian programs in the region, and its support for Southeast Asian students in the United
States, played a central role and deserve immense credit.
THE UNFINISHED BUSINESS
Southeast Asians can take great pride in this record. All of us, on both sides of the Pacific, can be
pleased with the development of our relationship to this point. But it is clear that we have more work
ahead -- in the immediate future and as we think about our longer-term vision for our relationship and
the wider Pacific region we share.
I. Indochina Trade Normalization and Vietnam Agreement
First, completion of our normalization of trade relations with Indochina .
•
This has been a central goal of our Southeast Asian trade policy in the past four years, and we have
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made substantial progress. With Cambodia, the work is done: its results are evident in the
extraordinary growth in Cambodia's exports to the United States, from $4 million in 1996, before the
grant ofNormal Trade Relations, to nearly $600 million last year. We have now gone further, with a
special program that increases textile quotas as Cambodia improves respect for internationally
recognized core labor standards. With Laos, we have signed a bilateral commercial agreement, and
will continue to work with Congress to find the right time for passage.
The largest step, however, remains to be taken. It is nearly a year since our agreement in principle
with Vietnam. With Congress in session for only two more months, we have a window of time in
which to complete the work of the agreement and the approval ofNTR; but it is a window that will
close rapidly. For Vietnam, the completed agreement, together with NTR, will mean immediate and
fundamentally improved access to an American market-- a tariff cut from Smoot-Hawley rates
averaging 40% to Uruguay Round rates of below 3% --which already supports $1 billion in
Vietnamese exports. Over the medium term, it will promote economic reform and long-term growth
within Vietnam. We have an opportunity in the coming weeks to move this forward, and I hope we
will be able to take advantage of it.
·
2. Reform and Recovery from Crisis
Second, the region's recovery from crisis remains incomplete .
•
As recovery strengthens and people return to work, it is crucial that the admirable work a number of
ASEAN countries have undertaken toward financial reform and restrUcturing continue: to strengthen
the foundation of the A SEAN economies, reduce the likelihood of a similar event in the future, and
ensure that Southeast Asia remains an attractive destination for investors. This is especially urgent in
Indonesia. And for all the region as a whole, it is of particular importance not only with respect to the
challenges of the present, but as we look to the future.
THE CHANGING PACIFIC
That is because as the 21st century opens, the Pacific economy is changing in ways which will ask of
Southeast Asia's leaders all the vision present at the foundation of ASEAN itself:
- As China enters the WTO, Asia's largest nation will integrate itself more fully into regional trade,
investment and competition than at any time in modem history.
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- The economic reforms underway in India -- which we see in our trade agreement and in the rapid
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growth of India's computer and software industries -- will have equally far-reaching implications for
the region: in the coming decades, the psychological image and the economic reality of Asia may no
longer end at the western shores of Java and Sumatra, but extend into the subcontinent.
- And in the Pacific as elsewhere, the revolution in science and technology is changing economic life
more rapidly and profoundly than ever before.
Together, these shifts enable us to glimpse the Pacific economy of the future: one which includes the
world's four most populous nations and four largest economies; one which is more tightly linked by
communications, computer networks and economic exchange than ever before. All of us must adjust
and rethink our policies as this approaches; but for Southeast Asia, the challenge and opportunity is
perhaps greater than for any other region.
As the natural crossroads for trade in this larger economy, an integrated, technologically sophisticated
·
ASEAN can serve each part of the Pacific-- as a manufacttirer, an agricultural producer, a
technological innovator and a provider of finance, shipping and distribution services. But by contrast,
an economically fragmented or technologically lagging Southeast Asia will risk falling behind .
•
21 ST_CENTURY TRADE AGENDA
This challenge will appear in many different fields of policy: broadening access to the international
telecommunications network, strengthening the rule of law, improving education and the skills of
workers. But trade policy will play a part. And here I believe our goals in the coming years will be
highly compatible.
1. ASEAN Free Trade Area
First, we strongly support the continued economic integration of Southeast Asia. A more integrated
market will be simpler, more efficient, and a site for investment which remains attractive in
comparison with its neighbors; it will also, of course, be a better market for American exports. We
therefore applaud ASEAN~s decision to accelerate the ASEAN Free Trade Area, although it is
important that this proceed on the ground as rapidly as it has on paper, and that individual ASEAN
governments not selectively opt out of more sensitive industries if it is to have the credibility and
effect it should .
•
2. Technological Progress
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Second, we see shared benefit in Southeast Asia's technological development: in the prevention of a
"digital divide" within the Pacific, and in developing the information economy.
A fol.rndation element for this is improved protection for intellectual property, which will ensure both
attractiveness to investors and the ability to develop local software, telecom and entertainment
industries.
·
Equally important is continued liberalization of high-tech manufactured goods. This eases access for
companies and individuals to new technologies, and capitalizes on ASEAN's strength as an exporter.
To take one example, since the Information Technology Agreement in 1997, ASEAN's exports of
computers and semiconductors have risen by over $10 billion to the United States and $4 billion to·
Europe. These are also virtually the only products in which ASEAN's exports to Japan have grown
during the Japanese recession.
We cari do still more through an ITA II which broadens product coverage, and by updating and
improving the agreement to account for the growing convergence of information technology
· products.·our hope is that all ASEAN governments will be able to join a consensus on this in the near
future .
•
And the ability to benefit from the modem economy rests on rapid and unimpeded development of
electronic commerce, modem t~lecommunications networks and the Internet -- without which, as
Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew has recently said, nations will be "marginalized and
blindfolded" in the years ahead. The launch of the e-ASEAN initiative is a very good sign here. But
one must say that in some countries there are more distressing signals, in particular the criminal
penalties Burma has imposed for "unauthorized possession" of computers and modems - which
diminish the country's development prospects as sharply as they limit the education and progress of
individuals.
3~
An Open Pacific Region
And third, we will work with ASEAN at every level to develop a more open Pacific region.
•
We hope to strengthen and improve our bilateral dialogue -- for example, by making better use of the
Trade and Investment Cooperation Committee established in 1991 - as well as the annual USASEAN Dialogues. This would complement ASEAN's existing dialogues with Australia and New
Zealand, and China, Korea and Japan; and could help us both maintain and strengthen links between
the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement and NAFTA in coming years.
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Within APEC; looking forward to Brunei's role as host of the Leaders Meeting this fall, we anticipate
measured but steady progress toward fulfillment of the goal set at Bogor of "free and open trade" in
the region. Here we hope to see regional initiatives like the Auto Dialogue and trade facilitation move
forward; to find specific trade liberalization opportunities, as APEC did with the Information
Technology Agreement; and, as we saw at the very successful Ministerial meeting in Darwin last
week, to build momentum and consensus for a new Round of negotiations at the World Trade
Organization, including the beginning of preparatory work on industrial tariffs.
In this we will have important shared interests: the continued development of electronic commerce;
the abolition of agricultural export subsidies and lowering of tariffs and other barriers to our farm
products; an eased flow of services, from the tourism and travel fields that are so important to
Southeast Asian economies, to the finance, telecommunications and other high-tech fields that are the
key to growth. These of course are negotiations that have already begun, and our hope is to broaden
them into a full negotiating Round. In this, ASEAN's support at Darwin, confirmed again by Prime
Minister Chuan as ASEAN Chair last week, is of great importance.
CONCLUSION
I
Altogether, this agenda holds out the promise of making the shared vision of Pacific Community-the aspiration of American policy in Asia, and of the ASEAN.founders --into shared destiny.
It will not be a simple process or one without setbacks -- trade policy more often moves ahead slowly
and incrementally than, as with China, in more rapid and dramatic fashion. But the development of
our own relationship should enable us to proceed with great confidence.
The work Americans and Southeast Asians have done together, over decades, has given new
opportunities and better lives to farmers, to businesses and to working people on both sides of
Pacific. In so doing, it has helped to realize the enduring ideals of prosperity, freedom and peace at
the heart of our relationship.
These were of course the goals of the ASEAN founders, embarking on a project of integration unique
in two millennia of Southeast Asian history; and they remain the aspirations of Americans as we look
out on the Pacific of the next millennium.
· ·
•
Thank you very much.
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THE U.S.-VIETNAM·BILATERAL TRADE AGREEMENT
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//
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('
) Testimony ofAITioassador Charlene Barshefsky
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.
--
-·- --
..
----
U.S. Trade Representative
House Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs
House Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade
Washi~ngton,
I
DC
Chairman Bereuter, Chairwoman Ros-Lehtinen, Congressmen Lantos and Menendez, Members of
the Subcommittees, thank you very much for inviting me to testify on the conclusion of our Bilateral
Commercial Agreement with Vietnam, and our support for extension ofNormal Trade Relations.
This July, after nearly four years of negotiation, we signed a Bilateral Trade Agreement with
Vietnam. Under the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, such an agreement is necessary, together with
certification of freedom of emigration, for the United States to maintain conditional Normal Trade
Relations with non-market economies. This is the most comprehensive such agreement ever
negotiated, covering all the major trade issues on our agenda and, when approved by Congress
through extension of annually renewable Normal Trade Relations, bringing about over time
significant reforms in Vietnam's trade and economic policies. As it does so, the agreement will fully
normalize our trade relationship with Vietnam, contributing to a broader process of normalization
·
with both great symbolic and strategic importance for the United States.
U .. S.-VIETNAM TRADE AGREEMENT AND U.S. REGIONAL POLICY GOALS
(
Let me begin my testimony by placing the agreement in the context of our broader relationship with
and policy toward Vietnam and its neighbors.
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.Our first priority, like that of previous Administrations, has been a full accounting for American
service personnel listed as Missing in Action in the aftermath of the Vietnam War. As Ambassador
Peterson noted in testimony before the Ways and Means Committee earlier this year, this work is
proceeding with full cooperation from Vietnam, through joint field activities and review of material
evidence.
·
With this continuing, we believe normalized ties between the United States and Vietnam, Cambodia
and Laos, together with their full engagement in ASEAN and the broader Pacific economy, serves
American goals in several ways.
-First, integrating these countries into U.S.-Pacific trade contributes to American strategic goals in
Asia. A stable and cohesive Southeast Asia is a major contribution to peace and security in the
broader Asia-Pacific region. The entry of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia into ASEAN has already
made a major contribution to this goal. A growing trade and investment relationship with the United
States, together with greater economic integration within Southeast Asia as the Indochinese nations
participate in the ASEAN Free Trade Area, will continue and strengthen this trend.
I
- Second, we can help create substantial new trade opportunities for American businesses, farmers
and working people in a region of 100 million people. Vietnam in particular, as ASEAN's secondlargest country and the fourth-largest nation in Asia, has the potential to develop into a rapidly
growing economy with significant demand for our products.
-Finally, our trade agreements make· a contribution to economic reform and the rule oflaw in
commercial areas in these countries. In doing so, they tend over time to reduce arbitrary state power, '
offer individuals greater economic opportunities and more freedom to determine their own future,
complementing (although in no way substituting for) our human rights initiatives.
REGIONAL TRADE POLICY
Thus, since the mid-1990s·and beginning with the lifting of post-Vietnam War trade embargoes, we
have been working toward full normalization of our trade relationships with each country. Though
the three economies are quite different -- Vietnam being a larger and relatively more industrialized
country- each presented some similar issues:
- All had non-market economies and highly closed trade regimes;
I
-In the aftermath of the Cold War, all were interested in moving toward varying degrees of domestic
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economic reform and opening economic relations with the United States; and
I
-- All three, as non-market economies, were ineligible for Normal Trade Relations without
negotiation of a Bilateral Commercial Agreement (BCA).
Our goal, therefore, was to negotiate agreements with each country that would lead to significantly
more open markets, contribute to domestic reform and liberalization, and (assuming success in
freedom of emigration in the Vietnamese case) allow us to endorse Normal Trade Relations. As with
other transitional economies in Europe and Asia, we will not move on to requests for permanent NTR
until Vietnam joins the WTO, a number of years from now.
CAMBODIA AND LAOS
With respect to the two smaller countries, we were able to move relatively quickly. We succeeded
first with Cambodia, with a Bilateral Commercial Agreement that entered into force on the
Congressional grant ofNTR in 1996. As this agreement was negotiated before completion of the
Uruguay Round, it is less comprehensive than the Laos and Vietnam agreements. However, it does
contain comprehensive intellectual property commitments and ensures national treatment for imports.
I
With respect to Laos, we completed a Bilateral Commercial Agreemenfin 1997. This agreement,
using the completion of the Uruguay Round as a foundation, is more comprehensive, covering market
access for goods and services, and intellectual property rights. It has not yet come into force,
however, as Laos has not yet been granted NTR by Congress. The Administration will continue to
work with Members to find an appropriate vehicle and time for its implementation.
CONTEMPORARY U.S. TRADE RELATIONSHIP WITH VIETNAM
Vietnam, with nearly 80 million of the region's approximately 100 million people, is by far the
largest of the three countries. Our work here has proceeded step-by-step, beginning with President
Clinton's decision to authorize resumed international lending and allow US firms to join in
development projects in 1993, and continuing through the lifting the economic embargo in 1994, and
the opening of normal diplomatic relations in 1995. These in tum build upon earlier decisions in 1991
and 1992 to open organized travel, allow commercial sales to Vietnam for basic human needs and ·
open telecommunications links.
I
These steps have enabled us to begin the development of a trade and investment relationship with.
Vietnam. Vietnam has become our sixth largest trading partner in Southeast Asia-- in 1999, we
exported approximately $300 million worth of goods to Vietnam, with the major U.S. exports being
industrial machinery, fertilizers and semiconductors; and our imports from Vietnam totalled
approximately $600 million, most of this in crude oil, footwear, shrimp and coffee. A number of
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American firms have invested in Vietnam as well, with approximately $183 million worth of
investment at the end of 1998 .
Two factors have severely limited the growth of this relationship, however. First, Vietnam remains
one of the very few countries which do not enjoy Normal Trade Relations Status. (These are
Vietnam, Laos, Cuba, North Korea, Afghanistan and Serbia.) As a result, imports from Vietnam face
Smoot-Hawley tariff levels averaging 40% - more than ten times our current applied tariff levels for
countries with NTR.
Second, economic reform within Vietnam has progressed slowly, weakening the economy's overall
potential and creating obstacles for American exporters. Vietnam had made a degree of progress on
reform in the early 1990s. However, this has been slowed by the effects of the Asian financial crisis,
as Vietnam's exports to and investment from East Asia have both dropped. Vietnam's rates of
ec.o1?-omic growth, high in the early 1990s, have slowed to 4.0 - 4.5% per year since the financial
CflSlS.
•
As this occurred, the momentum of domestic reform slowed as well. This has left Vietnam with a
series of policy challenges: state enterprises make up approximately 30% of GDP and are in many
cases in a financially weak position, highly protectionist policies in many sectors, and nontransparent administration .
THE U.S.-VIETNAM BILATERAL TRADE AGREEMENT
Our Bilateral Commercial Agreement addresses many of these issues as it also takes up the major
trade issues and sectors of concern to Americans. It thus it marks a major shift of economic policy .
direction for Vietnam, setting a course for greater openness to the outside world; promoting economic
reform and market principles, transparency in law and regulatory policy; and helping Vietnam to both
integrate itself into the Pacific regional economy and build a foundation for future entry into the
World Trade Organization.
The agreement is divided into six chapters: (1) market access for industrial goods and farm products;
(2) intellectual property; (3) trade in services; (4) investment; (5)business facilitation; and (6)
transparency. In each case, it sets clear and specific commitments and timetables, which will go into
effect after the agreement is implemented through a Congressional decision to extend Normal Trade
Relations to Vietnam.
•
The details of the agreement are as follows.
<$~: ·
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Chapter 1. Market Access for Goods
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In goods, Vietnam has committed to general trade principles consistent with WTO practices,
including reducing tariffs and abolishing non-tariff restrictions such as quotas, ensuring trading rights
for foreign and Vietnamese businesses, and others. Some of the major commitments include:
Trading Rights: Vietnam will grant, for the first time, rights for both Vietnamese and foreign
businesses to import and export, generally phased in over 3-6 years.
National Treatment- Vietnam will apply national treatment for imports in areas including standards, .
taxes and commercial dispute settlement.
Tariffs-- Vietnam will guarantee MFN-level tariffs for U.S. goods, and cut tariffs on a wide range of
agricultural and manufactured goods of interest to American exporters from most cases by a third to a
half, from current levels averaging approximately 20%.
I
Non-tariff Measures: Vietnam has agreed to eliminate all quantitative restrictions on a range of
industrial and agricultural products (e.g., auto parts, citrus, beef), over a period of 3-7 years,
depending on the product.
Import Licensing: Vietnam will eliminate all discretionary import licensing, in accordance with the
WTO agreement.
Customs Valuation and Customs Fees. Vietnam will comply with WTO rules- using transactions
value for customs valuation, and limiting customs fees to cost of services rendered - in 2 years.
Technical Standards and Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures: In accordance with WTO standards,
technical regulations and sanitary and phytosanitary measures will be applied on a national treatment
basis, to the extent necessary to fulfill legitimate objectives (e.g., to protect human, animal or plant
life or health).
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State Trading: State trading will be carried out in accordance with WTO rules (e.g., state trading
enterprises make any sales and purchases only in accordance with commercial considerations).
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Chapter 2. Intellectual Property Rights
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Vietnam will implement WTO-level patent and trademark protection within one year, and copyright
and trade secret protection within 18 months. It will also take further measures to strengthen
intellectual property protection in other areas, for example protection of encrypted satellite signals.
Chapter 3. Trade in Services
Vietnam will accept the rules of the WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services, guarantees
protection for the existing rights of all foreign service providers in Vietnam, and making specific
commitments in a range ofs.ectors. Some ofthe major areas include:
Telecommunications- Vietnam will accept the principles of the WTO's Basic Telecommunications
Reference Paper, requiring a pro-competitive regulatory regime and cost-based interconnection fees.
It will also make commitments to liberalize the basic and value-added telecommunications markets,
as follows:
·
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Basic Telecom (including mobile cellular and satellite)- Vietnam will allow U.S. firms to form joint
ventures four years after implementation of the agreement, with a 49% US equity limit.
Value-added Telecom- U.S. firms will be allowed to form joint ventures two years after
implementation of the agreement (3 years for Internet services), with a 50% limit on US equity.
Voice Telephone services- U.S. firms will be allowed to formjoint ventures after six years, with a
49% equity limit.
·
In all these fields, Vietnam and the U.S. will discuss a potential increase in the level of U.S. equity
participation when the agreement is reviewed in three years.
Financial Services - Vietnam agreed to the General Agreement on Trade in Services financial annex,
and made the following specific commitments:
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Insurance: In life and other "non-mandatory" sectors, U.S~ firms will be able to form joint ventures
with a 50% equity limit after three years, and to hold 100% equity after five years. In "mandatory"
sectors such as motor vehicle and construction insurance, U.S. firms will be able to hold 100% equity
after six years.
·
Banking and related financial services- Vietnam has also agreed to:
Non-bank and leasing company providers: Joint ventures will be allowed on implementation of the
agreement; after three years, Vietnam will permit 100% US equity shares.
Banks- US banks will be allowed to open branches in Vietnam. U.S. banks will be able to form joint
ventures with equity between 30% and 49%; after 9 years, 100% US subsidiary banks will be
allowed. Vietnam will also allow U.S. banks to hold equity shares in privatized Vietnamese banks at
the same level as allowed Vietnamese investors. Over time, Vietnam will also allow U.S. banks to
offer such services as deposits in local currency, credit cards, ATM machines and others.
Securities-related services- U.S. securities firms will be allowed to open representative offices in
Vietnam.
·
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Professional: Vietnam has made specific commitments across the range of professional· services
industries. These include:
Legal - Vietnam will allow 100% US equity in legal firms, including branches. Law firms opening
branches in Vietnam will receive 5-year, renewable licenses, and may consult oii Vietnamese laws.
Accounting- U.S. accounting firms will be able to hold 100% equity. Vietnam will grant licenses to
U.S. accounting firms on a case-by-case basis for three years, with no limits afterwards. U.S. firms
will be able to provide services to foreign invested firms for the first two years, and to Vietnamese
firms afterwards.
Architectural- U.S. architectural firms will be able to hold 100% equity. U.S. firms will be able to
provide services to foreign invested firms for the first two years, and to Vietnamese firms afterwards.
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Engineering- U.S. engineering firms will be able to hold 100% equity. U.S. firms will be able to
provide services to foreign invested firms for the first two years, and to Vietnamese firms afterwards.
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Audio Visual- U.S. firms will be able to form joint ventures with 49% equity on implementation of
the agreement; the equity limit will rise to 51% after five years. Services opened under this
commitment include film production and distribution, and motion picture projection services.
Distribution- For wholesale distribution, U.S. firms will be able to form joint ventures after three
years with a 49% equity limit; this equity limit will be eliminated after six years. All U.S. retailers
wishing to participate in the Vietnam market will be allowed to open one outlet, with further
approvals on a case-by-case basis.
Other - Vietnam has also made specific commitments in a wide range of other services fields,
including computer services, advertising, market research, management consulting,. construction,
distribution, private education, health services such as hospital and clinics, and the travel and tourism
sector.
Chapter 4. Investment
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Vietnam will make a series of commitments that will ease investment, reduce paperwork and in
almost all cases ensure national treatment for foreign investors. These include protection against
expropriation of U.S. investments in Vietnam, and rights to repatriate profits and conduct other
financial transfers on a national treatment basis; phasing out such measures as local content
requirements and export performance requirements within 5 years; ending almost all investment
screening and discriminatory pricing; and reducing government controls and screening requirements
for joint ventures.
Chapter 5: Business Facilitation
Vietnam will guarantee the right for U.S. persons to conduct routine business practices, such as
· setting up offices, advertise, and conduct market studies.
Chapter 6: Transparency and Right to Appeal
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This chapter of the agreement is as significant as any in the agreement. Under its provisions, Vietnam
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will make an extensive set of commitments to transparency. In sharp contrast to past practices and a
major reform of administrative policies, Vietnam will now provide advance notice of all laws,
regulations and other administrative procedures relating to any matter covered in the agreement;
publish all laws and regulations; and inform the public of effective dates and government contact
points. Specific commitments include:
- All laws governing issues covered in the agreement must be made public and readily available.
-Vietnam will designate an official journal in which all such measures will be published.
- Vietnam will commit to uniform, impartial and reasonable application of all laws, regulations and
administrative procedures.
-Vietnam will form administrative or judicial tribunals for review and correction (at the request of an
affected person) of all matters covered in the agreement, and afford the right to appeal the relevant
decision. Notice of decisions upon appeal and reasons for decisions appealed will be provided in
writing .
•
CONCLUSION
Taken as a whole, this agreement is an historic step forward in our economic relationship with
Vietnam- bringing U.S.-Vietnam trade onto the same terms we afford nearly every other country in
the world, and marking an important turning point in Vietnam's domestic economic policies. Over
time, it will help speed Vietnam's integration into the world and Pacific economies, and move it
toward ultimate membership in the World Trade Organization.
As it promotes this transformation of our economic relationship, the U.S.-Vietnam Trade Agreement
thus serves each of our major goals iil Southeast Asia. Completion of this agreement, and approval of
annual NTR for Vietnam, .will open significant new opportunities for Americans. More important
still, it will contribute to aspirations for economic liberalization and the rule of law in these countries;
complement the work we are pursuing in human rights; and advance our long-term vision of a
peaceful, stable Asia.
•
Finally, of course, this agreement marks a decisive moment in our normalization with Vietnam and
its neighbors. This process, over the past decade, has contributed to the end of the Cambodian
conflict; an accounting for Americans missing in action during the Indochina wars; and the reopening
of hope for millions of the region's people; and Congressional approval will mark the final step in this
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•
process. When the agreement is submitted to Congress, we look forward to working with you to
ensure its approval.
Thank you very much.
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Text: Lawmakers on Vietnamese.Americans/Human Rights for Vietnam
(July 10 excerpts of debate on H. Con. Res. 322)
Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, spoke with one voice on July 10
to honor the sacrifices of those Vietnamese who served in the Armed Forces of the
Republic of Vietnam, and to urge the communist regime in Vietnam to respect the
human rights of its citizens.
In a debate on House Concurrent Resolution 322, lawmakers spanning a wide
ideological spectrum rose to praise the sacrifices of Vietnamese who opposed·
communism in that country and to praise the efforts of Vietnamese Americans to focus
international attention on human rights violations by the Hanoi regime.
House International Relations Committee Chairman Ben Gilman (Republican of New
York) called on the Vietnamese government to do all in its power to assist in the return
of all American POWs and MIAs "to American soil."
Following are excerpts from the debate from the Congressional Record:
· (begin text)
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, while Vietnam has made a bit of progress in
the past few years in opening up its society, we need to maintain pressure on the
Vietnamese government to move·more aggressively towards democracy.
•
This resolution recognizes the important role that the more than 1 million Vietnamese
Americans in our nation play in raising the awareness of the Vietnam human rights
record.
The resolution also recognizes the sacrifices made by the armed forces of the United
States and the former Republic of Vietnam in fighting to bring democracy and freedom
to that nation. We are right to get the Congress on record on all of these issues.
I want to note also, Madam Speaker, the tremendous contributions 1 million Vietnamese
Americans make to the betterment of our Nation becoming mainstream Americans. They
are such an industrious people in education, business, and all walks of life. I want to
commend the 1 million Vietnamese Americans that we have who are members of our
Nation.
Yet with all this, I think we can also recognize that their hearts are still with the mother
. country, hopefully, in some way, and somehow that the greater sense of democracy will
come about with the current administration of Vietnam in that country.
Madam Speaker, I do urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Again, I thank the
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) for managing this legislation on the floor.
Mr. BILBRAY. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Con. Res. 322.
Madam Speaker, many of us from all over the country know about the problems and the
trials and tribulations of individuals who immigrated to this country from the Republic of
Vietnam.
I
I think that it's appropriate to repeat why so many Vietnamese fought and died for
freedom and democracy in their country. Over 250,000 Vietnamese from the Republic of
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Vietnam died in this struggle. Let me say this sincerely, they not only died for
· themselves, but also in the struggle against tyrannies, against oppression.
I
Frankly, I think too often we talk about a lot of inconsequential issues, but we need to
remember that there is a long black wall down at the other end of the Mall. Many
Americans and Vietnamese Americans walk that wall and trace out names. I think too
often that, when we talk about that long black wall, we think about it as something that is
in the past, something that is over, something that somebody else did or another
generation did.
Madam Speaker, I am here to remind us all that the war may be over; but the struggle for
what that wall symbolizes, the struggle for what the Vietnamese people in the Republic
of Vietnam were fighting for, the struggle for what American men and women fought
and died for is still going on today.
There are still individuals in Vietnam who are being tagged as 'hard core', and who are in
reeducation facilities. Now I think we all know what kind of catch word 'reeducation'
means. It basically means, if one does not think like the government, the government .
will teach one how to rethink so one thinks only their way.
Madam Speaker, I think that, as we address this resolution today, we should commit
ourselves to the fact that the men and women that are symbolized on our wall at the other
end of the Mall and the men and women who died from the Republic ofVietnam will be
remembered by our constant quest to make sure that this struggle for freedom does
continue.
I
I want to say, though, too, I guess too often we talk about 'hyphenated Americans', and
maybe being a son of a so-called 'hyphenated American', I am always reminded that we
are really not talking about Vietnamese. We are talking about Americans who came from
Vietnam. We are talking about people that have made, not only a great struggle in
Vietnam fighting Communism, but also a great struggle and great success at becoming
new Americans, at becoming what this country has always promised the rest of the
world: that if one works hard, one studies hard, one strives to do their best, if one is
willing to make a contribution to this free society, this free society will reward one
through one's own sweat of one's own brow.
I think that we all need to remind ourselves that these immigrants who came from the
Republic of Vietnam, and as an example to all of us no matter what our race, what our
creed, what our gender, that there still is the opportunity for those who are willing to
work hard, to strive, and to contribute.
In closing, in San Diego County, we have a very large population of individuals who
emigrated from the Republic of Vietnam, and their children now are as American as
anyone who has been here for 200, 300 years. I am very proud that, when I go to review
ROTC units, when we see the military young men and women lining up in San Diego,
we will see the sons and the daughters of men and women who fought for their homeland
and emigrated from the Republic of Vietnam in the worst of circumstances, but have
learned the best of lessons both from their country of the past and their newly adopted
country of the future.
I
Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, the gentleman from Nebraska (Chairman Bereuter) is the
author of this particular legislation, of this approach, of which I am a cosponsor. I want
to thank him for introducing this bill.
It is important that we honor those in the Armed Forces in the United States and in the
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armed forces of the Republic ofVietnam who fought together. These brave individuals
risked their lives for liberty, and their actions should be honored 25 years now after the
fall of Saigon. We must remember their deeds while working for increased political and
economic freedom in the socialist Republic of Vietnam.
I recently visited Vietnam. During my trip there, I paid a visit to the Venerable. Thich
Quang Do, who is the 72-year-old leader of the banned Unified Buddhist Church of
Vietnam.
Because of his peaceful protests, those protests that he engaged in in support of political
freedom and religious freedom, Thich Quang Do has been imprisoned and exiled. Even
though he was under surveillance, Thich Quang Do welcomed my visit.
My private visits to him and Le Quang Liem, another dissident, were quickly denounced
by the government. It is obvious the Vietnamese government is sensitive to international
criticism. This obligates the United States to speak out constantly against the Vietnamese
government's human rights violations. We may not always realize it, but protests by the
. American government and by the American people do help the cause of freedom in
Vietnam. Silence is no alternative.
This international criticism has come about in large part due to the tireless work of the
Vietnamese-American communities. Their efforts to raise awareness about human rights
and about the violations of basic freedoms ofVietnam have a critical, critical effect.
•
It is imperative that we continue pressuring for increased openness in Vietnam. A two- .
track policy of engaging the Vietnamese government o·n economic reform on one hand
while pressuring it on its political and religious repression, that approach requires
diplomatic finesse. But if done right, it promises to bring long-sought freedom to the
Vietnamese people, freedom for which many Americans have sacrificed.
I want to commend the gentleman from Nebraska (Chairman Bereuter) for his authorship
of this two-pronged approach. We all hope that it is successful in engaging and changing
Vietnam.
·
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in.support of this resolution
commending the Vietnamese American Community for its work in bringing democratic
principles and practices to the people ofVietnam. Social equality is the backbone of the
American government and a fundamental principle in every democratic government.
As the leading democratic country in the world, the United States should take care to
applaud the efforts of all people who have worked to spread democracy throughout the
earth including the contributions of the Vietnamese American people.
After the fall of Saigon, the Vietnam's government punished those Vietnamese who had·
allied with the U.S. North Vietnam forces placed hundreds of thousands of southerners
in prisons, re-education camps and economic zones in efforts to remove subversion and
to consolidate the country.
I
The Communists created a society of suspicion that hourided prisoners even after their
release. The men were treated as second class citizens. Families were deprived of
employment and their children could not attend college. Police interrogated families if
·ex-prisoners were not seen for more than a day.
·
Prisoners were considered expendable, worked to death and forced to walk in rows down
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old minefields to find out where they were. Daughters of South Vietnamese military men
were sometimes forced by destitution to become prostitutes.
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The re-education camps remained the predominant devise of social control in the late
1980s. Considered to be institutions where rehabilitation was accomplished through
education and socially constructive labor, the camps were used to incarcerate members
of certain social classes in order to coerce them to accept and conform to the new social
norms.
Sources say that up to 200,000 South Vietnamese spent at least a year in the camps,
which range from model institutions visited by foreigners to remote jungle shacks were
inmates died of malnutrition and disease. As late as 1987, Vietnamese officials stated
that about 7,000 people remained in re-education canips.
The first wave of refugees, in 1975, had no established Vietnamese American
communities to rely upon for help. Assistance came from government programs, private
individuals, nonprofit organizations and churches. Vietnamese men who held high
positions in their homeland took whatever jobs they could get. Vietnamese woman
became full-time wage earners, often for the first time.
Most refugees in the first wave were young, well-educated urban elites, professionals
and people with technical training. Despite the fact that many first wave arrivals were
from privileged backgrounds, few were well prepared to take up new life in America.
The majority did not speak English and all found themselves in the midst of a strange
culture.
•
The refugees who arrived in the US often suffered traumatic experiences while escaping
Vietnam by sea. Those caught escaping after the fall of Saigon, including children, were
jailed. Almost every Vietnamese American family has a member who·arrived as a
refugee or who died en route.
Many Vietnamese Americans still refuse to accept the current communist government of
their former homeland. For many, the pain, anger and hatred felt toward the communist
regime that forced them into exile remains fresh. Fiercely proud of their heritage, yet left
without a homeland, many Vietnamese Americans have vowed never to acknowledge
that Vietmim is now one communist country.
The story of Le Van Me and wife Sen is a typical one of many refugees. Me was a
lieutenant colonel in the South Vietnamese Army when they came to the U.S. They spent
time in a refugee camp in Fort Chaffee, Arkansas, until the government found a church
in Warsaw, Missouri, to sponsor them. In the small rural town, Me worked as a janitor
for the church and all the parishioners helped the family in any way they could--giving
them clothes, canned preserves, even working together to renovate a house where the
family could live.
Me took classes at the community college. After 11 months, the family moved to
California, drawn by the jobs rumored to be there. Me got a job as an electronic
technician and started attending a neighborhood community college again. Sen was
determined not to use food stamps for longer than two weeks. Within three years, they
bought a three bedroom house in north San Jose. As Me explained 'You really don't
know what freedom is until you nearly die fighting for it.'
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Saigon fell 25 years ago, but the memories are still raw for many Vietnamese people. ·
The exodus from Vietnam since 1975 has created a generation of exiles. The efforts of
everyone, especially Vietnamese-Americans, to bring democracy must be recognized.
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We should hesitate no longer to make it known that the United States Congress proudly
recognizes these efforts.
Mr. Speaker, I tirge each of my colleagues to support this Resolution.
Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent.Resolution
322 expressing the sense of Congress regarding the sacrifices of individuals who. served
in the Armed Forces of the former Republic ofVietnam.
I want to thank the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Davis, for introducing this resolution·
and for his continuing commitment to human rights and democracy in Vietnam.
I want to thank the chairman of the Asia-Pacific Subcommittee, Mr. Bereuter, for his
work in crafting the final language in this measure.
·
Madam Speaker, it is unfortunate that 10 years after the end of the cold war, the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam is still a one-party state ruled and controlled by a Communist Party
which represses political and religious freedoms and commits numerous human rights
abuses.
It is appropriate that we recognize those who fought to oppose this tyranny which has
fallen across Vietnam and those who continue the vigil of struggling for freedom and
democracy there today.
••
Accordingly, I urge Hanoi to cease its violations of human rights and to undertake the
long-overdue liberalization of its moribund and stifling political and economic system .
The people of Vietnam clearly deserve better.
Finally, I call upon the Vietnamese government to do all it can--unilaterally--to assist in
bringing our POW/MIAs home to American soil.
I want to praise this resolution for pointing out the injustice that tragically exists in
Vietnam today and those who have--and are--still opposing it.
Once again I want to commend Mr. Davis for introducing this resolution and his abiding
dedication to improving the lives of the people ofVietnam.
I am proud to be a cosponsor of this measure and I strongly urge my colleagues to
support it and send a strong signal to Hanoi that it is time to free the minds and spirits of
the Vietnamese people.
Ms. LOFGREN. Madam Speaker, I rise'today in support of House Concurrent
Resolution 322, which honors the wonderful contributions of our nation's VietnameseAmericans in raising awareness of human rights·abuses in Vietnam. I thank my
colleagues Mr. Davis and Ms. Sanchez for their hard work on this issue. I am proud to be
an original cosponsor of this important resolution, and urge my colleagues'
overwhelming support today.
I
I represent San Jose, California, a community greatly enriched by the presenc(;: of
immigrants. Quite a few of my constituents came to San Jose as refugees, escaping the
brutal and oppressive political regime in Hanoi. I worked with those refugees as a Santa
Clara County Supervisor, and many of those people have become my friends throughout
the years. I believe that they have a unique perspective on the state of our country's ·
relationship with Vietnam that is of immense value.
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A quarter century after the fall of Saigon, the Communist government continues to
oppress its citizens and violate their basic hllinan rights. Stories of political repression,
religious persecutions and extra-judicial detentions are all too common. Many
Vietnamese-Americans have worked tirelessly to bring these violations to light, here in
the United States and to the .international community. As a result of their extraordinary
dedication, awareness of the abuses of the Vietnamese government is growing
exponentially.
I applaud their continued effort to bring democratic ideals and practices to Vietnam. This
resolution is a small token of our gratitude for the hard work of the 1 million
Vietnamese-Americans living in our country. I am proud to support it.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office oflntemational Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
Return to U.S.-Vietnam Relations.
Return to liP Home Page.
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Text: House Resolution on Vietnam's Human Rights Abuses
(H. Con. Res. 295 cites record of oppression since 1975)
The House of Representatives overwhelming passed a resolution May 3 condemning
.Vietnam's human rights abuses and calling on the communist government there to
·
commit to a timetable for free and open elections.
By a vote of 415 to 3, the House of Representatives passed House Concurrent Resolution
295, which calls on the U.S. President to "restate and make clear to the leadership of the
Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam that the American people are firmly
committed to political, religious, and economic freedom for the citizens of the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam."
The resolution also says the United States "fully expects equal protection under law with
all Vietnamese Citizens, regardless of religious belief, political philosophy, or sociopolitical association."
The resolution calls on Hanoi to "formally commit to a framework and a set timetable for
open and fair elections that will facilitate the ability of Vietnamese citizens to peacefully
choose their own local and national leaders, free from fear and intimidation."
During the debate on the resolution, lawmakers from both parties criticized political
oppression by the Hanoi government 25 years after it had captured Saigon.
I
Following is the text of the resolution and excerpts of the debate from the Congressional
Record:
(begin text)
RELATING TO CONTINUING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS AND POLITICAL
OPPRESSION IN SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM
.
(House of Representatives- May 03, 2000)
H. Con. Res. 295
Whereas April 30, 2000, marks the 25th anniversary of the fall of Saigon to Communist
forces ofNorth Vietnam;
Whereas 25 years after the Vietnam War ended, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a
one-party state ruled and controlled by the Vietnamese Communist Party;
Whereas the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam continues to violate the
liberties and civil rights of its own citizens through arbitrary arrests, detentions without
trial, and the censorship of peaceful expressions of political and religious beliefs;
Whereas the Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1999
notes that the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam 'continued to repress
basic political and some religious freedoms and to commit numerous abuses';
I
Whereas the Socialist Republic of Vietnam still retains Article 4 in its Constitution that
ensures the supremacy of the Vietnamese Communist Party as the only political party in
the country while continuing to enforce an extra-legal administrative decree to detain or
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Page 2 of 10
place under house arrest any dissidents or civilians for up to two years, without trial,
under the pretext of 'endangering national security';
Whereas the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is one of the most politically repressive and
poorest countries in the world, with an average annual per capita income of $330;
Whereas, according to the Department of State and international hurhan rights
organizations, the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam continues to restrict
unregistered religious activities and persecutes citizens on the basis of their religious
affiliation through arbitrary arrests and detention, harassment, physical abuse,
censorship, and the denial of ~he rights of free association and religiou~ worship;
Whereas the Department of State Annual Report on International Religious Freedom for
1999 on Vietnam estimates that 'there are from 30 to 50 religious prisoners' but 'the
number is difficult to verify with any precision because of the secrecy surrounding the
arrest, detention, and release process';
Whereas the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam continues to prevent
human rights organizations from unfettered and open investigations of allegations of
state-sponsored oppression of the right to worship by its citizens, and has prevented the
United Nations Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance, Abdelfattah Amor, from
meeting with various religious leaders during his visit to Vietnam in October 1998;
•
Whereas the Government of the Socialist Republic ofVietnam systematically violates
the Universal Declaration of Humart Rights in contravention of its status as a member of
the United Nations;
·
Whereas the Government of the Socialist Republic ofVietnam systematically violates
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in contravention of its status as a
signatory to that agreement; and
·
Whereas it is in the interest of the United States to promote political, religious, and
economic freedom throughout the world: Now, therefore, be it
·
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That the Congress-(1) requests the President to restate and make clear to the leadership of the Government
of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam that-(A) the American people are firmly committed to political, religious, and economic
freedom for the citizens of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam; and
(B) the United States fully expects equal protection under law with all Vietnamese
citizens, regardless of religious belief, political philosophy, or socio-political association;
(2) urges the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam-(A) to cease violations of religious freedom as defined by. the International Religious
Freedom Act of 1998;
•
(B) to release all religious prisoners, political prisoners, and prisoners of conscience, and
immediately cease the harassment, detention, physical abuse, and imprisonment of
Vietnamese citizens who have exercised their legitimate rights to freedom of belief,
expression, andassociation;
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(C) to allow all Vietnamese citizens the right to free
freedom of the press, and religious worship; and
Page 3 of 10
expression~
freedom of association,
(D) to formally commit to a framework and a set timetable for open and fair elections
that will facilitate the ability of Vietnamese citizens to peacefully choose their own local
and national leaders, free from fear and intimidation; and ·
(3) commends the Vietnamese-American community for initiating a memorial to
American and South Vietnamese soldiers who sacrificed their lives for the cause of
freedom during the Vietnam War, which is under development and will be located in
Westminster; California.
(end text of resolution)
(begin excerpts of debate)
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, it is truly unfortunate that 25 years after the end of the
Vietnam War the Socialist Republic Vietnam is still a one-party state ruled and
controlled by the Vietnamese Communist party. Regrettably, the government in Hanoi
continues to repress basic political and some religious freedoms, and to commit .
numerous human rights abuses.
This resolution rightfully requests the President to make clear to the government of
Vietnam the firm corrimitment of the American people to fundamental human rights and
equal treatment for all people of Vietnam still persist.
It further urges Vietnam to cease its violations of human rights and to undertake the long
overdue liberalization of its antiquated political system.
And, finally, it appropriately commends the Vietnamese American community for a
memorial to fallen American and South Vietnamese soldiers being developed in
Westminster, California. In that regard, I call upon the Vietnamese government to do all
it can to assist in bringing our POWs and MIAs home to American soil.
Mr. Speaker, democracy and human rights are not eastern or western values, as some
might contend. They are universal values and the right of people everywhere, including
the 77 million people of Vietnam. I want to praise this resolution for pointing out the
injustice that tragically exists in Vietnam today. Communism is a dead ideology.
Somehow, and surprisingly, the government in Hanoi still has. not received that news.
I sincerely hope that the bureaucrats in Hanoi are listening today and, as a result, will
undertake the necessary reforms to release minds and spirits of the Vietnamese people.
The people of Vietnam clearly deserve much better.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, Vietnam continues to be--25 years after the conclusion of
that tragic war--one of the most repressive societies on the face of this planet. Similarly
to China, Vietnam has opened up its economy to some extent, but its political system is
as rigid, unbending, and repressive as it has ever been.
I
I call, therefore, on the government of Vietnam to release all religious and political
prisoners, all prisoners of conscience; and to immediately cease the harassment,
detention, physical abuse and imprisonment of Vietnamese citizens who are exercising
their legitimate rights to freedom of belief, expression, and association.
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I call on the government ofVietnam, Mr. Speaker, to abolish article four of the
Vietnamese constitution and repeal all regulations and codes and decrees prohibiting
citizens the rights to free expression, freedom of association, freedom of the press and
religious worship.
I also think it is critical that we as a body call on the government of Vietnam to set an
early timetable for open and fair elections that at long last will facilitate the inclusion of
Vietnam in the community of civilized nations and allow its citizens to peacefully
choose their own local and national leaders, free from fear and intimidation.
I think it is particularly significant, Mr. Speaker, that the government of Vietnam has
prevented the United Nations special rapporteur on religious intolerance from meeting
with the various religious leaders during his visit to Vietnam. Vietnam has an obligation,
as a signatory of the appropriate treaties, to allow access by United Nations' officials to
all religious practitioners.
We are indeed pleased that a quarter century has gone by since the conclusion of that
tragic war, but we are appalled at the continued suppression of the Vietnamese people. I
earnestly hope and trust that this move by the Congress of the United States, which I
trust will be approved unanimously, will begin the process of opening up the political
situation in that country.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. This is one of those measures, Mr. Speaker, that goes through
Congress that has bipartisan support because it reflects fundamental values which I
believe that this body is supposed to be all about. This is a body that represents the
greatest democracy in the world, and all of us who meet here share these values of
democracy and freedom. And when we are talking about issues that go to the heart of our
country, we stand united.
This resolution commemorates the 25th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War and
expresses a tribute to the Americans and South Vietnamese who gave their lives in the
cause of freedom in that conflict. The international press reports from Vietnam this past
weekend unanimously emphasized the ongoing repression that the people of Vietnam
have had to suffer under the Communist regime in Hanoi.
The violation of human rights and the denial of democracy for the people of Vietnam has
been just a horrific experience over these last 25 years and has caused a firsthand
observer, Senator John McCain, to state that regardless of America's shortcomings in
conducting that war, that the wrong side won.
Singapore's senior statesman and ASEAN founding member, Lee Kuan Yew,
commented recently that the sacrifices by the Americans in Vietnam in the 1960s and
1970s gave the rest ofthe region, which also faced Communist-backed guerilla
movements, time to stabilize and even prosper. So, yes, there were some good things that
came out of Vietnam, yet the people of Vietnam still suffer.
I
And there was great sacrifice during that war: 58,000 Americans perished and more than
300,000 were wounded. In addition, 270,000 South Vietnamese military personnel
perished, and over 570,000 were wounded. And that was before, of course, the final
offensive by the Communist forces 25 years ago today.
·
I
This resolution honors their sacrifice and calls attention to the cause of freedom in
Vietnam. This resolution is entirely in support ofthe people of Vietnam who deserve the
right and the opportunity to participate in the democratic process of a free and
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Democratic society.
I
The greatest example of the potential of Vietnam is perhaps the tremendous educational
and economic success of the Vietnamese American community, such as that in Little
Saigon; which is in my district. And I am very proud to represent these freedom loving
people who came here in such turmoil and have made a success of their lives despite
great hardship.
In fact, the fact that they came here with little more than the shirts on their back and now
live in relative prosperity and have made wonderful citizens for our country indicates just
how important freedom and democracy is considering that the people that they left
behind still languish in poverty and still are repressed and suffer great tyranny there in
Vietnam.
This resolution expresses the hope that some day the people of South Vietnam will enjoy
the same kind of freedom that the people who came here after the war enjoy. The
· resolution urges the Vietnamese regime to commit to a framework, a set timetable for
open and free elections.
Twenty-five years after the end of the war, it is time for Vietnamese leaders to make
peace with their own people and to permit their citizens to peacefully choose their own
local and national leaders without fear of intimidation.
This resolution also, as the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman) stated,
congratulates the Vietnamese-American community in Southern California and
· throughout the United States for initiating and funding through private donations the first
memorial to honor both American and South Vietnamese military personnel who
sacrificed their lives during the Vietnam War, which is now being developed in Orange
County, California.
Finally, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this bipartisan
resolution which honors the sacrifice of American citizen soldiers who perished for the
cause of freedom during the Indochina conflict by supporting the struggle for democracy
in Vietnam.
Ms. SANCHEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from California for yielding me the
time for this gracious ability to give me some time to speak a little about April 30, 1975,
marking the beginning of a treacherous boat journey for many Vietnamese who sought
refuge in an unknown land to them and an uncertain future. These individuals risked
everything for a chance to live freely and to provide better opportunities for their
children and.their families.
I rise today as a proud cosponsor of the H. Con. Res. 295, legislation relating to
continuing human rights violations and political oppression in the Socia1ist Republic of
Vietnam still 25 years later since the fall of Saigon.
I also rise to pay special tribute and to recognize the efforts of those servicemen and
women who served as Vietnam War veterans and also to the Vietnamese who fought for
freedom and democracy in Vietnam.
I
As my colleagues know, I represent the largest Vietnamese-American community in the
Nation in Orange County, California. As a proud member of the Congressional Human
Rights Caucus, it was my distinct honor just last month to hold a second hearing on the
human rights conditions in Vietnam. We held one a couple years ago.
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We received testimony from expert witnesses who tell us still freedom of religion,
freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of collective bargaining are still
sorely missed in Vietnam.
The Vietnamese Government continues to grossly violate human rights by incarcerating
prisoners of conscience and placing dissidents under strict surveillance.
So as we continue to move forward with furthering relations between our two countries,
it is my hope that we will address the current human rights issues in Vietnam: the
violations, the religious persecution, the social injustice that many individuals still face
in Vietnam.
Mr. Speaker, as we reflect on this tragic day, it is our duty as Members of Congress to
honor the memories of the individuals that have fought for liberty and democracy in
Vietnam.
·
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, as the chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia and the
Pacific, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 295.
This Member congratulates and thanks the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr.
Rohrabacher) for bringing this matter to the body's attention and for recognizing that the
25th anniversary of the fall of Saigon was an important time to focus the American
attention on what we were fighting for and to also recognize the contributions of so
many men and women among our countrymen who made tremendous sacrifices in that
war and I imagine with the hope that some impact might prevail in Vietnam, as well.
I also, once again, want to thank the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr.
Lantos), the ranking minority member of the subcommittee, for his cooperation and his
assistance in bringing this legislation to the floor.
Certainly it is appropriate to express concerns about the continuing human rights
violations and the political repression in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
Even as the United States moves forward in establishing relations with Vietnam, which
this Member supports, we should be mindful that serious human rights concerns do
remain. Indeed, in the 25 years since the end of the war, regretfully this Member must
say flatly that there has been no discernible progress, no discernible progress, towards
.representative government or basic democratic freedom in Vietnam.
The Vietnamese Constitution enshrines the principle of one-party communist rule.
Political dissidents are routinely harassed or arrested for attempting to exercise their
fundamental human rights, such as freedom of speech and· association.
The Vietnamese Government also continues to restrict unregistered religious activities
and to persecute citizens on the basis of their religious affiliations. Vietnam can be said
to be an equal opportunity oppressor of religious freedoms as Buddhists, Christians, and
over groups also suffer to some exte_nt from Government harassment and repression.
I
The Government has also refused to allow human rights groups and the U.N. special
rapporteur on religious intolerance unfettered access to investigate allegations of
religious oppression.
.
This resolution urges the Government of Vietnam to release religious and political
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Page 7 of 10
prisoners and cease harassment of those exercising their legitimate rights to allow basic ·
freedoms, such as freedom of speech and association, and to commit to a framework and
a timetable for open and fair elections.
It is time that the Vietnamese Government realizes that one-party communist regimes
have no place in the modem world. It is time that the talented, hard-working, and
energetic people of Vietnam enjoy their rights to fundamental religious, economic, and
political freedom.
Mr. Speaker, a few minutes ago the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher)
referred to comments recently made by the senior senator from Arizona, Senator
. McCain, who said the wrong side won.
Well, I would also like to reference the senior senator from my home State of Nebraska,
a member of the opposite party, Senator Robert Kerrey, who is a courageous,
distinguished American who won the Congressional Medal of Honor in Vietnam and
who lost part of his leg in the process. He came home and protested the way the war was
being conducted.
But this past weekend, in the major papets of our State, he had an opinion piece;· and he
said, I was fighting and we were fighting on the right side. Upon ~eflection, upon
visitation to Vietnam and to Southeast Asia, I understand what we were doing there was
appropriate.
I want and will include that as a matter of the Record. It is an outstanding reflection upon
his service in Vietnam and also his reflection upon service in the Congress of the United
States as he prepares to retire from the other body.
Mr. Speaker, this resolution attempts to send a clear message to the Vietnam regime
about the need for fundamental reforms. This Member urges his colleagues to support
strongly H. Con. Res. 295. ·
Mr. SMITH ofNew Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I want to share some observations from a
human rights fact-finding mission I made in December to Saigon. The prinCipal purpose
of the trip was to inspect the new refugee processing program, which, as most of my
colleagues know, has recently moved from Bangkok to our new U.S. Consulate in
Saigon.
As I think many of my colleagues know as well, I am very pleased to have been the
sponsor, the prime author, of comprehensive foreign policy legislation, the Foreign
Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000 and 2001, which became law last
November.
That bill provided for an extension of the McCain amendment on Vietnamese refugee
children through fiscal year 2001, along with an expansion of the amendment to cover
the so-called co-residency cases.
·
.
I
The new law also included very important language making clear that our refugee
programs in Vietnam should be far more than a token effort. We made that clear in all
kinds of cases. For example, with the Montagnards who were turned down because they .
kept fighting the Communists after 1975, with reeducation camp survivors whose
refugee applications were denied because they were afraid to talk in front of governmenthired interpreters, with former U.S. Government employees who were turned down for
no good reason at all, and with people who have suffered recent persecution for their
political or religious beliefs, we need to be far more generous than we have been in the
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past.
I
It is too early, Mr. Speaker, to know whether or not our Saigon refugee program will live
up to those expectations, which is the clear meaning and intent of the law. But I promise,
as Chairman of the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, to
keep my eye on the ball and to keep pushing hard for it.
In addition to focusing on the refugee programs, Mr. Speaker, we also focused heavily
on the human rights issues, democracy, and transparency in Vietnam, which we have
also done in our subcommittee over the last several years.
I met with Dr. Nguyen Dan Que, who--like the great Professor Hoat, who is now in this
country--is a courageous and brilliant former prisoner of conscience. He is now under
virtual house arrest, however, in Saigon. His phone is tapped. His Internet connections
· have been cut off. He and members of his family are followed wherever they go.
Notwithstanding the fact that I had a Government thug following me wherever I went,
Dr. Que invited us into his home and gave us a fascinating lecture on the future prospects
for reform and democracy in Vietnam.
He explained, for example, that the principal contradiction in Vietnamese society is not
between North and South, not between traditionalism and modernity, but between the
Politburo and everybody else in the country.
(
We also met with religious leaders, including Archbishop Man, Father Chan Tin, and
members of the Hoa Hao Buddhist Church. And we met with Montagnard students,
some of whom are Protestants who have been forbidden to have prayer meetings in their
country.
Unfortunately, on the advice of Ambassador Peterson, we were unable to meet with the
leaders ofthe Unified Buddhist Church, who have come in for some of the most brutal
treatment of all. The ambassador felt the time was not right. The next trip, I can assure~
my colleagues, we will meet with them. But we have continued to raise their issues, as
well.
One thing that was very clear from all of our conversations with human rights advocates,
religious figures, and ordinary Vietnamese was that international pressure does indeed
work.
For example, Dr. Que pointed out that while trade may bring some reforms to Vietnam,
these reforms will come quicker if the United States strongly uses each economic
concession, especially the prospect of a bilateral trade agreement, as leverage to require
immediate progress on human rights.
If anyone doubts that economic leverage works to change the behavior ofthe Vietnamese
Government, these doubts should be resolved by the experience of the ROVR program.
In mid-1996, the Vietnamese Government promised that if the 20,000 or so people who
were eligible for ROVR would return to Vietnam, the U.S. would be able to interview
them for refugee resettlement in the U.S.
I
Eighteen months after making this promise, the Vietnamese Government had let us
interview only a few hundred of the 20,000 people. But when it was made clear to them
that they would not get a waiver of the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which would be
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Page 9 of 10
necessary to allow subsi~ized loans under the U.S. Export-Import and OPIC programs,
they allowed us to start interviewing people almost immediately.
We eventually got 18,000 people to freedom under the ROVR program. So linkage to
economic issues does work.
Let me also focus on a couple of human rights issues. As the gentleman from California
(Mr. Lantos) said so eloquently, the Vietnamese Government must stop imprisoning
people for their political or religious beliefs. They must release all prisoners of
conscience that they currently hold.
Hanoi insists that it has no political or religious prisoners, only ordinary law breakers.
When visiting, American delegations like my own point out that these law breakers
include Catholic priests and Buddhist monks. When we raise these issues, they say that
these people have been imprisoned for such crimes as activities to overthrow the
government, which is utter nonsense, or using freedom and democracy to injure the
national unity, whatever that means.
Vietnamese officials cheerfully remind visitors that they have a 'different system.' They
need to be persuaded that if they are going to do business with us they have to abide by
internationally recognized norms regarding human rights.
The Vietnamese government must eliminate other gross human rights violations such as
its two-child-per-couple policy, which deprives the parents of unauthorized children of
employment and other government benefits.
I
It must grant workers the right to organize independent trade unions and stop the practice
of forced labor. It has to stop jamming Radio Free Asia, which tries to bring the
Vietnamese people the kind of broadcasting they would provide for themselves if their
·
government would allow freedom of expression.
Mr. DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support H. Con. Res. 295 relating to
continuing human rights violations and political oppression in the socialist Republic of
Vietnam, 25 years after the fall of South Vietnam to Communist forces.
This past weekend, April 30, marked the fall of Saigon, which ended the Vietnam war 25
years ago. There were a series of events held across America, including in my district in
Northern Virginia, to commemorate this tragic event in history.
Vietnamese Americans from the Washington, DC, metropolitan area gathered this past
weekend to honor the fallen heroes who sacrificed their lives in the name of freedom. In
addition, they staged an all-night candlelight vigil, a flag ceremony, arid a peaceful
demonstration to keep the hope and flame of democracy alive for those still living in the
socialist Republic of Vietnam.
The Vietnam war took its toll on American families sending fathers, brothers, husbands,
and uncles thousands of miles away to the jungles of Vietnam to fight the enemy they
could never face. We must never forget that over 58,000 Americaris and over 300,000
South Vietnamese soldiers lost their lives defending and protecting fundamental ideals,
such as freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and free and open elections.
I
Their noble sacrifices should serve as a reminder that the Vietnam war was fought on the
principles and values of democracy.
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H. Con. Res. 295 is a timely resolution which reiterates America's commitment to
political, religious, and economic freedom for the citizens of the socialist Republic of
Vietnam.
·
Furthermore, this resolution urges the government to release all political and religious
prisoners and prisoners of conscience, to allow their citizens the right to freedom of
speech, freedom of association, freedom of the press and freedom of religious worship,
and more importantly to formally commit to a framework and timetable for open and fair
elections.
Finally, H. Con. Res. 295 recognizes and commends the Vietnamese American
community for initiating an international memorial to American and South Vietnamese
soldiers who gave their lives for the cause of freedom during the Vietnam war, which
will be located in Westminster, California.
I urge my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 295 to honor all those who valiantly fought
during the Vietnam war and to commemorate the fall of Saigon.
(end excerpts)
(Distributed by the Office oflnternational Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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Text: Congressman Rohrabacher Says No To Vietnam Trade Waiver
(June 15 Ways and Mea~s Testimony of Rep. Dana Rohrabacher)
The United States Congress should not approve President Clinton's recommendation for
a waiver of the Jackson-Vanik provisions for Vietnam, according to Representative Dana
Rohrabacher (Republican of California).
He pressed that case in testimony before the House Ways and Means Committee in a
June 15 hearing.
Rohrabacher, who has introduced legislation (House Joint Resolution 99) that would
reject the Clinton waiver request, said his legislation is not aimed· at isolating the
communist nation, nor at stopping American firms from doing business there. ·
"It simply prevents communist Vietnam from enjoying a trade status that enables
American businessmen to make increasingly risky investments with loan guarantees and
subsidies provided by U.S. taxpayers," the California Republican told lawmakers.
·
Following is the text:
(begin text)
Testimony of Congressman Dana Rohrabacher
t
H.J. Res. 99 "Disapproval ofthe Jackson-Vanik Waiver for Vietnam"
June 15, 2000
. Mr. Chairman:
It has been two years since President Clinton issued the first Jackson-Vanikwaiver for
Vietnam, allowing for taxpayer-funded subsidies and insurance for investments there.
Each year we have been assured by the Administration and by our ambassador to Hanoi
that this action would lead to greater political openness and prosperity for the
Vietnamese people, and a better economic climate for American investors.
Unfortunately, the exact opposite has happened.
As the Washington Post stated on May 3, "Vietnam remains a one party state ... rampant
corruption retards foreign investment and ... the Communist Party fears more openness to
the outside world could bring hi more political heterodoxy -- for which the party shows
ZERO tolerance." And Human Rights Watch recently linked the ongoing persecution of
dissidents and religious believers in Vietnam to pervasive economic and political
corruption. There is no free press -- all information is controlled by the state. Radio Free
Asia broadcasts are routinely jammed.
I
A recent poll of international businessmen by Political and Economic Risk Consultancy
Group, a respected Hong Kong-based research firm, rated Vietnam among the three
worst legal systems in Asia. Official Vietnamese data shows that foreign investment
dropped by 75% during the past year and the country's annual growth rate of around 4
percent has fallen to half of what is was when President Clinton normalized political and
economic relations with Hanoi. I fully agree with the Wall Street Journal's assessment ·
that, "The biggest barrier to growth in Vietnam is - as it always has been - th~
Communist Party itself Until the party sees its way to limiting its own power, Vietnam
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will be saddled with widespread corruption and· slow economic growth."
I
Another troubling development, based on numerous reports by Western diplomats, is
that Hanoi has sent large numbers of troops into Laos to defend the corrupt and
oppressive Pathet Lao regime from its internal opponents. This military intervention to
prop up a neighboring communist regime will further deplete Vietnam's economy.
The repeated promises by Hanoi of economic reform, have been no more credible than
any past pledges. There is still not even the slightest hint that free and fair elections will
be conducted in Vietnam. In that repressive environment, it is hardly surprising that
foreign investors and businesses are bailing out.
As this panel is aware, the Jackson-Vanik provision primarily addresses the issue of
freedom of emigration for people who fear or have experienced persecution. The
Vietnamese Exit Permit system for immigration -- including for long time reeducation
camp survivors, Amer-Asians, montagnards and other people of interest to America -remains rife with corruption. Many Vietnamese on the U.S. emigration list have not been
able to come to the United States because they could not afford to pay the bribe price.
My joint resolution, disapproving the President's waiver for the corrupt Vietnamese
· dictatorship, does not intend to isolate Vietnam nor to stop U.S. companies from doing
business there.
It simply prevents Communist Vietnam from enjoying a trade status that enables
American businessmen to make increasingly risky investments with loan guarantees and
subsidies provided by U.S. taxpayers.
If private banks or insurance companies will not back-up or insure private business
ventures in Vietnam, the American taxpayers should not be asked to do so. Rampant
corruption, mismanagement, as well as abuses in the emigration program, the lack of free
trade unions, the suppression of free expression and the persecution of dissidents and
religious believers, are valid reasons to oppose the Jackson-Vanik waiver for Vietnam.
Mr. Chairman, we do no favors to the Vietnamese people or American investors by once
again reflexively supporting the President's unjustified Jackson-Vanik waiver. I propose
that we give the Communist dictators of Vietnam a strong message from the U.S.
Congress that corruption, mismanagement and repression will no longer be, at the very
least, subsidized by American taxpayers. By supporting my legislation; we can put the
Vietnamese leaders on probation for the period of one year.
If they enact the reforms that they have promised, and begin developing a truly credible
judicial system, end the corruption in the migration program and take their jack-boots-or Ho Chi Minh sandals -- off of the faces of the Vietnamese people, I will then consider
support for the waiver year. But I won't hold my breath.
The Vietnamese Communists have manipulated American generosity to further
impoverish and repress their people. I ask my colleagues to support my resolution.
(end text)
I
(Distributed by the Office oflnternational Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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Text: Assistant Secretary Roth Remarks on U.S.-Vietnam Policy
(Discusses U.S.-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement Sept. 19)
The U.S.-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement is a "milestone" in U.S.-Vietnam relations,
says Stanley Roth, assistant secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific affairs.
"The Bilateral Trade Agreement is very much in our national interest because it will lock
Vietnam into a broad band of commitments that will strengthen its private sector," Roth
said in testimony delivered September 19 at a joint hearing of the House International
Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific and the Subcommittee on International
Economic Policy and Trade.
·
"Provisions in the agreement require Vietnam to extend trade and distribution rights to
every citizen. The freedom to make individual economic decisions is one of the many
individual freedoms we have been encouraging Vietnam to grant to its people," he said.
Since diplomatic normalization, the goal of the Clinton Administration has been "to
encourage the. emergence of Vietnam as a stable, prosperous, and open participant in the
region," Roth said.
"We have been engaging Vietnam at every level and at every available opportunity to
manage, if not resolve, specific differences and identify and expand issues on which we
take a common approach. The Bilateral Trade Agreement is a paramount example of this
·
effort," he said.
I
The Bilateral Trade Agreement is awaiting final approval from the U.S. Congress. Under
the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the Trade Act of 1974, a bilateral trade agreement and
certification of freedom of emigration are necessary for the United States to maintain
conditional Normal Trade Relations (NTR) with non-market economies such as
Vietnam.
Following is the text of Roth's testimony, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
The US-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement and US Policy on Vietnam
Testimony by Stanley 0. Roth
Assistant Secretary of State
for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
September 19, 2000
Thank you Mr. Chairman. I am pleased today to join Ambassador Barshefsky and
Deputy Under Secretary Hauser to discuss the U.S.-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement.
I
Before beginning my remarks, I would like to express my deep appreciation for
Ambassador Barshefsky's strong personal role in bringing us to this important milestone
in U.S.-Vietnam relations. I know we wouldn't be sitting here today delivering this
testimony without her extremely hard work in bringing a lengthy, challenging-- and, no
doubt, at times a trying -- negotiation to a successful conclusion.
·
Mr. Chairman, the BTA is a milestone. And in the contextofthe slow and careful
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development of a fully-normal relationship with Vietnam, it's a large one. It is a
milestone many of us, perhaps most of us, in this room would have expected to see
receding in the rear view mirror by now. Five years ago, when initial work toward this
agreement began, few of us would have believed that only now, five years later, would
we find ourselves before these distinguished sub-Committees to explain our work and
ultimately to seek its approval.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your offering me this opportunity to put the Bilateral Trade
Agreement into the context of our developing relationship with Vietnam, and as part of
that developing relationship, in the context also of Vietnam's continuing cooperation on
MIA issues.
The focus during the President's first term was on diplomatic normalization itself. It
could not proceed without Vietnamese cooperation on the central element of our
relationship then, and now -- the fullest possible accounting for our missing servicemen.
Three separate presidential missions were sent to Vietnam to pursue this key to
normalization. The first of these, led by the Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs,
Hershel Gober, visited Vietnam in July, 1993. The delegation included representatives
from the VFW, AmVets, Disabled American Veterans (DAV) and the National League
of Families. The other two missions, also led by Mr. Gober, visited in July 1994 and
March 1996. In response to the second of these presidential delegations, in July 1994,
Vietnam created unilateral search teams-- a point to which I'll return in a moment.
Congress, too, was involved early-onin this effort. Senior staff from the sub-Committee
on East Asia and Pacific visited Hanoi in January 1994 to assess Vietnam's progress on
POW/MIAs and concluded that cooperation was good.
I
From the start, of course, we also worked hard to resolve other central issues, including
emigration and the settlement of US government property claims in the former South
Vietnam, to which Vietnam agreed in 1995. The dialogue on human rights began in 1992
and has continued, and deepened.
This first phase of the Administration's approach to normalization with Vietnam
culminated with the joint announcement by the President and Vietnamese Prime Minister
Kiet on July 11, 1995 of the establishment of diplomatic relations. In August of that
year, then-Secretary Christopher visited Vietnam and opened our Embassy in Hanoi. At
the same time, Vietnam opened its embassy here in Washington. Consulates were
established in Ho Chi Minh City and San Francisco.
Vietnam and the POW/MIAs The Administration took these steps because it was our
assessment, shared by many in the Congress, that Vietnam had cleared the bar we had
established to set the normalization process in motion.
There could be no relationship to build without initial progress on the key issue of
accounting for our servicemen missing in action.
·
I
The focus of this Administration from the start was, first and foremost, to insist on
continued cooperation from Vietnam on this front, and then, and only then, to develop
other aspects of the relationship as we made progress. The quest to obtain the fullest and
most comprehensive possible accounting ofPOW/MIAs has remained the most
important issue of our policy toward Vietnam. Ambassador Pete Peterson, who has a
personal as well as a professional stake in this enterprise, affirmed for members of the
Ways and Means Committee earlier this year that Vietnam's cooperation remains
excellent and in good faith, and that its efforts have been exemplary in pursuit of the
fullest possible accounting of our MIAs.
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content="U~S.
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I mentioned a moment ago Secretary Cohen's visit to Vietnam earlier this year. It was the
first visit to Vietnam by a Defense Secretary since the end of the Vietnam War. Secretary
Cohen's visit provided a real boost to the joint search by US and Vietnamese service
volunteers for the remains of our MIAs, especially as it moves inevitably to some of the
most rugged, dangerous and difficult terrain in the world -- the only places still
unsearched.
·
Shortly after Secretary Cohen's visit, Vietnam proposed several new search initiatives,
among them a desire to focus on more excavations, especially in the central region of the
country. The Vietnamese also stressed that their efforts on every Last Known Alive
(LKA) case would continue until all cases are resolved, and sought our views on
expanding the.unilateral (Vietnam only) activities begun six years earlier at our request.
We are still assessing the Vietnamese proposals made during Secretary Cohen's visit. But
as we do, it is difficult not to conclude that Vietnam's record of cooperation on
POW/MIA issues has been exemplary.
Vietnam and Emigration
I
.Turning to another issue of importance to many members of the Committee and to their
constituents -- emigration -- I am pleased to report, as Ambassador Peterson has before
me, that Vietnam continues to live up to its commitments. In fact, progress has
accelerated on these issues since the lifting of the embargo. Vietnam's citizens are able to
emigrate freely under our various refugee programs; over 1.2 million Vietnamese have
resettled in the United States since 1980. Tens of thousands of these VietnameseAmericans return annually to their homeland to visit relatives and forge ever-stronger
. grass-roots links between our two societies. With Vietnam's cooperation, we are now
approaching completion of many of the refugee admissions categories established under
the Orderly Departure Program (ODP), as well as the Resettlement Opportunities for
Vietnamese Returnees (ROVR) sub-program, the Former Re-education Camp Detainees
(HO) program, and the Montagnard programs.
Vietnamese progress on freedom of emigration since 1998 has demonstrated that the
waiver of Jackson-Vanik is working in the way the law intended. Over the past two
years, the number of Vietnamese returnees who have not been cleared by Vietnamese
authorities for interviews by INS has declined from 3,463 to 201. INS has interviewed
over 18,000 returnees under the ROVR program, and 15,886 have departed for the
United States. The number of former re-education camp detainees not cleared for
interview has fallen from 2,461 to 635. The number ofMontagnards not yet cleared has
dropped from 636 to 261.
If not perfect, these are still impressive numbers. And because it is likely that some of
the "uncleared for interview" numbers include people who simply cannot be located, the
actual situation may be slightly better than the numbers indicate. As is, the numbers
reflect our assessment that Vietnam's cooperation on emigration issues has been good.
We nevertheless are committed to ensure that all eligible applicants have the opportunity
to be interviewed and, if approved, to depart for the United States.
Second term
I
The focus during the President's second term in office has been to develop a functioning
relationship from the fledgling start we had made and, especially, to intensify the effort
to thrash out differences on important issues that continued to stunt the development of a
fully-cooperative and normalized relationship. Put another way, we moved from
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diplomatic normalization to diplomatic engagement.
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In addition to our continued emphasis on POW/MIA and emigration issues, we
. broadened our focus to other topics, including pressing the Vietnamese harder on human
rights and humanitarian issues and promoting economic reform.
Vietnam and Human Rights and Humanitarian Issues
Improvement of human rights has been, and will remain, an important part of our policy
toward Vietnam. In announcing the signing of the Bilateral Trade Agreement, President
Clinton said, "We hope expanded trade will go hand in hand with strength and respect ·
for human rights and labor standards. For we live in an age where wealth is generated by
the free exchange of ideas and stability depends on democratic choices." The Secretary
of State, Ambassador Peterson, Assistant Secretary Koh, Ambassador Seiple, and I have
all delivered similar messages to Vietnam's leaders and its people. And we will continue
to do so because Vietnam, while' it has made some progress, is nowhere near meeting
international standards on human rights. A look at this year's human rights report will
provide anyone interested --·and I believe I can include all of us in this room in that
category-- with a long list of Vietnam's shortcomings. No one in Vietnam, be they
government or dissident, has any doubt where we stand.
·
I
That said, our activities are having a positive impact on Vietnam's attitude toward human
rights. They are changing-- slowly. Our human rights dialogue, begun in 1992, is
beginning to yield some results. In June, we held annual high level discussions with
Vietnamese officials here in Washington. Our sense was that these talks, held for the first
time at the Assistant Secretary level and led by Assistant Secretary Koh on our side,
. were productive. Ambassador-at-large for Religious Freedom Robert Seiple also
participated in the Vietnamese visit, which featured meetings with international human
rights NGOs. Secretary Albright raised human rights issues prominently in her
discussions withVietnam's senior leadership last year and in her earlier visit in 1997.
Since normalization began, Vietnam's central government has substantially reduced its
intrusive behavior, and it is beginning to restrain heavy-handed provincial governments.
"Block Wardens" no longer closely monitor everyone's activities. Vietnam has released
20 religious or political prisoners from jail so far this year, including 12 Hmong
Protestants and three Catholic priests. Dissidents released from prisons still face
harassment, but they can meet outsiders and supporters. Without a doubt, greater
freedom of religious expression and worship exists in Vietnam than during the two
decades after 1975. Vietnam is also making progress toward meeting international
standards on workers' rights .. We expect further progress in the near future.
In no small part, the progress we have seen can be attributed to Ambassador Peterson's
persistent pursuit of our concerns, to our annual human rights dialogue, and to
Ambassador Robert Seiple's advocacy for greater religious freedom. We can also credit
cooperation between the Congress and the Executive. Members of the House and of
these sub-Committees have engaged on these issues to great effect with Vietnamese
leaders, making clear the bipartisan support for promoting progress on human rights.
Vietnam and economic and trade issues
I
Another important objective of our effort to engage Vietnam was, of course, economic
and trade reform, the focus of our discussions today.
The testimony you have just heard from Ambassador Barshefsky ably documents our
engagement with Vietnam on economic and trade reform leading to the BTA. I cannot
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improve on the specifics of what's been said in this regard. But I can share with you our
broader objectives in pursuing economic and trade reform with Vietnam, and how these
obj~ctives complement our larger foreign policy objectives, especially in the Asia-Pacific
regiOn.
The BTA is not only the result of intensive engagement, it is also the vehicle for further
engagement. Vietnam's emergence into the regional and global community as a peaceful,
prosperous and democratic state cannot possibly be complete until it has granted its own
people the rights and freedoms they are owed.
The Bilateral Trade Agreement is very much in our national interest because it will lock
Vietnam into a broad band of commitments that will strengthen its private sector. A
stronger private sector will allow ordinary Vietnamese greater ability to determine their
own economic future. Provisions in the agreement require Vietnam to extend trade and
distribution rights to every citizen. The freedom to make individual economic decisions
is one of the many individual freedoms we have been encouraging Vietnam to grant to
its people.
Conclusion
I
Since diplomatic normalization, the overall objective of our Vietnam policy has been to
encourage the emergence of Vietnam as a stable, prosperous, and open participant in the
region. This kind of Vietnam -- fully engaged and integrated in the region -- would
become a more vigorous and influential partner, working with us and with its neighbors
to foster regional stability and manage regional problems. It would have a dynamic
economy which could offer its citizens an improving standard of living, attract imports
and investments, and export its own products competitively. This kind of Vietnam would
be not only secure and prosperous itself, but would, through its own security and
prosperity enhance the security and prosperity of its neighbors.
That kind of Vietnam does not yet exist, but it is moving closer to these goals. And
engagement is the vehicle in which it is moving. We have been engaging Vietnam at
every level and at every available opportunity to manage, if not resolve, specific
differences and identify and expand issues on which we take a common approach. The
Bilateral Trade Agreement is a paramount example of this effort.
Vietnam needs competitive access to the U.S. market to attract the foreign direct
investment, technology, and knowledge it requires to employ its rapidly growing
workforce, the key to achieving prosperity. Only a prosperous Vietnam can become a
major consumer of U.S. goods and services.
Recently, Ambassador Peterson described to me some developments that indicate the
kind of Vietnam we could be looking at in the very near future. I was most struck by his
description ofthe "cybercafe phenomenon." Thousands of young Vietnamese are
accessing the internet at scores of cybercafes across the country. They are obtaining and
exchanging information, and many are doing so by finding innovative ways to
circumvent the layered firewalls conservative elements of Vietnam's government have
placed on internet access. This story reflects the thirst of Vietnam's young people for a
tangible connection to the world beyond their borders; I think it also underscores the
tremendous future export and investment opportunities available to America's
technology companies.
I
Our regional allies and partners are also working toward the end of integrating Vietnam
into the regional community. And the Vietnamese recognize the importance of the
process. Shortly after the signing of the Bilateral Trade Agreement, Vietnam Trade
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Minister Vu Khoan observed that when the agreement enters into force, Vietnam would
at last be equal, in terms of competitive access to the U.S. market, to America's oldest
friends within A SEAN.
Vietnam's entrance onto a more .level playing field will foster its more active
participation in forums, such as ASEAN and APEC, in which countries are cooperating
to expand trade and investment, to eliminate barriers, and to offer businesses and
workers greater commercial opportunities. Both ASEAN and APEC offer Vietnam,
which joined ASEAN in 1995 and APEC in 1998, access to a wider peer group of
countries that can serve as role models.
·
Let me close by sharing a thought from one of Vietnam's leading independent voices
about the BTA. Dr. Nguyen Dan Que, Vietnam's most visible dissident, recently told one
of our diplomats in Vietnam that "opening the country economically will increase the
people's power to make their own economic decisions. Integrating into the global
economy and increasing contact with developed countries will increase the people's
awareness of what it means to be modem. The sooner the trade agreement is ratified and
put into effect, the better."
I heartily agree with Dr. Que, a man whom I greatly admire and respect. Now it is the
United States Congress that stands at a crossroads on Vietnam policy. Implementation of
the BTA is the key to achieving our goals. We are urging Vietnam to ratify the BTA as
quickly as possible. When it is submitted to the Congress, I would strongly urge the
House to keep America consistent with our values and our national interests by quickly
approving the BTA.
I
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office oflntemational Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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Text: Senior Commerce Official Hauser Sept. 19 Testimony on Vietnam
(Vietnam needs U.S. assistance in implementing trade agreement)
Deputy Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade Timothy Hauser testified
September 19 that Vietnam's signing ofthe Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) with the
United States in July was a "bold decision" that "proved conclusively that the significant
portions of Vietnamese leadership which are favorably disposed toward a more liberal
economic regime are alive and well, and have won support for the BTA." ·
At a joint hearing of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the
Pacific and the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade, Hauser said
final approval by the U.S. Congress and implementation of the BTA is critical to the
continued health and influence of these forces, as well as their ability to undertake
greater reforms-- including progress toward Vietnam's accession to the World Trade
Organization (WTO).
Hauser added that the United States needs to do more to help the Vietmimese implement
the agreement, and suggested it was time to stop relying on ad-hoc efforts to do so.
"A comprehensive, targeted technical assistance program would be a key investment in
this new relationship," he said.
Statement of Timothy J. Hauser
Deputy Under Secretary for International Trade
U.S~ Department of Commerce
Testimony Before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
of the House Committee on International Relations
Hearing on
Trade Relations between the United States and Vietnam
"Prelude to New Directions in U.S.-Vietnam Relations:
The 2000 Bilateral Trade Agreement"
September 19, 2000
Introduction
I
Thank you, Mr. Chaiiman and members of the subcommittee for your invitation to the
Department to testify before you today. I am extremely pleased to represent the
Department of Commerce before this subcommittee.
Assistant Secretary Roth and Ambassador Barshefsky have already addressed the
evolving relationship between the United States 'and Vietnam and the Bilateral Trade
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Agreement (BTA). I would like to focus on the economic and commercial aspects of our
normalizing relationship, and how they permeate all other aspects of our bilateral
relations.
·
Change in Vietnam
Vietnam is changing in fundamental ways, and U.S. policy is providing both the catalyst
and the framework for this sea change. The catalyst is the promise of economic success;
and the framework is the BTA. I've been watching this process of change closely since
the spring of 1996, when I led the first U.S. Government trade mission to Vietnam. More
recently, our Deputy Secretary Robert Mallett, experienced this palpable energy of
change last month when he went to Vietnam. It was the first high-level USG visit to
Vietnam following the signing of the BTA on July 13. I would like to share a few of our
impressions of this process of change with you as I talk about the evolving commercial
landscape in Vietnam.
To be sure, the BTA itself was more than 4 years in the making, and, as Ambassador
Barshefsky noted, there are phase-in periods for Vietnam to make the needed structural
changes. Change does not come quickly or suddenly there. But the Administration's
steadfast policy based on constructive engagement is paying good dividends. In
hindsight, the years of protracted negotiations were themselves an education process that
gave the Vietnamese government the time it needed to come to a consensus on the pace
and scope of economic reform. As such, this process helped build a basis for the
implementation of the provisions of the Trade Agreement once it enters into effect, as
well as for taking further steps toward WTO accession.
I
During the Deputy Secretary's visit, he met a broad range of American and Vietnamese
business executives and Vietnamese officials. To a person, they were enthusiastic about
the signing of the BTA. While they understand and accept that final approval of the trade
pact is due to the constraints of the Congressional calendar, all await the potential
benefits of the BTA's entry into force.
The renewed enthusiasm is reminiscent of the euphoria over the lifting of the embargo
and the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1994-95. I saw this enthusiasm in 1996,
and I am seeing it again today. Now, as they were then, companies are attracted tothis
"new frontier" by very attractive fundamentals of a young and industrious population, the
world's 13th largest at 77 million, and a good base of natural resources.
Over the intervening four years, it is true that a number of companies became
disillusioned by the difficulty of doing business and turning a profit in an economy in
transition. An economy where the cost of doing business is extremely high and
government policies are often schizophrenic, reflecting Vietnam's self-described
"multisectoral economy, operating on market-based principles under state management
and with a socialist orientation." The Asian Financial Crisis compounded the difficulties
for all parties involved, but also helped focused the Government of Vietnam's attention
on the need for economic reform, if only to maintain precipitously declining foreign
direct investment.
I
But I believe the renewed business enthusiasm for Vietnam that we are now seeing is
fundamentally different from the unsustainably high expectations of the first wave.
American firms are taking a second, more realistic, look at this challenging market. Our
businesses -- which as a result of the embargo were playing catch up with companies
from other countries -- have gained in-country experience over the past five years that
will be invaluable to their future competitiveness in the Vietnamese marketplace. We
saw this last month in the discussion the Deputy Secretary had with members of the 400-
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strong American Chambers of Commerce in both Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. These
pioneering businesspeople have experience-based optimistic, but realistic, expectations
of business opportunities in Vietnam.
On the Vietnamese side, we also see very encouraging developments. Goveniment
officials who hosted the Deputy Secretary, including the Deputy Prime Minister and
other cabinet Ministers, all pledged support for the implementation of the BTA. The
Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry strongly supports the agreement as well.
And, in a telling indicator of the interest in change in Vietnam, the Vice-Chairman of the
People's Committee ofHo Chi Minh City gave the Deputy Secretary a PowerPoint
presentation of his brain child, a software city that he hopes to put into operation with the
help of an American company. In recent days, Vietnam's first Securities Exchange, eight
years in the making, opened in Ho Chi Minh City. And roundtable discussions with
young Vietnamese entrepreneurs in Ho Chi Minh City show a people who are confident
in their ability to compete in the global market place. None of this existed five years ago.
The signing of the BTA was, without question, the single most significant indication of
the direction Vietnam is taking toward the future. This bold decision proved conclusively
that the significant portions of Vietnamese leadership which are favorably disposed
toward a more liberal economic regime are alive and well, and have won support for the
BTA. Approval and implementation of the BTA is critical to the continued health and
influence of these forces, and their ability to undertake greater reforms, including
progress toward Vietnam's accession to the WTO.
••
Just as the BTA provides the much needed framework for economic normalization
between the United States and Vietnam, commercial activities are the glue that holds the
relationship together and gives it life. Trade and investment activities take on dimensions
far beyond profit-making purposes. American companies now have opportunities to
build relations that have never before existed in the history of U.S.-Vietnam relations.
Their success can bring positive changes to all aspects of the new bilateral relationship,
including sensitive areas such as human rights and religious freedom. They are already
well-recognized as the best employers. Our business community is playing a key role in
fostering the new relationship. Indeed, it is a major force in helping the Vietnamese
realize their goal of becoming "a rich people, a strong country, and a civilized society."
· But we are under no illusions about this new relationship. Vietnam is still a country in
transition. Much work remains to be done in the implementation of the BTA. Progress
will not be easy, fast, or necessarily even smooth, but it will be unstoppable.
Liberalization will take place faster in some sectors (insurance) than others
(telecommunications). Vietnam is now on the path toward integration into the global
economic community. Signing the BTA was a significant step down that path, but
implementation is the key to that journey.
The Commerce Department will work with USTR to monitor implementation of the
agreement. We will work with our embassy staff in Hanoi, our consulate in Ho Chi Minh
City, other USG agencies, and U.S. companies and business organizations to see that
Vietnam adheres to the commitments that it has made. As leading members of Congress
have noted before, it is important to do the hard work of monitoring the agreements and
determining the degree to which countries comply with them. Key areas we will focus on
include:
I
-- Customs: Vietnam has agreed in the BTA to comply with WTO rules, such as using
transactions valuefor customs valuation, in two years. Timely customs clearance is
important to expanding market access for U.S. companies in Vietnam.
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-- IPR: The protection ofiPR is a priority market access issue for U.S. firms around the
world. Vietnam has committed in the BTA to full TRIPs-level patent and trademark
protection in 12 months, and full TRIPs-level copyright and trade secrets protection in 18
months. We will be monitoring this closely.
--Business Facilitation: The BTA ensures that U.S. persons can conduct routine business
practices, such .as setting up offices, advertise, and conduct market studies. These are the
kind of day-to-day doing business issues that we take for granted, but that can be very
complicated in Vietnam. Our Commercial Service presence in both Hanoi and Ho Chi
Minh City will greatly enhance our ability to work with the U.S. business community to
monitor these important provisions of the BTA.
But we also need to help the Vietnamese make the agreement work. During the BTA
talks, our negotiators told the Vietnamese side that the U.S. would help them implement
the provisions of the agreement with phase-in periods and technical assistance. Deputy
Secretary Mallett reaffirmed this commitment during his visit. Commerce has already
undertaken a range of technical assistance initiatives in a number of disparate areas. For
example, I signed the memorandum on cooperation on commercial law development
during my visit in 1996. Since then, Commerce has provided assistance in other areas,
such as insurance regulations, standards workshops, IPR training, and meteorological
and fisheries cooperation.
•
To date, most of these efforts have been done on an ad-hoc basis. We need to do more. A
comprehensive, targeted technical assistance program would be a key investment in this
new relationship. The fundamental reforms that Vietnam has committed to in the BTA
will not be easy, and will require a deeper and fuller understanding of how a government
regulatory system functions in a more market-oriented economy. Elements of an
assistance program could be shaped so as to raise Vietnamese officials and business
people's understanding of the BTA and help ensure full and timely compliance with
provisions of the agreement. Clearly, Vietnam needs our assistance and we need to think
creatively about how the Government and the private sector can work together to ensure
that an effective technical assistance program is developed and implemented.
Conclusion
The newly-signed U.S.-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement provides us with a solid
foundation upon which we can explore new directions for U.S.-Vietnam relations
through mutually beneficial and equitable commercial trade and investment. When the
BTA is submitted to ·congress, I hope that the BTA will enjoy the same strong support as
the Jackson-Vanik waiver did last July.
Thank you.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office oflntemational Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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Page 1 of3
TEXT: RUBIN 4/7 REMARKS TO U;S.-VIETNAM TRADE COUNCIJL
(Despite reform, Vietnam has many obstacles to overcome)
Hanoi -- Vietnam's economic reforms have made impressive progress, but Vietnam still has many
obstacles to overcome to open markets, deepen ties with the United States, join the economic
mainstream and foster sustainable growth, according to Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin.
In remarks to the U.S.-Vietnam Trade Council April 7, Rubin said: "There is a lot Vietnam can do-and do quickly -- to mobilize the private sector and attract foreign investment by focusing on three
critical areas: creation of a modem legal framework that can accommodate private sector activity;
liberalization of trade and investment by reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers and by establishing
standards of national treatment; and the implementation of deeper structural reforms."
"Vietnam," he said, "would make great strides in improving its economy and conditions for local and
foreign investors by reducing tariffs, eliminating import licenses and simplifying government
approvals, updating areas of commercial law such as intellectual property rights and land laws to be
consistent with international practices, and increasing bureaucratic and legal transparency."
Further progress in reform, Rubin said, will open the door for closer economic ties with the United
States. "The next step is to complete a bilateral trade agreement, based on Vietnam's willingness to
make substantial commitments to open markets and treat foreign i~s the same as Vietnamese
businesses. We have presented a draft of the bilateral trade agreement and will begin another round of
negotiations later this month," he said.
I
"Once the bilateral trade agreement, is secured, satisfaction of the provisions of the Jackson-V anik
amendment would make Vietnam eligible for Most Favored Nation trading status ... (and) also bring
closer the possibility of cooperation with the U.S.
government and the institutions we have that promote trade and investment such as the Overseas
Private Investment Corporation, the Export-Import Balik, Trade Development Agency, and other
forms of assistance," Rubin said.
Following is the official text of Rubin's remarks, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
It is a pleasure to speak to you today. This is my first visit to Vietnam-- in fact, as far as we can
determine, it is the first visit ever by a U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. My visit signifies that mir
relationship has changed from one marked by conflict, to one marked by cooperation, mutual respect,
and opportunity.
Vietnam is a nation with a proud history-- as I saw today when I visited the Temple of Literature-and it is also a nation with tremendous potential. Already, Vietnam has made great strides in
transforming a country shattered by war to one brimming with energy and confidence. Vietnam is
blessed by bountiful resources, and, with half its population under 25 years old, the advantage of a
young, energetic and ambitious population.
·
The United States welcomes Vietnam's progress toward its rightful place politically and economically
in Southeast Asia, and as a nation integrating hilly into the global economy. The United States
believes Vietnam's growth and prosperity, while certainly in Vietnam's interest, is also in our interest.
I
In the last few years, we have taken the first steps to strengthen ties between our two nations. To
begin, Vietnam's cooperation on POW/MIA issues has permitted us to move forward on diplomatic
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and economic normalization. This morning, I visited the Joint Task Force and was enormously
impressed by the cooperation that exists on the POW/MIA issue. Moving forward on the POW/MIA
issue is still the highest priority in our bilateral relations, and the American people recognize and
appreciate the great efforts Vietnam has made and is making in this area.
In this context, the United States in 1994 lifted the trade and investment embargo against Vietnam. In
1995, our two governments established diplomatic recognition~-- we have nominated former
Congressman Pete Peterson and look forward to his confirmation by the Senate. We have also
supported Vietnam's access to the technical and financial resources of the international financial
institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
Today, we took another important step forward with the signing of the bilateral debt agreement. This
agreement removes an important obstacle to closer ties between the United States and Vietnam -- and
the payments that Vietnam will resume under this agreement will send a message to the international
financial community that Vietnam takes its financial responsibilities seriously.
Vietnam's reforms-- such as macroeconomic stabilization to reduce the fiscal deficit and inflation
and allowing the establishment of private sector business and foreign investment -- have begun to
bear fruit. The results of these doi moi polices are clear to see: growth was 9.5 percent in 1996 and
inflation has been reduced to single digits.
But, impressive as this progress has been, Vietnam still has many obstacles to overcome to sustain
investor enthusiasm. Today, I would like to discuss what Vietnam can do to open markets, deepen
ties with the United States, join the economic mainstream and foster sustainable growth.
•
To begin, the developing countries that have achieved sustained growth are the ones that have fully
unleashed the energy of market-based economies. There is a lot Vietnam can do -- and do quickly -to mobilize the private sector and attract foreign investment by focusing on three critical areas:
creation of a modem legal framework that can accommodate private sector activity; liberalization of
trade and investment by reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers and by establishing standards of
national treatment; and the implementation of deeper structural reforms.
Those of you here today who are businesspeople working in Vietnam know better than anyone the
numerous obstacles to business that exist here. Vietnam would make great strides in improving its
economy and conditions for local and foreign investors by reducing tariffs, eliminating import
licenses and simplifying government approvals, updating areas of commercial law such as intellectual
property rights and land laws to be consistent with international practices, and increasing bureaucratic
and legal transparency. For example, the process to receive governmental approval for private sector
ventures is cumbersome and complicated, requiring far more licenses and permits than other
countries in the region. Vietnam will need to address these -- and other -- issues to continue to attract
business and foster sustained growth.
One of the central features of today's global economy is the mobility of capital. Investors have many
options of where to go with their investments. I worked for a Wall Street investment firm for 26 years
and I often helped companies decide when and where to invest. For Vietnam to compete effectively
for its share of global investment, it must address those issues of concern to international investors.
I
Further progress in reform will also open the door for closer economic ties between our two
governments. The next step is to complete a bilateral trade agreement, based on Vietnam's
willingness to make substantial commitments to open markets and treat foreign i~s the same as
Vietnamese businesses. We have presented a draft of the bilateral trade agreement and will begin
another round of negotiations later this month.
Once the bilateral trade agreement, is secured, satisfaction of the provisions of the Jackson-Vanik
amendment would make Vietnam eligible for Most Favored Nation trading status. Separately, and
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Page 3 of3
not necessarily as a matter of time sequence, satisfaction of Jackson-Vanik will also bring closer the
possibility of cooperation with the U.S. government and the institutions we have that promote trade
and investment such as the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, the Export-Import Bank, Trade
Development Agency, and other forms of assistance. But Vietnam's overall progress on a number of
issues will be the background under which this cooperation will develop. For example, if Vietnam
wants access to OPIC loans and insurance programs, Vietnam will need to satisfy fair labor
standards. The business community can play a valuable ro~le in promoting international labor
standards in Vietnam.
Ultimately, each nation must follow its own development path in leading its people to prosperity and
greatness. But there is also little question that market-based economies and trade openness are the
essential conditions for development. That has been certainly true for Vietnam's Asian neighbors who
raised the standards of living of their people by establishing solid internal market conditions and by
lowering and simplifying tariff structures, not trying to preserve industrial behemoths behind tariff
walls. Other developing countries around the globe from Latin America to Central and Eastern
,Europe that have opened their economies and sparked economic growth have reinforced this lesson.
None of these countries achieved their success by making the journey on their own. We must all
work together, the governments of Vietnam and the United States, as well as you in the private
sector, each working to make the most of the opportunities we both have before us. Together, we can
foster prosperity in Vietnam, an~ benefit both Vietnam and the United States for decades to come.
(end text)
Return to U.S.-Vietnam Relations Home Page. ·
•
Return to liP Home Page .
•
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Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Vietnam [binder] [5]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-005-2014
7585792
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/2e3d5c2cd57d096190db6db77550c783.pdf
6416eaeaf2b6ccf62df582797f6ab71c
PDF Text
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Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
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Folder Title:
Vietnam [binder] [6]
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Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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4021
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Shelf:
Position:
48
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9
1
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. , r• U .. -VIetnam Re1 ·
atwns
Page 1 of27
I
U.S. Department of State
Vietnam Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999
- '
,
Released by the Bureau ofDemocracy,-HumanRights~· and-Labor, February 25, 2000. /
.
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VIETNAM
I
The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a one-party state ruled and controlled by the.
Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP). The VCP'S constitutionally mandated leading role
and the occupancy of all senior government positions by party members ensure the
primacy of party Politburo guidelines, and enable the party to set the broad parameters of
national policy. During the year, the Party continued to reduce gradually its formal
involvement in government operations and allowed the Government to exercise
significant discretion in implementing policy. The National Assembly remains subject to
party direction; however, the Government made progress in strengthening the capacity of
the National Assembly and in reforming the bureaucracy. The National Assembly,
chosen in elections in which most candidates are approved by the party (not all delegates
· are party members), played an increasingly independent role as a forum for local and
provincial concerns and as a critic of local and national corruption and inefficiency. The
Assembly was more active in revising legislation, screening ministerial and other senior
candidate appointments, and dismissing senior officers. The judiciary remains
subservient to the VCP.
The military services, including the border defense force, are responsible for defense
against external threats. The military forces are assuming a less prominent role as the
ultimate guarantor of internal security, which is primarily the responsibility of the
Ministry of Public Security. However, in some remote areas, the military forces are the
primary government agency, providing infrastructure and all public safety functions,
including maintaining public order in the event of civil unrest. The Government
continued to restrict significantly civil liberties on grounds of national security. The
Government's Ministry of Public Security controls the police, a special national security
investigative agency, and other units that maintain internal security. The Ministry of
Public Security enforces laws and regulations that significantly restrict individual
liberties and violate other human rights. The Ministry of Public Security maintains a
· system of household registration and block wardens to monitor the population,
concentrating on those suspected of engaging, or being likely to engage in, unauthorized
political activities. However, this system has become less obvious and pervasive in its
intrusion into citizens' daily lives. Members of the security forces committed human
rights abuses.
Vietnam is a very poor country undergoing transition from a centrally planned to a
market-oriented economy. Estimated annual gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is
$330, up between 4 and 5 percent from 1998 according to government statistics. The
Asian financial crisis caused a significant slowdown; trade and foreign investment
declined markedly. Agriculture, primarily wet rice cultivation, employs 70 percent of the .
labor force, but accounts for a shrinking part (24 percent) of total output. Industry and
construction contribute 34 percent, while services account for 42 percent. Disbursed
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official development assistance in 1998 was $939million, roughly 4 percent ofGDP.
Particularly in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi, economic reforms have raised the standard
of living and reduced party and governmental control over, and intrusion into, citizens'
daily lives. Reforms have created a popular expectation in urban areas of continued
social, legal, educational, and physical improvements. For many large rural populations
close to larger cities, this is also true. Many citizens in isolated rural areas, especially
members of ethnic minorities in the northern uplands, central highlands, and the north
central coastal regions, live in extreme poverty. Gains from agricultural reform in recent
years have improved the lot of many farmers, but the rural poverty level is approximately
30 percent.
The Government's human rights record remained poor; although there was some
measurable improvement in a few areas, the situation worsened in others, and serious
problems remain. The Government continued to repress basic political and some
religious freedoms and to commit numerous abuses. Although the VCP continued its
efforts to reform procedures and internal debate and to allow a mechanism for citizens to
petition the Government with complaints, the Government continued to deny citizens the
right to change their government. Prison conditions remain harsh. There were credible
reports that security officials beat detainees. The Government arbitrarily arrested and
detained citizens, including detention for peaceful expression of political and religious
views. For example; geophysicist Nguyen Thanh Giang was detained for 2 months for
writing letters calling for pluralism and respect for human rights. The Government
denied citizens the right to fair and expeditious trials and continued to hold a number of
political prisoners. The Government restricts significantly citizens' privacy rights,
although the trend toward reduced government interference in the daily lives of most
citizens continued. The Government significantly restricts freedom of speech, the press,
assembly, and association. The Government continued its longstanding policy of not
tolerating most types of public dissent, although it made exceptions in some instances.
For example, a number of persons circulated letters that were highly critical of senior
leaders and called for political reform; these authors were. subjected to close surveillance
by public security forces. The Government allowed citizens somewhat greater freedom
of expression and assembly to express grievances, including by delegates in the National
Assembly, citizens in local forums with delegates, and small groups of protesters outside
government offices. The Government prohibited independent political, labor, and social
organizations; such organizations exist only under government control. The Government
restricts freedom of religion and significantly restricts the operation of religious
organizations other than those entities approved by the State. However, in some respects,
conditions. for religious freedom improved during the year. For example, a Hoa Hao
organization was recognized for the first time officially. In July a festival gathering of up
to 500,000 Hoa Hao in An Giang province took place and in August, an estimated
200,000 Roman Catholics attended the annual La Vang pilgrimage. The Government
imposes some liinits on freedom of movement. Societal discrimination and violence
against women remained problems. Trafficking in women and children for the purpose
of prostitution within the country and abroad continued to grow, and there were reports
of the increased trafficking of women to China for forced marriages. The Government
made efforts to combat these problems. Discrimination against ethnic minorities and
child labor are problems. There were some reports of forced child labor and that certain
prisons employed forced labor, sometimes as part of commercial ventures. The
·Government restricts worker rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
I
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
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There were no known politically motivated killings. Little information was available on
the extent of deaths in police custody or on official investigations into such incidents.
There were no reports of deaths of inmates due to prison conditions during the year.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The law prohibits physical abuse; however, police beat persons, including suspects
during arrests, and also beat street children in their attempts to get them off the streets.
There were no known reports of torture of detainees. Little information is available on
the extent of police brutality during interrogations.
I
Prison conditions are harsh. Conditions generally did not threaten the lives of prisoners,
although anecdotal evidence suggests that the death rate among male prisoners was
higher than among female prisoners. Overcrowding, insufficient diet, and poor sanitation
remained serious problems. Conditions in pretrial detention reportedly were particularly
harsh, and there were credible reports that authorities sometimes denied inmates access
to sunlight, exercise, and reading material. Most prisoners had access to basic health care
and, for those with money, to supplemental food and medicine. However, some political
prisoners were denied visitation rights, and there were reports that some prisons
employed the use of forced labor, sometimes as part of commercial ventures (see Section
6.c.). Prisoners sentenced to hard labor complained that their diet and medical care were
insufficient to sustain health, especially in remote, disease-ridden areas. Several political
prisoners with serious medical conditions were held under harsh conditions in remote
prisons, with limited access to medical care. For example, Do Van Thac, sentenced to 14
(reduced to 12) years' imprisonment on charges of attempting to overthrow the
Government, remained imprisoned in remote Nam Ha province, despite reports that he
had suffered a stroke and had heart disease.
The Government did not permit independent monitoring of its prison and detention
system.
d. Arbitrary arrest, Detention, or Exile
The Government continued to arrest and detain citizens arbitrarily, including arrest and
detention for the peaceful expression of their political and religious views. The 1990
Criminal Procedures Code provides for various rights of detainees, including time limits
on pretrial detention and the right of the accused to have a lawyer present during
interrogation; however, in practice the authorities often ignored these legal safeguards;
Moreover, a 1997 directive on administrative detention gives security officials broad
powers to monitor citizens closely and control where they live and work for up to 2 years
if they are believed to be threatening "national security."
I
The Government continued to utilize its 1997 decree on "administrative detention,"
which gives authorities extremely broad powers to place persons under surveillance, and
to monitor citizens closely. However, the regulations define administrative detention as
an administrative penalty imposed on persons who break the law and violate national
security, as determined by the definition of crimes in the Criminal Code, but whose
offenses are not yet at the level that warrants "criminal responsibility." Persons under
administrative detention must live and work in a designated locality and remain subject
to the management and edu((ation of the local authorities and population. These measures
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are used against suspected political dissidents. The time span of administrative detention
ranges from 6 months to 2 years; the regulations apply also to persons under 18 years of
age. The Ministry of Public Security is the lead agency in implementing the decree;
The Supreme People's Procuracy approves the issuance of arrest warrants, but law
enforcement officials appear able to arrest and incarcerate persons without presenting
arrest warrants. Once arrested, detainees often are held for lengthy periods without
formal charges or trial. In general time spent in pretrial detention counts toward time
served upon conviction and sentencing.
Geophysicist Nguyen Thanh Giang was detained for 2 months during the period from
March to May for circulating letters calling for pluralism and respect for human rights.
After his release, he was informed by police in writing that he could not leave Hanoi
without permission. Protestant pastors Tran Dinh "Paul" Ai and LoVan Hen were ·
detained and questioned by police in Hanoi after a religious training course that they.
were leading was raided by local police in May. Ai was forced to remain in a
government-run hotel, at his own expense, and appear for daily questioning by police for
more than 2 weeks regarding his religious activities, and Hen, a member of the Black Tai
ethnic minority, was returned to Dien Bien Phu for further questioning by police. Both
were released in May after paying fines for participating in an illegal religious meeting
(see Section 2.c.). In December Ai and his family obtained Vietnamese passports and
traveled abroad on a religious worker visa.
I
There were credible reports that during the year more than 25 Hmong Protestants were
detained illegally in Lai Chau province. Of these, 15 were released by year's end. Among
those who remained in detention were: Sinh Phay Pao, Va Sinh Giay, Vang Sua Giang,
and Phang A Dong (see Section 2.c.).
Persons arrested for the peaceful expression of views opposed to official policy were
subject to charge under any one of several provisions in the criminal code that outlaw
acts against the state.
No official statistics are available on the percentage of the prison population that consists
of pretrial detainees or the average period of time that such detainees have been held.
It is difficult to determine the exact number of political detainees, in part because the
Government usually does not publicize such arrests and because the Government does
not consider these persons to be detained for political reasons.
I
The Government continued to isolate certain political and religious dissidents by placing
restrictions on the movements of some dissidents and by pressuring the supporters and
family members of others. For the past 5 years, Thich Huyen Quang, the Supreme
Patriarch of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV), has been at a pagoda in
Quang Ngai province under conditions resembling administrative detention. From 1981
until 1994, he was held at another pagoda in that province. In March he was visited by
senior UBCV leader Thich Quang Do for the first time in 18 years, but after 3 days of
meetings both were held for questioning by police, and Thich Quang Do was escorted by
police to his pagoda in Ho Chi Minh City. Thich Huyen Quang has confirmed that he
must request permission before leaving the pagoda and is not allowed to lead prayers or
participate in worship activities as a monk. He is able to receive visits from sympathetic
monks, sometimes several per week; UBCV monk Thich Khong Thanh visited in
November. After meeting with him, visitors are questioned by police. Thich Huyen
Quang has. called for the Government to recognize the UBCV. He is receiving good
medical care. In December, because of heavy flooding in the province, police
temporarily evacuated him from the pagoda, then returned him there 2 days later, after
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the waters receded.
'
Family members ofNguyen Dan Que in Ho Chi Minh City were questioned by police,
their telephone service was suspended periodically, and the family's Internet account also
was suspended following the publication abroad in May of several of his writings critical ·
of the Government.
Cao Daists Le Kim Bien and Pham Cong Hien in Kien Giang province were sentenced
during the year to 2 years' imprisonment. They had been detained since October 1998.
They had requested to meet with visiting United Nations Special Rapporteur Amor.
An ethnic Hre church leader, Dinh Troi, remained in detention in Quang Ngai province
at year's end; two of his church colleagues, Dinh Bim and Dinh Hay, were released in
July and September, respectively.
In 1998 the Government released two dozen political and religious prisoners. Prior to
their release, long-time political prisoners Doan Viet Hoat and Nguyen Dan Que were
told by public security officials that they would have to leave the country in order to be
released. Hoat agreed and left the country. Que refused to leave the country, but was
released from prison despite his refusal. He now lives in Ho Chi Minh City.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
I
Although the Constitution provides for .the independence of judges and jurors, .in practice
the Party controls the courts closely at all levels, selecting judges primarily for their ·
political reliability. Credible reports indicate that party officials, including top leaders,
instruct courts how to rule on politically important cases. The National Assembly votes
for candidates that are presented by the President for Supreme People's Court president
and Supreme People's procurator. The President appoints all other judge~.
·
The court system consists of the Supreme People's Court in Hanoi, provincial courts,
district courts, and military tribunals. The Supreme People's Court can review cases from
the lower courts or tribunals. Separately, economic courts handle commercial disputes.
Administrative courts deal with complaints by citizens about official abuse and
corruption. The economic and administrative courts have addressed few cases since their
creation in 1994 and 1995, respectively. Local mass organizations, such as those under
the Fatherland Front, are empowered to deal with minor breaches of law or disputes.
The Supreme People's Procuracy has unchecked power to bring charges against the
accused and serves as prosecutor during trials. A judging cobncil, made up of a judge
and one or more people's jurors (lay judges), determines guilt or innocence and also
passes sentence on the convicted. The relevant people's council appoints people's jurors,
who are required to have high moral standards but need not have legal training. 1
I
The Government continued its effort to develop the legal system as part of expanding the
rule of law. In May the National Assembly passed a new enterprise law that broadened
the legal framework supporting private businesses. A 1998 commercial code helps
regulate business transactions. Many judges and other court officials lacked adequate
legal training, and the Government conducted training programs to address this problem.
A number of foreign governments and the U.N. Development Program provided
assistance to the Government to strengthen rule of law and develop a more effective
judiciary. However, the lack of openness in the judicial process and the continuing lack
of independence of the judiciary undermined the Government's efforts to develop a fair,
effective judicial system.
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Trials generally are open to the public, although judicial authorities sometimes closed
trials or strictly limited attendance in sensitive cases. Defendants have the right to be.
present at their trial and to have a lawyer. The defendant or the defense lawyer have the
right to cross-examine witnesses. However, in political cases, there are credible reports
that defendants are not allowed access to government evidence in advance of the trial, to
cross-examine witnesses, or to challenge statements. Little information is available on
the extent to which defendants and their lawyers have time to prepare for trials. Those
convicted have the right to appeal. On December 27, Nguyen Thi Thuy, a Protestant
house church leader in Phu Tho province was sentenced to 1 year in prison for
"interfering with an officer doing his duty." Thuy had been arrested in October when
police raided a house church meeting that she was hosting. Church sources stated that her
defense lawyer provided only a superficial defense at the trial. .
The Government continued to imprison persons for the peaceful expression of dissenting
religious and political views. There are no reliable estimates of the number of political
prisoners, in part because the Government usually does not publicize such arrests and
frequently conducts closed trials and sentencing sessions. In 1998 Amnesty international
listed more than 40 prisoners held for political reasons, but suggested that the total may
be higher. Other sources put the figure at from 100 to 150 persons. The Government
claims that it does not hold any political prisoners and that persons described as political
prisoners were convicted of violating national security laws.
I
Among those believed to be imprisoned at year's end for peaceful political activities are:
Do Van hung, Do Van Thac, Nguyen Dinh Huy, Nguyen Ngoc Tan, Pham Hong Tho,
Pham Quang Tin, and Vo Van Pham. Among those believed to be held at year's end for
religious offenses are: UBCV monks Thich Thien Minh and Thich Hue Dang, and Thich
Thanh Quang, held in administrative detention; Catholic priests Reverends Mai Due
Choung (Mai Huu Nghi), Pham Minh Tri, Nguyen Van De, Pham Ngoc Lien, Nguyen
Thien Phung, and Nguyen Minh Quan; Cao Dai provincial leaders Le Kim Bien, Pham
Cong Hien, Lam Thai The, Do Hoang Giam, and Van Hoa Vui; Hoa Hao leader Le Minh
Triet (Tu Triet); about 10 Hmong Protestant Christians in Lai Chau and Ha Giang
provinces, including Sung Phai Dia, Vu Gian Thao, Vang Gia Chua, Sung Va Tung,
Sung Seo Chinh, Sinh Phay Pao, and Va Sinh Giay. Credible reports from multiple
sources suggest that at the beginning of the year, there were more than 25 Hmong
Protestants imprisoned in Ha Giang province after being charged either with "teaching
religion illegally" or "abusing the rights of a citizen to cause social unrest." By year's
end, Vietnamese church leaders reported that 15 Hmong Protestants had been released,
including Ly A Giang, Giang A To, Giang A Cat, Cha A Cua, Thao A Chinh, Ma
Truong Chinh, and Giang A Vang (see Section 2.c.).
No current information is available concerning imprisoned dissidents Nguyen Van
Thuan and Le Due Vaong who were arrested in 1998.
As part of a national day amnesty on September 2, the Government commuted the prison
sentences of 1,712 prisoners and released them early for good behavior. However, unlike
1998, there apparently were no political or religious prisoners included in this amnesty.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
I
The Constitution provides for the right to privacy of home and correspondence; however,
the Government restricts this right significantly. It operates a nationwide system of
surveillance and control through household registration and block wardens who use
informants to keep track of individuals' activities. The authorities continued to monitor
citizens, but with less vigor and efficiency than in the past, as they focused on persons
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with what they regarded as dissident views, whom they suspected of involvement in
unauthorized political or religious activities. Citizens formally are required to register
with police when they leave home, remain in another location overnight, or when they
change their residence (see Section 2.d.). However, these requirements rarely are
enforced, since many citizens move around the country to seek work or to visit family
and friends without being monitored closely. However, there were reports that some
families have been unable to obtain household registration or residence permits, causing
serious legal and administrative problems. In urban areas, most citizens were free to
maintain contact and work with foreigners, but police questioned some individual
citizens and families of citizens with extensive or close relations with foreigners. The
Government also exerts control over citizens who work for foreign organizations by
requiring that citizens be vetted and hired through a government service bureau.
However, many foreign organizations hire their own personnel and only "register" them
with the service bureau.
The Government opened and censored targeted persons' mail, confiscated packages, and
monitored telephone, electronic mail, and facsimile transmissions. The Party exerted
little pressure on citizens to belong to one or more mass organizations, which exist for
villages, city districts, schools, workers (trade unions), youth, veterans, and women.
Membership in theVCP remains an aid to advancement in the Government or in state
companies and is vital for promotion to senior levels of the Government. At the same
time, diversification of the economy has made membership in mass organizations and
the VCP less essential to financial and social advancement.
I
The Government continued to implement a family planning policy that urges all families
to have no more than two children; this .policy emphasizes exhortation rather than
coercion. In principle the Government can deny promotions and salary increases to
. government employees with more than two children, and local regulations permit fines
based on the cost of extra social services incurred by a larger family. In practice these
penalties rarely are enforced. For others, there are no penalties for those with more than
two children, but local regulations permit fines based on the cost of extra social services
incurred by the larger family or reductions in state subsidies for those services. These
penalties are not applied uniformly or universally.
Foreign language periodicals are widely available in cities, and the Government only
rarely censors articles about the country that are available for. sale.
'
I
The Government allows access to the Internet and owns and controls the country's only
Internet access provider, Vietnam Data Communications. Four Internet service providers
compete for subscribers. (A fifth provider, Vietel, owned by the military services, is
inactive.) There are roughly 28,000 Internet subscribers and an increasing number of
cyber cafes in major cities. The Government appeared to limit access to those persons
who are allowed to have Internet accounts. However, in their homes and in certain
settings such as universities, students have widespread access to the Internet. The
Government uses firewalls to block access to some sites operated by Vietnamese exile
groups abroad. Vietnam Data Communications is authorized by the Government to
monitor the sites that subscribers access. Ho Chi Minh City police interrupted and
periodically suspended Nguyen Dan Que's Internet service after he circulated articles
critical of the Government (see Section 1.d.). By law access to satellite television was
limited to top officials, foreigners, luxury hotels, and the press. The law was not enforced
uniformly, and some persons in urban and rural areas have access via home satellite
equipment. The Government generally did not limit access to international radio;
however, it jammed Radio Free Asia.
In July Binh Phuoc provincial authorities demolished three Protestant churches.
However, following the intervention of the central Government, the provincial official
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responsible for the destruction of these churches was removed from office. There were
no further church demolitions (see Section 2.c.).
·
I
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the
Government severely limits these freedoms, especially concerning political and religious
subjects. Reporters and editors practiced self-censorship concerning sensitive subjects. A
new press law, passed by the National Assembly in May, provides for monetary damages
to be paid by journalists to individuals or organizations who are harmed by reporting,
regardless of whether the reports are true or false. The media continued to publish
articles that criticized party and government actions; however, the freedom to criticize
the Communist Party and its leadership continued to be restricted.
Both the Constitution and the criminal code include broad national security and
antidefamation provisions that the Government used to limit such freedoms strictly. The
Party and Government tolerate public discussion and permit somewhat more criticism
than in the past. In December the Government established a mechanism for citizens to
petition the Government with complaints. Citizens could and did complain openly about
inefficient government, administrative procedures, corruption, and economic policy.
However, the Government imposed limits in these areas as well.
The Government requires journalists to obtain approval from the Ministry of Culture and
Information before providing any information to foreign journalists.
Retired General and war hero Tran Do was expelled from the Communist Party in
January after he refused to cease circulating writings critical of the Party and the
Government. In July Tran Do submitted an application to publish an independent
newspaper, but the authorities refused to grant him permission to do so. Foreign
diplomats are not allowed to visit Tran Do.
The Government continued to prohibit free speech that strayed outside narrow limits to
question the role of the Party, criticize individual government leaders, promote pluralism
or multiparty democracy, or questioned the regime's policies on sensitive matters such,as
human rights. The few persons who spoke out on these matters, such as Nguyen Dan
Que and Thich Quang Do, were subjected to questioning and close monitoring by
security officials. There continued to be an ambiguous line between what constituted
private speech about sensitive matters, which the authorities would tolerate, and public
speech in those areas, which they would not. Several authors whose works attracted
official censure in past years continu~d to be denied permission to publish, to speak
publicly, or to travel abroad. Security forces harassed novelist Duong Thu Huong, and
authorities would not issue her a passport. Some persons who express dissident opinions
on religious or political issues are not allowed to travel abroad (see Section 2.d.).
I
The Party, the Government, and party-controlled mass organizations controlled all print
and electronic media. The Government exercises oversight through the Ministry of
Culture and Information, supplemented by pervasive party guidance and national
security legislation sufficiently broad to ensure effective self-censorship in the domestic
media. With apparent party approval, several newspapers published reports on high-level
government corruption and mismanagement as well as sometimes-heated debate on
economic policy. The Government occasionally censors articles about the country in
foreign periodicals that are sold in the country. The Government generally did not limit
access to international radio, except to Radio Free Asia, which it jammed (see Section
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l.f.).
I
,. .
I
Foreign journalists must be approved by the Foreign Ministry's Press Center and must be
based in Hanoi. Two Western foreign correspondents were forced to curtail their
assignments in Vietnam. The first, based in Hanoi for several years for a wire service,
was forced to leave after his bureau chief was informed by the Press Center that the
length of his visa· was being shortened because of the critical nature of his reporting. The
second was required to leave before his temporary assignment was completed. The
number of foreign staff allowed each foreign media organization is limited, and most
Viet~amese staff who work for foreign media are provided by the Foreign Ministry. All
foreign correspondents are required to base themselves in Hanoi. The Press Center
monitors journalists' activities and decides on a case-by-case basis whether to approve
their interview, photograph, film, or travel requests, all of which must be submitted 5
days in advance. Foreign Ministry officials no longer accompany foreign journalists on
all interviews. The Government censored television footage and delayed export of
footage by several days.
The Government allowed artists some latitude in choosing the themes of their works.
Many artists received permission to exhibit their works abroad, receiving exit permits to
attend the exhibits and export permits to send their works out of the country. Artists are .
not allowed to exhibit works of art that censors regard as criticizing or ridiculing the
Government or the Party. Authorities required a foreign-produced film, parts of which
had been filmed in Vietnam, to be censored in two places before allowing it to be shown
publicly in the country. However, the Government permitted a more open flow of
information within the country and into the country from abroad, including the university
system. Foreign academic professionals temporarily working at universities stated that
they were able to discuss nonpolitical issues widely and freely in the classroom.
Government monitors regularly attended, without official notification, classes taught by
foreigners and citizens. Academic publications usually reflected the views of the Party
and the Government and exhibited greater freedom for differing views on nonpolitical
subjects than for political ones.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The right of assembly is restricted in law and practice. Persons who wish to gather in a
group are required to apply for a permit, which local authorities can issue or deny
arbitrarily. However, persons routinely gather in informal groups without government
interference. During the year there were a number of small protests (of from 10 to 25
persons) outside government and party office buildings and the National Assembly hall.
These protests usually focused on local grievances, and the authorities generally allowed
them to run their course without interference. Similarly, a group of up to 50 protesters
demonstrated peacefully in public in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City including once
demonstrating in front of a Western diplomatic mission in Ho Chi Minh City. However,
the Government does not permit demonstrations that could be seen as having a political
purpose. Although it was more tolerant than in the past of occasional demonstrations by
citizens about specific grievances against local officials, the Government did not tolerate
extended.demonstrations. The Government allowed large gatherings of Roman Catholic
and Hoa Hao religious believers for preapproved festivals (see Section 2.c.).
I
The Government restricts freedom of association. With a few exceptions, the
Governinerit prohibits the establishment of private, independent organizations, insisting
that persons work within established, party-controlled organizations, often under the
aegis of the Fatherland Front. Citizens are prohibited from establishing independent
organizations such as political parties, labor unions, and religious or veterans'
organizations. Such organizations exist only under government control.
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c. FreedoJ of Religion
'
Both the Constitution and government decrees provide for freedom of worship; however,
the Government continued to restrict significantly those organized activities of religious
groups that it defined as being at variance with state laws and policies. The Government
generally allowed persons to practice individual worship in the religion of their choice,
and participation in religious activities throughout the country continued to grow
significantly. However, government regulations control religious hierarchies and
organized religious activities, in part because the Communist Party fears that organized
religion may weaken its authority and influence by serving as political, social, and
spiritual alternatives to the authority of the central Government.
The Government requires religious groups to be registered and uses this process to ·
control and monitor church organizations. Officially recognized religious organizations
are able to operate openly, and they must consult with the Government about their
religious operations, although not about their religious tenets of faith. In general religious
organizations are confined to dealing specifically with spiritual and organizational
matters. The Government holds conferences to discuss and publicize its religion decrees.
I
Religious organizations must obtain government permission to hold training seminars,
conventions, and celebrations outside the regular religious calendar, to build or remodel
places of worship, to engage in charitable activities or operate religious schools, and to
train, ordain, promote, or transfer clergy. Many of these restrictive powers lie principally
with provincial or city people's committees, and local treatment of religious persons
varied widely. In some areas such as Ho Chi Minh City, local officials allowed religious
persons wide latitude in practicing their faith, including allowing some educational and
humanitarian activities. However, in other areas such as the northwest provinces, local
officials allowed believers little discretion in the practice of their faith. In general
religious groups faced difficulty in obtaining teaching materials, expanding training
facilities, publishing religious materials, and expanding the clergy in training in response
to increased demand from congregations.
The Government officially recognizes Buddhist, Roman Catholic, Protestant, Cao Dai,
. Hoa Hao, and Muslim religious organizations. However, some Buddhists, Protestants,
Cao Dai, and Hoa Hao believers do not recognize or participate in the governmentapproved associations and thus are not considered legal by the authorities.
Among the country's religious communities, Buddhism is the dominant religious belief.
Many believers practice an amalgam of Mahayana Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucian
traditions that sometimes is called Vietnam's "triple religion." Three-fourths of the
population of approximately 80 million persons are at least nominally Buddhist, visit
pagodas on festival days, and have a world view that is shaped in part by Buddhism. One
prominent Buddhist official estimated that 30 percent of Buddhists are devout and
practice their faith regularly. The Government's Office of Religious Affairs uses a much
lower estimate of 7 million practicing Buddhists. Mahayana Buddhists, most of whom·
are part of the ethnic Kinh majority, are found throughout the country, especially in the
populous areas of the northern and southern delta regions. There are proportionately
fewer Buddhists in certain highlands and central lowlands areas, although migration of
Kinh to highland areas is changing the distribution somewhat.
I
A Khmer minority in the south practices Theravada Buddhism. Numbering from perhaps
700,000 to 1 million persons, they live almost exclusively in the Mekong delta.
The Government requires all Buddhist monks to work under a party-controlled umbrella
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organization, the Central Buddhist Church of Vietnam. The Government opposed efforts
by the non-government-sanctioned Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV) to
operate independently, and tension between the Government and t~e UBCV continued.
Several prominent UBCV monks, including Thich Quang Do, were released in wideranging government amnesties in September and October 1998.
· The Government continued to isolate certain political and religious dissidents by placing
restrictions on the movements of some dissidents and by pressuring the supporters and
family members of others. For the past 5 years, Thich Huyen Quang, the Supreme ·
Patriarch of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV), has been at a pagoda in
Quang Ngai province under conditions resembling administrative detention. From 1981
until 1994, he was held at another pagoda in that province. In March he was visited by
senior UBCV leader Thich Quang Do for the first time in 18 years, but after 3 days of
meetings both were held for questioning by police, and Thich Quang Do was escorted by
police to his pagoda in Ho Chi Minh City. Thich Huyen Quang has confirmed that he
must request permission before leaving the pagoda and is not allowed to lead prayers or
participate in worship activities as a monlc He is able to receive visits from sympathetic
monks, sometimes several per week; UBCV monk Thich Khong Thanh visited in
November. After meeting with him, visitors are questioned by police. Thich Huyen
Quang has called for the Government to recognize the UBCV. He is receiving good
medical care. In December, because of heavy flooding in the province, police
temporarily evacuated him from the pagoda, then returned him there 2 days later, after
the waters receded.
In September Thich Quang Do complained that fellow UBCV monk Thich Khong Tanh
was summoned by police for questioning in Ho Chi Minh City.
I
There are an estimated 6 to 7 million Roman Catholics in the country (about 8 percent of
the population). The largest concentrations are in southern provinces around Ho Chi
Minh City, with other large groups in the northern and central coastal lowlands. In recent
years, the Government eased its efforts to control the Roman Catholic hierarchy by
relaxing the requirements that all clergy belong to the government-controlled Catholic
Patriotic Association. Few clergy actually belonged to this association.
Authorities allowed the Vatican's ordination of a new archbishop in Ho Chi Minh City in
1998, as well as the ordination of five bishops in other dioceses in 1998 and 1999. A
high-level Vatican envoy visited the country in March. A number of bishops traveled to
Rome for a synod of Asian bishops. Up to 200,000 Catholics gathered in August at an ·
annual Marian celebration in La Vang in the central part of the country and celebrated
their faith freely there.
·
The local Catholic Church hierarchy remained frustrated by the Government's
restrictions but has learned to accommodate itself to them for many years. A number of
clergy reported a modest easing of government control over church activities in certain
dioceses. The Government relaxed its outright prohibition on the Catholic Church's
involvement in religious education and charitable activities but still restricted such
activity.
The degree of government control of church activities varied greatly among localities. In
some areas, especially in the south, churches and religious groups operated kindergartens
and engaged in a variety of humanitarian projects. At least six priests belonging to the
Congregation of the Mother Co-redemptrix reportedly remain imprisoned.
I
The Government allowed many bishops and priests to travel freely within their dioceses
and allowed greater, but still restricted, freedom for travel outside these areas,
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particularly in many ethnic areas. The Government discourages priests from entering Son
La and Lai Chau provinces. Upon return from international travel during the year,
citizens, including clergy, officially were required to surrender their passports; this law is
enforced unevenly. Some persons who express dissident opinions on religious or
political issues are not allowed to travel abroad (see Section 2.d.). Seminaries throughout
the country have approximately 500 students enrolled. The Government limits the
Church to operating 6 major seminaries and to recruit new seminarians only every 2
years. All students must be approved by the Government, both upon entering the
seminary and prior to their ordination as priests. The Church believes that the number of
. graduating students is insufficient to support the growing Catholic population.
There are approximately 600,000 Protestants in the country (less than 1 percent of the
population), with more than half these persons belonging to a large number of
unregistered evangelical "house churches" that operate in members' homes or in rural
villages, many of them in ethnic minority areas. Perhaps 150,000 of the followers of ·
house churches are Pentecostals, who celebrate "gifts of the spirit" through charismatic
and ecstatic rites of worship.
The network of Tin Lanh (Good News) churches, originally founded by the Christian
and Missionary Alliance early in the 20th century, generally operated with greater
freedom than did the house churches. The roughly 300 Tin Lanh churches in the country
are concentrated in the major cities, including Ho Chi Minh City, Danang, Hanoi, and in
lowland areas. Some 15 Tin Lanh churche~ in the northern provinces are the only
officially recognized Protestant churches.
I
Reports from believers indicated that Protestant church attendance grew substantially,
especially among the house churches, despite continued government restrictions on
proselytizing activities. The Government restricts Protestant congregations from
cooperating on joint religious observances or other activities, although in some localities
there was greater freedom to do so. There is some ecumenical networking among
Protestants, particularly in Ho Chi Minh City.
Based on believers' estimates, two-thirds of Protestants are members of ethnic minorities,
including ethnic Hmong (some 120,000 followers) in the northwest provinces and some
200,000 members of ethnic minority groups of the central highlands (Ede, Jarai, Bahnar,
and Koho, among others). The house churches in ethnic minority areas have been
growing rapidly in recent years, sparked in part by radio broadcasts in ethnic minority
languages from the Philippines. This growth has led to tensions with local officials in ..
some provinces. There have been crackdowns on leaders of these churches, particularly
among the Hmong iri the northwest. The secretive nature of the house churches,
particularly among ethnic minorities, has contributed to greater repression against these
groups. Provincial officials in certain northwest provinces do not allow churches or
pagodas to operate and have arrested and imprisoned believers for practicing their faith
nonviolently in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
The authorities in the northwest provinces severely restrict the religious freedom of
evangelical Protestants, including ethnic Hmong and ethnic Tai. Credible reports from
multiple sources stated that at the beginning of the year, there were more than 25 Hmong
Protestants imprisoned primarily in Lai Chau province for "teaching religion illegally" or
"abusing the rights of a citizen to cause social unrest."
I
Following protests by church leaders and international attention to the detentions,
Protestant church leaders reported that 15 of the detainees had been released by year's
end. Among the remaining detainees were four Hmong Protestant leaders: Sinh Phay
Pao, Va Sinh Giay, Vang Sua Giang, and Phang A Dong. These persons had been
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arrested in Ha Giang province late in the year. Phang A Dong was charged with illegally
traveling to China without a visa or passport.
I
The Government's repression of the Hmong is complicated by several factors which
include religious practices. Some Hmong citizens fought against the Government in the
past, and they live in sensitive border regions with China and Laos, which together lead
the Government to question their loyalty. Among the Hmong there are two distinct
religious groups: One group's members follow a traditional form of Christianity, and
another group's beliefs are characterized by an element that is cultic in nature. The latter
group's eschatological world view includes a predicted cataclysmic event in 2000.
However, the Government does not differentiate between the two groups; their beliefs
exacerbate the authorities' anxiety about the Hmong.
In December Nguyen Thi Thuy, a Protestant house church leader in Phu Tho province,
was sentenced to 1 year's imprisonment for "interfering with an officer doing his duty."
Thuy was arrested during a police raid on her home, where she was leading a Bible study
group.
An ethnic Hre church leader, Dinh Troi, remained in detention in Quang Ngai province
at year's end; two ofhis church colleagues, Dinh Bim and Dinh Hay, were released in
July and September, respectively.
I
In July Binh Phuoc provincial authorities demolished three Protestant churches. Their
congregations, composed of ethnic Mnong and Stieng Christians, protested to the central
government authorities and the international community. Church officials reported that
the central authorities intervened to prevent the further razing of churches. In December
the provincial official responsible was removed from office. Binh Phuoc province
Christians reported that they were able to celebrate Christmas openly and peacefully.
The Government's Office of Religious Affairs estimates that there are 1.1 million Cao
Dai followers Gust over 1 percent of the population). Some nongovernmental
organization (NGO) sources estimate that there may be from 2 to 3 million followers.
Cao Dai groups are most active in Tay Ninh province, where the Cao Dai holy see is
located, and in Ho Chi Minh City, the Mekong delta, and Hanoi. There are separate sects
within the Cao Dai religion, which is syncretistic, combining elements of many faiths. Its
basic belief system is influenced strongly by Mahayana Buddhism, although it
recognizes a diverse array of persons who have conveyed divine revelation, including
Siddhartha, Jesus, Lao-Tse, Confucius, and Moses.
A government-controlled management committee has been established with full powers
to control the affairs of the Cao Dai faith, thereby managing the church's operations, its
hierarchy, and its clergy. Independent church officials oppose the edicts of this
committee as not being faithful to Cao Dai principles and traditions. Despite the
Government's statement in 1997 that it had recognized the Cao Dai church legally and
encouraged Cao Dai believers to expand their groups and practice their faith, many toplevel clerical positions remain vacant, and some believers were detained arbitrarily. In
October 1998, the authorities detained two Cao Daists in Kien Giang province, Le Kim
Bien and Pham Cong Hien, who sought to meet with U.N .. Special Rapporteur on
Religious Intolerance Abdelfattah Amor. They were sentenced to 2 years' imprisonment.
Three Cao Daists, Lam Thai The, Do Hoang Giam, and Van Hoa Vui, arrested several
years ago, remain imprisoned in Xuan Loc prison in Dong Nai province. Ly Cong
Cuong, a Cao Daist arrested in 1983 in An Giang province, was released in July.
I
Hoa Hao, considered by its followers to be a "reform" branch of Buddhism, was founded
in the southern part of the country in 1939. Hoa Hao is a privatistic faith that does not
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have a priesthood and rejects many of the ceremonial aspects of mainstream Buddhism.
Hoa Hao followers are concentrated in the Mekong delta, particularly in provinces such
as An Giang, where the Hoa Hao were dominant as a political and religious force before
1975. According to the Office onReligious Affairs, there are 1.3 million HoaHao.
believers; church-affiliated expatriate groups suggest that there may be 2 million to 3
million. A government-organized group of 160 Hoa Hao held a congress in May in An
Giang. The congress established an 11-member committee to oversee the administrative
affairs of the religion. Establishment of the committee constituted official governmental
recognition of the religion for the first time in 25 years.
The Hoa Hao have faced restrictions on their religious and political activities since 1975
because of their previous armed opposition to the Communist forces. Since 197 5 all
administrative offices, places of worship, and social and cultural institutions connected
to the faith have been closed, thereby limiting public religious functions. Believers
continue to practice their religion at home. The lack of access to public gathering places
has contributed to the Hoa Hao community's isolation and fragmentation. In July,
following official recognition of a Hoa Hao religious organization, up to 500,000 Hoa
Hao believers gathered for a religious festival in An Giang province in the largest Hoa
Hao gathering since 1975. The authorities continue to restrict the distribution of the
sacred scriptures of the Hoa Hao, and believers say that a number of church leaders
continue to be detained. One prominent Hoa Hao activist, Tran Huu Duyen, was released
in the September 1998 prisoner amnesty.
I
Mosques serving the country's small Muslim population, estimated at 100,000 persons,
operate in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, and several provinces in the southern part of the
country. The Muslim community comprises ethnic Vietnamese, ethnic Cham in the
southern coastal provinces and western Mekong delta, and migrants originally from
Malaysia, Indonesia, and India. Most practice Sunni Islam.
The Muslim Association ofVietnam was banned in 1975 but authorized again in 1992. It
is the only official Muslim organization. Association leaders say that they are able to
practice their faith, includingdaily prayer, fasting during the month of Ramadan, and the
pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia. The Government no longer has a policy of restricting
exit permits to prevent Muslims from making the Hajj. About 1 dozen Muslims made the
Hajj to Mecca during 1998.
There are a variety of smaller religious communities. An estimated 8,000 Hindus are
concentrated in the south, including some ethnic Chams on the south central coast who
practice Hinduism.
There are several hundred members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints
(Mormons) who are spread throughout the country, primarily in the Ho Chi Minh City
and Hanoi areas.
The prominent position of Buddhism does not affect religious freedom for others
adversely, including those who wish not to practice a religion. The secular government
does not favor a particular religion. Of the country's 80 million citizens, 14 million or
more reportedly do not appear to practice any organized religion. Some sources define
strictly those considered to be practicing Buddhists, excluding those whose activities are
limited to visiting pagodas on ceremonial holidays; using this definition, the number of
nonreligious persons would be much higher--perhaps up to 50 million: persons.
I
In some respects, conditions for religious freedom improved. In many areas, Buddhists,
Catholics, and Protestants reported an increase in religious activity and observance.
However, at the same time, government restrictions remained, and worshipers in several·
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Buddhist, Catholic, and Cao Dai centers of worship reported that they believed that
undercover government observers attended worship services and monitored the activities
of the congregation and the clergy.
The Government released at least eight prominent religious prisoners as part of a wideranging prisoner amnesty in the Fall of 1998. Among these were five UBCV monks,
including two of the most senior-ranking, Thich Quang Do and Thich Tue Sy; Catholic
priests Dinh Viet Hieu and Nguyen Chau Dat; andHoa Hao Buddhist Tran Huu Duyen.
However, operational and organizational restrictions on the hierarchies and clergy of
most religious groups remain in place. While there were releases of religious prisoners,
including others in addition to the eight prominent ones, detention and imprisonment of
other persons for practicing religion illegally continued.
In April the Government issued a new decree on religion that prescribes the rights and
responsibilities of religious believers. Similar to the Government's 1991 decree on
religion, the decree also states for the first time that no religious organization can reclaim
lands or properties taken over by the State following the end of the 1954 war against
French rule and the 1975 Communist victory in the south. The decree also states that
persons formerly detained or imprisoned must obtain special permission from the
authorities before they may resume religious activities.
I
There were credible reports that Hmong Protestant Christians in several northwestern
villages were forced to recant their faith and to drink blood from sacrificed chickens
mixed with rice wine. Hmong church leaders told a North American church official that
one Hmong Christian, Lu Seo Dieu, died in prison in Lao Cai province from
mistreatment and lack of medical care. This report could not be confirmed. Prison
conditions are poor in remote regions, and prison conditions in general are harsh.
Police authorities routinely question persons who hold dissident religious or political
views. In May two prominent pastors of the unsanctioned Assemblies of God, pastors
Tran Dinh "Paul" Ai and LoVan Hen, were detained and questioned by police after a
Bible study session that they were conducting in Hanoi was raided by local police. Ai
was questioned daily for more than 2 weeks regarding his religious activities, and Lo
Van Hen, a member of the Black Tai ethnic minority, was returned to Dien Bien Phu for
further questioning_ by police. Both were released before.the end of May and allowed to
return home. Ai later was issued a passport and allowed to travel abroad with his family
on a religious worker visa.
There were numerous reports that police arbitrarily detained persons based on their
religious beliefs and practice. A 1997 directive on administrative detention gives security
officials broad powers to monitor citizens and control where they live and work for up to
2 years if they are believed to be threatening "national security." In their implementation
of administrative detention, authorities held some persons under conditions resembling
house arrest.
I
The Penal Code, as amended in 1997, established penalties for offenses that are only
vaguely defined, including "attempting to undermine national urtity" by promoting
"division between religious believers and nonbelievers." In some cases, particularly
involving Hmong Protestants, when authorities charge persons with practicing religion
illegally they do so using provisions of the Penal Code that allow for jail terms up to 3
years for "abusing freedom of speech, press, or religion." There were reports that
officials fabricate evidence, and some of the provisions of the law used to convict
religious prisoners contradict international covenants such as the Universal Declaration
on Human Rights.
·
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There are no precise estimates available of the number of religious detainees and
religious prisoners. There reportedly are at least 10 religious detainees, held without
arrest or charge; however, the number may be greater. These persons include: Le Minh
Triet (Tu Triet), a Hoa Hao leader detained at a government house in the south; and a
number of Hmong and other ethnic minority Protestant detainees. The authorities use
administrative detention as a means of controlling persons whom they believe hold
dissident opinions. Anecdotal reports indicate that small groups of Protestants are
detained briefly--sometimes for only a few days, at other times for weeks or months.
Some persons are subject to prolonged detention without charge.
According to rough estimates, there are from 20 to 40 religious prisoners. This number is
difficult to verify with any precision because of the secrecy surrounding the arrest,
detention, and release process. The following persons reportedly continue to be held as
religious prisoners: UBCV monks Thich Thein Minh and Thich Hue Dang; Catholic
priests Mai Due Chuong (Mai Huu Nghi), Pham Minh Tri, Nguyen Van De, Pham Ngoc
Lien, Nguyen Thien Phung, and Nguyen Minh Quan; and Cao Daists Le Kim Bien and
Pham Cong Hi en. About 10 Hmong Protestant Christians in Lai Chau and Ha Giang
provinces remain in detention; they include: Sung Phai Dia, Vu Gian Thao, Vang Gia
Chua, Sung Va Tung, Sung Seo Chinh, Sinh Phay Pao, and Va Sinh Giay.
Officials acknowledge that the following Hmong Christians were sentenced and
imprisoned under the section of the Penal Code that prohibits "abusing the freedom of
religion": Sung Phai Dia, Vu Gian Thao, Ly A Giang, Giang A To, and Giang A Cat.
I
Unconfirmed reports from the central highlands suggest that some local officials have
extorted cattle and money from Protestants in those areas. It is unclear whether their
religious affiliation or other factors were the causes of these alleged crimes. Provincial
officials in Ha Giang and Lai Chau provinces in the north have sought to pressure
Hmong Christians to recant their faith.
The Government bans and actively discourages participation in "illegal" religious
groups, including the UBCV, Protestant house churches, and unapproved Hoa Hao and
Cao Dai groups. The Government restricts the number of clergy that the Buddhist,
Catholic, Protestant, and Cao Dai churches may train. Restrictions are placed on the
numbers of Buddhist monks and Catholic seminarians. Protestants are not allowed to
operate a seminary or to ordain new clergy.
The Government restricts and monitors all forms of public assembly, including assembly
for religious activities. On some occasions, large religious gatherings have been allowed,
such as the 1998 and 1999 celebrations at La Vang. Within the past year, the Hoa Hao
also have been allowed to hold two large public gatherings.
Religious and organizational activities by UBCV monks are illegal, and all UBCV
activities outside private temple worship are proscribed. Protestant groups in central and
southern provinces and some groups of Hoa Hao believers not affiliated with the group
that held the May congress have petitioned the Government to be recognized officially.
They have been unsuccessful thus far. Most evangelical house churches do not attempt to
register because they believe that their applications would be denied, and they want to
avoid government control.
l
I
The Government does not permit religious instruction in public schools. The
Government restricts persons who belong to dissident and unofficial religious groups
from speaking about their beliefs. It officially requires all religious publishing to be done
by government-approved publishing houses. Many Buddhist sacred scriptures, Bibles,
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and other religious texts and publications are printed by these organizations and allowed
to be distributed to believers. The Government allows, and in some cases encourages,
links with coreligionists in other countries when the religious groups are approved by the
Government. The Government actively discourages contacts between the illegal UBCV
and its foreign Buddhist supporters, and between illegal Protestants, such as the house
churches, and their foreign supporters. Contacts between the Vatican and the domestic
Catholic Church are permitted, and the Government maintains a regular, active dialog
with the Vatican on a range of issues, including organizational activities, the prospect of
establishing diplomatic relations, and a possible papal visit. The Government allows
religious travel for some, but not all, religious persons; Muslims are able to undertake the
Hajj, and many Buddhist and Catholic officials also have been able to travel abroad.
Persons who hold dissident religious opinions generally are not approved for foreign
travel.
The Government does not designate persons' religions on passports, although citizens'
"family books," which are household identification books, list religious and ethnic
affiliation.
The law prohibits foreign missionaries from operating in the country. Proselytizing by
citizens is restricted to regularly scheduled religious services in recognized places of
worship. Immigrants and noncitizens must comply with the law when practiCing their
religions. Catholic and Protestant foreigners exercise leadership in worship services that
are reserved for foreigners.·
I
The government Office on Religious Affairs hosts periodic meetings to address religious
issues according to government-approved agendas that bring together leaders of diverse
religious traditions.
Adherence to a religious faith generally does not disadvantage persons in civil,
economic, and secular life, although it likely would prevent advancement to the highest
.government and military ranks. Avowed religious practice bars membership in the
Communist Party, although anecdotal reports indicate that a handful of the 2 million
Communist Party members are religious believers.
The Government remained sensitive about international and nongovernmental
organization investigations. In October 1998, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on
Religious Intolerance, Abdelfattah Amor, visited Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, Hue, and
Tay Ninh province. He met with government officials and representatives of the
·government-sanctioned Central Buddhist Church, the Catholic Church, Cao Dai, a
Protestant church, and the small Muslim community. However, security officials
prevented Amor from meeting several senior representatives of the non-governmentsanctioned UBCV, including Thich Huyen Quang and Thich Quang Do, despite his
repeated requests to do so.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and
Repatriation
I
The Government imposes some limits on freedom of movement. Most citizens enjoyed
freedom of movement within the country; however, some local authorities required
members of ethnic minority groups to obtain permission to travel outside certain
highland areas. Officially, citizens had to obtain permission to change their residence
(see Section l.f.). In practice many persons continued to move without approval,
especially migrant or itinerant laborers moving from rural areas to cities in search of
work. However, moving without permission restricted their ability to obtain legal work
permits. Citizens formally are required to notify police if they intend to be away from ·
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their residence overnight and must register with police anywhere that they stay
overnight; however, these requirements generally are not enforced. Holders of foreign
passports must register to stay in private homes. In practice visitors of Vietnamese origin
from overseas do not appear to have problems with this requirement and are allowed to
stay with family and friends. Other foreigners complain that they are not allowed to do
so.
The Government employs internal isolation to restrict the movement of political and
religious dissidents (see Section 1.d.). The Government continued to use its 1997 decree
on administrative detention to restrict where citizens live and work (see section l.f.).
Foreigners generally are free to travel throughout the country, except in some areas
restricted on grounds of national security. The Government retained the right to approve
travel to border areas, to some areas in the central highlands, and to some islands, but in
practice foreigners can travel to most border areas without prior approval. However, on
several occasions, local police detained and fined foreigners whom police found had
ventured too close to international borders and other sensitive military areas.
Although the Government no longer required citizens traveling abroad to obtain exit or
reentry visas, the Government sometimes prevented persons from traveling by refusing
to issue passports to persons who wished to travel. Persons who depart the country using
passports marked dinh cu or "resettlement" appear to need a reentry permit to return.
Some persons who express dissident opinions on religious or political issues are not
allowed to travel abroad (see Section 2.d.).
·
I
Citizens must demonstrate eligibility to emigrate to another country and show
· sponsorship abroad before the Government issues passports, which are required before a
person is able to emigrate. Persons emigrating under refugee status are required to have a
letter of introduction from the Ministry of Public Security 'before the passport office will
issue them passports. Citizens' access to passports frequently was constrained by factors
outside the law, such as bribery and corruption. Refugee and immigrant visa applicants
sometimes encountered local officials who arbitrarily delayed or denied passports based
on personal animosities or on the officials' perception that an applicant did not meet
program criteria, or in order to extort a bribe.
Because citizens who live overseas are considered a valuable potential source of foreign
exchange and expertise for the country but also a potential security threat, the
Government generally encourages them to visit but monitors many of them carefully.
The United States continued to process for admission and resettlement immigrants and
refugee applicants, including Amerasians, former reeducation camp detainees, and
family reunification cases. There are some concerns that some members of minority
ethnic groups, particularly nonethnic Vietnamese such as the Montagnards, may not have
ready access to these programs. The Government denied passports for emigration to
certain Montagnard applicants.
I
The Government generally permits citizens who emigrate to return to visit, but it
considers them Vietnamese citizens and therefore subject to the obligations of a
Vietnamese citizen under the law, even if they have adopted another country's
citizenship. The Government no longer requires reentry visas for citizens holding regular
passports but who reside in another country. Holders of Vietnamese passports marked
dinh cu or resettlement appear to need a reentry visa. However, emigrants are not
permitted to use Vietnamese passports after they adopt other citizenship.
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Vietnam and the United States continued to work together on the Resettlement
Opportunity for Vietnamese Returnees Program (ROVR) in processing the residual few
hundred ROVR persons who had returned from refugee camps elsewhere in southeast
Asia.
Vietnam cooperated with the international community in implementing the
Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA), which was in effect in Vietnam between 1989 and
June 1997, to resolve the situation of the thousands ofVietnamese who departed the
country illegally. In 1989 as part of the CPA, Vietnam had signed a memorandum of
·understanding with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to accept
voluntary repatriates from camps in countries of first asylum, provided that there was
financial assistance. The agreement included a commitment to waive prosecution and
punitive measures for the illegal departure from Vietnam of persons who return under the.
UNHCR voluntary repatriation program. The UNHCR, which monitored repatriates
reported that they do not face retribution or discrimination.
I
The Constitution allows consideration of asylum under certain circumstances for
foreigners persecuted abroad. Otherwise, the country does not have provisions for the ·
granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the standards of the 1951 U.N.
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. There were no
reports that any individuals requested asylum. In the 1970's and 1980's, the Government
admitted refugees from Cambodia, most of whom were ethnic Chinese. Between 1993
and 1995, it admitted 30,000 persons from Cambodia, mainly ethnic Vietnamese. The
Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in
assisting refugees. There were no reports of the forced return of persons to a country
where they feared persecution.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their
Government
·
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Party control over the
selection of candidates in elections for the National Assembly, the Presidency, the Prime
Ministership, and local government undermines this right. All authority and political
power is vested in the VCP; political opposition movements and other political parties .
are not tolerated. The VCP Central Committee is the supreme decisionmaking body in
the nation, with the Politburo as the locus of policymaking. A standing board, consisting
of the five most senior members of the Politburo, oversees day-to-day implementation of
leadership directives. Senior advisors to the Party, including the former party general
secretary, President, and Prime Minister, also continue to exert significant influence on
Politburo decisionmaking. The Government limited public debate and criticism to certain
aspects of individual, state, or party performance determined by the VCP itself. No
public challenge to the legitimacy of the one-party state is permitted; however, there
were isolated instances of unsanctioned letters from private citizens critical of the
Government that circulated publicly (see Section 2:a.).
Eligible citizens are required to vote in elections, although there is no penalty for not
voting. Citizens elect the members of the National Assembly, ostensibly the main
.legislative body, but the Party must approve all candidates, most of whom are Party
members. Most National Assembly members belong to the VCP, although 15 percent do
not.
I
The National Assembly, although subject to the control ofthe Party (all of its senior
leaders are party members), played an increasingly independent role, as a forum for the
expression of local and provincial concerns and as a critic of corruption and inefficiency.
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However, the National Assembly generally does not initiate legislation and may not pass
legislation that the Party opposes. Party officials occupied most senior government and
National Assembly positions and continued to have the final say on key issues. During
the year, the National Assembly continued to engage in vigorous debate on economic,
legal, and social issues, including a business enterprise law and a press law. Legislators
questioned and criticized ministers in sessions broadcast live on television.
The law provides the opportunity for equal participation in politics by women and
minority groups, but in practice they are underrepresented. Most of the top leaders are
men. There is one woman in the Politburo. Women are better represented in the National
Assembly, where more than one-fourth ofthe 450 members are women. Women hold a
few important positions. The Vice President is a woman, as are several ministers and
vice ministers.
The president of the National Assembly, who is also a Politburo Standing Committee
member, is a member of an ethnic minority.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental
Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not permit private, local human rights organizations to form or
operate. It generally prohibitsprivate citizens from contacting international human rights
organizations, although some dissidents were able to do so despite opposition from the
Government. The Government permitted the UNHCR and international visitors to
monitor implementation of its repatriation commitments under the CPA and carried on a
limited dialog with foreign human rights organizations based outside Vietnam.
I
The Government generally was willing to discuss human rights problems bilaterally with
other governments if such discussions take place under the rubric of "exchanges of
ideas" rather than as "investigations." Several foreign governments held official talks
during the year concerning human rights.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or
Social Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, or social
class; however, enforcement of these prohibitions was uneven. Persons formerly interned
in reeducation camps on the basis ofpre-1975 association with the government of the
former Republic of South Vietnam continued to report varying levels of discrimination
as they and their families sought access to housing, education, and employment. Some
military veterans of the former Republic of Vietnam remain incarcerated for activities
after 1975. They and their families generally are not allowed employment with the.
Government. This prohibition is less restrictive than in past years because of the growth
in private sector job opportunities.
Women
I
International NGO workers and many women reported that domestic violence against
women was common. The law addresses the problem of domestic violence, but
authorities do not enforce it effectively. Many divorces reportedly are due to domestic
violence, but many women likely remain in abusive marriages rather than confront the
stigma of divorce. ·
Some women are forced to work as prostitutes, and trafficking in women for the purpose
of(orced prostitution, both domestically and internationally, is a serious problem (see
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Section 6.f.). Women and girls are trafficked from southern delta and highlands
provinces to Cambodia, and from northern provinces into China. Women and girls
frequently are misled by promises of well-paying jobs in those countries. Prostitution,
although technically illegal, appears to be widely tolerated. The Ho Chi Minh City
People's Committee recently acknowledged that more than 10,000 women in the city
engaged in prostitution. Hanoi and the port cities of Danang and Haiphong also have
large ni.unbers of women engaged in prostitution. There are reports that some exploiters
in Ho Chi Minh City addicted young girls to heroin and forced them to work as
prostitutes to earn cash for drugs. Many more women are compelled to work as
prostitutes because of poverty, a lack of other employment opportunities, or because they
are victimized by false promises oflucrative work. The Vietnam Women's Union andYouth Union, as well as international and domestic NGO's, are engaged actively in
education and rehabilitation programs to combat these abuses.
While there is no legal discrimination, women face deeply ingrained societal
discrimination. Despite extensive provisions in the Constitution, in legislation, and in
regulations that mandate equal treatment, and although some women occupy high
government posts, few women compete effectively for higher status positions. The
Constitution provides that women and men must receive equal pay for equal work, but
the Government does not enforce this provision. Very poor women, especially in rural
areas but also in cities, perform menial jobs in construction, waste removal, and other
jobs for extremely low wages. Despite the large body of legislation and regulations
devoted to the protection of women's rights in marriage as well as in the workplace, and
Labor Law provisions that call for preferential treatment of women, women do not
always receive equal treatment. Nevertheless, women play an important role in the
economy and are widely engaged in business and in social and educational institutions.
Opportunities for young professional women have increased markedly, with greater
numbers entering the civil service, universities, and the private sector.
The party-controlled Women's Union has a broad agenda to promote women's rights,
including political, economic, and legal equality, and protection from spousal abuse. The
Women's Union operates micro-credit consumer finance programs and other programs to
promote the advancement of women. International NGO's and other international
organizations regard the union as effective, but they and Women's Union representatives
believe that much time is required to overcome societal attitudes that relegate women to
lower status than men. The Governni.ent also has a Committee for the Advancement of
Women, which coordinates intraministerial programs affecting women.
Children
International organizations reported that despite the government's promotion of child
protection and welfare, children incre(:lsingly were at risk of economic exploitation.
While education is compulsory through the age of 14, the authorities did not enforce the
requirement, especially in rural areas where government and family budgets for
education are strained. Thousands of children work in exploitative child labor (see
Sections 6.c. and 6.d.). The Government continued a nationwide immunization
campaign, and the government-controlled press regularly stressed the importance of
health and education for all children. Reports from local sources indicate that responsible
officials generally took these goals seriously but were constrained by severely limited
budgets. According to a recent World Bank report, despite growth in incomes over the
past decade, severe malnutrition remains an entrenched problem; about 45 percent of
children under 5 years of age suffer from stunted growth.
I
Widespread poverty contributed to continued child prostitution, especially of girls, but
also some boys as well, in major cities. Many prostitutes in Ho Chi Minh City are girls
of ages 15 through 17. One NGO advocate stated that some child prostitutes, such as
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those from abusive homes, are forced into prostitution for economic reasons, having few
other choices available to them. There are reports that some exploiters in Ho Chi Minh
City addicted young girls to heroin and forced them to work as prostitutes to earn money
for drugs.
Other children are trafficked domestically, as well as to foreign destinations for the
purpose of forced prostitution. Although statistics are not reliable, children are trafficked
from southern delta and highland provinces to Cambodia, and from northern provinces
into China. Government agencies were engaged in combating these abuses. The Vietnam·
Women's Union and Youth Union are active in drawing attention to them and helping
with education programs to warn vulnerable families of the dangers of deception by
those who would lure young women and children into prostitution. Press reports
documented the conviction and imprisonment of some traffickers (see Section 6.f.).
Street children often are subjected to abuse, including beatings by police (see Section
I.e.).
.
People With Disabilities
I
Government provision of services to the disabled is limited, and the Government
provides little official protection or effective support for the disabled. Government
agencies responsible for services to the disabled worked with domestic and foreign
groups to "identify measures" to provide protection, support, and physical access for the
disabled. Implementation is hampered by limited budgets. The 1995 Labor Law requires
the State to protect the rights and encourage the employment of the disabled. It includes
provisions for preferential treatment for firms that recruit disabled persons for training or
apprenticeship and a special levy on firms that do not employ disabled workers. It is ·
uncertain whether the Government enforces these provisions. The Government permitted
international groups to assist those disabled by war or by subsequent accidents involving
unexploded ordnance and has developed indigenous prosthetics-manufacturing
capabilities. There are no laws mandating physical access to buildings.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
Although the Government states that it is opposed to discrimination against ethnic
minorities, societal discrimination against minorities is widespread. In addition there
continued to be credible reports that local officials sometimes restricted ethnic minority
a9cess to education, employment, and mail services. The Government continued to
implement policies designed to narrow the gap in the standard of living between ethnic ·
groups living in the highlands and richer lowland ethnic Vietnamese by granting
preferential treatment to domestic and foreign companies that invest in highland areas.
The stated goal of government resettlement policy in mountainous provinces is to move
disadvantaged minorities provide incentives for disadvantaged minorities to relocate
-from-inaccessible villages to locations where basic servic'es are easier to provide;
however, the effect of the policy sometimes has been to dilute the political and social
solidarity of these groups. The Government continued to repress some highland
minorities, particularly the Hmong; for practicing their religion without official approval
(see Section 2.c.). Unlike the previous year, there were no reports that the Government
repressed some highland minorities for suspected ties with resistance groups.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
Unions are controlled by the Party and have only nominal independence; however, union
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leaders influence some key decisions; such as on health and safety issues and on
minimum wage standards. Workers are not free to join or form unions of their choosing;
such action requires approval·from the local office of the Party-controlled Vietnam
General Confederatiqn of Labor (VGCL). The VGCL is the umbrella organization under
which all local trade unions must operate, and it claims 4 million members in branches in
each ofthe major cities and provinces. VGCL officers report that the VGCL represents
95 percent of public sector workers, 90 percent of workers in state-owned enterprises,
and nearly 70 percent of private sector workers. The Labor Law requires provincial trade
union organizations to establish unions within 6 months at all new enterprises with more
than 10 employees as well as at existing enterprises that operate without trade unions.
Management of those companies is required by law to accept and cooperate with those
unions. In addition, while the Labor Code states that all enterprise level and professional
trade unions are affiliated with the VGCL, in practice hundreds of unaffiliated "labor
associations" have been organized in occupations such as those of taxi, motorcycle and
cyclo drivers, cooks, and market porters. Foreign governments are providing technical
assistance and training to the Ministry of Labor, Invalids, and Social Affairs and to the
VGCL.
The Labor Law provides for the right to strike under certain circumstances. The law
requires that management and labor resolve labor disputes through the enterprise's own
labor conciliation council. In a recent report, the ILO stated that many labor
organizations failed to establish labor conciliation councils, and that without one, or if
one fails to ·resolve the matter, it is referred to the provincial Labor Arbitration Council,
which does not exist in some provinces. If the Council's decision is unsatisfactory to the
union or if the province does not have an arbitration council, unions have the right to
appeal to the Provincial People's Labor Arbitration Council. Labor courts, which were
established in 1996 within the People's Court System, heard approximately 500 cases;
most cited wrongful dismissal and matters oflabor discipline. Since January 1995, the
Labor Ministry has organized 150 training courses on the Labor Code for its staff and for
managers of large enterprises.
The government-controlled labor unions stipulate written procedures for managing labor
disputes that permit unresolved disputes to be arbitrated before a court. Unions have the
right to appeal a council decision to the provincial people's court and the right to strike.
I
There were approximately 60 private and public strikes during the year, primarily against
foreign-owned or joint venture companies, but some also involved state-owned and
private firms. The Government tolerated these strikes, even though most were
spontaneous and supported by organized labor after the fact. Approximately 250 strikes
were reported from January 1995 through September 1999. Of these, some 132 strikes
were in enterprises with foreign investment, about 40 in state-owned enterprises, and 80
in private enterprises. The majority of these strikes took place in Ho Chi Minh City,
Dong Nai province, and other southern provinces. The strikes mainly were caused by
disputes over wages and related problems, including late payment of overtime pay and
inappropriate labor disciple. Although most of the strikes did not follow an authorized
conciliation and arbitration process, and thus were illegal, the Government tolerated the
strikes and did not take action against the strikers. Although the VGCL or its affiliate
unions did not sanction these strikes officially, they were supported unofficially at the
local and provincial levels of the V GCL on an informal basis. The Labor Law prohibits
retribution against strikers, and there were no credible reports of such retribution. In
some cases, the Government disciplined employers for illegal practices that led to
strikes. VGCL officials stated that their general policy was not to use strikes to settle
investment disputes, but only as a last resort .. They stressed the need to educate workers ·
on lawful s~rike procedure.
The Labor Code prohibits strikes at enterprises that serve the public and at those
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considered by the Government to be important to the national economy and defense. A
subsequent decree defined these enterprises to be those involved in: Electrical
production; post and telecommunications; railway, maritime, and air transportation;
banking; public works; and the oil and gas industry. The law also grants the Government
the right to suspend a strike considered detrimental to the national economy or public
safety. Strikes are prohibited in 54 occupational sectors and businesses, including public
services, businesses producing "essential" goods, and businesses serving national defense
under the Ministries of Public Security and National Defense.
Individual unions legally are not free to affiliate with, join, or participate in, international
labor bodies, and they do not do so in practice. However, the VGCL has relations with
95 labor organizations in 70 countries.
· ,
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Workers must have the approval of the provincial or metropolitan branch of the VGCL
in order to organize unions in their enterprises, but they also can bargain collectively
through the Party-approved unions at their enterprises. During the year, many contracts
were negotiated that ended the practice of annual renewal, as collective bargaining
increased in importance. Multiyear contracts became more common despite initial
resistance from foreign companies. Labor leaders became more active in supporting their
workers by agreeing to place more workplace issues in collective bargaining agreements.
Issues that are not in a contract, such as working on Sundays, have been spelled out so
that companies cannot order workers to work a seventh day. Market forces also play a
much more important role in determining wages. The Labor Law prohibits antiunion
discrimination on the part of employers against employees seeking to organize.
I
There are a number of export processing zones and industrial zones, which are governed
by the same labor laws as the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor The Labor Law prohibits all forms of
forced and bonded labor, including such labor by children; however, there were reports
that thousands of children work in exploitative child labor. Some women are forced into
prostitution, and trafficking in women for the purpose of forced prostitution is a problem
(see Sections 5 and 6.f.). A study of child labor in Ho Chi Minh City found cases in
which poor families had entered into "verbal agreements" with employers, who put the
families' children to work; their salaries generally are sent to their parents. Officials state
that juveniles in reeducation camps, which function much as reform schools or juvenile
detention centers do elsewhere, are assigned work for educational purposes that does not
generate income. Children were trafficked both domestically and internationally and
forced to work as prostitutes (see Sections 5 and 6.f.).
·
During the year,.the Government suspended the practice of required labor in the
construction of national infrastructure projects; however, there is a long local tradition
under which persons living along flood-prone levees voluntarily help to build or repair
their critical flood control system. In 1998 the Government denied the use of prison labor
without compensation, and there were no reports of this practice during the year.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment
I
The Labor Law prohibits most child labor but allows exceptions for certain types of
work. The Labor Law sets the minimum age for employment at 18 years of age, but
enterprises may hire children between the ages of 15 and 18, as long as the firm obtains
special permission from their parents and the Ministry of Labor, Invalids, and Social
Affairs. The firm also must ensure that these young workers do not undertake hazardous
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work or work that would harm their physical or mental development. These occupations
are specified in the Labor Law. Children may work a maximum of 7 hours per day and
42 hours per week and must receive special health care. It is not clear whether authorities
have the resources to enforce these regulations. Children as young as 13 years of age can
register at trade training centers, which are a form of vocational training. There were no
reports that state-owned enterprises or companies with foreign investors used child labor ..
Restrictions on working in hazardous operations apply to persons under the age of 18.
The Labor Code permits the vocational training of children at the age of 13.
In rural areas, children work primarily on family farms and in other agricultural
activities. They often begin working at the age of 6 and are expected to work as adults by
the time they are 15 years of age. In urban areas, children work in family-owned small
businesses. There are compulsory education laws that are not enforced effectively in
rural areas, where children are needed to work in agriculture. However, the culture's
strong emphasis on education leads parents who can afford to send their children to
school to do so rather than allow them to work. Many urban schools operate two
sessions, allowing children to attend classes and to work.
In 1997 the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF) announced that Children below the age of
16 face increased risk of economic exploitation. The Government estimated in 1997 that
approximately 29,000 children below the age of 15 were victims of exploitative labor.
That estimate may have been low, since most of these children are working in the
informal sector. In 1997 UNICEF cited evidence of children working in gold mines and ·
as domestic servants, or working up to 14 hours a day in hazardous conditions for
meager pay or no payment.
I
The Government did not commit sufficient resources to enforce its laws providing for
children's labor safety, especially for children working in coal mines and as domestic
servants. The ILO stated that street children both in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi usually
participate in night education courses.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The Labor Law requires the government to set a minimum wage, which is adjusted for
inflation and other economic changes. The official monthly minimum wage for foreign. investment joint ventures is $45 (621,000 dong) in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, and
$40 (552,000 dong) elsewhere. The Government can exempt temporarily certain joint
ventures from paying the minimum wage during the first months of an enterprise's
operations, or if the enterprise is located in a very remote area, but the minimum wage in
these cases can be no lower than $30 (414,000 dong). These minimum wage rates are
inadequate to provide a worker and family with a decent standard ofliving. However,
many workers receive bonuses and supplement their incomes by engaging in
entrepreneurial activities, and households often include more than one wage earner. A
decreasing number of workers receive government-subsidized housing. The Government
enforces the minimum wage only at foreign and major Vietnamese firms.
In October the Government reduced the length of the workweek for government
employees and employees of companies in the state sector from 48 hours to 40 hours; it
intends to encourage the private business sector and foreign and international
organizations that employ Vietnamese workers to implement a 40-hour week.
I
The Labor Law sets working hours at a maximum of 8 hours per day, with a mandatory
24-hour break each week. Additional hours require overtime pay at 1.5 times the regular
wage and 2 times the regular wage on holidays. The law limits compulsory overtime to 4
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hours per week and 200 days per year. Annual leave with full pay for various types of
work is also prescribed by the law. In a recent report, the ILO pointed out that the limit
of 200 hours a year of overtime work is too low, and that workers and employers should ·
have the right to agree to a greater amount of overtime work. It is uncertain how well the
Government enforces these provisions.
According to the law, a female employee who is to be married, is pregnant, is on
maternity leave, or is raising a child under 1 year of age cannot be dismissed unless the
enterprise is closed. Female employees who are at least 7 months pregnant or are raising
a child under 1 year of age cannot work overtime, at night, or in distant locations.
The Labor Law requires the Government to promulgate rules and regulations that ensure
worker safety. The Ministry of Labor, in coordination with local people's committees and
labor unions, is charged with enforcing the regulations. In practice, enforcement is
inadequate because of the ministry's inadequate funding and a shortage of trained
enforcement personnel. The VGCL reported that there are 300 labor inspectors in the
country but that at least 600 are needed. There is growing evidence that workers, through
labor unions, have been effective in improving working conditions.
Some foreign companies with operations in the country have established independent
monitoring of problems at their factories. In some instances, theyused NGO's and other
nonprofit organizations to monitor workplace conditions and report abuses to the
Ministry ofLabor.
f. Trafficking in Persons
I
The Penal Code prescribes harsh punishment for persons convicted of trafficking in
women and children; however, some women are forced to work as prostitutes, and
trafficking in women for the purpose of forced prostitution, both domestically a:nd
internationally, is a serious problem.
The Government, international NGO's, and the press reported an increase in recent years
. in trafficking in women. Women and girls are trafficked from the southern delta and
highland provinces into Cambodia and from northern provinces into China. Women and
girls frequently are misled by promises of well-paying jobs in those countries.
Prostitution, although officially illegal, appears to be widely tolerated. The Ho Chi Minh
City People's Committee recently acknowledged that more than 10,000 women in the
city engaged in prostitution. Hanoi and the port cities of Danang and Haiphong also have
large numbers of women engaged in prostitution. There are reports that some persons in
Ho Chi Minh City addicted young girls to heroin, then forced them to work as prostitutes
to earn money to support their drug addiction. Many more women are compelled to work
as prostitutes because of poverty, a lack of other employment opportunities, or because
they are victimized by false promises oflucrative work. The Vietnam Women's Union
and Youth Union, as well as international and domestic NGO's, are engaged actively in
education and rehabilitation programs to combat these abuses.
I
The Government is working with international NGO's to supplement law enforcement
measures and is cooperating with other national governments to prevent trafficking.
NGO's reported that the problem appeared to grow during the year. Organized groups
lure poor, often rural, women with promises of jobs or marriage and force them to work
as prostitutes (see Sections 5 and 6.c.). Press and NGO reports noted that some women
were kidnaped and transported to China and other countries against their will, where they
were sold into forced marriages. The Government took measures to address this problem.
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..
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There is reported trafficking in women.to the Macau Special Administrative Region of
China with the assistance of organizations in China that are ostensibly marriage service
bureaus, international labor organizations, and travel agencies. After arrival, many
women are forced into conditions similar to indentured servitude; some may be forced
into prostitution.
Children also are trafficked domestically and overseas to work as prostitutes.
Government agencies were engaged in efforts to combat this abuse. One NGO advocate
estimated that, among trafficked girl children, the average age was from 15 through 17
years; many were trafficked to Cambodia and China.
Government agencies and mass organizations are engaged to combat this problem. Some
traffickers have been convicted and imprisoned. The Vietnam Women's Union and
Youth Union's programs, as well as state-owned media, publicized the problem.
Women's union advocacy and rehabilitation efforts help women and girls who have been
trafficked.
Return to U.S.-Vietnam Relations.
Return to USIA International Home Page.
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>'------··-.
.
TEXT:._SHATTUCK ON.U.S. DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ACTIVITIES IN ASIA
f(U.S~~anpJ~y sig!!tll.caf!t_role i!!_A_sian d_e111ocracy)·
Washington-- The United States can play a significant role in promoting Asian democracy through
diplomatic engagement and the use of a wide range of foreign policy tools, including carefully
tailored democracy assistance programs, according to John Shattuck, assistant secretary of state for
democracy, human rights and labor.
"Democracy in Asia is a reality in some countries and an opportunity in many others," he said.
"In formulating our country strategies, we have many tools at our disposal to support our diplomatic
efforts, ranging from our assistance programs to sanctions," Shattuck said in testimony before the
House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific September 17. "Although I will
be describing the positive measures we use in democracy assistance programs, we also can and do
use negative measures where necessary, including restricting arms sales, opposing loans from
international financial institutions, and: cutting off bilateral and multilateral assistance."
U.S. democracy assistance programs are carried out by the State Department, the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID) and the U.S. Information Agency (USIA), Shattuck said.
"Although USAID implements most of the programs, we work together closely in order to ensure
that our various programs are in harmony with each and in support of our policy goals. We also make
sure that our programs dovetail with the excellent work of the Asia Foundation, the National
Endowment for Democracy, and Radio Free Asia."
·
I
Shattuck pointed out that:U.S._democracy-promotion programs have four main goals:
"--enhancing respect for the rule oflaw and human rights;
"--encouraging the development of a politically active civil society;
"--promoting meaningful political competition through free and fair electoral processes; and
)
"-- fostering transparent and accountable governance."
In ~sia, he said, the United States currently conducts a range of activities in pursuit of each of these
goals.
·
Following is the text of Shattuck's statement to the committee:
(begin text)
STATEMENT OF
THE HONORABLE JOHN SHATTUCK
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS AND LABOR
•
ON "U.S. DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ACTIVITIES IN ASIA"
BEFORE THE
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HOUSE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE
ON ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
SEPTEMBER 17, 1997
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee, I thank you for the opportunity to testify before you
on th~ topic of U.S. democracy promotion in Asia.
·
Mr. Chairman, in Asia as elsewhere, the Clinton Administration views the promotion of human rights
and democracy as one of the fundamental goals of our foreign policy, in addition to preserving
America's security and fostering our prosperity. The spread of democracy is both an end in itself-for it vindicates the values that define our republic-- and a means to out security and prosperity.
History clearly demonstrates that free nations are more reliable. partners, alike in maintaining peace
and in conducting commerce.
At the same time, there have beep some in recent years-- both in Asia and the United States-- who
have warned that the future will be one of inevitable conflict between East and West, a clash of
civilizations, a showdown between different cultures and values. At this summer's annual Association
of South East Asian Nations' Post Ministerial Conference, Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad declared that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a western export and called for
its revision. Secretary Albright immediately responded that the concept of human rights reflects the
very principle of civilization itself.
I
To those who dismiss our efforts to promote human rights and democracy as an expression of
American imperialism, let us simply point to figures like Mahatma Gandhi, the Dalai Lama, Corazon
Aquino, Aung San Suu Kyi, Wei Jingsheng, Martin Lee and millions of people around Asia and the
rest of the world who have voted, marched, worked, been beaten and sometimes killed for their
devotion to the universality of human rights and democracy.
'
Considerable democratic progress has been made in Asia during the past decade. Since 1986, the
Philippines, south Korea, Thailand, Taiwan, Mongolia, Cambodia, Nepal, and Bangladesh have reentered or entered for the first time the community ofdemocratic nations. Moreover, in many of the
remaining authoritarian countries such as Indonesia, Vietnam, and even China, the success of
economic reforms has led to some progress in strengthening the rule of law and in creating space for
a civil society.
Today I would like to discuss with you the diverse ways in which the United States is helping Asia's
new democracies to consolidate their gains as well as how we are supporting progressive forces in the
non-democracies.
Needless to say, Asia is a vast region encompassing a great diversity of cultures, religions, ethnic
groups, and political and economic systems. Nevertheless, the Clinton Administration's strategy for
promoting democracy in Asia is founded on the belief that the legion's spectacular economic growth
of recent decades provides the basis for a democratic future.
I
Simply put, economic development can gradually undermine authoritarianism because it can create
social forces that seek to develop autonomy from the state. As Professor Gerald Curtis has recently
written, "A middle class grows that demands representation, a working class emerges that sooner or
later deman:ds the right to organize and engages in political action, and a business community that
may have been spawned by the state develops its own resources and demands autonomy." In Asia,
the relatively recent democratic transitions in Taiwan, Thailand and South Korea all demonstrate this
basic point.
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Mr. Chairman, let me be clear. I am not endorsing a theory of economic determinism. Economic
development facilitates but does not cause democratization. I am arguing that in Asia the United
States should respond to the opportunities for political reform that have beep created by widespread
economic success. We must stand by those who are struggling for human rights and democracy in
these changing societies. In the end, of course, we must tailor our democracy policies and programs
to the specific circumstances of each country. ·
In formulating our country strategies, we have many tools at our disposal to support our diplomatic
efforts, ranging from our assistance programs to sanctions. Although I will be describing the positive
measures we use in democracy assistance programs, we also can and do use negative measures where
necessary, including restricting arms sales, opposing loans from international financial institutions,
. and cutting offbilateral and multilateral assistance.
Our democracy assistance programs are carried out by the State Department, USAID and USIA.
Although US AID implements most of the programs, we work together closely in order to ensure that
our various programs are in harmony with each and in support of our policy goals. We also make sure
that our programs dovetail with the excellent work of the Asia Foundation, the National Endowment
for Democracy, and Radio Free Asia.
Types of Democracy Assistance
Mr. Chairman, the democracy-promotion programs of the United States have four main goals:
-- enhancing respect for the rule of law and human rights;
I
-- encouraging the development ofa politically active civil society;
-- promoting meaningful political competition through free and fair electoral processes; and
-- fostering transparent and accountable governance.
In Asia, we currently conduct a range of activities in pursuit of each of these goals.
Rule of Law and Human Rights
Rule of law programs form a central part of our democracy promotion strategy in Asia for several
basic reasons. First, a democratic society requires a legal framework that guarantees respect for
human rights and ensures a degree of regularity in public and private affairs. Second, corruption and
abuse of authority have an obvious impact on both economic development and democratic
institutions. Finally, effective public administration is essential to enhancing popular support for
democracy.
In Mongolia, we are beginning new activities to follow up on our earlier assistance to the new
judicial system contained in the 1992 constitution. Our new program will promote the concept of
judicial independence both inside and outside the judiciary. It will educate members of the judiciary
on their role in the protection of civil liberties. It will foster better communication between the
parliament and the judiciary as well as among the vario,us courts of the judiciary. And it will
encourage the formulation and adoption of a judicial code of ethics.
I
In Cambodia, we have been assisting since 1993 indigenous NGOs involved in the promotion of
human rights. None of this assistanceis channeled through the government. Despite the major
setback for democracy that occurred this September when Hun Sen seized power, we continue to
support human rights NGOs in Cambodia because they represent the backbone of the democracy
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movement. Through our assistance, we have helped to create a national network of human rights
organizations. Last year the major NGOs that we support reported over 1,000 human rights
violations. More recently, these NGOs have courageously monitored the cases of those killed or
missing as a result of the violence this past July.
In the area of human rights, we are also supporting the Cambodia Genocide Program; Conducted by
Yale University, the program is documenting the mass killings carried out by the Khmer Rouge
between 1975 and 1979. The work of the program will be made available to the public and will be
used by any tribunal or truth commission that might he established to investigate these crimes against
humanity.
The United States has also been instrumental in establishing a nationwide organization of public
defenders, the Cambodian Public Advocates (CPA). Formed in January 1996, the CPA defenders
have provided high-quality representation at all levels of the Cambodian judicial system. Last year a
full one-third of CPA clients received reduced sentences or were acquitted. In the first nine months of
1996, the courts referred 34 percent of all cases to public defenders (up from 20 percent in 1995),
reflecting the courts' increasing recognition of the value of defenders. Similarly, earlier this year the
Minister of Justice approved the installation of public defender desks in all courtrooms. Also through
out assistance, the Cambodian Bar Association has established a Legal Aid Department, with 30
lawyers volunteering time in collaboration with public defender organizations.
I
In Indonesia, our democracy assistance has also supported the promotion of human rights and the
expansion oflegal aid. We are assisting the major Indonesian human rights NGOs, which have
increased their monitoring of corruption and abuse of power. In addition, we support the National
Human Rights Commission, a quasi-independent body that has begun to develop the means to expose
. human rights violations. With our support, it opened a field office in East Timor and began a human
rights training program. In the area of legal aid, the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute pursued in 1996
650 cases concerning civil, political, land and labor rights.
In Sri Lanka, our rule of law assistance has targeted two areas: court administration and alternative
dispute resolution. In the former, we have helped to automate the system for tracking cases in the
Court of Appeals, resulting in a dramatic shrinking of its backlog. In the latter, our training has both
increased the efficiency and expanded the clientele of local mediation boards throughout the country.
In 1996, over 200,000 Sri Lankans submitted disputes to these boards, and three-fifths of the cases
were resolved.
Finally, in Vietnam, we are now beginning a program to support the reform of commercial law and
trade policy, essential prerequisites for the development of an open economy, transparency in
government and accountability of officials in economic ministries.
In addition to these country-specific rule of law programs, we have also recently begun assisting the
ASEAN Human Rights Working Group. The concept of the working group originated at the 1993
ASEAN Ministerial Conference, which committed ASEAN to the eventual establishment of a
mechanism for addressing human rights. However, it was not until the 1996 Conference when the
official human rights bodies of Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines formally urged ASEAN to
meet its earner commitment. The goal of the Working Group is to encourage ASEAN member -governments to incorporate human rights on domestic as well as regional agendas.
I·
We are also supporting two regional initiatives to strengthen women's rights. The first is devoted to
increasing regional cooperation in combating the related problems of trafficking in women and girls
and the spread ofHIV/AIDS. The initiative has brought together government officials, NGO
representatives, doctors, lawyers and human rights activists from countries around the region -including Thailand, India and Nepal, where these problems are the most acute. The second initiative
. is addressing the serious problems experienced by female migrant workers. It is working with
governments and NGOs in both home and host countries to advance reforms that wail protect the
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rights of these Asian women.
I
Civil Society
A strong civil society is an essential component of a democracy. The concept of civil society,
however, covers a broad swath. Therefore we have designed our democracy programs in Asia to
focus on support for indigenous organizations that: engage in civic action to promote democracy;
encourage deliberation of public policy; monitor government activities; and educate citizens about
their rights and responsibilities. This formulation includes public advocacy groups, labor unions,
independent media institutions, politically active professional associations, human rights and good
governance organizations, and local associations that aggregate and articulate the needs of their
constituents.
In Mongolia, the United States has supported advocacy NGOs since the beginning of our democracy
assistance program in 1991. These NGOs have played a critical role in Mongolia's successful
democratic transition, having been in the vanguard of civic education, women's empowerment and
elections monitoring. In January of this year, our assistance to civil society culminated in the
parliament's passage of a law protecting NGOs. The law contained the two key provisions that the
NGOs wanted: tax-exempt status ofNGOs and deductibility of donations. Confirming the emergence
ofNGOs as a major force in Mongolian politics, the law will contribute to the long-tern viability of
civil society.
I
In Indonesia in recent years, we have also been important supporters the country's increasingly
influential advocacy NGOs. Indonesian civil society has begun to speak out more effectively on a .
variety of issues, and consequently the government has included NGOs in its decision-making
process. In particular, the government now sometimes seeks the views ofNGOs on draft laws,
policies and regulations. Moreover, there occurred in 1996 several important instances ofNGO
influence: the government requested that the National Human Rights Commission investigate the
July 27th riot after the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute investigated missing persons; it made lead-free
gasoline available to the public as a result of lobbying by an environmental advocacy group; and it
. adopted a clearer policy and distributed human rights handbooks to soldiers after abuses in Irian Jaya
were reported by NGOs .
.In the Philippines, we have supported the formation of coalitions of disadvantaged and under. represented groups to increase their participation in the policy arena; This assistance rests on the
belief that a strong, civil society can ensure government policies and policy implementation will
benefit the many, not just the few. The coalition model has shown that it can transform weak groups
into strong alliances and put their interests at the top of the policy agenda.
Indeed, the coalitions that we have assisted are making a considerable impact on the government. The
urban'-poor coalition obtained presidential support to repeal a Marcos-era law criminalizing squatting.
The fisherfolk coalition provided convincing testimony to Congress, based on its independent
evaluation of a $7-6 million government fisheries project funded by the Asian Development Bank.
And while other NGOs walked out of local bearings on the Mining Act, a coalition of indigenous
peoples' groups that we sponsored used data and analysis to influence the Act's implementing rules
and regulations.
Electoral Processes
I
The initiation or conduct of an electoral process provides an opportunity for democratic forces to
organize and compete for political power. That is why requests for assistance in support of an
electoral process deserve special consideration.
In Mongolia, we supported indigenous NGOs in conducting widespread civic and voter education in
preparation for the landmark parliamentary elections of 1956. For example, one NGO carried out a
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multifaceted program to inform voters on the differences among the platforms of the political parties
as well as on the background and views of individual candidates. Another provided training to
journalists on media coverage for the elections. These activities complemented the excellent partytraining work undertaken by the international Republican Institute.
In Cambodia, the United States provided substantial support to the UN-sponsored elections in 1993,
both in terms of electoral administration and of training for political parties. Until the suspension of
our electoral assistance in the wake of last July's violence, we bad prepared similar assistance for the
national and local elections planned for 1998. In particular, we assisted the Ministry oflnterior in
drafting electoral laws that met international standards and in planning for an effective voter
registration.
Although our direct electoral assistance to the Cambodian government remains suspended, important
work in support of Cambodia's civil society has not ceased. We continue to assist NGOs engaged in
democracy building and rule of law programs -- including the work of Cambodian NGOs involved in
voter education and the monitoring of registration and elections. We will be looking carefully at the
possibility of providing electoral assistance beyond the modest programs currently in place. Carefully
calibrated assistance can be an important confidence-building mechanism as Cambodia prepares for
free and fair elections. However, we do not intend to support an undemocratic process.
In the Philippines, our assistance recently produced a consensus among the president, legislators, the
electoral commission and NGOs on an electoral modernization bill for the 1998 elections. In
addition, we sponsored a regional workshop on elections that has led to the creation of a regional
center in Manila and to requests for technical assistance from as far away as Mongolia.
I
In Bangladesh, we assisted many aspects of the important parliamentary elections of June 1996. We
helped the electoral commission train the local officials responsible for running the polling stations.
We supported a large delegation of foreign electoral observers and provided technical assistance to a
coalition of 180 Bangladeshi NGOs that fielded domestic observers in all 300 constituencies. Voter
education, which we assisted through NGOs, contributed to the largest voter turnout in the country's
history, 74% compared to 55% in the parliamentary elections of 1991. Most of this increase was due
to an almost doubling of the female turnout, another tribute to the efficacy of the voter education
program.
Government Accountability
The promotion of good governance has become a major theme among all donors supporting Asian
democracy. In large measure, this reflects recognition of the fact that corruption, mismanagement and
government inefficiency are inextricably linked with poor performance in development. The
challenge in to design good governance programs that are consistent with the broader goal of
promoting democratic development. In this regard, US. programs focus on supporting executive
branch ministries to plan, execute and monitor budgets in a transparent manner; strengthening
legislative policy making, budget and oversight capabilities; and decentralizing policy making by
working directly with local governments.
In Mongolia, we are starting a new program to build on our earlier assistance to the parliament. We
will help the parliament's majority and minority caucuses professionalize their operations. We will
assist members of parliament in improving communications with their district constituencies. And we
will support each of Mongolia's three major parties in developing a plan for their long-term·
development.
I
For the past decade, the United States has assisted the government of the Philippines in formulating
and implementing a revolutionary plan for decentralizing political authority. Today, Manila no longer
monopolizes Philippine politics and government. Instead, provinces, cities, towns and villages have
significantly increased their power. The central government's commitment to decentralization is
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reflected in the growth of central revenues that are allocated to localities. These revenues rose from
$280 million in 1989 to $3 billion in 1996. Moreover, local governments have made much progress
in raising their own funds through credit, bonds and taxation.
In Bangladesh, we are similarly helping to improve. local governance. We are assisting local NGOs to
better identify the needs of their communities and to bettor communicate these needs to the local
governments. In turn, we are helping to increase the capacity of local governments to respond to their
citizens. We are also working with communities to increase the number of women candidates running
for seats on the local councils.
Burma
Mr. Chairman,. authoritarian governments that oppose any political reform obviously pose the
greatest challenge for democracy promotion. Burma is one such. case. Our immediate goal in Burma
is to start a genuine dialogue between the SLORC and the democratic opposition led by Aung San
Suu Kyi and with representatives of the ethnic minorities. Unfortunately, as recently as this week, the
SLORC has rejected dialogue with ASSK and the NLD. We have worked with our friends and allies
to isolate the SLORC internationally until it ends its widespread repression of human rights and
agrees to a meaningful dialogue with the democratic opposition that won the 1990 elections
overturned by the SLORC.
I
To that end, we have employed a variety of means -- including the withdrawal of our ambassador
from Rangoon, restrictions on visas, the cessation of assistance to the government, and most
important our opposition to international lending and our ban on new U.S. investment. Many of our
friends and allies have taken similar measures. With the entry of Burma into A SEAN, we have also
made it clear that we expect ASEAN's other member governments to use their influence to convinc~
the SLORC to begin a dialogue with the opposition. Working on multiple tracks, we have made
certain that Burma will not rejoin the international community until it starts respecting the rights and
votes of its people.
In addition, we are conducting a program of humanitarian assistance and support for Burmese prodemocracy activities. In managing earmarked funds for Burma, the State Department has awarded
grants in FY 96 and FY 97 to the National Endowment for Democracy totaling about $2.2 million.
We have also made grants to the International Rescue Committee and World Concern Development
Organization.
The Endowment uses these funds to train the future leaders of a democratic Burma, to disseminate
material supportive of democratic development, to increase international awareness of conditions
inside of Burma, to strengthen the organizational and functional capacity of pro-democratic groups,
and to promote understanding and cooperation among the various ethnic and religious groups of
Burma in their efforts to further the democratic cause.
Our assistance has helped the democratic opposition prepare for eventual talks with the government.
It has enabled Burmese economists to work together on an economic plan for a future democratic
Burma. The Endowment has also facilitated discussions between the National League for Democracy
(NLD) and ethnic groups on constitutional proposals for tabling in eventual talks with the
government. These discussions and other negotiations within the democratic movement have also
given .the opposition experience with democratic practices. Without international assistance, the
voices of opposition leaders forced into exile would be weak and scattered, and pressure on the
government to enter into genuine talks lessened.
I
Our program has allowed organizations to document the human rights abuses inside Burma. This
documentation has been the crucially important background for resolutions on Burma taken in UN .
Human Rights Commission, a key element in forging international consensus on Burma.
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Finally, U.S. assistance has kept open the flow of accurate information to Burmese inside the .
country. The SLORC has attempted to control all information available to Burmese, most
significantly by keeping the leader of the democratic opposition under virtual ho_use arrest. Such
outlets for information as Radio Free Asia and the Democratic Voice of Burma help break the
isolation of Burmese from the world and increase their understanding of the possibilities for a
·
democratic future.
China
Mr. Chairman,.we are also planning, in consultation with the Congress, to develop a democracy
program in China that would seek to strengthen both civil society and rule of law.
Despite the widespread and massive human rights abuses that we have documented in our annual
human rights report, some positive changes have taken place in China. Chinese society has opened
dramatically in the last 20 years and continues to open. The average Chinese enjoys a higher
disposable income, looser economic controls, greater freedom of movement, dramatically increased
access to outside sources of information, greater room for individual choice, and more diversity in
cultural life. Accordingly, new social groups with economic resources at their disposal have also
arisen and become increasingly vocal, representing the first signs of a Chinese civil society.
••
Today, there are 1500 national level NGOs and 200,000 lower level NGOs registered with the ·
Ministry of Civil Affairs, and the number of organizations and the scope of their activities are
growing rapidly. To a significant degree, these organizations are all subject to control by the
government. The best-known of these organizations are those with well-defined professional, relief,
charitable, and educational missions. There are, however, growing numbers of organizations being
initiated at the grass-roots level by individuals, communities, or enterprises interested in addressing
problems of social welfare, consumer or environmental affairs that are often neglected by the ·
government.
Although subject to broad government regulation, these groups are increasingly able to develop their
own agendas and many have support from foreign secular and religions NGOs. Some seek advocacy
roles in public interest areas like women's issues, the environment, and consumer rights. These
organizations provide opportunities for the United States and other countries to support the
development of civil society in China.
China has also made progress in strengthening the rule of law. Since embarking on its policy of
economic reform in the late 1970s, the Chinese government has recognized the need to develop the
country's legal system. At the outset, Chinese leaders were principally motivated by a desire to attract
foreign investment and avoid a repetition of the chaos of the Cultural Revolution. By the mid- to late1980s, authorities were stressing a broader role for law in guiding the actions of economic entities
and state regulators in a market-oriented economy. Most recently, President Jiang Zemin elevated the
concept of "ruling according to law" to the level of one of the Communist Party's "guiding principle"
for managing state and society.
In the late 1970s, in the wake of the Cultural Revolution, China's legal system was nearly
nonexistent. In the late 1970s, China had two law schools, approximately 3,000 lawyers for over one
billion people, no independent law firms, a rudimentary judicial system with poorly trained judges
and a system of outdated and unenforced laws.
I
With the help offoreigri legal experts, much progress has been made in recent years. Today in China
there are over 100,000 lawyers and over a hundred law schools. The courts and procuratorate (state
prosecutor) have established centers to provide in-service-training to the expanding ranks of judges
and prosecutors. Lawyers, who previously were generalists serving as employees of state-run law
offices; now often specialize in particular subfields of law and practice in essentially private law
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,
•
cooperatives and partnerships. And much new legislation has been passed, including laws in areas
with a direct impact of human rights democracy-- e.g., the Administrative Procedures Law, Lawyers
Law, State Compensation Law, Prison Law, and Criminal Procedure Law.
USIA exchange programs, NED, and NGO programs have already played a role in promoting rule of
law in China. There are, however, countless opportunities for the United States and others to do much
more.
Mr. Chairman, in the coming weeks, we would like to e~plore with you and your colleagues our
preliminary ideas for developing civil society and rule of law programs for China.
Conclusion
Democracy in Asia is a reality insome countries and an opportunity in many others. The United
States can play a significant role in promoting Asian democracy through diplomatic engagement and
the use of a wide range of foreign policy tools, including carefully tailored democracy assistance
programs.
(end text)
Return to U.S.-Vietnam Relations Home Page.
Return to liP Home Page .
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American Embassy Hanoi
Page 1 of 15
United States Department ofState
The Host Country
Area, Geography, and Climate
Pogulation
.
Pu lie Institutions
. -Arts, Science, and Education
Commerce and Industry
Transportation
Communications
Health and Medicine
Employment for Spouses and Dependents
' United States Embassy
I
Hanoi.
The Post and Its Administration
Housing
Food
ClOthing
Su.T:plies and Services
Re tgious Activities
Education
Recreation and Social Life
Official Functions
Special Information
Consulate General Ho Chi Minh City
Ho Chi Minh City
The Post and Its Administration
Housing
Food.
" ClOthing
Suflies and Services
B±!!gious Activities
Education
Recreation and Social Life
Notes for Travelers
I
Getting to Post
Customs, Duties, and Passage
Firearms and Ammunition
Currency, Banking, and Weights and Measures
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Taxes, Excha(fe, and Sale of Property
Recommende Reading
Local Holidays
.
•
THE HOST COUNTRY
>
Area, Geography, and Climate
Like a dragon floating in the sea, Vietnam winds its way some 1,030 miles up from the Sout
Vietnam's northern terrain is mostly mountainous or hilly, with some highland areas cover
.
.
The southern part of Vietnam is dominated by the estuary of the Mekong River system and
Vietnam is largely a tropical monsoon country. In the north, a hot rainy season prevails fro
In the south, Ho Chi Minh City and the Mekong Delta experience a year-round tropical eli
•
>
Population
In 1998 Vietnam's rapidly growing population is estimated at nearly 80 million, making itt
Vietnam has one of the most complex ethno-linguistic mixes in all of Asia. Aside from the
Religion
The predomina~lt religion practiced by 90% of the Vietnamese is Mahayana Buddhism, whi
Cultural Characteristics
The Vietnamese family unit (particularly in the rural areas) is patriarchal in nature with str
Observing the following local customs will help keep you from embarrassing yourself with
•
>
Public Institutions
The Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) is a one-party state controlled by the Vietnamese
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Vietnam's administrative bodies are divided into the following four levels: 1) central; 2) pro
There are a number of "mass organizations." The Women's Union (approximately half oft
Vietnam obtained membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in
>
Arts, Science and Education
The art scene in Vietnam reflects the perception of a people_ surrounded by a rich cultural h
The capital city of Hanoi is sometimes referred to as "Asia's architectural pearl," with its nri
The Opera House is one center of culture in Hanoi. It is the home of the Hanoi Symphony
••
Education
Although the quality of education has improved significantly here, Vietnam's reputation as
The National University has many branches, the most prestigious of which is located in Ha
Initiated in Vietnam in 1992, the Fulbright Program enrolls some 30 Vietnamese officials, s
>
Commerce and Industry
After a decade of political isolation brought on by its invasion of Cambodia, Vietnam bega
Agriculture, especially wet-rice cultivation, accounts for nearly 30% of overall production a
European and Asian investors came first, and remain among Vietnam's top ten investors ev
Vietnam's reform process had already slowed by 1997, due to a two-year process in which
The initial boom in foreign investment began to create the trappings of modernity in larger
•
Negotiation of a bilateral trade agreement has been a priority for the U.S. and Vietnam sine
Another area of mutual interest, which has yet to be realized, is the negotiation of a Civil A
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American Embassy Hanoi
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Page 4 of 15
Transportation
Privately Owned Vehicles. Having your own car or recreational van will add a great deal
Driving in Vietnam is stressful and requires a great deal of care and vigilance to avoid accide
Virtually everyone in HCMC owns a motor scooter and operates it like there's no tomorro
Local. Taxis are plentiful and the taxi drivers usually understand enough English to take yo
Office Shuttle. The Embassy provides a shuttle service to and from the office for a reasona
Regional. Using local buses is not recommended. They are not only crowded and uncomfo
>
Communications
Telephone and Telegraph
Local and international telephone service is available and reliable. International Direct Dial
•
Residences of all USG personnel are equipped with telephones. Employees are responsible f
Through the International Voice Gateway (IVG) Program, the Embassy has four IVG telep
Mail and Pouch
FPO service is available in the Embassy for all eligible employees and their dependents. Pou
Full Name (for State Dept.)
American Embassy Hanoi
PSC 461 - Box 400
FPO AP 96521-0002
Full Name
American Consulate HCMC
PSC 461 - Box 500
FPO AP 96521-0002
Radio and TV
The Vietnamese Government operates two radio stations, which broadca~t classical music, t
There are four Vietnamese television channels. With the significant increase in the expatriat
In HCMC, the following cable channels can be viewed in all major hotels and service apart
•
Locally purchased televisions and VCRs use the NTSC PAL system. Both PAL-system and
Libraries and Print News Sources
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Personnel are advised to bring reading material from home because English language books
The local print and broadcast media are run by the Communist Party and Government of
The Consulate Is pAS library has a small collection of periodicals and books. E-mail and lnt
>
Health And Medicine
Medical Facilities. The medical care available in Vietnam does not meet U.S. standards. An
Community Health .
Non-potable Water. Tap water is not considered safe to drink. All Mission employees are iss
Preparation ofFood. The RMO recommends all fruits and vegetables eaten raw be thorough
Sewage. The sewage system is inadequate and in many places within the cities totally nonexi
Sanitation. Shopkeepers and residents place garbage in small piles outside in anticipation of
Preventive Measures. Be aware of both the medical and physical health hazards in country. T
••
Employees are advised to limit their purchase of medication to the USG approved medical f
Contact lenses and solutions are available in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, though may be
Pick-pocketing and handbag/ camera snatching are common occurrences (much more so in
.
.
While most people are more concerned with threats of infectious disease, traumatic injuries
The Regional Medical Officers and the Regional Psychiatrists from Bangkok and Singapore
>
Employment for Spouses and Dependents
The Em~assy and Consulate currently have a number of positions that are gener~lly filled b
UNITED STATES EMBASSY
>
Hanoi
The Embassy staff includes approximately 60 direct-hire American and 140 local employees
The Embassy is located at 7 Lang Ha, Ba Dinh District in a Vietnamese-built, USG-owned
•
>
The Post And Its Administration
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The Post And Its Administration
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HOUSING
· Temporary Quarters. The Embassy makes every effort to move newcomers directly into their pe
Permanent Housing. To the extent possible, most employees will be assigned to an apartment or
Designatecj housing is provided only for the Ambassador, DCM, and the Ma;ine detachment. Ce
(
The Embassy 's housing pool includes service apartments and singlefamily homes. The majority o
•
Furnishings. The Embassy provides employees with basic living room, dining room, and bedroo
Only queen and twin beds are available at post, with queen-sized beds provided just for the maste
· The Embassy provides the standard Welcome Kit, which you are expected to return when your ai
U-tilities. Electricity in Hanoi is 220v/50-cycle alternating current (with two round pin electric
FOOD
Local.
Fresh meat and dairy products are not considered safe, as the Vietnamese have no adequate inspec
Most other basic foodstuffs are available in the supermarkets and delicatessens. The limited selecti
There is also a duty free shop operated by the Vietna~ese Government for foreign officials, amply
Bangkok Commissary. Once every three months, the Embassy's American Community Associa
Consumables. Employees posted to Vietnam are authorized to ship 2,500 lbs. of consumable goo
••
CLOTHING
By and large, dress in Hanoi is very similar to that of Washington, D. C. for both business and re
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American Embassy Hanoi
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Page 7 of 15
Men. Most Embassy officers wear long-sleeved shirts and coat and tie to the office. Others wear sp
Women. Business suits, pantsuits, and.dresses are all acceptable at the office. There are a number
Children. Nothing out of the ordinary.
SUPPLIES AND SERVICES
Supplies. Stock up on toiletries, particularly sunscreen lotion and mosquito repellant, paper and
Basic Services. Dry cleaning is good and relatively inexpensive. Shoe repairs are fair. You can ge
Domestic Help: The number ofstaffneeded and their salaries differ according to individual hou
Cook/Housekeeper. $120-220 per month. Plans the meals with you; shops for food; supervises a
Maid. $100-120 per month. Cleans the house; washes dishes; irons clothes; may prepare meals on
Nanny. $100-120 per month. Takes care of the children. May kelp with some light cooking and g
Driver. $100-130 per month. Acts as chauffeur. Purchases the gas and oil. Keeps your car in good
•
Day/Night Watchmen. $75-80 per month. Screens visitors and guards your house.
RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES
Hanoi has a large Catholic cathedral, but the regular services are only in Vietnamese and French
EDUCATION
Dependent Education
United Nations International School {UNIS). Most of the Embassy children from kindergarte
Address:
Lower School - 2C Van Phuc, KimMa Road, Hanoi
Tel: (84-4}823-0820 Fax: (84-4} 846-1285
Upper School- Hanoi Amsterdam, Giang Vo, Hanoi
Tel: (84-4} 823-4910 or 823-5782 Fax: (84-4} 846-3635
E-mail: UNIS@netnam. org. vn
•
Hanoi International School (HIS}. In its third year of operation, HIS offers an academic progr
Address:
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Page 8 of 15
Local -Lieu Giai Street, Hanoi, Vietnam
Tel: (84-4} 832-7379 Fax: (84-4) 832-7535
In the U.S. -P.O. Box 2876, Reston, Virginia 20195
No E-mail.
Morning Star International Kindergarten (MSIK). Opened in 1995, MSIK is a bilinguallmul
Located in the Thanh Cong area, the campus facility includes a number of large sunlit air-condit
Schedule Options:
2-112 to 5 years old
Full Time Full Day
Full Time Half Day
Monday to Friday 8:00a.m. to 4:00p.m.
Monday to Friday 8:00a.m. to 12:30p.m.
15 months to 2-1/2 years old
Full Time
Monday to Friday
. 9:00a.m. to 12:00p.m.
Part Time
Monday, Wednesday, Friday 9:00a.m: to 12:00p.m.
Address:
•
G 6 Thanh Cong, Ba Dinh District, Hanoi, Vietnam
Tel: (84-4} 831-0879 Fax: (84-4) 835-0955
E-mail: mornings@netnam. org. vn
Home page: http:/lwww.destinationvietnam. comlmorningstar.htm
L ycee Francais Alexandre Yersin. Recognized by ihe French Ministry of National Education a
Classes begin in September and finish around June 20.
Address:
Truong Phap Quae Te, Ptth Hanoi Amsterdam, Giang Vo, Hanoi,· Vietnam
Tel: (84-4) 843-6779 Fax: (84-4} 823-2023
E-mail: yersin@netnam. org. vn or /fay@hn. vnn. vn
A way from Post. Schf!ol-aged children ofpersonnel assigned to Vietnam qualify for A way from
Special Educational Opportunities
Studying Vietnamese. Language training is available at the Embassy and Consulate and throug
Art Classes. The Hanoi Fine Arts Institute offers instructions in a variety ofart mediums, inclu
Adult Education. UNIS offers a number of evening courses. You can study art, learn a foreign l
•
Post Orientation Program
You will be met at the airport by your sponsor and accompanied to your living quarters. Your sp
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Page 9 of 15
· The Embassy and Consulate periodically hold an orientation program for all new Mission emplo
RECREATION, SOCIAL LIFE AND INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS
.Sports
Tennis. There are plenty of tennis courts in Hanoi, but the demand still exceeds the supply, unless
Golf. About 35km west ofHanoi is Kings Island-- a scenic 18-hole golf course. The golf club is sit
Swimming. Most of the larger hotels and service apartments have swimming pools. The schools d
Bowling. There are three large bowling centers. One is located in a hotel just across from the Em
Volley Ball. ]TF-FAsponsors a volleyball match at "The Ranch" every weekend. The American
Health Clubs. Virtually every hotel and apartment complex has an exercise room with state-oft
Touring and Outdoor Activities
Several scenic and historic sights, including national parks and pagodas, can be done via a day tr
•
Halong Bay. A five hour drive from Hanoi, Halong Bay is considered by many to be one of the
Sapa. Built originally as a hill station, Sapa now is one of Vietnam's major tourist attractions in
Photography. Vietnam is a photographer's paradise. (;amera shops are everywhere. Film can be
Entertainment
Restaurants. There are enough western restaurants in town to titillate the gourmet's taste buds,
American Club. The American Community Association (A CA) supervises the operations of the
International Organizations
American Chamber of Commerce (Am Cham). The largest business group in Vietnam, AmCh
The Hanoi International Women's Club (HIWC). Open to all foreign women, the Club has a
International Business Women's Club. A fledgling group ofHanoi's working women - expatri
Hash House Harriers (HHH). Both Hash House hares and does (over 60 members) are active an
•
OFFICIAL FUNCTIONS
Nature and Function. Hanoi is a relatively informal post, with few protocol requirements. Onl
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Page 10 of 15
junior officers and staffpersonnel lead an active social life within the international community.
Standards of Social Conduct. Soon after arrival, all personnel are expected to pay courtesy calls
When the Ambassador or DCM entertain officially, invited staff members should arrive 10 min
SPECIAL INFORMATION
Not all sections of the post report will pertain to military personnel assigned to Vietnam. The pos
DAO Personnel. Military uniforms are worn by Defense Attaches to official functions and socia
Marine Security Guards. All members of the MSG detachment are provided with furnished livi
UNITED STATES CONSULATE GENERAL
>
Ho Chi Minh CITY
Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) is Vietnam's largest city and ri.ver port, covering an area of 761 squ
•
. IT aniiFebiiMariiApriiMayiiTuni~IAugiiSepi!OctiiNoviiDeciiAnnual
!Mean Temperature
II?TI~~~~~[g]~~~~~ISO
IAv Daily Max Temp (F)Ijill~i2U~~~Iffi~~~~~]88
IAv Daily Min Temp (F)IITJm~ITJIT]~~ITJI74 lmiTJ~]n
!Relative Humidity (%) IIITJI±Q]0~1§:J~~~[[]~I§:JI~~]so
!Precipitation (Inches) IIDlTIDIDDITIJIITJ[OITIJ[[JD[~JI76
>
I
The Post and Its Administration
The Consulate General has nearly 30 American personnel (DOS, DOC, DOA, USIA, and INS)
PERMANENT HOUSING
Because of the high level of crime in HCMC, Mission policy requires all USG employees to be hou
Furnishings
All service apartments are fully furnished by the landlord, including dishes, a television, a stereo,
•
Utilities and Equipment
HCMC experiences frequent power outages. Ranges with ovens are not standard issue in service a
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FOOD
The information on food in Hanoi generally applies also to HCMC. There is, however, a wider se
CLOTHING
See Hanoi for general information on clothing, but note that HCMC does not have a cold season.
SUPPLIES AND SERVICES
See Hanoi for general information.
RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES
Houses of worship are available forBuddhists, Catholics, Muslims, and Protestants, but services f
EDUCATION
•
Fundino Kids Club {FKC). Located approximately 15 minutes drive from the Consulate, FKC
Class Schedule
Play & Learn and Mums & Bubs (younger kids attended by a parent or nanny pay a reduced fee)
Play & Learn
. 8:30a.m. - 5:00p.m.
(Age 2-3yrs and 3-Syrs)
Mums & Bubs
8:30a.m. - 11:30a.m.
(Age 1-2yrs)
l:OOp.m.- 4:00p.m.
Address:
11B Nguyen Cia Thieu, Ward 6, District 3, HCMC
Tel: 930-0514-- Fax: 930-0513
E-mail: none.
Saigon South International School {SSIS). This is a pre-kindergarten through 6th grade, coeduc
Address:
Phu My Hung Corp., Saigon South Parkway, Tan Phu Ward, District 7, HCMC
Tel: {84-8) 872-8410-- Fax: {84-8) 872-5580
E-mail: none.
•
Class Schedule
Monday through Friday
8:30a.m.- 3:00p.m.
International School Ho Chi Minh 'City {IS). Operating in two locations, the Senior Campus f
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Senior Campus
Address:
·
649A Vo Truong Toan St., An Phu, Thu Due, HCMC
Tel: {84-8) 898-9100 Fax: {84-8) 887-4022
·
E-mail: none.
Junior Campus
Address:
236 his Nam Ky Khoi Nghia St., District 3, HCMC
Tel: {84-8) 822-5858 Fax: {84-8) 823-0000
E-mail: none.
1
RECREATION AND SOCIAL LIFE
Sports
Tennis. All major hotels and service apartments have either hard or carpeted tennis courts. How
Golf There are three excellent golf clubs in the area. Dong Nai (18-hole) is approximately 1-1/2 h
Bowling. There are several bowling centers scattered around the city. Fees are the same as in Han
I
Swimming. With year-round temperatures in the mid-80's, swimming and/or lounging around
Jogging and biking. Unfortunately, the city ~s hazardous traffic conditions preclude all but the f
Touring And Outdoor Activities
Hoi An. A 45-minute ride outside ofDanang, Hoi An wa~ once a prosperous trading town frequ
Dalat. Approximately 6 hours by road or one hour by plane from HCMC, Dalat enjoys year rou
Hue. The former capital of Vietnam prior to WWII, Hue is surrounded by a large number ofhis
I
Nha Trang. This sleepy little resort town has beautiful sandy white beaches with turquoise water
Restaurants and Entertainment
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American Embassy. Hanoi
•
HCMC has a larger variety of restaurants than Hanoi, including fast food chains (KFC and jolli
International Organizations
American Chamber of Commerce (Am Cham). See Hanoi section.
Saigon International Women's Club (SIWC). The Saigon Chapter has approximately 600 me
Hash House Harriers (HHH). Membership is approximately 50. All courses are set about an ho
NOTES FOR TRAVELERS
GETTING TO POST
The most direct route to Vietnam from the U.S. is by air over the Pacific. All official travelers ar
CUSTOMS, DUTIES, PASSAGE AND PETS
Customs and Duties
)
•
Diplomatic and Official passport holders are exempt from paying Vietnamese airport departure t
USG personnel have duty free entry privileges for airfreight and HHE. There are no storage facili
American Embassy
Hanoi, Vietnam
For (Employee's Name)
American Consulate General
Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
For (Employee's Name)
Passage
Visas. Everyone must have a Vietnamese visa. Diplomatic and official passport holders should o
Citizenship. The SR V considers all Vietnamese to be Vietnamese citizens for life.
Ifyou are assig
No shots are required for entering Vietnam unless you are coming from a country that has had a
Pets
Pets can be brought into Vietnam. All animals must have a certificate of health issued by a veteri
•
Ifyou are assigned to a detached house, there are no restrictions on the size ofpets. Service apartm
FIREARMS AND AMMUNITION
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Post strictly prohibits the importation offirearms to Vietnam by USC personnel. Direct inquirie
CURRENCY, BANKING, WEIGHTS ANI} MEASURES
The monetary unit is the. Vietnamese Dong (VND). There are no coins. Paper notes bear the port
TAXES, EXCHANGE, AND SALE OF PROPERTY
Restrictions
USC personnel are exempt from paying local income and airport departure taxes. We are howev
Banking Facilities
The Embassy operates a cashier's office for obtaining dollars and dong. It is open Monday through
RECOMMENDED READING
The following titles are provided as a general indication of the material published on Vietnam. T
•
Crawford, A1m Caddell. Customs and Culture of Vietnam. Charles E. Tuttle Co., Rutlan
Downie, Sue. Down Highway One. Asia 2000, Hong Kong, 1993.
Kumow, Stanley. Vietnam: A History.
McDonald, Stuart. Vietnam -For Travellers by Travellers. McPhersons Printing Group, A
Nepote, jacques. Vietnam, Land of the Ascending Dragon. Passport Books, Lincolnwood, I
Storey, Robert. Vietnam, A Travel Survival Kit. Lonely Planet Publications, Australia, 1
Timberman, Thomas MF. Vietnam: The No BS Business Guide. LOI, Inc., 1994.
Wintle, justin. Romancing Vietnam. Penguin Books, London, England, 1992.
LOCAL HOLIDAYS
The following Vietnamese holidays, as well as authorized U.S. holidays, are observed by the U.S.
•
New Year's Day*
Dr. Martin Luther King's Birthday'~'~
Lunar New Year Festival'~ (3 days in late January or early February)
George Washington's Birthday**
Liberation of Saigon Day (April30}'~
International Labor Day* (May 1)
Memorial Day'~'~
.
Independence Day·~·~
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American Embassy Hanoi
•
Vietnamese National Day·~ (September 2}
Labor Day·~·~
Columbus Day**
Veterans Day·~·~
Thanksgiving Day'~'~
Christmas Day**
* Vietnamese and American Holiday·~
·~American
Holiday**
* Vietnamese Holiday·~·~*
,
The Lunar New Year Festival (TET} is determined by the lunar calendar. According to ancient
•
•
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Page 1 of5
Jeffrey A. Bader,
Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Statement before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
House Committee on International Relations
Washington, D.C., June 18, 1997
U.S. Department of State
U.S. Policy Toward Vietnam
Thank you Mr. Chairman. I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak today on United States
policy toward Vietnam. This is an opportune time to review our policy, with Secretary of State
Albright's visit to Vietnam just one week away and the arrival of our first Ambassador to the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam, Pete Peterson, six weeks behind us.
Vietnam is a nation in the midst of significant transformation. After years of self-imposed isolation
from its neighbors and the West because of its occupation of Cambodia, the Vietnamese leadership
changed course beginning in the mid 1980s. Faced with a growing gap between its economic
stagnation and the dynamic growth of its neighbors, Vietnam's leaders made two fundamental
decisions: to withdraw Vietnamese troops from Cambodia, and to embark on a policy of domestic
reform. These two decisions paved the way for Vietnam's reemergence as a partner accepted by its
ASEAN neighbors and by the West. The collapse of the Soviet Union, its former ally, added impetus
to the decisions the leadership had taken.
I
·Domestically, Vietnam embarked on a policy of economic reform, or "Doi Moi." This policy has
reduced the role of central planning and encouraged the development of private businesses, especially
in the agriculturaLand retail sectors. Vietnam has sought to attract foreign investment, both from the
region and from the West. The result has been a surge in Vietnam's growth, which took off in 1991
and has averaged 9.5% since 1995, and a steady stream of foreign investors and traders coming to
Vietnam seeking opportunities in the new more favorable climate.
Vietnam's movement toward a market economy "with socialist characteristics" has, however, been
halting and there are significant barriers and obstacles the leadership has not confronted. The state
sector and state monopolies continue to play a dominant role, and have a privileged place, in the
economy. Vietnam has yet to commit itself to the strategy of export-led growth that has been so
successful for its ASEAN neighbors, pursuing a more cautious and protectionist approach relying on
import substitution policies. Rule of law, the sanctity of contracts, protection of intellectual property,
and.determination to reduce official corruption--all essential to sustaining economic growth and
creating a climate for foreign investment--need considerable strengthening if Vietnam is to compete.
Internationally, Vietnam's reorientation has had at least three major components: 1) improving its
relations with the states of the region, particularly the A SEAN countries; 2) enhancing its relations
with the U.S. and other Western countries; and 3) integrating into the broader international
community. This has led Vietnam to join ASEAN, and with it the ASEAN Regional Forum which
discusses regional security issues with the important states of the Asia-Pacific, including the U.S.,
China, and Japan. It has manifest itself in Vietnam's desire to join APEC and the World Trade
Organization, and of greatest interest to us here, it has meant that Vietnam has sought to make major
strides to develop its relations with the U.S.
I
Vietnam's desire to improve relations with the U.S. has led it to engage us on a number of issues of
concern to us, in many cases flexibly. These include: POW/MIA accounting, establishment of
diplomatic relations, resettlement opportunities abroad for Vietnamese boat people and return of
some of them to Vietnam, economic and commercial cooperation, protection of intellectual property
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Page 2 of5
rights, repayment of sovereign debt, security dialogue, and law enforcement cooperation. I would
now like to turn to U.S. policy in Vietnam--what we have been doing and some next steps.
Since the early 1990s, the U.S. has been proceeding cautiously in developing relations with Vietnam,
following a road map conceived in the Bush Administration. In 1994, in light of progress in
POW/MIA accounting and the successful implementation of the Paris Peace Accords, the Clinton
Administration lifted the trade embargo on Vietnam. The U.S. opened a Liaison Office in Hanoi later
in 1994. On July 11, 1995, President Clinton announced our establishment of diplomatic relations,
and on May 9, former Congressman Pete Peterson took up his duties as our Ambassador to Vietnam.
Obtaining the fullest possible accotinting of American POW/MIAs from the Vietnam War continues
to be our highest priority with regard to Vietnam. Our expansion of the relationship into other areas
has not lessened the centrality of POW/MIA accounting to our relations with Vietnam. As my
predecessors have previously testified, our policy has been to take carefully phased, incremental steps
forward in the relationship as we achieve tangible progress in reaching our accounting goal. Before
each major step, the President has carefully reviewed the progress that has been achieved and judged
that further progress could best be promoted through these steps.
·
In 1993, the President set out four specific areas in which cooperation by the Vietnamese would be
examined as a basis for further improvement in relations:
•
-- Resolving discrepancy cases and live sightings, as well as conducting field activities. With the
assistance of the SRV, we have been able to confirm the fate of all but 48 of the 196 "last known
. alive" high priority cases; i.e., persons known to have survived their capture or aircraft loss, but who
did not return alive. After evaluating over 1,850 reports that POW/MIAs had been sighted alive since
1975 and over 140 field investigations, we have found "no compelling evidence that any American
remains alive in captivity in Southeast Asia." .
--Recovering and repatriating remains. This month, JTF-FA (Joint Task Force-Full Accounting)
began the 46th JFA (Joint Field Activity) in Vietnam, 26 ofthese since January 1993. These joint
U.S.-Vietnamese operations and unilateral Vietnamese turnovers of remains have produced 211 sets
of remains since 1993. During these activities, Vietnamese and Americans work together under harsh
and dangerous conditions to recover remains of the missing.
-- Accelerating efforts to provide documents that will help lead to the fullest possible
accounting. The Vietnamese creation of teams in 1994 to search nationwide for documents and
records has provided new leads. Joint research teams have reviewed and photographed approximately
28,000 archival items. In 1995 and 1996, Vietnamese officials unilaterally turned over 300
documents totaling 500-600 untranslated pages. We have conducted more than 195 oral history
interviews of Vietnamese veterans and officials.
:-- Providing further assistance in implementing trilateral investigations with Laos. Since the
Vietnamese agreed in December 1994 to cooperate on recovery operations in Laos, 22 Vietnamese
witnesses have assisted in field activities in Laos, providing information that led to the repatriation in
1996 of remains associated with cases of 12 unaccounted-for Americans.
Taking into account all information available to the government, the President signed a Presidential
Determination on December 3, 1996 that Vietnam is cooperating in full faith in all four of these
areas.
I
The arrival of Pete Peterson in Hanoi provides us an invaluable asset as we pursue the goal of fullest
possible accounting. As a former POW, he brings a special, unique commitment and credibility to
this task. At the same time,. he has already demonstrated an extraordinary ability to communicate
with the Vietnamese, enabling him to build a framework of cooperation necessary to further the goal
of accounting for our POW/MIAs.
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Concern for human rights is an important element of our policy with Vietnam. Vietnam's decision to
introduce market mechanisms has not been paralleled by comparable efforts to introduce political
reforms. Vietnam remains a one-party dictatorship in which criticism of the regime is not tolerated
an~ attempts to organize politically outside the Communist Party framework are unacceptable.
We have a formal human rights dialogue with Vietnam and have held five sessions so far, the most
recent iii March of this year. These meetings have enabled us to convey our concerns about human
rights abuses directly to the Vietnam Government. When the Secretary visits Vietnam at the end of
this month, human rights will be among the most important issues she raises with Vietnamese
leaders. Through the dialogue and our regular contacts with the Vietnamese Government, we have
raised broad human rights issues such as freedom of religion, freedom of the press and of expression,
and the right of association, as well as specific cases of imprisoned political and religious dissidents.
We have pressed Vietnamese officials at the highest levels to release political and religious prisoners.
We have also made it clear that Hanoi's improvement in respect for human rights will be a factor
af~ecting the pace of our normalization of relations.
•
In January of this year, we reached agreement with the Vietnamese Government on the Resettlement
Opportunity for Vietnamese Returnees--or ROVR. ROVR was created to encourage Vietnamese in
countries of first asylum, such as Thailand and Hong Kong, who have been found ineligible for
refugee status to return voluntarily to Vietnam. To further offer inducement to their return to
Vietnam, we have agreed to consider those who enrolled in the program one last time under liberal
criteria with a view to determining whether they are eligible for resettlement in the U.S. Although
this program has been slow to get started because of delays in issuance of exit permits by Vietnamese
officials, we hope to begin full-scale interviewing of these applicants in the near future. This will be .
the last chapter in the saga begun in the mid-1970s which has brought about one million Vietnamese
to the U.S. under various resettlement programs .
We are working with Congress to open a Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City. Opening a
Consulate General is very much in our own interest. It will enable us to provide consular and
business services to the 3,000 Americans resident in Ho Chi Minh City and 75,000 American tourists
visiting annually. There is a huge demand for immigrant and non-immigrant visas, which c·urrently
mustbe handled at great expense to the U.S. Government out of Bangkok. When it opens, Ho Chi
Minh City will be one of the biggest visa-issuing posts in East Asia and the Pacific. A presence in Ho
Chi Minh City will enable us to more closely monitor the economic, social, and human rights
situation in the South.
Vietnam and the U.S. have a shared interest in combating the transit of narcotics through Vietnam to
the U.S. We have provided training in demand reduction and counter-narcotics for Vietnamese
customs. In the future we will be looking at increasing cooperation in this area.
With Vietnam's membership in ASEAN and participation in the ASEAN Regional Forum, we now
have fora for discussing regional issues with the Vietnamese leadership. Vietnam's conduct and
influence will be an important element in affecting regional stability. It claims numerous islands,
reefs, and atolls in the Spratly Islands and occupies the largest number of islands of all the claimants.
It has historic interest and influence in Cambodia and Laos. And Vietnam's relationship with China
has long been of consequence to the region--from the time of our own military involvement, through
the PRC invasion in 1979, to the normalization in relations that accompanied Vietnam's withdrawal
from Cambodia. A U.S.-Vietnam dialogue, multilaterally and bilaterally, should contribute to
increasing stability in Southeast Asia.
I
Our two military establishments have bt:gun to develop a modest relationship. Thus far this has
involved exchanges ofvisitsat a relatively low level. We held our first round of military-to-military
talks in Hanoi in October. It was reciprocated by a visit of Vietnamese officers in February. Both
sides intend to proceed cautiously at a pace comfortable to both, and which maintains the
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preeminenceofthe POW/MIA accounting effort.
I
The economic relationship is a high priority for both countries. Growth in trade and investment has
been impressive, but far short of the potential inherent in this dynamic economy. Since we lifted the
embargo in 1994, over 400 U.S. firms have set up operations in Vietnam, and hundreds of others
pursue business from regional and U.S. headquarters. For 1996, U.S. exports to Vietnam were just
over $600 million, doubling the 1995 figure, and U.S. imports from Vietnam totaled over $300
million. Although the U.S. dropped recently among sources of foreign investment in Vietnam from
6th to 9th, we expect our rank to climb back up.
Because of the embargo and the absence of contacts between our two countries for so long, the U.S.Vietnam economic relationship is one of the handful in the world which should experience dramatic
growth in the years to come and create jobs for Americans as exports grow. For this to happen,
Vietnam needs to eliminate trade barriers and continue to develop an institutional and legal
framework meeting the needs of American business.
A comprehensive bilateral trade agreement, which will help increase market access and trarisparency
for U.S. firms in Vietnam, is under negotiation. We recently finished three rounds of talks in Hanoi
during which we presented the draft text of the agreement. We are now awaiting a response from the
Vietnamese. Having developed a better understanding of Vietnam's trade and investment regime and
clarifying for the Vietnamese U.S. objectives and international trade terms and concepts, we are
ready for negotiations in earnest.
·
I
During the last round of trade talks, we also initialed an interim copyright agreement which we
expect to finalize soon. This is an important step. Development of IPR protection will be essential as
. Vietnam seeks to attract foreign investment. Because of our concerns over lack of protection for
copyrighted items, such as CD's, software, books and film, and pharmaceutical patents for American
drug manufacturers, we have placed Vietnam on the Watch List for the first time this year.
Vietnam is one of the half-dozen countries to whom the U.S. does not grant MFN -status, despite
having probably the most dynamic growing economy of them all. A completed trade agreement and a
waiver of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment are prerequisites for MFN. The Administration will consult
with the Congress on the requirements and the timing of decisions to grant MFN. It is in the interest
of the U.S. to provide MFN so that our commercial relationship can achieve its full potential.
U.S. companies have told us they wanftrade and investment support, such as EXIMBank, OPIC and
TDA programs. The Jackson-Vanik waiver also is required for EXIMBank and OPIC to operate in
Vietnam. EXIMBank support, in particular, is essential if U.S. companies are to compete on a level
playing field against foreign competitors. An OPIC delegation visited Vietnam at the end of May to
continue work on its two other requirements--a labor certification and a bilateral OPIC agreement.
TDA has offered some ofits programs in Vietnam and will soon offer its full range of programs. We
have also tabled a civil aviation agreement with Vietnam.
On April 7, Secretary Rubin signed a bilateral debt rescheduling agreement in Hanoi. The agreement
commits Vietnam to repay the former government of South Vietnam's debt of $146 million. The
Vietnamese have already begun payments. The Brooke Amendment bar on assistance to countries in
arrears on official debt repayments will be lifted on June 23 when the debt rescheduling agreement
comes into effect.
I
Current legislation has prohibited most bilateral assistance to Vietnam. USAID has provided
humanitarian assistance through NGOs for prosthetics and rehabilitation services to war victims and
to displaced children and orphans. Assistance is about $3 million a year. USAID also plans to offer
modest assistance with HIVI AIDS prevention and commercial legal reform. USIA has been
providing Fulbright fellowships and grants for Vietnamese to study in and visit the U.S., and the
National Institutes of Health and the Centers of Disease Control have spearheaded efforts to assist
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Vietnam's health sector.
I
The U.S. and Vietnam have begun to normalize relations on a wide front. The result is an
increasingly complex relationship. The U.S. and Vietnam have a tragic history. Healing the wounds
of war takes time, effort, and good will. We are moving toward a time when Americans will truly see
Vietnam not as a war but as a country, and the Vietnamese not as former enemies but as a people
with whom Americans can build a relationship based on reconciliation and shared hopes for the
future. We still have much more work ahead of us.
(###)
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r?
•
TEXT: 3/12 PRESIDENTIAL DELEGATION STATEMENT IN HANOI
(Fullest possible accounting for MIAs still chief goal)
Hanoi -- The fullest possible accounting for Americans lost as a result of the war in Southeast Asia
remains the primary goal of U.S. Presidential Delegations visiting Vietnam, according to Hershel
Gober, deputy secretary of the Department ofVeterans Affairs.
The most recent delegation, the first since President Clinton normalized relations with Vietnam in
July 1995, released the following statement March 12 in Hanoi:
(begin official text)
STATEMENT BY HERSHEL GOBER
DEPUTY SECRETARY DEPARTMENT OF VETERAN AFFAIRS
HANOI MARCH 12, 1996
This Presidential Delegation's visit to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is the first since the
President normalized relations in July 1995. This delegation, and others from the Department of
Defense and the Department of State, have one clear goal in mind: to achieve the fullest possible
accounting for Americans lost as a result of the war in Southeast Asia.
During ~eetings with representatives of the government of Vietnam, the delegation emphasized that
the fullest possible accounting is a high national priority in our bilateral relationship. We continue to
seek progress in the tour areas earlier identified by President Clinton:.
I
-- Recovery and repatriation of American remains;
-- Resolution of discrepancy cases and live sighting reports;
-- Trilateral operations in Laos;
--Provision of all available POW/MIA-related documents.
The government of Vietnam has demonstrated and sustained its willingness to cooperate in joint
recovery operations. The continuance of their amnesty program has also been an important
contribution. The delegation acknowledged the assistance of the Vietnamese government in the most
recent joint field activity in which the turnover of remains held by individuals was twice expedited.
The delegation emphasized the priority by family and veterans' organizations in confirming the fates
and accounting for individuals on the priority last known alive discrepancy.case list. We also called
for the repatriation of remains of those on the special remains list or information explaining why their
remains are no longer recoverable. The recently completed Comprehensive Review has brought a
more focused, ongoing analytical process, and gives both sides a positive way to bring individual
cases to resolution.
·
We hope to see further exchanges of information and documents. While we have no evidence that the
Vietnamese government is withholding any information, we urged its leaders to continue efforts to
uncover any new information that would aid in the fullest possible accounting of our POW/MIAs.
I
Both governments has exchanged information based on the Comprehensive Review over the past
several months, and we are pleased that the government of Vietnam has already started work on cases
which call for unilateral action. We were very pleased to receive just this morning documents from
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Page 2 of2
Vice Foreign Minister Le Mai. This response to our request for greater emphasis on unilateral actions
by the Vietnamese government is most appreciated. We will take these documents back to
Washington for analysis.
We place a very high priority on pursuing any live sighting reports. Quick action on such reports is
essential to address humanitarian concerns.
The delegation will continue its work here through discussions with the Vietnam Veterans
Organization and with other government officials. In the days following, meetings are scheduled in
Vientiane, Laos and Phnom Penh, as well as a visit to two joint field operations in Laos.
(end official text)
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TRANSCRIPT: LAKE 7/13 PRESS CONFERENCE IN VIETNAM
(MIA Accounting Remains Most Important Bilateral Issue)
Quang Tri, Vietnam -- Cooperation on the MIA issue has allowed the United States and Vietnam to
move beyond the past and work together on other areas of mutual interest, according to Anthony
Lake, National Security Adviser to the President.
"I have been very pleased with the cooperation that the Vietnamese have been showing ... My talks
here suggest that it will continue to be very good and we will be moving on in our other relationships
with Vietnam, now and in the future," Lake said at a press conference at the Quang Tri MIA
Recovery Site July 13.
The Clinton administration remains committed to achieving the fullest possible accounting of
American MIA's according to Lake. "As I've said many times, this is the most important issue in our
relations ... It is a matter of the most fundamental importance to families all across America".
At the press conference, Lake identified other areas of common interest. These issues include refugee
resettlement and fighting narcotics traffic as well as developing the economic relationship between
the two countries.
Lake said that his talks with Vietnamese officials· were successful. "We talked about very practical
·issues that will allow us to advance what are not just the interest of governments, but the interests of
our peoples," he said.
Following is a trancript of the press conference.
W. ANTHONY LAKE
NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER
PRESS CONFERENCE AT MIA RECOVERY SITE
INQUANGTRI, VIETNAM JULY 13,1996
OPENING REMARKS
How are we doing? This is Colonel Jonathan Chase, who is in charge of our efforts in Vietnam to
recover as many traces and remains of Americans missing in action as we can. We can see at a site
like this just how much good and hard work has gone into this operation. It is very important to the
President and all Americans that we do this work. As I've said many times, this is the most important
issue in our relations. I have been very pleased with the cooperation that the Vietnamese have been
showing, and also with the way in which Vietnamese leaders have said that they will continue their
cooperation both in joint efforts with us and unilaterally. This is really more than a policy issue
between two nations. This whole effort is an extraordinary human issue. It is a matter of the most
fundamental importance to families all across America. I want to thank, oil behalf of all Americans,
Colonel Chase and everyone out here for their extraordinarily good and hard work in this effort.
I think it's a reflection of American values. As the President said, "America takes care of its own."
We are doing so here.
Q&As
I
QUESTION: We are obviously seeing the difficulties of this very trying and arduous work. Would
you like to see the process moved forward and a speedy decision that the fullest possible accounting
achieved?
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LAKE: Well, we have talked about that. We really shouldn't set an artificial deadline. When the
fullest possible accounting has been achieved, we will know it. I have discussed with Vietnamese
officials about how, increasingly, joint operations like this will have covered most of the leads we
have and we will become increasingly reliant on theVietnamese government, unilaterally, to come
up with further leads. This is an issue that will always be with us. I don't think we need to set an
artificial date when this issue will be closed.
Q: Perhaps after the election things could start to move on?
'
LAKE: Well, after the election, as before it, we will continue to achieve the fullest possible
accounting. This is not a partisan issue in the United States. As I said, the cooperation of the
Vietnamese government has been very good. My talks here suggest that it will continue to be very
good and we will be moving on in our other relationships with Vietnam, now and in the future. We
have important mutual interests economically. We want to work together to resolve the questions of
refugee resettlement, our common fight against narcotics flow, etc. My visit here has been very
encouraging that we will work together in our mutual interests.
'
. Q: So it doesn't worry you then that the relationship is being held up because this fullest possible
accounting requirement is still somewhere in the future?
•
LAKE: Well, the speed with which we normalized was held up in order to make sure that this most
important issue was being addressed fully. That was important not only on the merits, but because we
wanted to make sure that as we build the kind of relationship we want with Vietnam, we are bringing
Americans together rather than having them remain divisive. And the progress we have made on this,
I think, has contributed to building a consensus behind the policies that we are conducting in
Vietnam. Much of the credit for that goes to the Colonel and his colleagues .
Q: Mr. Lake, could you elaborate on the next steps that will take place after the MIA issue?
LAKE: There are many different issues, all of which we can keep making progress on as we make
progress on this. So I have been discussing the next steps in our economic relationship, again, how
we can cooperate on resolving issues of refugee resettlement, the refugees that are outside ofVietnam
and those that have now come back to Vietnam and who wish to go to the United States, how we can
cooperate on building diplomatic ties and creating ways in which Vietnam can become more
integrated into the region. There are lots of issues before us, practical issues. I think we are making
progress on all of them because it is in our mutual interest to put the past behind us as we make this
accounting and move on toward the future.
Q: Tell me how you can speak fluent Vietnamese?
LAKE: Well, I studied Vietnamese in the United States and as a young diplomat, I spent two years
here in Vietnam. I discovered a strong admiration for the culture and the people of Vietnam. And as
you look around at a sad sight like this, you still recognize it as a country of extraordinary beauty.
Q: And when was your actual time in Vietnam before 1975?
LAKE: I was here from 1963 to 1965, many years ago.
I
Q: Both sides view the search for American MIA as a humanitarian issue. At a press conference the
day before you arrived; a Vietnamese Foreign Ministry spokesman suggested that maybe the United
States was not doing enough to help Vietnam recover from its problems with the war -- things like
Agent Orange, their own MIAs, and "demining", things like that. Has any thought been given to
increasing American help in that regard?
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LAKE: Well, I have discussed that issue with every official I met so far. Our own strong feelings
about our own missing has helped us understand how so many Vietnamese feel about thousands of
missing Vietnamese. As a result, we declassified and gave to the Vietnamese over a million
documents that could help them find their own missing. It has been very important to the Vietnamese.
Many of them have mentioned to me how our veterans organizations have encouraged our veterans
who have mementos that they brought back from Vietnam to try to be helpful with any specific leads
they have about missing Vietnamese.
·
Q: Can I ask you on a personal level, does this bring back memories of your time in Vietnam?
LAKE: Of course.
Q: Like what?
LAKE: Not just personal memories, although I had many as I flew over Hue where I served for a
year. I have many feelings here and not just my own personal memories, feelings about the men who
apparently died on this hillside and the many others who died.
Q: Do you think the cause was worth their sacrifice?
LAKE: The point is that American soldiers in Vietnam fought very bravely. They were sent here. The
policy was not theirs to make. And I, for one, feel extremely strongly that America did not do a
service to them in putting any blame for what happened on the men who died here, or who fought
here and returned.
Q: Can you say that there has been total cooperation on the Vietnamese side, have they overcharged
for the going rate for the cost of helicopter fuel, rental costs, etc.?
LAKE: I really don't feel the cost is the issue in something like this. Again, the President meant it
when he said that "America takes care of its own". We should do whatever we have to do to provide
the fullest possible accounting to the families, and we continue to continue that. We don't put a cost
on the efforts to recover the remains of Americans missing here at a time like this.
Q: Is the President actively considering the political decision to start to use circumstantial evidence to
take names off the missing list? There is no way you will ever find remains.
LAKE: Well, we have been talking about that over the last day or two, to review it, because it is a
very difficult issue that involves not just policy questions but what we can honestly tell the families.
We always err on the side of being sure of whatever it is we are telling them, rather than guessing. ·
But I have been very impressed that in fact we do try, that Col. Chase and his people here, along with
the people in Honolulu, try to tell the families everything we can about the investigation so that they
will have the greatest possible knowledge, whatever the conclusion that we draw from it.
· Q: Before the Vietnamese Party Congress there was a lot of anti-foreign, even anti-American,
. rhetoric, including at the Congress itself. A former party chairman said that there were hostile forces
in the United States and that the CIA was reactivating agents here. First of all, has any event effected
discussions or progress on the relationship that you can see? And please comment on that.
I
LAKE: The truth is that none of that has come up in a single one of my meetings with Vietnamese
officials. I saw those reports also. But the meetings could not have been more straightforward. The
atmosphere allowed for very direct and straightforward exchanges on many different issues,
including, I might note, on human rights. Vietnamese officials agreed that we may continue a dialog
on that. It's a subject important to us and to many people around the world.
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. Q: Could you make some comments on the talks between you and the Vietnamese leaders in Hanoi
and Danang?
LAKE: They were very good. And, again, the point is that they were the kind of talks in which we
were not simply sitting down and reading talking points to each other. They were the kind oftalks in
which, first of all, we could discuss longer term strategic issues; the kind of stability and the progress
we want to see in this region. We talked about very practical issues that will allow us to advance what
are not just the interest of governments, but the interests of our peoples. I was very pleased.
(end transcript)
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Text: State Department Report on Religious Freedom in Vietnam
(Vietnam restricts groups it calls at variance with state)
Following is the text of the 2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom in
Vietnam. The report can be accessed on the State Department web site at:
http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/irf/irf_rpt/irf_index.html
(begin text)
2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom: Vietnam
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
U.S. Department of State, September 5, 2000
VIETNAM
I
Both the Constitution and government decrees provide for freedom of worship; however,
the Government continued to restrict significantly those organized activities of religious
groups that it declared to be at variance with state laws and policies. The Government
generally allowed persons to practice individual worship in the religion of their choice,
·
and participation in religious activities throughout the country continued to grow
significantly. However, government restrictions on the hierarchies and clergy of most
religious groups remained in place, and religious groups faced difficulties in training and \..
ordaining clergy, publishing religious materials, and conducting educational and
humanitarian activities. The Government requires religious groups to register and uses
this process to control and monitor church organizations. The Government recognizes six
official religious bodies: One each for Buddhist, Roman Catholic, Protestant, Hoa Hao,
Cao Dai, and Muslim believers.
On balance, conditions for religious freedom remained fundamentally the same during
the period covered by this report compared with the period from mid-1998 to mid-1999.
However, there were improvements in some areas such as the release of more than 1,
dozen ethnic Hmong Protestants and 3 Catholic priests and growth in worship activities.
In addition, in some parts of the country, there was continued gradual expansion of the
parameters for individual believers of officially recognized churches, particularly some
Buddhists and Catholics, to practice their faiths publicly without major interference from
government officials. However, most of the serious restrictions imposed on religious
freedom between mid-1998 and mid-1999 continued.
I
The Government used the lack of official recognition of several groups as a pretext to
harass some believers, in particular certain groups of Buddhists, as well as Protestants,
and Hoa Hao, who lack legal sanction. Police routinely questioned persons who. held
dissident religious views and arbitrarily detained persons based on their religious beliefs
and practices. Many Protestant Christians who worshipped in house churches in ethnic
minority areas were subjected to arbitrary detention by local officials who broke up
unsanctioned religious meetings there. Authorities imprisoned persons for practicing
religion illegally by using provisions of the Penal Code that allow for jail terms of up to
3 years for "abusing freedom of speech, press, or religion." There were at least 15
reported Hoa Hao and Protestant religious detainees held without charge. In addition the
. Supreme Patriarch of the Unified Buddhist Church ofVietnam (UBCV), Thich Huyen
Quang, continued to be held in Quang Ngai in conditions resembling administrative
detention. An unconfirmed report stated that one Hmong Christian, Lu Seo Dieu, died in
prison in 1999 in Lao Cai province from mistreatment and lack of medical care in
detention. There are reportedly 13 religious prisoners. In general there are amicable
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relations among the various religious communities, and there were some modest attempts
at ecumenical cooperation and dialog in Ho Chi Minh City.
The U.S. Embassy in Hanoi and the U.S.' Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City
maintained an active and regular dialog with senior- and working-level government
officials to advocate for greater religious freedom. The U.S. Ambassador and other
embassy officers raised with cabinet ministers, Communist Party officials, and provincial
officials, concerns of the U.S. government and citizens of other countries about the
detention and arrest of religious figures and other restrictions on religious freedom. The
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, Robert Seiple, visited the
country in July 1999 for discussions with government officials and leaders of several
religious bodies. In several cases, intervention by the U.S. Government resulted in
improvements such as the release of some prisoners.
Section I. Government Policies on Freedom of Religion
Legal/Policy Framework
I
Both the Constitution and government decrees provide for freedom of worship; however,
the Government continued to restrict significantly those organized activities of religious
groups that it declared to be at variance with state laws and policies. The Government
generally allowed persons to practice individual worship in the religion of their choice,
and participation in religious activities throughout the country continued to grow
significantly. However, the Government uses regulations to control religious hierarchies
and organized religious activities closely, in part because the Communist Party fears that
organized religion may weaken its authority and influence by serving as a political,
so~ial, and spiritual alternative to the authority of the central Government.
The Government requires religious groups to register and uses this process to control and
monitor church organizatio-ns. Under the law, only those activities and organizations
expressly sanctioned by the Government are deemed to be legal. The granting or
withholding of the official recognition of religious bodies is one of the means by which
the Government actively intervenes to restrict religious activities by some believers. In
order for a group to obtain official recognition, it must obtain government approval.ofits
leadership and the overall scope of its activities.
Officially recognized religious organizations are able to operate openly in most parts of
the country, and followers of these religious bodies are able to worship without
government harassment, except in some isolated provinces. Officially recognized
organizations must consult with the Government about their religious and administrative
operations, although not about their religious tenets of faith. In general religious
organizations are confined to dealing specifically with spiritual and with organizational
matters. There has been a trend in the past 5 years to accord much greater latitude to
followers of recognized religious organizations, and the majority· of followers of the
country's Buddhist and Catholic traditions have benefited from this development. The
Government holds conferences to discuss and publicize its religion decrees.
'
I
Religious organizations must obtain government permission to hold training seminars,
conventions, and celebrations outside the regular religious calendar; to build or remodel
places of worship; to engage in charitable activities or operate religious schools; and to
train, ordain, promote, or transfer clergy. Many of these restrictive powers lie principally
with provincial or city people's committees, and local treatment of religious persons
varied widely. Because of the lack of meaningful due process in the legal system, the
actions of religious believers are subject to the discretion of local officials in their
respective jurisdictions.
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National laws that prescribe freedom of belief are enforced unevenly~ In some areas,
such as parts ofHo Chi Minh City, local officials allow relatively wide latitude to
believers; in others, such as isolated provinces of the northwest, central highlands, and
central coast, religious believers are subject to significant harassment because of the lack
of effective legal enforcement. Some provincial leaders, such as those in certain
northwestefll provinces, have claimed that there are no religious believers in their
provinces since the religious believers there are not recognized officially.
In general religious groups faced difficulty in obtaining teaching materials, expanding
training facilities, publishing religious materials, and expanding the number of clergy in
religious training in response to increased demand from congregations.
I
In particular local officials harass a significant minority of religious believers because
they operate without legal sanction. Since 1981leaders of the Unified Buddhist Church
of Vietnam (UBCV) have requested repeatedly that their church be granted official
·recognition, but their requests continue to be rejected in large part because of the strong
criticism of the Communist Party by UBCV leaders and their call for democracy and
improved conditions of human rights in Vietnam. UBCV leaders continue to be harassed,
and their rights severely restricted by the Government. In early 2000, leaders of several
churches belonging to the Evangelical Church of Vietnam (ECV) (the Protestant Tin
Lanh churches) in the southern region engaged in quiet discussions with the Government
on official recognition of their congregations. These discussions, although stalled at midyear, were expected to lead eventually to official recognition of the roughly 300 ECV
churches throughout the country. In early 2000, several leaders of the Hoa Hao
community, including several pre-1975 leaders, openly criticized the Government's 1999
recognition of an official Hoa Hao organization; they claimed that the official group is
subservient to the Government and demanded official recognition of their own leadership
·instead. The Government neither acknowledged the claims of these Hoa Hao believers
nor permitted their independent activities.
In practice there ate no effective remedies under the law for violations of persons' rights
to religious freedom due to the capricious actions of officials. On occasion central
authorities have intervened to curb the worst excesses. of local harassment. For example,
after a district official in Binh Phuoc province ordered the destruction of three Protestant
churches in his province, authorities from Hanoi intervened to prevent further
destruction, then forced the district leader to retire. However, the court system is
subservient to the Communist Party and its political decisions, and in no known case
have the courts acted to interpret laws so as to protect a person's right to religious
freedom.
Religious Demography
•
The Government officially recognizes Buddhist (approximately 50 percent), Roman
Catholic (8 percent), Protestant (0.9 percent), Cao Dai (1 percent), Hoa Hao (2 percent),
and Muslim (0.1 percent) religious organizations. However, some Buddhist, Protestant,
Cao Dai, and Hoa Hao believers do not recognize or participate in the governmentapproved associations. Some organize their own associations, and thus their
organizations are considered illegal by the authorities. Among the country's religious
communities, Buddhism is the dominant religious belief. Many Buddhists practice an
amalgam of Mahayana Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucian traditions that sometimes is
called Vietnam's "triple religion." Some estimates suggest that more than half the
population of approximately 80 million persons are at least nominally Buddhist, visit
pagodas on festival days, and have a world view that is shaped in part by Buddhism,
although in reality these beliefs rely on a very expansive definition of the faith. One
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prominent Buddhist official has estimated thatJO percent ofBuddhists are devout and
practice their faith regularly. The Government's Office of Religious Affairs uses a much
lower estimate of 7 million practicing Buddhists. Mahayana Buddhists, most of whom
are part ofthe ethnic Kinh majority, are found throughout the country, especially in the
populous areas of the northern and southern delta regions. There are proportionately
fewer Buddhists in certain highlands and central lowlands areas, although migration of
Kinh to highland areas is changing the distribution somewhat.
A Khmer minority in the south practices Theravada Buddhism. Numbering from perhaps
700,000 to 1 million persons, they live almost exclusively in the Mekong delta.
There are an estimated 6 million Roman Catholics in the country (about 8 percent of the
population). The largest concentrations are in southern provinces around Ho Chi Minh
City, with other large groups in the northern and central coastal lowlands. In recent
years, the Government has eased its efforts to control the Roman Catholic hierarchy by
relaxing the requirements that all clergy belong to the government-controlled Catholic.
Patriotic Association. Few clergy actually belong to this association, which is a loose
affiliation of clergy that holds conferences and participates in events with the Communist
Party and the Vietnam Fatherland Front.
·
•
Authorities allowed the Vatican's ordination of a new archbishop in Ho Chi Minh City in
1998 as well as the ordination of five bishops in other dioceses in 1998 and 1999. A
high-level Vatican envoy made his annual visit to the country in May 2000, during
which the filling of other vacant bishoprics was discussed. In June 2000, a bishop was
named for Da Nang province, and in August 2000, a bishop was named for Vinh Long
province. In 1998 a number of bishops traveled to Rome, Italy, for a synod of Asian
bishops. Up to 200,000 Catholics gathered in August 1999 at an annual Marian
celebration in La V ang in the central part of the country and celebrated their faith freely
there.
There are approximately 700,000 Protestants in the country (less than 1 percent of the
population), with more than half of these persons belonging to a large number of
unregistered evangelical "house churches" that operate in members' homes or in rural
villages, many of them in ethnic minority areas. Perhaps 150,000 of the followers of
house churches are Pentecostals, who celebrate "gifts of the spirit" through charismatic
and ecstatic rites of worship.
Reports from believers indicated that Protestant church attendance grew substantially
during the period covered by this report, especially among the house churches, despite
continued government restrictions on proselytizing activities.
Based on believers' estimates, two-thirds of Protestants are members of ethnic minorities,
including ethnic Hmong (some 120,000 followers) in the northwest provinces and some
200,000 members of ethnic minority groups of the central highlands (Ede, Jarai, Bahnar,
and Koho, among others). The house churches in ethnic minority areas have been
growing rapidly in recent years, sparked in part by radio broadcasts in ethnic minority
languages from the Philippines.
•
The Office of Religious Affairs estimates that there are 1.1 million Cao Dai followers
Gust over 1 percent of the population). Some nongovernmental organization (NGO)
sources estimate that there may be from 2 to 3 million followers. Cao Dai groups are
most active in Tay Ninh province, where the Cao Dai Holy See is located, and in Ho Chi
Minh City, the Mekong delta, and Hanoi. There are separate groups within the Cao Dai
religion, which is syncretistic, combining elements of many faiths. Its basic belief system
is influenced strongly by Mahayana Buddhism, although it recognizes a diverse array of
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persons who have conveyed divine revelation, including Siddhartha, Jesus, Lao-Tse,
Confucius, and Moses .
Hoa Hao, considered by some of its followers to be a· "reform" branch of Buddhism, was
founded in the southern part of the country in 1939. Hoa Hao is a largely privatistic faith
that does not have a priesthood and rejects many of the ceremonial aspects of
mainstream Buddhism. Hoa Hao followers are concentrated in the Mekong delta,
particularly in provinces such as An Giang, where the Hoa Hao were dominant as a
political and religious force before 1975. According to the Office of Religious Affairs,
there are 1.3 million Hoa Hao followers; church-affiliated expatriate groups suggest that
there may be 2 million to 3 million. A government-organized group of 160 Hoa Hao held
a congress in May 1999 in An Giang. The congress established an 11.:member committee
to oversee the administrative affairs of the religion. Establishment of the committee
· constituted official governmental recognition of the religion for the first time in 25 years,
although a number of the pre-1975 leaders of the Hoa Hao oppose the official group as
subservient to the Government and not faithful to Hoa Hao traditions.
Mosques serving the country's small Muslim population, estimated at 50,000 persons,
operate in western An Giang province, Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh City, and other provinces in
the southern part of the country. The Muslim community is composed of ethnic Cham in
the southern coastal provinces and western Mekong delta. The Muslim community also
includes some ethnic Vietnamese, and migrants originally from Malaysia, Indonesia, and
· India. Most practice Sunni Islam.
•
The Muslim Association ofVietnam was banned in 1975 but authorized again in 1992. It
is the only official Muslim organization. Association leaders say that they are able to
practice their faith, including daily prayer, fasting during the month of Ramadan, and the
pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia. The Government no longer restricts Muslims from
making the Hajj. Roughly 1 dozen Muslims journey to Mecca for the Hajj each year.
There are a variety of smaller religious communities. An estimated 8,000 Hindus are
concentrated in the south, including some ethnic Chams on the south central coast who
practice Hinduism.
There are estimated to be between from several hundred to 2,000 Baha'i believers,
largely concentrated in the south; prior to 1975, there were an estimated 130,000
believers, according to church officials.
.
.
.
There are several hundred members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints
(Mormons) who are spread throughout the country but live primarily in the Ho Chi Minh
City and Hanoi areas.
The prominent position of Buddhism does not affect adversely religious freedom for
others, including those who wish not to practice a religion. The secular Government does
not favor a particular religion. The Constitution expressly protects the right of
"nonbelief' as well as "belief." Of the country's approximately 80 million citizens, 14
million or more reportedly do not practice any organized religion. Some sources strictly
define those considered to be practicing Buddhists, excluding those whose activities are
limited to visiting pagodas on ceremonial holidays. Using this definition, the number of
nonreligious persons would be much higher, perhaps as high as 50 million persons.
•
Governmental Restrictions on Religious Freedom
The Goverhment continued to maintain broad legal and policy restrictions on religious
freedom, although in many areas, Buddhists, Catholics, and Protestants reported an
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increase in religious activity and observance. However, worshipers in several Buddhist,
Catholic, and Cao Dai centers of worship reported that they believed that undercover
government observers attended worship services to monitor the activities of the
congregation and the clergy.
Operational and organizational restrictions on the hierarchies and clergy of most
religious groups remained in place. Religious groups faced difficulty in obtaining
teaching materials, expanding training facilities, publishing religious materials, and
expanding the number of clergy in religious training in response to increased demand
from congregations. The Roman Catholic Church, for example, faces many restrictions
on the training and ordination of priests, nuns, and bishops, and this restriction limits
pastoral ministry. Likewise, the Government restricted the number of clergy that the .
Buddhist, Catholic, Protestant, and Cao Dai Churches may train. Restrictions remained
on the numbers of Buddhist monks and Catholic seminarians. Protestants were not
allowed to operate a seminary or to ordain new clergy.
The Government requires all Buddhist monks to work under an officially approved
umbrella organization, the Central Buddhist Church of Vietnam. The Government
opposed efforts by the non-government-sanctioned Unified Buddhist Church ofVietnam
(UBCV) to operate independently, and tension between the Government and the UBCV
continued. Several prominent UBCV monks, including Thich Huyen Quang and Thich
Quang Do, continued to face government restrictions on their civil liberties during the
period covered by this report.
·
•
In April 2000, a local people's committee in Hanoi reportedly pressured the chief abbot
of the historic One-Pillar Pagoda to step down in favor of an abbot with close ties to the
Communist Party but no links to the pagoda. The chief abbot, whose pagoda is affiliated
with the official Buddhist organization, resisted the effort and protested that this violated
·
the state-sponsored church's statutes.
The Evangelical Church ofVietnam (ECV), which comprises the network of Tin Lanh
(Good News) churches and originally was founded by the Christian and Missionary
Alliance early in the 20th century, generally operated with greater freedom than did the
house churches. The roughly 300 Tin Lanh churches in the country are concentrated in
the major cities, including Ho Chi Minh City, Danang, Hanoi, and in lowland areas.
Some 15 ECV churches in the northern provinces are the only officially recognized
Protestant churches. Leaders of several ECV churches in the south discussed with the
Government official recognition of their congregations, and, although stalled at midyear, this process is expected to lead to eventual official recognition of the ECV churches
throughout the country.
One of the pastors of the main ECV church in Hanoi continued to be pressured by local
authorities to step down from the church; government authorities proposed that he be
replaced by a church official from Haiphong who was supported by local authorities. The
pastor received a letter from local police stating that he had violated the law because of
his past support ofunsanctioned religious activities. However, the pastor and the
congregation continued to resist this effort to force him to step down, as they have for
the past year.
•
The Government restricts Protestant congregations from cooperating on joint religious
observances or other activities, although in some localities there was greater freedom to
do so. There is some ecumenical networking among Protestants, particularly in Ho Chi
Minh City.
.
The Government banned and actively discotiraged participation in "illegal" religious
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groups, including the UBCV, Protestant house churches, and the unapproved Hoa Hao
and Cao Dai groups. Religious and organizational activities by UBCV monks are illegal,
and all UBCV activities outside private temple worship are proscribed. Protestant groups
in central and southern provinces and some groups of Hoa Hao believers not affiliated
with the group that held the May 2000 congress petitioned the Government for official
recognition. They were unsuccessful as of mid-2000. Most evangelical house churches
do not attempt to register because they believe that their applications would be denied,
and they want to avoid government control.
Provincial officials in Ha Giang and Lai Chau provinces in the north pressured Hmong
Christians to recant their faith. Local officials in these areas circulated official provincial
documents urging persons to give up illegal "foreign" religion and to practice traditional
animist beliefs and ancestor worsliip. Regional and police newspapers printed articles
documenting howpersons were deceived into following the house church "cults." There
is evidence that some individuals engaged in deceptive practices under the guise of
religious activities.
The local Catholic Church hierarchy remained frustrated by the Government's
restrictions but has.leamed to accommodate itself to theni for many years. A number of
clergy reported a modest easing of government control over church activities in certain
dioceses. In some areas, the Government relaxed its outright prohibition on the Catholic
Church. The Church is able to participate in religious education and charitable activities.
I
The degree of government control of church activities varied greatly among localities. In
some areas, especially in the south, Catholic churches operated kindergartens and
engaged in a variety of humanitarian projects. Buddhist groups engage in humanitarian
acts in many parts of the country.
Roman Catholic seminaries throughout the country have approximately 500 students
enrolled. The Government limits the church to operating six major seminaries and to
recruitment of new seminarians only every 2 years. All students must be approved by the
Government both upon entering the seminary and prior to their ordination as priests. The
Church believes that the number of students being ordained is insufficient to support the
growing Catholic population.
A government-controlled management committee has full powers to control the affairs of
the Cao Dai faith, thereby managing the church's operations, its hierarchy, and its clergy.
Independent church officials oppose the edicts of this committee as unfaithful to Cao Dai
principles and traditions. Despite the Government's statement in 1997 that it had
recognized the Cao Dai Church legally and encouraged Cao Dai believers to expand their
groups and practice their faith, many senior clerical positions remain vacant.
The national authorities continue to restrict the distribution of the sacred scriptures of the
HoaHao.
I
In April 1999, the Government issued a decree on religion that prescribes the rights and
responsibilities of religious believers. The religion decree states that persons formerly
detained or imprisoned must obtain special permission from the authorities before they
may resume religious activities. The decree also states that no religious organization can
reclaim lands orproperties taken over by the State following the end of the 1954 war
·
against French rule and the 1975 Communist victory in the south. Despite this blanket -'
prohibition, the Government has returned some church properties confiscated since 1975.
The Catholic Church in Ho Chi Minh City has received back two properties from the
People's Committee of the city. On one of the properties, in Cholon, the Church is
constructing an HIVIAIDS hospice to be operated by the Daughters of Charity of Saint
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Vincent de Paul. The other property is now a church-operated orphanage. One of the
vice-chairmen of the official Buddhist Sangha said that about 30 percent of Buddhist
properties confiscated in Ho Chi Minh City have been returned since 1975, and from 5 to
10 percent of all Buddhist properties confiscated in the south were returned. By contrast
UBCV leaders stated that their properties were not returned. Information concerning
prominent Protestant properties, such as the former seminary in Nha Trang, is not
available. Most Cao Dai and Hoa Hao properties have not been returned, according to
church leaders.
·
The Government does not permit religious instruction in public schools. The
Government restricts persons who belong to dissident and unofficial religious groups
from speaking publicly about their beliefs. It officially requires all religious publishing to
be done by government-approved publishing houses. Many Buddhist sacred scriptures,
Bibles, and other religious texts and publications are printed by these organizations and
allowed to be distributed.
I
The Government allows, and in some cases encourages, links with coreligionists in other
countries when the religious groups are approved by the Government. The Government
actively discourages contacts between the illegal UBCV and its foreign Buddhist
supporters, and between illegal Protestant organizations such as the house churches and
·their foreign supporters. Contacts between Vatican authorities and the domestic Catholic
Church are permitted, and the Government maintains a regular, active dialog with the
Vatican on a range of issues including organizational activities, the prospect of
establishing diplomatic relations, and a possible papal visit. The Government allows
religious travel for some, but not all, religious persons; Muslims are able to undertake the
Hajj, and many Buddhist and Catholic officials also have been able to travel abroad.
Persons who hold dissident religious opinions generally are not approved for foreign
travel.
The Government does not designate persons' religions on passports, although citizens'
"family books," which are household identification books, list religious and ethnic
·
affiliation.
The Government prohibits proselytizing by foreign missionary groups, although some
missionaries visited the country despite this prohibition. The Government deported some
foreign persons for unauthorized proselytizing, sometimes defining proselytizing very
broadly. A U.S. pastor who worked as a missionary prior to 1975 was questioned by
police and pressured to pay a fine, which he refused to do, after a meeting that he held
with Protestant Vietnamese pastors was raided by police in November 1999. His
passport and Bible were confiscated temporarily; they were returned shortly before his
departure several days later.
Proselytizing by citizens is restricted to regularly scheduled religious services in
recognized places of worship. Immigrants and noncitizens must comply with the law
when practicing their religions. Catholic and Protestant foreigners exercise leadership in
worship services that are reserved for foreigners.
The Office of Religious Affairs hosts periodic meetings to address religious matters
according to government-approved agendas that bring together leaders of diverse
religious traditions.
I
Adherence to a religious faith generally does not disadvantage persons in civil,
economic, and secular life, although it likely would prevent advancement to the highest
government and military ranks. Avowed religious practice is a bar to membership in the
Communist Party, although anecdotal reports indicate that a handful of the 2 million
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Communist Party members are religious believers.
•
Governmental Abuses of Religious Freedom
The Government restricts and monitors all forms of public assembly, including assembly
for religious activities. On some occasions, large religious gatherings have been allowed,
such as the 1998 and 1999 celebrations at La Yang. Since July 1999, the Hoa Hao also
have been allowed to hold two large public gatherings in An Giang province on Hoa Hao
festival days. However, dissident Hoa Hao have been prevented by forcible means from
organizing their own independent commemorations.
The growth of Protestant house churches in ethnic minority areas has led to tensions with
local officials in some provinces. There have been crackdowns on leaders of these
·churches, particularly among the Hmong in the northwest. The secretive nature of the
house churches, particularly among ethnic minorities, has contributed to greater
repression against these groups. Provincial officials in certain northwest provinces do not
allow churches or pagodas to operate and have arrested and imprisoned believers for
practicing their faith nonviolently in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
•
The authorities in the northwest provinces severely restrict the religious freedom of
evangelical Protestants, including ethnic Hmong and ethnic Tai. Credible reports from
multiple sources stated that at the beginning of 1999 there were more than 25 Hmong
Protestants imprisoned primarily in Lai Chau province for "teaching religion illegally" or
"abusing the rights of a citizen to cause social unrest." Following protests by church
leaders and international attention to the detentions, officials and Protestant church
leaders stated that most of the detainees had been released by the end of 1999. Among
those in Lai Chau who were confirmed as rele.ased--several of them before their
sentences were up--were: Ly A Giang, Giang A Ly, Yang Gia Chua, Giang A To, and
Giang A Cat. In addition Hmong leader Vu Gian Thao was released in the April2000
amnesty, and the Ministry ofF oreign Affairs (MFA) reported that Wang Gia Chua, Sung
Seo Chinh, and Sinh Phay Pao also had been released. The sentence of Hmong leader
Sung Phai Dia reportedly was to end in March 2000, but there is no confirmation that he
was released from prison.
Among those Hniong Protestant leaders still believed to be imprisoned are four Hmong
Protestant leaders--Sinh Phay Pao, Va Sinh Giay, Yang Sua Giang, and Phang A Dong-who had been arrested in Ha Giang province late in 1999. Phang A Dong was charged
with illegally traveling to China without a visa or passport.
The Government's repression of the Hmong is complicated by several factors that
include religious practices. Some Hmong citizens fought against the Government in the
past, and they live in sensitive regions that border China and Laos; these factors together
lead the Government to question their civic loyalty. Among the Hmong, there are two
distinct religious groups. One group's members follow a traditional form of Christianity,
and another group's beliefs are characterized by an element that is cultic in nature. The
latter group's eschatological worldview includes a predicted cataclysmic event in 2000.
However, the Government does not differentiate between the two groups; their beliefs
exacerbate the authorities' anxiety about the Hmong.
•
In December 1999, Nguyen Thi Thuy, a Protestant house church leader in Phu Tho
province, was sentenced to 1 year in prison for "interfering with an officer doing his
duty." Thuy was arrested during a police raid on her home, where she was leading a
Bible study group. In March 2000, in what is believed to be the first case of its kind, a
defense lawyer appealed Thuy's conviction by arguing that her arrest in her home while
practicing her faith violated her constitutional right to religious freedom. However, a
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judge dismissed her appeal, and her 1-year sentence was upheld. She is scheduled to be
released in October 2000. An ethnic Hre church leader, Dinh Troi, was detained in
Quang Ngai province in 1999, and it is believed that he was still in detention as of mid2000. Two of his church colleagues, Dinh Bim and Dinh Hay, were released in July and
September 1999, respectively.
In July 1999, district authorities in Binh Phuoc province demolished three Protestant
churches. Their congregations, composed of ethnic Mnong and Stieng Christians,
protested to the central government authorities and the international community. Church
officials reported that the central authorities intervened to prevent the further razing of
churches. ·In December 1999, the district offiCial responsible was removed from office.
Binh Phuoc province Christians reported that they were able to celebrate Christmas
openly and peacefully.
There were reported instances, particularly in isolated provinces in the northwest and
central highlands, in which Protestant house church followers were punished or fined by
local officials for participation in peaceful religious activities such as worship and Bible
study. Unconfirmed reports from the central highlands suggested that some local
officials extorted cattle and money from Protestants in those areas. It is unclear whether
their religious affiliation or other factors led to this extortion.
In recent years, the conditions faced by Baha'is have improved in some localities where
Baha'is have been able to practice their faith quietly with local permission. However, a
Baha'i community in Danang was unable to obtain approval of its recent application for
registration of official religious activities.
I
In mid-1999, the Government sharply criticized adherents of the Taiwan-based group
Thanh Hai Vo Thuong Su in official media. In July 1999, a local police paper
publication criticized the group, stating that more than 100 followers joined the group in
Long An province. Government media portray the group's leader, an ethnic Taiwanese
woman named Thanh Hai, who founded the group in 1989, as a charlatan.
Credible reports from multiple sources stated that Hmong Protestant Christians inseveral
northwestern villages were forced by local officials to recant their faith and to perform
traditional Hmong religious rites such as drinking blood from sacrificed chickens mixed·
with rice wine. Similarly, a group of Catholics in Son La province also reported that they
were forced by local officials to recant their faith publicly in December 1999.
Hmong Protestant Church leaders told a North American church official that one Hmong
Christian, Lu Seo Dieu,.died in prison in 1999 in Lao Cai province from mistreatment
and lack of medical care. This report could not be confirmed.
I
Police authorities routinely question persons who hold dissident religious or political
views. In May 1999, two pastors ofthe unsanctioned Assemblies of God, pastors Tran
Dinh "Paul" Ai and LoVan Hen, were detained and questioned by police after a Bible
study session that they were conducting in Hanoi was raided by local police. Ai was
questioned daily for more than 2 weeks regarding his religious activities, and Lo Van
Hen, a member of the Black Tai ethnic minority, was returned to Dien Bien Phu for
further questioning by police. Both were released before the end of May 1999 and
allowed to return home. In December 1999, Ai was issued a passport and allowed to
travel to the United States with his family on a religious worker visa. Similarly, on two
occasions, UBCV leader Thich Khong Tanh was called in for questioning by police for
what appeared to be purely religious activities.
Credible reports suggest that police arbitrarily detained persons based on their religious
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beliefs and practice. On several occasions, small groups of Protestant Christians
belonging to house churches were subjected to arbitrary detention after local officials
broke up unsanctioned religious meetings. In September 1999, in Quang Nam province,
17 Protestant Christians were handcuffed together and forced to go to a government
office for several hours of questioning about their religious activities. One man who
reportedly was beaten by police required medical treatment. In October 1999, police
raided a church meeting in a hotel in Ha Long Bay town and detained 30 Protestants.
Most were released after questioning, although three were held for several days.
A 1997 directive on administrative detention gives national and local security officials
· broad powers to detain and monitor citizens and control where they live and work for up
to 2 years if they are believed to be threatening "national security." In their
implementation of administrative detention, authorities held some persons under
conditions resembling house arrest. The authorities use administrative detention as a
means of controlling persons whom they believe hold dissident opinions.
'
I
The Government continued to isolate certain political and religious dissidents by
restricting their movements and by pressuring the supporters and family members of
others. For the past 6 years, Thich Huyen Quang, the Supreme Patriarch of the UBCV,
lived at a pagoda in Quang Ngai province under conditions resembling administrative
detention. From 1981 until 1994, he was held at another pagoda in that province. In
· March 1999, he was visited by senior UBCV leader Thich Quang Do for the first time in
18 years, but after 3 days of meetings both were held for questioning by police, and
Thich Quang Do was escorted by police to his pagoda in Ho Chi Minh city. Thich Huyen
Quang confirmed that he must request permission before leaving the pagoda and is not
allowed to lead prayers or participate in worship activities as a monk. He is able to
receive visits from sympathetic monks, sometimes several per week; UBCV monk Thich
Khong Thanh visited in November. After meeting with him, visitors are questioned by
police. Thich Huyen Quang has called for the Government to recognize and sanction the
operations of the UBCV. In December 1999, he told a Western visitor that he was
receiving adequate medical care. Later that month, because of heavy flooding in the
province, police temporarily evacuated him from the pagoda, then returned him there 2
days later, after the waters had receded. Government officials reportedly have proposed
to move Thich Huyen Quang to Hanoi, where medical care for his chronic conditions
would be better, but he has refused.
In September 1999, Thich Duang Do complained that fellow UBCV monk Thich Khong
Tanh, who is head of the church's social affairs board, was summoned by police for
questioning in Ho Chi Minh City. In April2000, Thich Khong Tanh similarly
complained that he was detained for questioning by police after visiting fellow monks in
central Vietnam. Thich Quang Do continued to experience close surveillance by police
around his pagoda, Thanh Minh Zen monastery in Ho Chi Minh City, and police
pressured lay Buddhists at the pagoda in an apparent effort to isolate Thich Quang Do
further.
I
The Government allowed many bishops and priests to travel freely within their dioceses
and allowed greater, but still restricted, freedom .for travel outside these areas,
particularly in many ethnic areas. Local government officials reportedly discourage
priests from entering Son La and Lai Chau provinces. Upon return from international
travel, citizens, including clergy, officially are required to surrender their passports; this
law is enforced unevenly. Some persons who express dissident opinions on religious or
political issues are not allowed to travel abroad. Some Cao Dai believers were detained
arbitrarily. In October 1998, the authorities detained two Cao Daists in Kien Giang
province, Le Kim Bien and Pham Cong Hien, who sought to meet with United Nations
· Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance Abdelfattah Amor. They wer~ sentenced to
2 years' imprisonment and are scheduled to be released in October 2000. Three Cao
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Page 12 of 15
Daists, Lam Thai The, Do Hoang Giam, and Van Hoa Vui, who were arrested several
years ago, reportedly remain imprisoned in Xuan Loc prison in Dong Nai province. Ly
Cong Cuong, a Cao Daist arrested in 1983 in An Giang province, was released in July
1999.
The Hoa Hao have faced severe restrictions on their religious and political activities
since 1975, in part because of their previous armed opposition to the Communist forces.
Since 1975 all administrative offices, places ofworship, and social and cultural
institutions connected to the faith have been closed, thereby limiting public religious
functions. Believers continue to practice their religion at home. The lack of access to
public gathering places contributed to the Hoa Hao community's isolation and
fragmentation. In July 1999, following official recognition of a Hoa Hao religious
organization, an estimated 500,000 Hoa Hao believers gathered for a religious festival in
An Giang province in the largest Hoa Hao gathering since 197 5. Hoa: Hoa believers
stated that a number of church leaders continue to be detained.
I
In March 2000, hundreds of Hoa Hao gathered in An Giang province for a traditional ·
holy day celebration despite reports of police roadblocks and interception of boats on the
river surrounding the island where the celebration was organized. A group of dissident
Hoa Hao followers, including prominent pre-1975 leaders such as Le Quang Liem, were
attempting to organize an unofficial commemoration of the death of the Hoa Hao
founder, but they were blocked by government authorities. In connection with that event,
13 Hoa Hao supporters were detained on March 11, 2000, at Thoai Son in An Giang
province; 8 ofthem were released after being interrogated. Three others--Vo Thanh
Liem, Nguyen Van Dien (Bay Dien), and Vo Van Hai--were tried and sentenced on May
26 to 30 months, 20 months, and 12 months' imprisonment, respectively. Two others-Nguyen Van Hoang arid Nguyen Van Nhuom--still were detained in Thoai Son as of
mid-2000. ·on March 28, 2000, eight other Hoa Hao supporters were arrested at Phu My
(Hoa Hao) village, and five of them still were detained in mid-2000 at the Bang Lang
detention facilities in Long Xuyen. These five are: Truong Van Thuc; Tran Van Be Cao;
TranNguyen Hon; Nguyen Chau Lan; and LeVan Mong (Le Thien Hoa). In addition, in
protest of government restrictions on the Hoa Hao, several Hoa Hao believers reportedly
have threatened to immolate themselves.
The Penal Code establishes penalties for offenses that are defined only vaguely,
including "attempting to undermine national unity" by promoting "division between
religious believers and nonbelievers." In some cases, particularly involving Hmong
Protestants, authorities imprisoned persons for practicing religion illegally. They use
provisions of the Penal Code that allow for jail terms of up to 3 years without trial for
"abusing freedom of speech, press, or religion." Some of the provisions of the law used
to convict religious prisoners contradict the right to freedom of religion in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on Civil and Political
Rights.
I
It is difficult to determine the exact number of religious detainees and religious·
prisoners. There is little transparency in the justice system, and it is very difficult to
obtain confirmation when persons are detained, imprisoned, tried, or released. As of mid2000, there were at least 13 religious detainees who were held without arrest or charge;
however, the number may be greater since sometimes persons are detained for
questioning and held under administrative detention regulations withoutbeing charged or
without their detention being publicized. These persons include: Le Minh Triet (Tu
Triet), a Hoa Hao leader detained at a Government house in the south; four Hmong
Protestants in Ha Giang province, Sinh Phay Pao, Va Sinh Giay, Vang Sua Giang, and
Phang A Dong; Dinh Troi, an ethnic Hre Protestant detained in Quang Ngai in 1999; and
seven Hoa Hao followers who were detained in An Giang province in March. These Hoa
Hao followers are: Nguyen Van Hoang; Nguyen Van Nhuom; Truong Van Thuc; Tran
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�US Dept. of State/liP: US-Vietnam Relations
I
Page 13 of 15
Van Be Cao; Tnin Nguyen Huon; Nguyen Chau Lan; and LeVan Mong (Le Thien Hoa).
In addition, others, most prominently Supreme Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang of the
UBCV, are held under conditions that resemble administrative detention. Thich Huyen
Quang is not allowed to leave the pagoda where he lives in Quang Ngai province without
express police permission, and only then for medical appointments in the isolated town
where he stays.
)
There are at least 16 religious prisoners, although the actual number may be higher. This
figure is difficult to verify because of the secrecy surrounding the arrest, detention, and
release process. In a positive development, many of the ethnic Hmong Protestants who
were imprisoned in Lai Chau province at the beginning of 1999 are believed to have
been released. Those persons believed to be religious prisoners as of May include:
UBCV monks Thich Thein Minh and Thich Hue Dang; Catholic priests Pham Minh Tri,
Pham Ngoc Lien, and Nguyen Thien Phung; Protestant house church leader Nguyen Thi
Thuy, scheduled to finish her 1-year sentence in October; Hmong Protestant Va Sinh
Giay; Hoa Hao lay persons LeVan Son, Vo Thanh Liem, Nguyen Van Dien (Bay Dien),
and Vo Van Hai; Cao Daists Le Kim Bien and Pham Cong Hien, who are scheduled to
finish their 2-year sentences in October; and Cao Daists Lam Thai The, To Hoang Giam,
and Van Hoa Vui, who reportedly remain imprisoned in Dong Nai province.
Credible reports suggest that three Roman Catholic priests belonging to the
Congregation of the Mother Co-Redemptrix remain imprisoned. The release in 1999 of .
one priest, Nguyen Minh Quan, was confirmed, and another, Mai Due Chuong (Mai Huu
Nghi), was released in the April2000 prisoner amnesty. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
said that another person, Nguyen Van De, also was released in 1999.
I
Improvements in Respect for Religious Freedom
On balance conditions for religious freedom remained fundamentally the same during the
period covered by this report, compared with the period from mid-1998 to mid-1999.
However, there were improvements in some areas, such as the release of some persons
detained or arrested because of their religious beliefs. In addition, in some parts of the
country, there was continued gradual expansion of the parameters for individual
believers of officially recognized churches to practice their faiths. Many lay believers
who worship in officially recognized churches, especially Buddhists and Catholics in
large cities, are able to practice their faith publicly without interference from government
· officials. This continues a trend of the past few years toward less official interference in
the lives of citizens, such as the diminution of the block warden system, which is now
much less pervasive and intrusive in monitoring persons. On religious celebration days,
churches and pagodas are filled by worshipers. Most of the country's Buddhist and
Catholic lay persons benefit from this development.
During the period covered by this report, many of the ethnic minority Protestant
prisoners in Lai Chau province were released. Although severe restrictions on religious
life remain in the northwest, U.S. and international advocacy on behalf of ethnic
minority Christians in those provinces apparently had a positive impact; many of the 25
Hmong church leaders held at the beginning of 1999 were released by mid-2000.
In addition the April 2000 prisoner amnesty included two religious prisoners, Catholic
priest Mai Due Chuong (Mai Huu Nghi) and Hmong Protestant Vu Gian Thao. The
MFA said that two other Catholic priests of the Congregation of the Mother CoRedemptrix, Nguyen Minh Quan and Nguyen Van De, had been released in.1999.
I
In some provinces where harassment of religious believers has been egregious, local
officials have lost their positions because of religious restrictions. Most prominently, the
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�-----------------------------
--
- - - - - - -
US Dept. of State/liP: US-Vietnam Relations
•
Page 14 of 15
district committee chairman in Bu Bang district of Binh Phuoc province was not
reelected by the local people's council to his position, and he was forced to retire in
November 1999.
Forced Religious Conversion of Minor U.S. Citizens
There were no reports of the forced religious conversion of minor U.S. citizens who had.
been abducted or illegally removed from the United States, or of the Government's
refusal to allow such citizens to be returned to the United States.
SECTION II. Societal Attitudes
In general there are amicable relations among the various religious communities. In Ho
Chi Minh City, there are nascent efforts at informal ecumenical dialog by leaders of
disparate religious communities. In October 1999, four outspoken religious leaders based
in Ho Chi Minh City--UBCV Buddhist leader Thich Quang Do, Redemptorist Catholic
priest Chan Tin, Hoa Hao leader Le Quang Liem, and Cao Dai leader Iran Quang Chau -signed a public ecumenical petition urging the Communist Party to respect religious
freedom and to establish clear separation of church and state.
SECTION III.
•
•
U.s~
Government Policy
The U.S. Embassy in Hanoi and U.S. Consulate in Ho Chi Minh City actively and
regularly raised U.S. concerns about religious freedom with a wide variety of
government officials including the Ministry ofF oreign Affairs, .the Office of Religion,
the Ministry of Public Security, and other government offices in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh
City, and provincial capitals. Embassy and consulate officials also meet and talk with
leaders of all of the major religious groups, recognized as well as unregistered.
,.-
The U.S. Ambassador raised religious freedom issues with senior cabinet ministers
including the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, senior government and Communist
Party advisors, the head of the Government's Office of Religion, Deputy Ministers of
Foreign Affairs and Public Security, and the chairpersons of Provincial People's
Committees around the country, among others. Other embassy and consulate officials
· also raised U.S. concerns on religious freedom with senior officials of the Ministries of
Foreign Affairs and Public Security and with provincial officials. The Embassy and
Consulate maintained regular contact with the key government offices responsible for
respect for human rights. Embassy officers informed government officials that progress
on religious issues and human rights have an impact on the degree of full normalization
of bilateral relations. The Embassy's public affairs officer distributed information about
U.S. concerns about religious freedom to Communist Party and government officials.
In their representations to the Government, the Ambassador and other embassy officers
urged recognition of a broad spectrum of religious groups in accordance with
international standards of religious freedom, including members of the UBCV and the
Protestant house churches. In general representations by the Embassy and Consulate
focused on specific restrictions on religious freedom. These abuses included the
detention and arrest of religious figures and restrictions on church organizational
activities such as training religious leaders, ordination, church building, and foreign
travel of religious figures. Several times the Embassy's and the Consulate's interventions
on problems involving religious freedom resulted in improvements. For example, the
release of several religious prisoners during amnesties in September 1999 and April 2000 ·
followed long-term and direct advocacy on their behalf by the Embassy. The releases of
some 20 Hmong Protestants detained in early 1999 by authorities in Lai Chau province
followed demarches by the Embassy. One foreign nongovernmental organization (NGO)
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10/16/2000
�US Dept. of State/liP: US-Vietnam Relations
I
Page 15 of 15
first told the U.S. Embassy that officials in Lai Chau had complained that, following the
visit of Ambassador Pete Peterson to the province in the spring of 1999; during which he
had presented a list of Hmong religious prisoners, the provincial officials had been told
by national government authorities to ease up on their treatment of Hmong people.
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Robert Seiple visited in July
1999 for discussions with officials and leaders of several religious bodies. He urged that
the parameters for religious freedom be expanded, during meetings with officials of the
Ministry ofF oreign Affairs, the government Committee on Religion, and other
government offices.
I
Representatives of the Embassy and Consulate met on several occasions with leaders of
all the major religious communities, including Buddhists, Catholics, Protestants, Cao
Dai, Hoa Hao, and Muslims. Embassy officials, including the Ambassador, maintain a
regular dialog with NGO's. An embassy officer visited UBCV Supreme Patriarch Thich
Huyen Quang in Quang Ngai province in December, which was the first visit by a
Westerner to the Supreme Patriarch in 18 years. Following the visit, Thich Huyen Quang
was featured on national television for the first time in years, was moved out of his
·pagoda during flooding (unlike the previous year), and received improved medical care.
On several occasions, embassy and consulate officers met with prominent religious
prisoners after their release from prison. Consulate officers maintained an ongoing dialog
with Thich Quang Do and other UBCV monks and with officially recognized Buddhists,
as well as wide contacts within the Catholic, Protestant, Hoa Hao, Cao Dai, and Muslim
communities. A consulate officer attended the first officially recognized Hoa Hao
festival in An Giang in July 1999. Consulate and embassy officials worked closely with
Assemblies of God pastor Tran Dinh "Paul" Ai to obtain a passport from the
Government, then a religious worker's visa to travel to the United States to work in
December, following many months of continuous harassment by local polic~ in several
areas.
The U.S. Department of State in Washington commented publicly on the status of
religious freedom in' Vietnam on several occasions. These comments included statements
on the conditions faced by Thich Huyen Quang; the status of Paul Ai and his eventual
travel to the United States, using a religious worker visa; and gatherings of Hoa Hao
believers in An Giang province.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office oflnternational Information Programs, U.S. Department of
State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
Return to U.S.-Vietnam Relations.
Return to liP Home Page.
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10/16/2000
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Extent
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51 folders in 5 boxes
Text
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Vietnam [binder] [6]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Publisher
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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5/13/2014
Source
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-006-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/1c7334ebdfee01e574591eb7c51f13b6.pdf
d70873fa84a1a883f9fce181df6b85c7
PDF Text
Text
.----~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-----------------------
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a-textual record. This is- used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Vietnam] [1]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwriting-Rosshirt, Thomas
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4020
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Vietnam, history of
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history of the area from prehistoric and ancient times to the
present.
Origins of the Vietnamese people
Relatively little is known about the origins of the Vietnamese.
They first appeared in history as the so-called "Lac" peoples,
who lived in the Red River delta region, in what is now
northern Vietnam. Some scholars have suggested that the Lac
were closely related to other peoples, known as the Viet (called ·
the Yiieh by the Chinese), who inhabited the coastal region of
East Asia from the Yangtze River to the Red River delta during
the 1st millennium BC. Others have expressed doubt about this
supposition, noting that modem-day Vietnamese share many
cultural and linguistic traits with other non-Chinese peoples
living in neighbouring areas of Southeast Asia. It is now
generally believed that the Lac peoples were the result of a
mixture between Austral a-Melanesian inhabitants who had
lived in the area since Paleolithic times and Asiatic peoples
who later migrated into the area from China. ·(See Vietnamese.)
Linguistic research, which offers a relatively reliable way of
distinguishing the various ethnic groups of Southeast Asia,
supports the mixed ethnic and cultural origin of the Vietnamese
people. Although the Vietnamese language is distinct, it
nevertheless can be described as a fusion ofMon-Khmer, Tai,
and Chinese elements. From the monotonic Man-Khmer
language family, Vietnamese derived many of its basic words;
from the Tai languages, it took tonality and a number of
grammatical elements; and from the Chinese, who at that time
were somewhat more culturally advanced than the peoples of
the Red River delta, it acquired not only a script but also most
of its political, literary, philosophical, and technical vocabulary.
Ethnographic study also reveals the degree to which ancient
Vietnamese culture was a composite of elements found among
many other peoples within the region. Totemism, animism,
tattooing, the chewing of betel nuts, teeth blackening, and many·
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�EncyClopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
Page 2 of4
- marriage rituals and seasonal festivals indicate the relationship
between the Vietnamese and the_ n.~ighb_o.t!fil).g peoples in
Southeast Asia. f;\ltliougli-cfiinese civilization-laterl>ecame the
J.l}.ain·forcein shaping Vietnamese culture, the failure of the---,
Chinese-to.assimilate.the:--:Vietnamese--people· underscores the·'
facrtliafstrong elements of an authentic local culture must have
emerged in the Re-o River valley long before China established
its rllillennium of rule over- Vietnam. - -·~ ·-
----- -- ---------
I
NEXT ...
•
TABLE:Df"
CONTENTS
Vietnam, history of
• .,.. Introduction
• .,Origins of the Vietnamese people
• Earliest known history of Vietnam
o Legendary kingdoms
o Nam Viet
o Early society
• Vietnam under Chinese rule
• The first period of independence
o The Ly dynasty
o The Tran dynasty
• Expansion, division, and reunification
o The Later Le dynasty
o Two divisions ofVietnam
• State and society of precolonial Vietnam
• Western penetration into Vietnam
• The conquest of Vietnam by France
• Colonial Vietnam
o French administration
o Effects of French colonial rule
• Movements of national liberation
o Modem nationalism
o Vietnamese communism
• World War II and independence
• The First Indochina War
• The two Vietnams (1954-65)
• The Second Indochina War
o Growing American involvement in the war
o Withdrawal of American troops
• The Socialist Republic of Vietnam
• Bibliography
Search for related Internet links that use the term "Vietnam,
history of'.
Vietnam, history of
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�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
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IF INDEX ENTRY
IFINTERNET LtNKS
Vietnam, history of
Earliest known history of Vietnam
Legendary kingdoms
---~-
--
According to the ;rri.Ost-authoritativelegends~the history of the
\Vietruiinese people·oegiD.Swith King De Minh, descendant of
\___adivine-Ghinese~rulerwho was also the legendary father of
Chinese agriculture. De Minh and an immortal fairy of the ~ .
mountains produced Kinh Duong, ruler of the Land of Red · · ,
Demons, who !Darried -the-daughter of the Dragon Lord of the
Sea. Their son~ Lac Long Quan ("Dragon Lord-ofl,-ac"), is
regarded as th<first authentic Vietnamese king. T() make peace
with the Chinese; L-ac Long Quan married Au Co, a Chinese
immortal, who bore him 100 eggs, from which sprang 100 sons.
Later, the king and queen separated; Au Co moved with 50 of
her sons into the mountains, and Lac Long Quan ~egt_!}le other
._50_sons_and continued to rule over the lowlands:-tac Long-~
l_Qual!~S eldest son ~ucceeded him as the first ofihe Hung (or'
Hong Bang~ kings '(vuong), and he is regarded as the rear
founder of the-Vietnamese nation and of the first Vietnamese
dynasty.
1t
This legend and other related legends, most of which received
their literary form only after AD 1200, describe in mythical
terms the fusion, conflicts, and separation of peoples from the
north and south and of peoples from the mountains and the
coastal lowlands. The legends show the immortals as mountain
dwellers, while the people along the coast are represented by
the dragon lords--a division found in many legends throughout
Southeast Asia. The retreat of Au Co and 50 of her sons into the
mountains may well be a mythical recQ_@_gfas~paration among
the proto-Vietnamese in the Re(fRiver delta: tho'se who left the
lowlands could be the ancestonmfthe-Muorig, who still live in
the hills surrounding the delta and who are the only ethnic
minority of Vietnam closely related in language and customs to
the Vietnamese.
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·;
A,ccording·fo legeno;the Hung--dynasty liacfT8kings-:-each ol:)
_whom :r:uledJor_abo11t 150 y~ars. Their country, called Van . ,1
~Lang.(YLand of the Tattooed Men"), is said to have included
n6f only the Red River delta but also much of southern China.
The last of the Hung kings was overthrown in 258 or 257 BC
by a neighbouring warlord, Thuc Phan, who invaded and
conquered Van Lang, united it with his kingdom, and called the
new state.Au.Lac,_which.he-then-ruled-underthe-name-An
Duong.S\u Lac existed only until 207 BC, when it was I ---- ·· -~
[ i_!!~orporated by a former Chinese general, Trieu Da (Chao T'</
,in Chinese), ~to-the kingdom ofNam Viet(N_an, Y:Ueh in ___ j
!.__Chin~s-~). __ _.;~
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Vietnam, history of
• Introduction
• Origins of the Vietnamese people
• ..,.Earliest known history of Vietnam
o ..,.. Legendary kingdoms
o Nam Viet
o Early society
• Vietnam under Chinese rule
• The first period of independence
o The Ly dynasty
o The Tran dynasty
• Expansion, division, and reunification
o The Later Le dynasty
o Two divisions ofVietnam
• State and society of precolonial Vietnam
• Western penetration into Vietnam·
• The conquest of Vietnam by France
• Colonial Vietnam
o French administration
o Effects of French colonial rule
• Movements of national liberation
o Modem nationalism
o Vietnamese communism
• World War II and independence
• The First Indochina War
• The two Vietnams (1954-65)
• The Second Indochina War
o Growing American involvement in the war
o Withdrawal of American troops
• The Socialist Republic ofVietnam
• Bibliography
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~ RrtANNi'CA.
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Vietnam, history of
Nam Viet
Thi§_kingdom~covered
much of southern China and was ruled
Da-from his capital near the present site of Canton. Its
population consisted chiefly of the Viet who had earlier been
driven by the Chinese_from_t~ir kingdoms south of the
·i
Yangtze Rive{ Trieu Da, after thioWirig off Chinese· s5vereigi1fyand killing all officials loyal to the Chinese
)
__ dnperor, adopted the customs of the Viet and made himself the,
!'!!~!_of a vast P.?P.:-~hi.!l~S_e (!_~pire. Aft,er it had:incorporated
·
Au Lac, Nam Vtet mcluded not only-the Red River delta but
also the coa~~a!l~dsasfar south as ropqe!fi-d~y Da Nang,i'The-- i
- "'end· oLt\u Lac ·in-·2.0:Z BCmarks the ·epd of legendary history- _j
1
-~;-:-anchhe beginning· of Vietnamese history, as recorded~ in,
-'
'--:Chinese· historical annals.
·f · · - ·
;
bfTrj~u
L
c_________ - .--
After almost 100 years of diplomatic and military duels
between the Han Chinese empire and Trieu Da and his
successors, Nam Viet was conquered (Ill BC) by the Chinese~.. ___ <
under the Han emp_~~QLW\t-:tif-Tliu·s:1lie territories ·Qccilpied by
~:-toe ancesforsofthe Vietnamese fell under Chinese rule. Nam-.,~- Viet-became the'Ghinese_provitic~ _Giao Chi (later Giao Chau),
wliich·was-divided intQ. nine military districts: The three .~
southemmost.:oHhese:covered the northern half ofwhat.is now
zY_ietnaw. --'--·=----(See China, history of.)
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• Introduction
• Origins of the Vietnamese people
• Earliest known history of Vietnam
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Vietnam, history of
Early society
When China extended its rule over Vietnam, the people of the
Red River delta were in transition from the Bronze to the Iron
Age, although some stone implements were also still in use.
These ancestors of the Vietnamese were already experienced at
cultivating rice. They had learned how to irrigate their rice
· fields by using· the tides that backed up the rivers. Plows and
water buffalo were still unknown (the !and.was.prepare&for--·--->
~---"c-=ultixation. with.polished-stone hoes), but the proto-Vietnamese )
are thought to have been able to produce two rice crQp~ --~--- _
\
~ -'~annually. They SU}Jplelllented _tb.eir diet by fishing and_huntirig~ '
'. _ -Their weapons-were mainly bows and arrows; the bronze heads
of their arrows often were dipped in poison to facilitate killing
such larger animals as elephants, whose tusks were traded for
iron from China.
The social organization of the early Vietnamese, before Chinese
rule, was hierarchical, forming a kind of feudal society that
until the mid:-20th century existed among tQ.e Tai ·an.d Muong·· ]
minoritJ-populati()ns of northern Vietmim~Power was held-by
tribal-chiefs at the head of one or several communities. These
chiefs were civil, religious, and military leaders, and their
power was hereditary; they were large landowners who kept the
mass of the people in virtual serfdom. At the head of this
aristocracy stood the king, probably the most powerful of the
tribal chiefs. (See feudalism.)
Religion was characterized by the kind of animistic, beliefs in
supernatural beings and spirits that· are common among
pre literate agricultural and hunting peoples. Some of the spirits
were those of dangerous animals, while others were of deceased
important persons who needed to be propitiated. A great
religious festival, almost a carnival, was held at the beginning
of spring and was marked by abandon and promiscuity.
In all these respects, the inhabitants of the Red River delta,
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prior to their subjugation by the Chinese, showed numerous
affinities with m__QsjoJJ@_p~qpl_e_qf~ainland and island
Southeast AsiaJit was not until several centuries-after-the-- ,
~i~tion-of Chinese ruJe that the Vietnamese developed-more
---aistinctethnic~characteristics.
"=-- :-=-:----==--:..:::• ---'I--
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Vietnam, history of
• Introduction
• Origins of the Vietnamese people
• Earliest known history of Vietnam
o Legendary kingdoms
o Nam Viet
o ..,. Early society
• Vietnam under Chinese rule
• The first period of independence
o The Ly dynasty
o The Tran dynasty
• Expansion, division, and reunification
o The Later Le dynasty
o ·Two divisions ofVietnam
• State and society of precolonial Vietnam
• Western penetration into Vietnam
• The conquest of Vietnam by France
• Colonial Vietnam
o French administration
o Effects of French colonial rule ·
• Movements of national liberation
o Modern nationalism
o Vietnamese communism
• World War II and independence
• The First Indochina War
• The two Vietnams (1954-65)
• The Second Indochina War
o Growing American involvement in the war
o Withdrawal of American troops
• The Socialist Republic of Vietnam
• Bibliography
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Vietnam, history of
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�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
B Ni'CA.
RfTAN'
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(i
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....
!vietnam · · - - - _j
E
ENC:YC:LDPEDlA
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Vietnam, history of
Vietnam under Chinese rule
r-The-ni.SfOrYof theVi~tnamese p~~ple ~d~~-~ore- thana
~-millennium of Chinese rule reveals an evolution toward
tnational-identity;-whic r- _p_aren ly came about as tile result of
three developments. T eJirst o .these was the introduction into
the Red River delta oft e more advanced civilization of China,
including technical and administrative innovations and the
mors:_sophisticated-level-ofChinese-learning, wllic_h made the
~ietname~JUOSt advanced.people of mainlandSoutheasf-- .-- _7
Asia-:-Th~q -~as the efforts of the Chinese governors to
· -.achieve complete Sinicization through the impositioE?-·-_ Chinese culture, customs, and political institutions. e_Jhir
->7
and _!Ilost sjgnifif_ap.t d_s:y_elopment during this .period_ . . · -e_ __r resistance oftheVietnamese people to total assimilation and }
the use they made of the benefits derived from Chinese r· -·
( cirilizatio!l in their struggle against Chinese political_ rule: (Se/
. acculturatiOn~}--- ---- -·
.
'
\
Soon after extending their domination over what is now
northern Vietnam, the Chinese constructed roads, waterways,
and harbours to facilitate communications within the region and
to ensure that they maintained administrative and military
control over it. They improved _local agriculture by introducing
better methods of irrigation and the use of metal plows and
draft animals. They brought with them new tools and weapons,
advanced the art of pottery, and used new mining techniques.
For more than a century after annexing Nam Viet, however, the
Chinese abstained from interfering with the local
administration. In the Chinese province of Giao Chau, the
hereditary lords exercised control over the peasant population,
just as th~y: had do!le_while_Giao_Chau w.as__~province ofNam
Viet._
_Thus, although Vietnam was divided into military --- ---_"districts headed by Chinese governors, it remained, in fact, a
-:·.. ·,. leniently. governed Chinese protectorate.
- ---- --------- ---- --
:~-----~
-
1
/
.::-
This form of government changed in the 1st century AD, when
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an energetic governor realized that the sway of the local Viet
lords over the pop__1.1l_ation was_ an obstacle to Sinicization. The
desire to exploit the fertile Red River delta andjts mountainous- '
backcountry wascertainly one-reason why the expansioriisfHan_j
dynasty wanted to hold on to Vietnam: there were vast forests
and precious metals in the mountains, pearls in the sea,
elephants with tusks of ivory, and a peasantry that could be
taxed and recruited for forced labour. China's main interest in
)~
holding the Red River delta, however, was its value as an
important stopover for ships engaged in the Han dynasty's
nascent maritime trade with the East Indies, India, and even the
Md idd le_E_d&st.JVessei~ firoin ipanydc-oukntdries whithh wbhich Chf.il1ha
~ •.
eve ope .commercia1 re1atwris · be e· .at t e ar ours o t e
{
'
\VIetnamese coast, not only bringing new goods but also __ ·
·~establishing contacts with a wider world and thus promoting the
development of the country. In this process, which began early
in the 1st century AD, economic, cultural, and political
functions developed that the hereditary local lords were unfit to
discharge--another reason why direct Chinese rule through the
importation of an increas~ng number of Chinese officials
became necessary.
1
,---------~~
As in all regions conquered by the Chi'nes_e:Han_dynasty (206
BC-AD 221, with a brief interruption in AD 8-23), efforts to set
up direct Chll!eserul.e w~re~:tccompaniedby.a.variety_of___ _
~ttempts to trans£orm the people of the Re,~ River delta into
(Chinese .. Local customs. were Sl!ppressed, and Chinese customs,
·
"'rites, and institutions were impos~d by force:-Taoist and
Confucian teachings were-pressed, together with instruction in
the Chinese language; even Chinese clothing and hairstyles
became obligatory. Many of these Chinese innovations were
beneficial to the Vietnamese and_ ~~r~_r_eadily integrated jnjg_
the indigenous local culture, but Sinicization never succeeded.
in reconciliiJ.gJhe Vietn@l_t!~e people, especially their leaders;
with Ghinese political domination. ~ot only the masses of the
peoplkbu:teven tlie educated Vietnamese who knew Chinese
and wrote only in Chinese hel<ronro-·me-rocafspoRen fanguage:-l
I
\
- -
~--
_.'
\T}; fir;t-IJ:lajor -r~b~lli~~-ag~i~~t Chi~e~~ ~iein:bke out in AD
40, led by the noblewomari Trung Trac, who$e husband, a tribal
lord, had been executed by the Chinese. S~e,'and hersister; --~
Jrung Nhi, gatlierecrt<Ygether-the trioarclii~fs and their armed .,
followers, .'!ttE.ck~Q: M4 9yerwhelmedJhe Chinese stroQ.ghol4s; .J
and-had-themselves proclaimed queens of an independent
Vietnamese kingdom. Three years later a powerful army sent
by the Han emperor reestablished Chinese rule; the local
aristocracy was deprived of all power, Vietnam was given a
centralized Chinese administration, and Sinicization was
resumed with increast;:dintensity.l The Tiurig sisters apparend)i - '
1were-punodeathby their conquerors. · 1 - - - - - - · - --- - - - - - - - - - - -. J
Chinese rule, although challenged several more times, remained
secure so long as China itself was effectively controlled by its
own emperors. When the T'ang dynasty (618-907) fell into
decay in the early lOth century, a series ofuprisings broke out
in Vietnam, which led in 939 to the restoration ofVietnamese
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Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
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Vietnam, history of
The first period of independence
The Ly dynasty
(~-~ --·~
-·-. .
•.
- .-·
..
.l
Ngo Quyen,fthe Vietnamese commander who had defeated the
;Chinese-in 939, became the first head of the new state of
1
(Yietnam. For more than a half century, however, independence 1 ,.<.¥'
;brought neither peace nor political stability to Vietnam. In the,- ; \l\lt\J
Learly-1-lth-century, Vietnam finally was brought together under
a centralized administration by Ly Thai To, the founder of the
Ly dyt:tasty- (sometimes- called the -Later Ly dynasty; 1009- _
1225).lThe Ly rulers established their capital at Hanoi, in the
he_'![!: of the Red River delta, modernized the agri~ul~ui"al
system,·a.nd-replaced the· divisive local lords with a system of
state officials trained in a civil service institute set up on the
Chinese model in 1076.
Although the new state, called Dai Viet, made considerable
political, economic, and cultural progress, it soon encountered
problems with its neighbour to the south, the Isl~mic,
Indianized state of Champa on the central coast. Dai Viet and
Champa fought several wars in the 12th and 13th centuries. Dai
Viet also clashed with the Khmer (Cambodian) state of Angkor,
then the greatest power in mainland Southeast Asia.
The Tran dynasty
By then, the Ly dynasty was already in a state of decline. It was
succeeded, after a period of civil strife, by a new dynasty called
the Tran, which reigned from 1225 to 1400. For most of their
rule, the Tran kings pursued the same policies that had made
the country strong under the Ly; the Tran continued to clash
with Champa, but they also were able to maintain several
periods of peaceful coexistence. The primary· challenge to
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Vietnamese independence, however, came from the north. The
Yiian (Mongol) dynasty, which had come to power in China in
1279, sent armies estimated at more than 300,000 soldiers to
restore the Red River delta to Chinese rule. The Tran resisted
stubbornly and eventually were able to drive out the invaders.
The general who commanded the Vietnamese forces, Tran
Hung Dao, is still venerated as one of the great heroes of
Vietnamese history.
The drain of these wars on Vietnam's resources, together with
the declining vigour of its rulers, brought on a deep economic
and social crisis and the overthrow of the Tran dynasty in 1400.
The deposed Tran ruler appealed to China to help him regain
the throne. China, by then ruled by the Ming dynasty-(1368---,.
1644), readily_9_Qmpliedwith-the request; and China again __ /
jinvaoed-Vietnam in 1407. The Ming set up a direct Chinese
l..administration; and these officials resumed the policies of
assimilation begun by their imperial predecessors.
Expansion, division, and reunification
By t~eginning of-the-15th-century,tlleCUHural evolut~f~}
(the_Vietnamese people had reached a point at which any
i
:attempt to make them Chinese could only strengthen their
.:tnationalist. sentiments and arouse th~ir d~termi~atio~ to tlu:ow ·
pffthe Chmese yoke. T.:Jnderthe leadership ofi:eLo1, a wealthy
landowner in the province of Thanh Hoa south of the Red River
delta, a movement of national resistance started in 1418; after a
10-year struggle, the Chinese were forced to evacuate. Le Loi,
wb.p_ascended.the. throne _shortly_thereafter under.the_name_of ___ .
\Le Thai To, became the founder of the third great Vietnamese
}
~ynasty;ftlie Later Le (sometimes simply referred to as the Le).- .
Altliough the Later Le was not actually in power after 1600, it
nominally headed the state until 1788.
The Later Le dynasty
Like the better rulers of the Ly and Tran dynasties, Le_Th(li Tg
and some of his suc~~~~ors_Ll.ltroduced.manyreforms~ They
l
\gave V!et_!!ani"the most advanced legal code in Southeast Asia; ..]
-- promoted art, literature, and education; advanced agriculture;
protected communal lands against the greed of large
landowners; and even enforced a general redistribution of land
among the entire population at the expense of the large
landowners. The problem of the landless remained acute,
however, because of population increases and the limited
amount of available land in the north. The lack of land was one
of the reasons the Le dynasty pursued a policy of territorial
expansion, and it was a chief motive behind their efforts to
drive the Chams from the small but fertile deltas to the south.
Most of Champa was conquered in 1471 under the leadership of
Le Thanh Tong (ruled 1460-97). Soldiers in the advancing
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-~
~-----~--
Page 3 of20
----- -·--
~~t~ames~-apnyrw~re settled in newly established--villages
;
Ssmtfi::from_the'yicinity ofDa Nang to the neighbourhood oL '_
NhaTrang, in whatDecame the first great Vietnamese pusJ'l into ,.c.-the sg!Iili: The elimination of Champa was followed by,
(incursions i11to the C::amoodian territory of the Mekong delta, - -,
3
~hi_ch t~~-~~diniRg:J<hm~r empir_~(no loqg~r was able lo
_ ,
(d~fe~d~ ~e;ugon J?_ecame ytetname.se shortly before 1190, ~d ·• .;
(tlle rest ofthe s,q!,lthJolloweq durmg the next 60 years~ Wtth the __ ~-:::_,
'e~ceptimf of the s6uthein province of Soc Trang, wliich wa:s·no(,-- -··
anHexed until 1840,. Vietnam had reached its present ·size by.J
1~5-~: -·· , f
)
-mlies --- . )
This_extension-ofV~~tnam to_ a-ie-~~h~f~o~e 1,000
altered the historical~evolutiort~.6ftne.state: 'up to_that point,
.
Vjetnam'§~~hi~f qpaJ;ii¢te,ristic~ha:d been the existence·ofa· :.__
-.:_..,
rstro.ng eeri!tahp()wer'at:the head_pf a unified administration.
'
'--The·country subsequently was divided twice, and its partitioned
governments were at war with each other for decades.
/
Two divisions of Vietnam
The first and shorter division of the country occurred soon after
the elimination of Champa. The governor of Hanoi, Mac Dang
Dung, made himself master ofVietnam in 1527. The deposed
Le rulers and the generals loyal to them regained control of the
lands south of the Red River delta in 1545, but only after nearly
50 years of civil war could they reconquer Hanoi and the north.
l
Of much longer duration and greater historical significance was
the second division of Vietnam, which occurred about 1620,
wh~l!_the_noble ~guyeri fWliily;' wh0'haa "gg~~ijlecf the country's
growi_ng sout~~-tfr-provin_£e._s~from Hue_since f5'58, rejecte~
-Hanm's-suzeramty. In Hanm the Le monarchs were rulers m
name only after the country was reunited following its first
division; all real power was in the hands of the Trinh family,
who had made themselves hereditary princes in charge of the
government. For 50 years the Trinh rulers tried in vain to regain
control of the southern half of the country by military means.
The failure of their last campaign in 1673 was followed by a
100-year truce, during which both the Nguyen and the Trinh
paid lip service to Vietnamese unity under the Le dynasty but
maintained separate governments over the two halves of the
country.
i
National unity was reestablished only after a 30-year period of
revolution, political chaos, and civil war (1772-1802).
Although the revolution started in the south, it was directed
against the ruling houses of both south and north. It was led by
three brothers, whose ~@le_in history--Tay Son--was that o(
Jheir_natiye_village.tTh:e Tay Sons overthrew th~ so_uthefJ1_ 1
\ regi~e in 1777 and kiHed the rulingfamily:·While the Tay
Sons-waged-war agairist the north, one member of the southern
royal family-- Nguyen Anh, who had escaped the massacre--
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�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
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regained control of Saigon and the deep south in 1778, but he
was driven out again by the Tay Sons in 1783. When the Tay
Sons also defeated the Trinh in 1786 and occupied Hanoi,
Vietnam was briefly reunited under Tay Son rule. In 1788 the
Chinese tried to exploit the crisis in Vietnam, but the Tay Son
rulers--who had abolished the Later Le dynasty--were able to
defeat the Chinese invaders. During that same year, however,
Nguyen Anh succeeded, with French military assistance, in
occupying Saigon and the Mekong delta. I_n a s_eries_ of .
campaigns that lasted 14 ye(lfs, Nguyeri-Anh defeated the Tay , --,
Sons and -gained control of the entire country': When Jiue and
'
~
,Hanoi fell to his anriies in 1802, he proclaimed himself
iemperor,- under the name Gia Long, of a reunited Vietnam.
f
L._ ___________
--
--
-·-
- ···-
--
-
--
-
-
.
(See Tay Son rebellion, Gia Long.)
State and society of precolonial
Vietnam
The rule of Gia Long and his successors until the conquest of
Vietnam by France in the late 19th century brought no
innovations in the organization of the state, the basic character
of which already had been firmly established by the Ly
emperors during the 11th century. The Ly had successfully
fought the revival of a local feudalism, which was rooted in the
powers ex~rcised by the tribal chiefs before. the.coming-ofthe-Chin~se,From the 11th century on, Vietnam remained a
L_~entrali~ed state. headed by a monarch wh.ose absolute pow~~~
, were said to denve from a mandate from heaven--one aspect of-- ----:;
L-- Hhe-thoroughly Conffic~an character of the Vietnamese state.
_ ·-·
· :_The -I::.y-established a fixed hierarchy of state officials that
followed the Chinese model; it consisted of nine degrees of
civil and military mandarins who were appointed by the
emperor and were responsible to only him. All mandarins-those at the very top at the imperial court as well as those in the
lowest ranks of the provincial and local administration--were
recruited in only one way: through civil service examinations
taken after years of study. As a rule, only .!il~~~a_!thy could
spend the time r_equired for these studies:Nevertheless~·except·-,
~I1·periods:otdynast-~c.declinewheii Offices sometimes we~e £_or---- )
~_ale~;:the:road to positions of power was through scholarship,
";
. ·not wealth.
-=-:. -· - ---- - -
I
;
._
-~------<-
_)
The concept of a division of powers was alien to the precolonial
rulers. The emperor, with the help of high court mandarins, was
not only the supreme lawmaker and head of all civil and
military institutions but also the dispenser of justice in both
criminal and civil cases, and he delegated his powers to the
hierarchy of mandarins in the provinces and villages. Even
public functions of a religious character were the sole
prerogative of the emperor and his representatives in the lower
levels of the administration. No military caste ever exercised
control over the state, no religious hierarchy existed outside the
mandarins, and no aristocracy with political influence was
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allowed to arise. Titles of nobility, bestowed as honours, were
not hereditary.
·
The economic policies of the great Vietnamese dynasties also
favQ!I[e__Q.Jhe_m.aintenance of imperial and_m~n~tarin power_.. ___
,·
\.Thrpl!gh the 900 years of independence between Chinese
domination and French colonial rule, the country's economy--'-- remained almost exclusively agricultural. Art:isan and fishing.. ;
villages existed, and there was some mining;' but the mass of
people were engaged in the cultivation of rice, and neither
national nor international trade was systematically promoted.
No property-owning middle class of merchants ever threatened
the authority of the scholar mandarins, and the periodically
rising power of great landowners was diminished from time to
time through the redistribution of land. Gia Long and his
successor, Minh Mang, actually abolished all huge
landholdings during the first half of the 19th century.
Theoretically, the emperor owned all the land, and it was by
imperial decree that the settlers on newly conquered territories
received their plots in the villages that sprang up south from the
Red River delta to the Mekong delta.
Vietnam~s-rigid.absolutism was !!wited-to-a certain.extent by .
\the~?~fucian ~on~~R_t th~t h.eld;the f£l!ll!ly .tQ. be ~he _!J~sic_~it
(
',of civihzed society; submissiOn to-th:e authonty of tlie family - - J
head thus was the foremost moral obligation of every citizen.
The autocratic character of society also was eased slightly by
the limited authority granted to the village administration,
whose purely local affairs were handled by a council of
notables elected, as a rule, from the more prosperous or
otherwise prominent citizens. Among the duties of these
notables were the enforcement of law, the conscriptiol)_o_f_army.......,
)and-f~rced-la~~.~ rec~ruits,. and.the ~ssessment of ~~e;_s._]'J ext to !··- · •1
r."'devotlQI!::.tO-frumly, loyalty to the VIlJ.~ge__W~S. tr~<~lJ1JQnally the.:-::.::;---- - -._ ~
'-first duty-oTev~ry-Vietnamese.
.·
17
/fJt!J.A
~
1 . fJ
~
>
)
Western penetration into Vietnam
In 1516 Portuguese adventurers arriving by sea inaugurated the
era of Western penetration into Vietnam. They were followed
in 1527 by visiting Dominican missionaries, and eight years
later a Portuguese port and trading centre was established at
Faifo (modem Hoi An), south of present-day Da Nang. More
Portuguese missionaries arrived later in the 16th century, and
they were followed ~y othe_!. g_Ul"9Pe~-~ The p_e~!~~own o~ _____ _
these w~he_Erench Jesuit missionary Alexandre de Rliooes,
·}
~lio completed a transcription ofth,e Vietnamese language into/ · -·
roman script that later was adopt~d by 1lloc!em Vietnamese as ~i
thyir official writing·system~-quoc ngu ("national language")._'_
-;"'
(See·quoc-ngu.)---- ------ ~ · .. - --a ____ ····----·. _ __
By the end of the 17th century, however, the two rival
Vietnamese states had lost interest in maintaining relations with
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European countries; the only window left open to the West was
at Faifo, where the Portuguese retained a trading mission. For
decades the French had tried without success to retain some
influence in the country. Only at the end of the 18th century
was a missionary named Pigneau de Behaine able to restore a
French presence by assisting Nguyen Anh in wresting control
of the country from the Tay Sons.
'Uponl5ecoming emperor;-however; Nguyen Anh-(now Gia __
Lo~g) did not favour Christianity. Under hisstrongly antiWestern successor, Minh Mang (ruled 1820-41), all French
advisers were dismissed, while seven French missionaries and
an unknown number of Vietnamese Christians were executed.
'A:fter-1840-Ffencl:l RomanTa:tholic interests openiy demaiided ·
inilitary intervention to prevent the persecution of missionaries.
rh-1847 the French took r~prisalsagainsCVi~tP~I!l_for ~xpelling - ·
additional missionaries, ~ut 10 years passed before Paris - )
rprepareda military expedition against Vietnam.
)
L--- - - ------··--.-
··-
The conquest of Vietnam by France
r------------~---
"-T~e
- - - ------ ---- . - - - - - - - - - ;.
decision to invade Vietnam was maqe by Napoleon III in
l July 1857. It was the result riot' only of missionary propaganda
~butalso,-after 1850, ofthe upsurge ofFrench capitalism, which
generated the colonial concept of a·need for overseas markets
and the collateral request for a larger French share in Asian
territories conquered by the West. The naval commander in
East Asia, Rigault de Genouilly, long an advocate of French
military action against Vietnam, was-orderedt<;> attack the
h.w-_b_o_ur.and-city_oLTQutai_{e (modem Da Nang)' and to tum it
Jinto a French milita]y base. Oenouilly arrived afTourandn ____ ~)
L August 1858.withJ4.-v_ess~l~ an.d 2,500 men; the French __ ,;-··
L~~~rmed the har\wur defenses~on-Septeinber l-and occupied th~
to'wn,Jl ~ay later. G~nouilly soon recognized, howey~r,~that he )
:courd make no further progress aroundTourane and decid~d to
f attack Saigon. Leaving a- smcilr garrison 'behind to hold~-~
L. Towantf,_ne_saile_d_SQ.!l!lnyard in February 1859 @d~~i?:ed-;J
Saigon two weeks later. -~
I
l_ - - .
.
- -··- , .. -
Vietnamese resistance prevented the French from advancing
beyond Saigon, and it took French troops, under new
command, until1861 to occupy the three adjacent provinces.
The Vietnamese, unable to mount effective~resistance to_the_
invaders andtheir l!lQ_@m :weapons,~ concluded a peace treaty----_~)
~ith-FranceinJune 1862, which ceded the conquered territori~s
to the latter. Fiv~·years later additional territories in the southwere placed tinder French rule. The entire colony was named
Cochinchina.
It l).ad taken the French slightly more than eight years to make
themselves masters ofCochinchina (a protectorate already had
been imposed on Cambodia in 1863). It took them 16 more ·
years to extend their control over the rest of the country. They
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made a first attempt to enter the Red River delta in 1873, after a
French naval officer and explorer named Francis Garnierl:u:1g
shown,jn_a hazardo1:1s exp~_9ition, that tlle Mekong River could }
dot serve as a trade route into southwestern China. Gamier had
<some support from the Ftench_ governor of coch.1nchina, but
when he was killed in a battle with Chinese pirates near Hanoi,
the attempt to conquer the north collapsed.
Within a decade, France had returned to the challenge. In April
1882, with the blessing of Paris, the administration at Saigon
sent a force of 250 men to Hanoi under Captain Henri Riviere.
When Riviere was killed in a skirmish, Paris mov~d_to_impose_____
its rule gy force over the entire Red River delta. In' August 1883
7
t~e-Vietnamese court signed a treaty that turned northern _·
'
[Vietnam (naJl!e.d Tonkin by the French) and central Vietnam /
\ (named Annam, based on an early Chinese name for the region) /
·jnto Frem:h protectorates: Tepyears laterJhe French annexed
C_!-aos ~-g ;:!ddeo it to the so-called Indochinese U nion,_which ___ _
the French created in 1887. Tlie \inion consisted of the colony /
,orcochin~h!l1a ~d_the four protectorates ·o[-Anna.P:I, ToiikinJ '
·.-~
r. -- . ~
Cambodia ancfGios. ·
J
l
~----..../
'
1
Colonial Vietnam
French administration
The French now moved to impose a Western-style
administration on their colonial territories and to open them to
economic exploitation. Under Governor-General Paul Doumer,
who arrived in 1897, French rule was imposed directly on all
levels of administration, leaving the Vietnamese bureaucracy
without a trace of real power. Even Vietnamese emperors were
deposed atwilLai1d replac~dby_others willing_to serve the
French~_Alrimportant gositions within the bureaucracy were - -\ ·staffed~withoffi~i~ls imp~ortedfrom Fra11ce;.even in the 1930s, .Lafter several·petwds of reforms and concessiOns to ·local ·
nationalist sentiment, Vietnamese officials were employed only
in minor positions and at very low salaries, and the country was
still administered along the lines laid down by Doumer. (See
colonialism.)
Doumer's economic and social policies also detgp:lill.~g,for the
entire P;eriod-pf French rule, the developi?ent of French )
Jndochma, as the colony became known m the 20th century.
T-he-railroads, highways, harbours, bridges, canals, and other
public works built by the French were almost all started under
Doumer, whose aim was a rapid and systematic exploitation for
the benefit of France oflndochina's potential wealth; Vietnam
was to become a source of valuable raw materials and a market
for tariff-prote~t€?ci_g()ods of French industfies.iJ.ll~~~Rl~itat!o~
1-ofnatUrarresources for direct e?Cport was the chief purpose of
l.[a~~Fren~h i~~~st_I!H~ntsL~~~ r!c~, coal, rat:e minerals, and later
)
I
I
- - -- >
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also rubber as the main products. Doumer and his successors up
to the eve of World War II were not interested in promoting
industry, the development of which was limited to the .
production of goods for immedi'!-te local consumption. Among
these industries--located chiefly at Saigon, Hanoi, and
Haiphong--were breweries, distilleries, small sugar refineries,
rice and paper mills, and glass and cement factories. The
greatest industrial establishment was a textile factory at Nam
Dinh, which employed more than 5,000 workers. The total
number of workers employed by all industries and mines in
Vietnam was 100,000 in 1930. Because the aim of all
investments was not the systematic economic development of
the colony but the attainment of immediate high returns for
investors, only a small fraction of the profits was reinvested.
Effects of French colonial rule
_____:....-----~---~-
-----·---
-~
----
----·-------- ---
-----
Whatever economic prQgr_e.ss Vietnam made_ !ll!derthe French_after 1900 b-enefited only the French and the smalfclas-s ·of rich~Vietnam_ese cr~a_ted by the_colonial regime; The ·masses of theVietnamese people were deprived of such benefits by the social
policies inaugurated by Doumer and maintained even by his
more liberal successors, such as Paul Beau (1902-07), Albert
Sarraut (1911-14 and 1917-19), and Alexandre Varenne (192528). Through the construction of irrigation works, chiefly in the
Mekong delta, the area of land devoted to rice cultivation
quadrupled between 1880 and 1930. During the same period,
however, the individual peasant's rice consumption decreased
without the substitution of other foods. The new lands were not
distributed among the landless and the peasants but were sold
to the highest bidder or given away at nominal prices to
Vietnamese collaborators and French speculators. These
policies created a new class of Vietnamese landlords and a class
of landless tenants who worked the fields of the landlords for
rents of up to 60 percent of the crop, which was sold by the
landlords at the Saigon export market. The mounting export
figures for rice resulted not only from the increase in cultivable
land but also from the mounting degree of peasant exploitation.
The peasants who owned their land were rarely better off than
the landless tenants. The peasants' share of the price of rice sold
at the Saigon export market was less than 25 percent. Peasants
continually lost their land to the large owners because they
were unable to repay loans given them by the landlords and
other moneylenders at exorbitant interest rates. As a result, the
large landowners of Cochinchina (less than 3 percent of the
total number of landowners) owned 45 percent of the land,
while the small peasants (who accounted for about 70 percent
of the owners) owned only about 15 percent of the land. The
number of landless families in Vietnam before World War II
was estimated at half of the population.
The peasants' share of the crop after the landlords, the
moneylenders, and the middlemen (mostly Chinese) between
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producer and exporter had taken their share was still more
drastically reduced by the direct and indirect taxes the French
had imposed to finance their ambitious program of public
works. G>ther -ways- ofmakiiig-tlie-Vietnamese pay for the
p!Qj ects' undertakenJor the-benefit of the French were the __·_:-..~.
/ecruitment of forced labour for ·public works and-the absence
?of any protection against ~xploitatio-n~intne mines and_ rub.lJ~~ )
)"plantations, although the scandalous working conditions, the
~low salaries, and the-lack ofmedical care were frequently
\ l~ttackedinthe French·Ghamber of Deputies in-Paris~The mild
social legislation decreed in the late 1920s was never
adequately enforced.
Apologists for the colonial regime claimed that French rule led
to vast improvements in medical care, education, transport, and
communications. The statistics kept by the French, however,
ypp~castdoubLon such.assertions. In 1939; for t::xaiilple, -\ __ _
~~o more than 15 percent of all school-age children received any
)'
rkind of schooling, and ~bout 80 percent of the population was ~.
' illiterate, in contrast to precolonial times when the majority of· J
'--tn£-.t>eople possessed some degree of literacy. With its more
than 20,000,000 inhabitants in 1939, Vietnam had but one
university, with fewer than 700 students. Only a small number
of Vietnamese children were admitted to the lycees (secondary
schools) for the children of the French..Medical-care-was well-·organize_9_~or_ the Erench inthe_cities,_Q,ut in 1939 there were _
jo~ly 2- physici~s for. every 1oo,_ooo Yietname.s~, C?mpared
w1th 76 per 100,000 m Japan and 25 m the Phthppmes.
Two other aspects of French colonial policy are significant
when considering the attitude of the Vietnamese people,
e~p_e_<::jaJ}y their educated minority, toward the-colonial regime:- -,
bne was the absence of any kind of civil liberties for the native )
,-=-population,--and:the other was the exclusion of the Vietnamese
r
.
~from: the modern sector of the economy, especially industry and
trade. Not only were rubber plantations, mines, and industrial
enterprises in foreign hands--French, where the business was
substantial, and Chinese on the lower levels--but all other
business was as well, from local trade to the great exportimport houses. The social consegu~nce ofthis policy was that,
apart from the 1~4!<:>r4~, jio propeqy~owniQ.g indigenous . }
111iddle·ctass-developed in colonial Vietnam. Thus, capitalism
appeared -to the Viefilamese to be a· product of foreign rule, a
fact that, together with the lack of any Vietnamese participation
in government,.profoundly influenced the nature and
orientation of the national resistance movements.
Movements of national liberation
rT-he-anticolonial movement iii VIetnam can be said to ·have 1
(_, started with the establishment of French rule. Many-local "
L- -officialsofCochinchina refused to collaborate with the French.
Some led guerrilla groups, composed of the remnants of the
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defeated armies, in attacks on French outposts. A much broader
resistance movement developed in Annam in 1885, led by the
great scholar Phan Dinh Phung, whose rebellion collapsed only
after his death in 1895.
The main characteristic of the national movement during this
first phase of resistance, however, was its political orientation
toward the past. Filled with ideas of precolonial Vietnam, its
leaders wanted to be rid of the French in order to reestablish the
old imperial order. Because this aspiration could have little
meaning for the generation that came to maturity after 1900,
this first stage of anticolonial resistance did not survive the
death of its leader.
Modern nationalism
-
----------
~
---- - - - -
---
--
--- -
~
---~---
- - - - - ------L...----
'A. ne'Ynational movement arose in the early 20th century. Its
/
most prominent spokesman was Phan Boi Chau, with whose
rise the old traditionalist opposition gave way to a modem
nationalist leadership that rejected French rule but not Western
ideas, science, and technology. In 1905 Chau went to Japan.
His plan, mildly encouraged by some Japanese statesmen, was
to free Vietnam with Japanese help. Chau smuggled hundreds
of young Vietnamese into Japan, where they studied the
sciences and underwent training for clandestine organization,
political propaganda, and terrorist action. Inspired by Chau's
effective writings, nationalist intellectuals in Hanoi opened the
Free School of Tonkin in 1907, which soon became a centre of
anti-French agitation and consequently was suppressed after a
few months. Also, under the inspiration and guidance of Chau's
followers, mass demonstrations demanding a reduction of high
taxes took place in many cities in 1908. Hundreds of
demonstrators and suspected organizers were arrested--some
were condemned to death, while others were sent to Poulo
Condore (Con Son) Island in the South China Sea, which the
French turned into a penal camp for Vietnamese nationalists.
Phan Boi Chau went to China in 1910, where a revolution had
broken out against the Ch'ing (Manchu) dynasty. There he set
up a republican govemment-in-:exile to attract the support of
nationalist groups. After the French arranged his arrest and
imprisonment in China (1914-17), however, his movement
began to decline. In 1925 Chau was seized by French agents in
Shanghai and brought back to Vietnam for trial; he died under
house arrest in 1940.
After World War I the movement for national liberation
intensified. A number of prominent intellectuals pursued the
hope of obtaining political concessions from the colonial
regime through collaboration with the French. lfhe failure of -)
sucli reformist ·efforts led to a revival of clandestine and
)
(revolutionary groups, especially in Annam and Tonkin; among
tpese was the Vietnamese Nationalist Party (VietNam Quoc.
Dan Dang, founded in 1927 and usually referred to as the · ·
\...
----
~
.
-
--
- ..
.
.
.
-
.
0
l
--
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VNQDD). The VNQDD preached terrorist action and
penetrated the garrisons of indigenous troops with a plan to
oust the French in a military uprising. On the night of Feb. 910, 1930, the troops of only one garrison in Tonkin killed their
French officers, but they were overwhelmed a day later and
summarily executed. A wave of repression followed that took
hundreds of lives and sent thousands to prison camps. The
VNQDD was virtually destroyed, and for the next 15 years it
existed mainly as a group of exiles in China supported by the
Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang).
Vietnamese communism
/
For yet another reason, the year 1930 was an important one in
the history of Vietnam. Five years earlier, a new figure,
destined to become the most prominent leader in the national
movement, had appeared on the scene_as_an_exiled_ -· ____ ·
revolutionary in South China. He was1 Nguyen Ai Quoc, better
t ·known by his ·later pseudonym of Ho Chi Minh. In June 11925
'~H.Q~Jli.Minh founded the Revolutionary Youth League 1of
Vietnam, the predecessor of the Indochinese Communist Party.
Ho Chi Minh had left Vietnam as a young seaman in 1911 and
traveled widely before settling in Paris in 1917. He joined the
Communist Party of France in 1920 and later spent several
years in Moscow and China in the service of the international
communist movement. After making his Revolutionary Youth
League the most influential of all clandestine resistance groups,
. he succeeded in early 1930 in forming the Vietnamese
Communist Party--from late 1930 called the Indochinese
Communist Party-':.-fr()m a number of competigg ~ommunist
organizations. lri May -1930-the coinmunists exploited
1..
con~itions-ofnear starvation over large areas of central
~
/=Vietnam by staging a broad peasant uprising, during which
.
\. ~numerous Vietnamese officials and mJ!lly_LandlQt:ds were killed,:-- ·~
'--and-'~Soviet'l-administrations
up in severafproviii.ces·of- ·.
Annam. It took the French until the spring of 1931 to suppress
this movement and, in an unparalleled wave of terror, to
reestablish their own control.
were-set
Unlike the dispersed and disoriented leadership of the VNQDD
and some smaller nationalist groups, the Indochinese
Communist Party recovered quickly from the setback of 1931,
relying on cadres trained in the Soviet Union and China. After
1936, when the French extended some political freedoms to the
colonies, the party skillfully exploited all opportunities for the
creation of legal front organizations, through which its
influence on intellectuals, workers, and peasants was increased.
When political freedoms were again curtailed at the outbreak of
World War II, the Communist Party, now a well-disciplined
organization, was forced back into hiding.
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World War II and independence
For five years during World War II, Indochina was a Frenchadministered possession of Japan. On Sept. 22, 1940, Jean
Decoux, the French governor-general appointed by the Vichy
government after the fall of France, concluded an agreement
with the Japanese that permitted the stationing of 30,000
Japanese troops in Indochina and the use of all major
Vietnamese airports by the Japanese military. The agreement
made Indochina the most important staging area for all
Japanese military operations in Southeast Asia. The French
administration cooperated with the Japanese occupation forces
and was ousted only toward the end of the war (in March
1945), when the Japanese began to fear that the French forces
might tum against them as defeat approached. After the French
had been disarmed, Bao Dai, the last French-appointed emperor i
ofVietnam, was allowed to proclaim the independence of his ·
country and to appoint a Vietnamese national government at
Hue, but all real power remained in the hands of the Japanese
military commanders.
Meanwhile, in May T94T: at Ho Chi Minh's urging, the _ _ _ __
CommunistP"a:ify formed a broad-nationalist alliance under its
\-le~dership called the League for the Independence of Vietnam, '
·'-Which subsequently _Qecame known as the Viet Minh. After' a
short period injailfHo waslreleased by !h~Ghi!!~~~-amLb_~g:m.__ _
. --;!
to cooperate with Allied forces 11:iy providing information on
J
troop movem~nts .in Indochina. At the siiine time;· he soughnecognitio-ri of the Viet Minh as the legitimate,---- _
representative of Vietnamese nationalist aspirations. ~en the }
rJapanese~urreridered-in-~ugust 1945,the communist-1ed Viet \..Minh ordered a general uprising, and; with no one organized to
oppose them, they were able to seize po~t:r in Hanoi. Bap Dai:
tne-'Vietnamese emperof,-abdicafed a few days later and
declared his fealty to the newly proclaimed Democratic
Republic ofVietnam.
@aiiese
Clearly the Communist Party had gained the upper hand in its
struggle to outmaneuver its_ disorganized rivals, such as the . . .
noncommunist VNQDD.kThe French, however, were
-~
,~aetermined to restort=;.their oWn colonial presence in Indochina
~nd, with the aid of British occupation forces, seized control qf
g:ochinchina. Thus,.at the.beginning of 1946, there were two,
VietnamS:· a communist north and a noncommtiiiist south: --'
-,
(J.Bu~/W~J:D:) -.- -·· ----- ------------ --- ----.
. . . :)
The First Indochina War
Negotiations between the French and Ho Chi Minh led to an
agreement in March 1946 that appeared to promise a peaceful
solution. Under the agreement France would recognize the Viet
Minh government and give Vietnam the status of a free state
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within the French Union. French troops were to remain in
Vietnam, but they would be withdrawn progressively over five
years. For a period in early 1946 the French cooperated with Ho
Chi Minh as he consolidated the Viet Minh's dominance over
other nationalist groups, in particular those politicians who
were backed by the Chinese Nationalist Party.
Despite tactical cooperation between the French and the Viet
Minh, their policies were irreconcilable: the French aimed to
reestablish colonial rule, while Hanoi wanted total
independence. French intentions were revealed in the decision
ofGeorges-Thierry d'Argenlieu, the high commissioner for ·
Indochina, to proclaim Cochinchina an autonomous republic in
June 1946. Further negotiations did not resolve the basic __:__
differences between the French and the Viet Minh. In late /
~ovemberl94·6-Fr~nchnavai vessels bombarded Haiphong, ,,
causing several thousand· civilian casualties; the subsequent
<Yiet Minh attempt to overwhelm French troops in Hanoi in
December generally is considered to be the beginning ·oft}Ie -:.- _First Indochina War.~-= ·
·
·
Initially confident of victory, the French-longig~~r~d the~~----- .. )
r--Political-cause-ofthe wa:r:.:the desire ofthe Vietnamese people, -.
' __ including their anticommtrnist leaders, to achieve unity and
}
independence for-their colintry: french efforts to deal with this
problem were devious and ineffective. The French reunited
Cochinchina with the rest ofVietnam in 1949,proclaiming the
Associated State of Vietnam, and appointed the former
emperor Bao Dai as chief of state. Most nationalists, however,
denounced these maneuvers, and leadership in the struggle for
independence from the French remained with the Viet Minh.
rMeanwhile, the Viet Minh waged an increasingly successful /
1
'2 guerrilla war, aided after 1949 by the newcommunist
_(_
·--government of China. The:lJnited States, fearful ofthe spread
of ,conimunisfl1 in Asia, sent large amounts-of aid to the Frenc}I.
But tl}e French were shaken by the fall of their garrison at Dien
;Bien Phu in May 1954 and agreed to negotiate an end to tlie
L war at an intematicmal conference ·in Geneva.-- - -: := ·
(_________
-7
J
-
The two Vietnams (1954-65)
The agreements concluded in Genevacill-A:pfil:.Tulyl954/
(collectively called the~va Accords), which were signed by
French and Viet Minh representatives, provided for a cease-fire
and for a temporary division of the country into two military
zones at latitude 17° N. All Viet Minh forces were to withdraw
north of that line, and all French and Associated State of
Vietnam troops were to remain south of it; permission was
granted for refugees to move from one zone to the other within
a given time limit. An international commission was
established, composed of Canadian, Polish, and Indian
members under an Indian chairman, to supervise the execution
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of the agreement.
)ThiS -~meiit fef,ftlie Democratic-Republk of Vietiiannn.·- l_
[COntrol of OJ!ly the northern half of the country. /fhe last of the
'·Getieya Accords--called tlfeFinal Declaration--provided, fof
elec;tions, supervised by the co~ission, to· be held throughout
V~~tnam_ in J_!l!yJ<)5_6-;ino:rd~r t~,Mflifyth~ country:Vi~t I\;lirih'-~
lead~rs_appeare9 certam to wm the_se electwns, and-the~Umted
States-and South Vietnam would not approve or sign the Filial
Decl¥ation; elec_tions were never held. (See FinalDedatationoftne Geneva Conference-. f
- - - - - . - · ··
L ... ·-----
---
-
The two Vietnams now began to reconstruct their war-ravaged
country. With assistance from the Soviet Union and China, the
Hanoi government in the north embarked on an ambitious
program of socialist industrialization; they also began to
collectivize agriculture in earnest in 1958. In the south a new
governmentappginted_by B~o Dai began to build a new
country. Ngo Dinh Diem, a 1Roman Catholic, was named prime ·
minister and succeeded with American support in stabilizing
the anticommunist regime in Saigon. He eliminated pro-French
elements in the military and abolished the local autonomy of
several religious-politic~Lg:roups. Then, in a government------ ..
controlled r~ferendum in_October 1955, Diem removed Bao
.
Qai-as chief of state and made himself president of the Republic·-7
(~fVietnam.-- -~ -- · ·
··
· · ·
· -Diem's early success in consolidating power did not result in
concrete political and economic achievements. Plans for land
reform were sabotaged by entrenched interests. With the
financial backing of the United States, the regime's chief
energies were directed toward building up the military and a
variety of intelligence and security forces to counter the stillinfluential Viet Minh. Totalitarian methods were directed
against all who were regarded as opponents, and the
favouritism shown to Roman Catholics alienated the majority
Buddhist population. Loyalty to the president and his family
was made a paramount duty, and Diem's brother, Ngo Dinh
Nhu, founded an elitist party to clandestinely_spy QD-_Qf:[l~ials,
army Qfficers, and prominentJocal citizens:~Pieil!: als(_)-refiised--:-/
cto participate in the all-Vietnamese elections describ_~d i_ll-tlie-. ---;
(]Final Declaration. With suppor_!_from_the north, communist-l~d
'forces--popularly called the \Viet Cong--launched an insurgency i
. movement-to seize power-arid reunify the country,. The.
!
fnsurrection-appeared close to succeeding, when Diem's army
overthrew him in November 1963. Diem and his brother Nhu
were killed in the coup.
The Second Indochina War
The government that seized power after Diem's ouster,
however, was no more effective than its predecessor.. A.period _________ _
of political instability followed, lplf!!}he_military fipnly seized -- - _ _
·::-_-:--~ .
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�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of ·
r---------- ---
- -
·.
Page 15 of20
_· ·----- --- -.
control in.June 1965 under Nguyen Cao Ky. The militant ; _
Buddhists who ha:d helped-overthrow Diem strongly opposed
Ky's government, but he was able to break their resistance.
Civil liberties were restricted, political opponents--denounced ·
as neutralists or pro-communists--were imprisoned, and
political parties were allowed to operate only if they did not
openly criticize government policy. The character of the regime
remained largely unchanged after the presidential elections in
September-1967, which led to the election of General Nguyen
[~Ihie_uas president. (Se~Vietnam War.}
,.
.c.:Jf
\
No less evident than the oppressive nature of the Saigon regime
was its inability to cope with the VietCong. Aided by a steady
infiltration ofweapqns and advisers from the north,}tliefigliting J
c::'~!rel!~th:-ofthe insurgent move~ent grew fro~ about 3_0,_000 ·
- men m 1963 to about 150,0001111965 when, mthe opmwn of f
inany American intelligence analysts; the survival of the Saigon
,regime was seriously threatened. In addition, the political
opposition in the south to Saigon became much more·
organized. The National Front for the Liberation of the South,
popularly called the National Liberation Front (NLF), had been
organized in late 1960; within four years it had a huge
following.
·
Growing American involvement in the war
Until_1960 the United States had supported the Saigon regime
and its army only with military equipment, financial aid, and, as
permitted by the Geneva Accords, 700 advisers for training the
army. The number of advisers had increased to 17,000 by the
end of 1963' and they were joined by an increasing number of
American helicopter pilots. All this assistance, however, proved
i
· tl~alt the advance of the Viet Cong,.and in · \_
~~j
S. President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered the· - ..
L __ : _
_go North Vietnam, hoping to prevent_further
---.Ljnfilt~<l:tio~ of,~~_ and troo.p~ into t~e south. Four. weeks after
·the bombmg began, the Umted States started sendmg troops
_south.l3y July the number ofU.S.troops had reachedc ,
into the_
[ _75,00{fi_fc.ontinued.to climb until it_stqod·'at more than ;--- · }
500,000 early in 1968. Fightin~ beside the Americaiis ~ere
~some~600;000 regular South VIetnamese troops and regwnal
,~
, \: _ _
m
r~ontingentsJrom
1
....:::~::::::::::=::J.C~~::::::'s:~';:-;:::__:.s:_!r~_a_~li~,~-d~
_ -~ _ , _..
Three years of intensive bombing of the nort an figl:iting in
the south, however, did not weaken the will and strength of the
VietCong and their allies from the.north.Jnfiltration.of____ _
personnel and supplies down the\famous Ho Chi.Minh Trail
continued at an escalated level, and regular troops from the
north--now estimated at more than l 00,000--played a growing
role in the war. The continuing strength oftl!_~ iD-S:tlfgent forces
became evident in the so-calle;d- Tet Uffellsive that Began in late
January 1968, during which the-Viet·Cong and North
Vietnamese attacked more than 100 cities and military bases,
holding on to some for several weeks .. After that, a growing
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/l
..
~-
�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
Page 16 of20
conviction in the U.S. government that continuing the war at
the current levels was no longer politically acceptable led
President Johnson to order a restriction of the bombingjn_the
north. This decision op~ned the way for U.S. negotiations with
Hanoi;which-began in Paris in May 1968. After theoombing
was hilted-overthe entire north in November 1968: the Paris
talks were enlarged to include representatives of the NLF and
the Saigon regime.
The war continued under a new American president, Richard
M. Nixon. Nixon began to withdraw U.S. troops gradually, but
publ~Qpposition to the war escalated at):er he ordered attacks ·,
c_op the Ho Chi Mirth Trail in Laos and Viet Cong sanctuaries·-- ·
Tnside Camboc!i£t; Jii.Jhe m(;!cmt_i.me, 1h~ pe(lce talks went on in · -· · · · ··· · -- ·
\Paris ;--~
1
(J:Bti:/M.E.O./W.J.D.)
Withdrawal of American troops
~-------~-~---------
---
-----------
---------------
·-;.-
(Final!y,in January 1973 a peace treaty was signed by the
<_l:JniiecfStates -ana alnh!eeViefnamese parties. It provided for
thecompletewithdrawal of U.S. troops within 60 days and
created a political process for the peaceful resolution of the
conflict in the south. Nothing was said, however, about the
presence of more than 100,000 North Vietnamese troops in
South Vietnam. The signing of the Paris Agreement did not
bring an end to the fighting in Vietnam. The Saigon regime
made a determined effort to eliminate the communist forces
remaining in the south, while northern leaders continued to
strengthen their own military forces in preparation for a
possible future confrontation. By late 1974 Hanoi had decided
that victory could be achieved only through armed struggle, and
early the next year North Vietnamese troops launched a major
offensive against the south. Saigon's forces retreated in panic_
and disorder, and President Thiel!_or.deredJhe abandonm~nt of
__several.northem provin~es. tfhieu's effort to stabilize the_
;
('situation was too late, however, and on April30, 1975, the
coillinunists entered Saigon in trh.1JI1ph~ The Second Indochina ,·war was finally at an end.
·
L.
(See Nguyen Van Thieu.)
The Socialist Republic of Vietnam
Following the communist Y;ictory, Vietnam remained
theoretically divided until July 2, 1976, whenthe Socialist
Republic of Vietnam was officially proclaimed, with its capital
at Hanoi. Vietnam at peace faced formidable problems. In the
south alone, millions of people had been made homeless by the
war, and more than one-seventh of the population had been
killed or wounded; the costs in the north were probably as high·
or higher. Plans to reconstruct the country called for the
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�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
Page 17 of20
expansion of industry in the north and of agriculture in the
south. Within two years of the communist victory, however, it
became clear that Vietnam would face major difficulties in
realizing its goals .
. Hanoi had been at war for more than a generation--indeed, Ho
Chi Minh had died in 1969--and the bureaucracy was poorly
trained to deal with the problems of peacetime economic
recovery .. The government encountered considerable resistance
to its policies, particularly in the huge metropolis of Saigon
(renamed Ho Chi Minh City in 1976), where members of the
commercial sector--many of whom were ethnic Chinese-sought to avoid cooperating in the new socialist economic
measures and resisted assignment to "new economic zones". in
the countryside. During the late 1970s the country also suffered
__ .. .
major floods and drought that severely reduced-food
producti<?!!·_ Wlien.the regime suddenly announced a program J
[ call~11& fo[):}j~sociali~~-io!_'! ofjndustry and ~griculture in ~he ·}
sq:uth-m-early 1978, liundreds ofthousands of people (mamly· 1
ethnic_Chines~)_:!l~d the country on foot or by boat.·
'
\.-----
-- --
-
~
---
.
--
-~
These internal difficulties were compounded by problems in
foreign affairs. Perhaps unrealistically, the regime decided to
pursue plans to form a close alliance with new revolutionary
governments in neighbouring Laos and Cambodia
(Kampuchea). Such plans risked incurring not only the hostility
ofthe United States but also that of China, which had its own
interests in those countries; Ks ·sino-Vietnamese relations··· ~,
~--.soured~ .Hanoi turned to Moscow and signed a treaty of ~- '
L~. friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union. In the:·
'-meantime, relations with the revolutionary Democratic
Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) government in Cambodia rapidly
deteriorated when it refused Hanoi's offer of a close
relationship agiQ~g th~thtee _countries o[the I_ll~~chinese
Peninsula. Savage herder fighting culminated in a Vie1rtamese
in{rasion ofCarnb.o.dia.in December 1978. The.Khmer Rouge;
were-aislodged from power, and a pro-Vietnamese government
was installed in Phnom Penh.
Khmer Rouge forces now took refuge in isolated areas of the
country and began a guerrilla war of resistance against the new
government, the latter~~a~J<:~<Lby_sofile_20_Q,PQQ \'ietnamese
)
troops. In tne-meantime, China launched a brief buttierce- .
/·
. )·punitive invasion along the Sino-Vietnamese border in early
; 1979 in response to Vietnamese actions in Cambodia. During . J
L -the.,month-long war the Chinese destroyed major Vietnamese
tq\vns and inflicted heavy damage in the frontier zone, but they
also suffered heavy.. casualties-from -the-Vietname~e_(l~f~nders.
Vietnam was now ne ' i[clated in tfi world._ Apart from the
protege regime in Phnom- e
e governlnenf of Laos,
which also was heavily dependent on Vietnamese aid for its
survival, the country was at odds_}Vjtltth.e re!ll:llill<!er of its
regional neighbours:--'Fhecrriember states· of the Association of-- -,
Southeast Asian_ N_(ltionsQJ?posed_the_Y.ietnamese occupationoL '
'Cambodia. ________ . w1th Clrtiia m supportmg guemlla
L ___ and JOmed
.
.
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�Encyclopaedia Britannica: Vietnam, history of
Page 18 of20
/
(I,
resistance forces represented by the I<luJ!~r _Ro.ug~_and various
noncommunist Cambodian groups.,\An-economic trade embargo
with ~ietnam-was imposeo by llie- United Statesand'most '- -;
'C:::other~Western countries. Only the Soviet Union and its allies in
eastern-Europe ~tood by Vietnam. - :
-,
Under such severe external pressure, Vietnam suffered
continuing economic difficulties. The cost of stationing troops
in Cambodia and of maintaining a strong defensive position
along the Chinese border was especially heavy. To make
matters worse, the regime encountered continuing problems in
integrating the southern provinces into a socialist economy. In
the early 1980s the government announced a number of reforms
to encourage efforts to build up the ec_onomy ..Then,-with the
death of veteran party chief Le DuaninJ 986 (Le !>J.lim had ___ _
.
succeeded Ho Chi Minh as party chief in 1960), t~e party
_I
. -launched a major program- patterned aftenhe-soviell:Jnion!s~ :'- -- .:__
Lstrategy of perestroika (restructuring).- Vietnam also offered a
number of concessions to bring about a peace settlement in
Cambodia.
The results of these changes have been inconclusive. New party
leaders have announced their willingness to abandon
doctrinaire Marxist-Leninist ideology in order to achieve rapid
economic growth, but they have been unwilling_to_share pqwer
with non~QIJlmunistelemenfs; a new constitution enacted in
1992, however, was seen as a step toward loosening party /
'-.
·- - control of the goveririlient.-In-the meantime, a final peace
settlement in Cambodia has remained elusive. Since the
breakup of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, Hanoi has
improved relations with China, but its full acceptance into the
family of nations has yet to be realized.
(M.E.()./W.J.l).)
.
..... PREVIOUS
TABLE
I
OF
.
.
.
.
.
..
·-· .
.
NEXT.
CONTENTS
Vietnam, history of
• Introduction
• Origins of the Vietnamese people
• Earliest known history of Vietnam
o Legendary kingdoms
o Nam Viet
Early society
• Vietnam under Chinese rule
• ...,._The first period of independence
o ...,._The Ly dynasty
o • The Tran dynasty
• ...,._Expansion, division, and reunification
o ...,._The Later Le dynasty
o ...,._Two divisions of Vietnam
• .... state and society of precolonial Vietnam
o
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�...
Encyclopaedia Britannica: Southeast Asian arts
Page 1 of5
...,.
I
!Vietnam
'"-~
ENGYCLOPEDIA
r
'"~'~"""~"'"'" _ _,,,,,,.~,j
r
OICTIONA.RY
-r:•····
.... PREVIOUS
I
ON
NEXT.
THI:S
TOPIC:,
!IIIEARTICLE
IF INDEX ENTRY
FINTERNET LlNKB
Southeast Asian arts
RELATE C•
Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam
ToP~ C S,
more general
-art
Laotian literature was in many respects a dialect branch ofTai
literature, and, as in Thailand, it was the creation of the royal
court. A number ofpopular romantic poems and prose lives of
famous monks were composed, but their authors were
unknown: all works, in fact; were by custom written
anonymously.
-southeast Asia
The kings of Cambodia, fallen from high estate and often mere
vassals of Thailand, could not inspire the rise of a vernacular
literature. Only in the monasteries was there any literary
activity, and this was written in the Pali language.
I
In Vietnam, the emperors ofthe Tran dynasty (13th-14th
century) were themselves poets and patronized new literature-which, nevertheless, was still written in Chinese and was
therefore national rather than vernacular. The writings
themselves, however, were by no means a mere branch of
Chinese literature. The country was afterward conquered once
more by China and it was not until it regained independence
that, under the patronage of the Le dynasty emperors (15th-16th
century), a new age of literature began. Although the Chinese
language was still used, some writers were beginning to use the
vernacular (employing Chu-nom script, consisting of modified
Chinese characters). Nguyen Trai, Emperor Le Thanh Tong,
and Nguyen Binh Khiem were the great poets of this period. In
1651 Father Alexandre de Rhodes, a Roman Catholic
missionary priest, invented a new romanized script (Quoc-ngu)
that became the national script. Literature then began to reach
the common people.
a
Literary works written before the end of the 18th century have
not survived; the best known are those written in the 19th
century, before the country became a French colony in 1862.
Ho Xuan Huong, Nguyen Cong Tru, Chu Manh Trinh, and
Tran Ke Xuong were famous court poets. Nguyen Du (17651820) wrote moral tales in verse that appealed not only to the
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�l
v
_ Encyclopaedia Britannica: Southeast Asian arts
Page 2 of5
court but to the common people. His most famous work was
Kim Van Kieu, a poem of 3,253 lines, showing a strong Chinese
influence (the plot was taken from a Chinese historical novel,
and its ethical basis was both Confucian and Chinese
Buddhist). The plays of the period, although written in
Vietnamese, followed Chinese dramatic traditions because the
Vietnamese theatre was still Chinese in style and practice .
.... PREVIDUB
I
A 13 L E
'o
I
F
NEXT ...
t:
0 N T E NT S
Southeast Asian arts
• Introduction
• The cultural setting of Southeast Asian arts
o External influences
o Indigenous traditions
• The role of royal patronage and religious
institutions
• Predominant artistic themes
o The unique aesthetic of the region
• Literature
o General considerations
• Regional distinctions
• Prestige of the writer
o Pre-European colonial period
• Burma
• The 15th century
• The 16th century
• Golden age of literature
• Thailand
o
• First golden age: King Narai (1657-
_rn
• Second golden age: King Rama II
(1809-24)
• ..,. Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam
• Malaysia and Indonesia
o European colonial and modem periods
• Burma
• Thailand
• Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam
• Malaysia and Indonesia
• The Philippines ,
• Music
--o-General characteristics
• Society and music
• Rural and urban music
• Relation to social institutions
• The relation of music to dance and theatre
• Musical traditions and practice
• Vocal music
• Instrumental music
• Tonal systems
• Musical time and improvisation
http://search.eb.com/bol/topic?eu= 117648&sctn= 15
10/30/2000
�Clinton Presidential Records
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��
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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1999-2001
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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[Vietnam] [1]
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2008-0703-F
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Box 5
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-007-2014
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cc9bf67705b2c12d8acfafc17141900b
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�--------------
-------------------------------:-------;-----------------------.
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
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To President Clinton from Thomas J. Vallely. Subject: Trip to
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11/06/2000
P5
002. notes
re: Experts on Vietnam (14 pages)
n.d.
P5
003. memo
To President Clinton from Samuel Berger and Stephanie Streett.
Subject: Themes for your trip Vietnam I Discussion of key issues ( 11
pages)
n.d.
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b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
·
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAl
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAl
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA[
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAl
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�_r. . _.-._...,
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I hope you will be able to pass on the following.infoqnation to the appropriate staff erson.
Below my comments on some issues which I hop~, the President will address, I have cut an ·
pasted an excerpt from the Johns Hopkips Gazette of January 2, 2000. An even b~tter profile of
Trac D. Tran, a 30 year old assistant professor··of.computer science who fled Vietnam in 1986
and gained admission to MIT only two years later appeared in the Johns Hopkins Magazine on
June 2, 2000 under the title Journey in Elegance.
It is a particularly good story to ~llustrate a point which I hope President Clinton will',.ffiak:Zthat -~
~~nomic success in· the-21st ·Century will-depend on -v ietnam!s willingness-to embracethe____ --- ·
!information revolution. As Trac D. Tran's·story shows;-Vietnamese are able.to make an ·
'importanfcontributiori that revolution, and to use it to preserve, not destroy, their culture.
r
to
Emphasizing the importance of information can be a subtle way to promote freedom of
expression without being seen as hectoring on human rights. While there is no doubt that North
Vietnamese ill-treated American POW~, NLF prisoners were tortured in South Vietnamese jails
as well. My cousin's wife, who was inthe NLF and was injail from 1969 to 1974, has a bag full
of the skin of herself and fellow prisoners; their.:cetl was periodically flooded with water, until
the prisoners' skin first bloated then peeled off. Mariy of the leaders whom President Clinton will
meet will have spent time in jail.
Whencthe Vietnam-War started, Saigon was· as. developed as Taiwan, SeoulJ?r:Bangkok,_ Now it
I
------ ...
-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~l~gs thirty ye~rs. behind ~ither of these cities. ~The war alone cannot account for this discrepancy.
Dougras Pike is right to poinfout tharthe leadership, who was fearless in waging war and
revolution, has become fearful of losing control politically, of Vietnam's losing its cultural
identity, and of the negative aspects of globalization (drug addiction, the rise of prostitution, the
spread of AIDS, and so forth). These are real concerns that need to be acknowledged, but
without the willingness to take risks, Vietnam will be left even further behind.
Economic success goes to those who are willing to take risks; that is the essence of
entrepreneurship. This point can be made in Ho Chi Minh City. Southern Vietnam was settled
by Vietnamese willing to take risks by leaving their native village to resettle in unfamiliar, often
unreclaimed land (very much like the story oftlwAmerican West). The economic success ofthe
~South is due to the entrepreneurial spirit ofso_titherners. ·
~~ fFiniifi, th~i;f~~tio~-;e~olution can be linked t~ ~d~cation,· a particul~r- area of coricefnTor a - . -
~.~-~~~~~.
?
to-hundreds of students without even a microphone and labs are antiquated, where textbooks are
inexistent or too expensi_v~.Lwhere getting access to books in a library is a major issue (no open .
stacks, ?0t~~~i'ng_Qu_t!) aut for .Vietnam'~sekt~..J::>e~quipped to be part of the information
·.
revolutwn}.there needs to be a_free_now of Ideas.-~~--"'-~
Here are
t:~emation~th Olympiad recently held in_:---"-.._:_·-==
::::--~-
r1
/vo~~~~m~~~
�Seoul:
BUI Viet Loc, gold
NGUYEN Minh Hoai, gold
DO Due Nhat Quang gold
CAO Vu Dan silver
NGUYEN Phi Le, silver.
BUI Viet Ha, bronze.
,.
there are currently over 50 individuals of Vietnamese origins in institutes og higher education in
the United States and Canada, most of whom came after 1975.
I've left a few books with Karen for the President ~md Mrs. Clinton. ·The Memoirs ofNguyen thi
Dinh is for Mrs. Clinton who has expressed an interest in famous Vietnamese women. I've
included my two books because Sam Popkin persuaded me I should. I hope President and Mrs.
Clinton will enjoy reading The Sorrow of War and see similarities with Amer~can writings on the
Vietnam War. Finally, Imagining America and Vietnam by my former student, Mark Bradley,
will provide some historical background. If they wish to read more, I would suggest Karen
Turner's Even the Women Must Fight.
With best wishes,
Hue-Tam Ho Tai
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>From the Johns Hopkins Gazette, January 3, 2000:
To send images and video from 'one place to another, computers
now rely on compression~-a method of squeezing large amounts of
digital information into smaller packets that can be moved swiftly
along an electronic highway. Before compression can take place
effectively, the data collected from the sensors of a digital camera
or a scanner must first'undergo a mathematical transformation.
CA~Jo!vls, J-i.~~i~~~~-!~~~sit;engt~~~r-h~~~~-~~~tela new digital
•· ·
transformation method j!J._at_prQmises to speed up the transmission
of
1 digifurmultiinedi~~~~ife_ ~~~12gJalJ~~p9_wer.-The increased-'sp-eea-coula maKe it easier to conduct high-quality
.
video-conferencing_ in real time, the inventor says. At the same
time, the reduced demand for power will make it more economical
to process images on battery-operated devices, including laptops,
hand-held computers and digital cameras, the researcher suggests.
r-------
.~·-~-----
_ __, _____ - -
-~--~--
____ '__ - --
1jhe mathematicaLbreakthrough,calle_d~th~_BinDCT, allows a
c~mputer to transform and restore digital data atleast three times-
~-
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faster than the methodth~t is.now·used commonly throughout-the-)
g_e'{efoped-_bt.frac
~~Fla\f~:·mat~~~~tic~l!~~sf~rm''."Yas
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c~~;~:~~~!~~~:~s~:~7!:n: ~f!i u~:dr~~i'nt:~~o~ . ]
at the 33rd Annual Conference on In~ormation and Science
Systems, held recently in Baltimqre, and at the 1999 International
Conference on Image Processing in Kobe, Japan. He has
prepared follow-up articles for electrical engineering journals and
has also applied for a U.S. patent covering the new transform.
.
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Tran says the BinDCT could significantly improve the data
processing capability in compaCt electronic devices that rely on
small chips anqlimite~ pp~~r_supp_li~-~-JniswouicCallo; low:cost- --,
r
:digital cam~i<t~. p~lm:size comp_l!t~rs _'!fld perhaps even cellular
L--pliones to. keep up-with th~-ftlJiltimedia cominunication_rate, he
C~~)r§._Iran's :breaktlifol'igli involves a change in the mathematical
.process used to prepare images before they are compressed and ·
transmitted. The currentmethod involves multiplication and thus
requires a lot of computational horsepower. The BinDCT,
however, requires no multiplication at all. It uses only binary shift
and addition operations, so the process can be completed with a
much smaller, hence less-power-hungry chip.
"This transform is fast and binary-friendly. The microchip can be
very small with low power con~l!mption. Most importantly, it .
maintains the same level 9f image quality," Tran says. "We think it
would be ideal for wireless co~unication devices, palmtops and
anything else 'that does not have the extensive computational
power that you would normally find in a high-end workstation."
During breaks from his high-tech computing rese·arch, Tran
devotes time to an unrelated Web page project that pays tribute to
. ;the literature and cl!l!u!~ _?~_hi~JlS~_!:!!el~IJ._4,,Yi~~-~- ~E)2~-~~e_J
and liisyouriger brother left Vietnam as refugees. The two
t~nager·s-first live_d.wiU1 relatl.ves!il san-Jose, ·calif. After
attending Andrew Hill High School in San Jose for two years,
Tran gained admission to MIT, where he received his bachelor's
and master's degrees in electrical engineering in 1993 and 1994,
respectively. Tran earned his doctorate in the same field from the
University of Wisconsin-Madison, just before he joined the Johns
Hopkins faculty in July 1998 .. ·,
·
---~·--------,
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J
�Although Tran is now a U.S. citizen, he maintains close ties to his
native land by presenting Vietnamese literature, history, music and
artwork on his Web site, located at http://vhvn.com. The site is
well-known among Vietnamese immigrants in the United States
and is often visited by Web surfers in Vietnam itself. "This Web
sit~-currently-presents oply a humble sample ~,00-0 yearso:f-> _)
Viletnamese civilization. I envision the site to become complete
online interactive encyclopedia in. the future with rich multimedia
contents that can serve as a great research, educational, as well
as entertainment tool," he says. "Besides, there is a new
generation here that has not been exposed to Vietnamese culture
and literature. The project is still in its infancy. I just wish I had
more time
a
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HUNG NGUYEN
7035980521
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GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
INDOCHINA PROGRAM
\
,
Director: Nguyen Manh Hung
Ph: 703-993-3722/703-993-2957
Fax: 703-993-4588
To: Brook Anderson, NSC, The White House
Fax:202-456-9370
Message
Memo for Thursday, November 9, meeting attached (5 pages including cover page)
,
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01
�7035980521
HUNG NGUYEN
PAGE
SOME THOUGHTS ON THE PRESIDENT'S FORTHCOMING TRIP TO VIETNAM
Historic Significance
Although President Clinton's trip to Vietnam does not take place at the best of times, it is ,
·fraught with histoncal significance. It cannot be just a symbolic visit. For the President's
sake, it must be a historic journey. The President is seen as traveling to Vietnam to put
the finishing touch to the normalization process between the United States and Vietnam
and give a boost to the healing and reconciliation process between the protagonists of the
Vietnam War. He will also have a great opportunity to live up to his image as a pragmatic
idealist in the tradition of John F. Kennedy and a symbol of those American values that
have been a source of inspiration for many peoples and countries in the post-Cold War
era.
Three Levels of Achievements
Through his visit to Vietnam, the President may seek to achieve any of these three levels
of achievements. At one level, the President may seek to come to terms with his own
personal Vietnam experience and put to rest the agony of Vietnam for him and for those
who shared his feeling about the Vietnam War. In this case, all he needs to do is to talk
about reconciliation and healing, and present himself as the American President who
completes the process of normalization· of diplomatic relations between the United States
and Vietnam and open Vietnam to the world.
At the second level, the President may seek a genuine and more inclusive kind of
reconciliation between all the protagonists of the Vietnam War -Vietnamese and
Americans on both sides of the conflict, including fanner Vietnamese allies of the United
States who are still living in Vietnam and those who have become VietnameseAmericans. In this case, he does not want to be vindictive. He may call upon all parties to
bury the hatchets of war and make the peace of the braves. He must prove to be fair,
understanding and compassionate. He must acknowledge the roles, sacrifices and good
intentions of people on all sides of the conflict. ije must stay above the battle and
presents himself as the great conciliator who inspires people to put behind a divisive and
'painful period in the history ofboth the United States and Vietnam.
At the third level, the President may want to look forward to the future without ignoring
the meaning of the past. On the one hand, he must highlight the role of the United States
as a benevolent leader of a post-Cold War, globalized world heading toward a new
millennium full of promises for everybody and for every country. On the other, he shouid
seek to identify himself and the United States with the aspirations of the Vietnamese
people, not only the youth who make up over half of Vietnam's current population and
who a:r:e not burdened by the war, but also with Vietnam's historical struggle for
"independence, freedom, and happiness." He must subtly identify himself and the United
States with the people not with the regime, with the forces of change not with the status
quo, in Vietnam. He must find ways to inspire and challenge Vietnamese youth to take
destiny in their own hand and work to lift their country into the twenty-first century. He
02
�7035980521
HUNG NGUYEN
PAGE
may deliver a message of cooperation and hope and project himself as an idealistic and .
visionary leader who helps set the foundations to move Vietnam and VietnameseAmerican relations forward.
Special Considerations
Whatever level of achievements the President may like to attain, ~ere are a number of
points he may like to consider.
1. The President is visiting a country that not only has caused him deep emotion and
forced him to make difficult choices during his youthful years, but also a place
where many Americans and Vietnamese allies of the United States have sacrificed
their lives for a common cause. For the sake of justice and fairness, the President
should be sensitive to feeling ofthe Jolm McCain's in the United States as well
that of former South Vietnamese allies ofthe United States who are still
languishing in Vietnam and those who have become American citizens. Marty of
them believed they joined the United States to fight for a good cause. They want
to be recognized as decent people and honorable allies, not lackeys, of the United
States. When the President talks about reconCiliation, they don't want to be left
out of the reconciliation process; many of them, especially Vietriamese
Americans, want to be part of the American team. They want to be treated with
dignity and respect, not as second-class citizens in the President's dealing with
their former homeland.
'
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2. The_most-unfairJy~ified elements of the Vietnam confl~ form_!r Sou~_j
~etnamese_solg_iers. l)ley were abandoned, imprisoned, mistreated, and
liUiciliated. Their -wolinds need to be healed, too. Many of them are now living in
Vietnam watching the President from the sideline. When the President talks about
progress~the_r~_c_onciliation-process_between_the_United . States_and_YietP-.~,_a____,
fewwo~ds from h~ re_cognitipn_Qftht;ir va~or and sacri(~-~~ wg~ld)>~:-- ......... .. r
fH>propnate. Sud1: a gesture would set the President out as a man of pnnc1ple,
~liticalcourage, compassion, and fairness.
3. Inside Vietnam today, a number of former high-ranking communist officials, such
as Tran Do, a retired general and former deputy political commissar of corrununist
forces in the South; Hoang Minh Chinh, fanner director of the Institute of
[Marxist-Leninist] Philosophy; and Pham Que Duong, a retired colonel and a
former editor-in-chief of the Journal of Military History, etc ... who had fought
against our side during the war, have been disillusioned with the lack of freedom
and democracy in postwar Vietnam and become political dissidents. In the
struggle for power during the preparation for the next National Congress of the
Communist Party of Viet:Iiam scheduled for March 2001, there are indications that
reformist elements within the party also want to push for further reform and
democratization. In recognition of this pressure, the draft political report to the
Congress has added the word "democratic" before "civilized'; in the previous
formulaic motto of«a rich people, a powerful country, a just and civilized
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HUNG NGUYEN
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04
society.'' While the President may not want to be criticized by his host for undue
interference in Vietnam's internal affairs, he has the right and should find away
to make some gesture in support of the democratization process in Vietnam and
avoid words or deeds that may dampen the spirit of reformist elements in
Vietnam.
4. While Vietnam is emulating the Chinese experience, it still looks toward the
United States for help. Many people inside Vietnam, including communist party
members, are painfully aware of the conflict between the interest of the nation and
the need of the party. To the majority of Vietnamese --the young, the reformers,
and those who are concerned about the potential China threat-- the United States
is a.source of inspiration and support. It is in the interest ofthe United States to
help Vietnam not only to become a "stable, prosperous and open participant in the
region," but also to become democratic. It is in the interest of the United States .
and a stable and free Asia to help Vietnam integrate into ASEAN and to promote
not only trade, but also cultural and educational, and military exchanges between
the United States and Vietnam. The President may also like to showcase the
successes of Vietnamese-Americans who thrive in the United States in a system
that promotes freedom, competition, and initiative. He may use his trip to explore
the possibility of establishing an institutional framework to incorporate the
participation of competent Vietnamese Americans and make use of their special
talent and knowledge to serve American interest, improve the situation pfthe
Vietnamese people, and to speed up the process of genuine and inclusive
reconciliation between the two peoples.
·
Nguyen Manh Hung
Associate Professor of Government. and Politics
and Director of the Indochina Program
George Mason University
November 8, 2000
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NGUYEN MANH HUNG is associate professor ofPul;>I'ic and Int~h1ational Affairs and direct~r
of the Indochina Program, George Mas!JnUniversity. ije receive~ his law deg~~~ from the
\
Faculty of Law, University of Saigo~ (1,960), and both.his M.A. (1963) and PfiJ). in International
·
Relations from the University of Virginia (1965).
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Prior_t~ 197?, Dr. Hung w~s p~~fessor o~\ntem~ti9.,_nal Poli.~-f.}.,National ~?.~.·~~ol ofPubli~
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Admtmstratton and the Umvers1ty of Satgo~ Vtetl:@n, an~:~:'frequent lec~rat the Nattonal .,
Defense College. Outside the academia; 0~. Hung chaired·:~x.~veral COllliD:~,rt~~~ to reorganize the \
Vietnamese civil servic~,. ~erved as planning a9v,,isor to th~{f.h-esident of~~;~ational E.conomic ·~
Development Fund, thert Deputy-Minisf~r of,"N'~tional PlaQfiing of the ~~PMhlic of Vietnam.
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A former Fulbright Scholar and Social Sci:fnce.. ~esearch Gouncil FelJoW; Dr, Hung is the author
. ~- · : . . . ·,
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of several books, book chapters, and articles. ilis major pu~licationS'i~Clude Introduction to
.
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International Relations (Saigon, 1971 ), Peac~ dii~ Develop!'}pnt in :SP.lf(h Vietnam (with.; Nguyen
Van Hao et al, Saigon, 1~73), and The Chal~~ngi~bf:fietn~ifj:{ Recf!.A~iruction (~ith ATeiTy
Rambo and NeilL. Jameison, Virginia, 199i!))iis'l)bntri9~t~~ boo~~¢~pters to New Directions
in the International Relations ofSoutheast,;J~,ia (SingapS)f:f;lJ!Jliver~}lY Pres~, 1.973), Refugees in
the United States (Greenwood Press, 1985),_,Th~;Americ~~';_~~!' in,~f{~etnam: Lessoljs, Legacies,
and Implications for Future Conflict (Gr~~~w99a Press, : 1l.?:~n Re.fifgees in Amer(c9_. in the 1990's
(Greenwood Press, 1996), Southeast A~ia. '0..?- 1~e Growth''~~th (lJniversiti Pert.affia.ij:.Malaysia
Press, 1997) and published articles ir{Tf.or!,(i, Affairs, .tf.sidlf§,urvciy, Pacific Affairs, A,merasia
Journal, and Journal ofAsian Thought ai,1,(1;Society.. Hi$ mo§t rec~nt article, "Vieifi~ in 1999:
The Party's Choice," appeared inAsian.·$urvey, Vol. XL; Ng ~' Jantiary!February :~o'oo .
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Dr. Hung is a me~ber of the Intem~tJ9.~.hl Studifs;~~~.ocJa#b:~ azi~ the Associatiori: {or Asian
Studies and has participated in majot:policy '!V~rkili~-~r<:Hips on Vietnam and Indochina, ·
including the Indochina Policy Fornm of the A:spenlri$~jttite, the lrid9china Study Group of the
Council on Foreign Relations;,.and 'ih.e Southeast Asia Worlq.pg Group of the Center for Strategic
and International Studies. He h~_:served as ail advisor to the National Association for the
'
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Education and Advancement of Cambddi¥1, Laotian, and Yietnamese Americans (NAFEA) since
1986, the National Congress 9fVietnamese :in America CN:~V;A) since 1991, IDd.the Vietnamese
Association for Computing, Engineering Technology and Science (V ACETS) sl.nce 1995.
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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
I
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
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AND TYPE
002. notes
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
n.d.
re: Experts on Vietnam (14 pages)
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Vietnam] [2]
2008-0703-F
'm624
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act" 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
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P4
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b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
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information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
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b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOlAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�·"· .....~.
BOOKS
Ancient Poems.
Find Printed Page
FOR.·
·AFRICAN-
Copper Canyon hopes to preserve history with the
poetry of an 18th-century Vietnamese concubine
I
t's not every day that a poet
gets to· save a language, although some might argue
that is precisely the point of
·poetry. For the American poet John
Balaban, the publication this month·
of his translation of an 18th-century
Vietnamese poet's woi:k in Spn11g
Essence: The Poetry of Ho Xuan
'Huong (Copper Canyon), is simply
the latest accomplishment in a mission to rescue Vietna·i:nese culture
'that he began as a conscientious objector to the war.
In 1971, armed with a backpack, a
tape recorder and :i grant from the NationalEndowmentforthe Humanities,
. -'· Balaban went door to door asking Viet.•/
namese people to recite poetry. He then
published it in the collection Ca Dao
Vietnam (Mosaic Press), now out of
print. Ti~e and agai~uringhismis:_
· sion peop_!~ ~pgke ~f th.,,e_toet Ho Xua~
r-:::Huong, a concubme 'f?, 200 ye'it_Ps
l...::-ago,-nof:.only-dared to wnte oet m
,
the male-dominated Con
but dared to write it in N -.Nom, 1, aban quickly learned, li
t,
nearly extinct language that represented Vietnamese speech, rather than the
Mandarin of more formal writing. Modem Vietnamese is written in roman letters, whereas Nom is· an ideogramic
script; similar to Chinese. Only a few
dozen people still know Nom, which is
often mistaken for Chinese even by the'
Vietnamese, and the publication of
Spring Essence marks the first time it
has ever been printed with post-Gutenberg technology.
·
·
"She jumped from woodcut publication to digitization," Balaban toll·
PW. Ngo Thanh Nhan, a computationallinguist at New York University,
brought .ancient Nom to the printed
. page by way of computer.· The poems
in Spring Essence appear in Nom, Viet-
I.
#~.f.~#~ff'
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a:~ttit:.~~&~tt
it"'-1\.Jil-1!'1-R
31'-. I, J. ~ ii 10:
A ;~;.,· i- H- ~ i!.
i!!!i§tr
it.it."''-
*
Outside, a modem cover;
inside; ancient Nom.
namese and English.
Oh, and there's this other aspect
about Xuan· Hu~mg's work that makes
people take notice-she wrote about
sex. Yet, this concubine (which means
a second wife, and not a prostitute, as
many Westerners believe) didn't simply·
come out and write directly about sex;
instead, she playfully disguised her sub_jecti.Ising the craft oflanguage. In the
_English translation·it is easier to see the
double,entendres tha~ are part ofXuan
Huong s style. Not so m Nom and mod-·
--ern Vietnamese, Balaban explained. In
th'ose languages, the tones of words.play
off one another, creating second and
third meanings, often sexual•in nature.
"To the Vietnamese, this is hilarious,"
said Balaban. "In one poem, she might
be talking about a nun s11ying her
beads. On the surface, it's absolutely pious poetry about Buddhist nunnery and
the kind of sacrifice and dedication required, and the other meaning is saying
she's really up to something else."
Paul Yamazaki, buyer at City Lights, a
San Francisco bookstore known for sell-·
ing lots of poetry and literature in translation, told PW that even without the salacious subject matter and extraordinary
back story, the poems ofHo Xuan Hum~
(whose name means 'S'pnn essence m
English), would be c. ns1 ere significant. "They are just exquisite poems with
attention to gesture and detail. I think it
·October 30, 2000 • Qf!t1JHERS
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iis7majo-;·i~tr6duction to E;gli;h-l~n:- ~important books that fve ever worked
guage readers," he said. "Balaban is the.· bn," said publicist Mary Bisbee~Beek,
premier translator ofVietriamese poetry. '.who has worked with independent
He-has-gotten people- inter~sfei:l in Viet- presses for 20 years.
.
Thdx>Ok~riiigllt
aoother boost from·
namese culture from this time:" Yamazaki
predict~d that ~pri~g Essence would have Pf§d~nt Cl_inton's anti~ipated, and h!s- _
a long hfe at City Lights.
tone tnp_to:Yietnam later m November~ i It
City Lights went through its initial or- ti~slnto the complicated arid ricllhistbry·-.
der of 10 copies after only two weeks. "To, ~between our two ·countries," said .Bailey-. j
sell five copies is good," said Yamazaki. ( _abi:mt' Spring EssencL _ __ __
j
At Copper Canyon, which published
"The more responses Iget to the book,
two of Balaban's own collections of po- the more my own enthusiasm is conems, managing editor Michael Wiegers firmed," said Balaban. The Atlanta Consaid there was never any doubt about stitution claimed he has discovered anothpublishing this book, although it took a er Sappho. "I think she is as startling as
trip to Vietnam with Balabimin January that,~ he said. "The idea that some woman
of 1999 to impress upon him the true sig- would be writing this stuff 200 years ago is
.
.
nificance of Xtian Huang's poetry. '!I justshockingtosoineAmericans, as it was
This ewnt, Sp()~sOred by PublishingOnli~e wanted to find out if she is as popular a~ to me."
and Publishers Association of the West,
John makes her out to be, and indeed ·_· -Copper Canyon, which receives its
brings together publishers from all over
she is," he told PW. The tWo men fol- funding from large donors like Lila
. North America to collaborate, share, _and
lowed many of the routes the po(!t schol- Wallace and the Lannan Foundation,
learn more about succeeding in the ever·
ar took as one of the few women of her didn't :want Spring Essence to have an
tightening bookseller's market.
day to. travel. Wiegers has many st~ries overtly academic look. "This is a book
about meeting people who knewXuan that can be, and\ve hope ·will be, used
Learn how the Internet is revolutioniZing the world
Huang's work, but he said he got a.par- · in the classroom," said Wiegers." But I
of publishing. Visit the PublishjngOnline booth to
ticular kick out of an encounteLwith_ .W:'!..nted ino be a more contemporary
di5cover how our affiliated publishers create a
,/·
growing online revenue stream from their titles. . _ __:;orne young "mot<( m,fi.,· "Here we~e .revisiting of her work. So I told this to
[ these streettoughs who give people rides Wtf designer, and -he came back with
We con help you:
~m motor~y~l~Jor__<!_liy!llg:::-_a!l<!_ they,J this and I thought itworked." Wiegers
• Reach a worldwide audience with your latest
knew her -poetiy,"-ne-explaiiie<I.- -- - -~iq>lained that the round shape that obreleases and bestsellers.
pring-Essence· is the first-title -in-a' ·scures the woman's face on the covernew Copper Canyon imprint for poet~ reflects the shape representing the sun
• Make your backlist titles readily available with
ry· in .translation called Kage An, on many Vietnamese buildings. It also
our coSt-effective meihod for leveraging
Japanese for working in the shadow of is a reminder' of the Co'nfucian, male,.
intellectual inventory.
the original poet. "We're living in a domirated world that Xuan Huong
global. economy, and more and more shocked and entertained in her·Iife-• Take advantoge of the latest technologies with
we_ want to get to the point where we time.·
high-speed scanning and strec:imlinec! Rle
conversion. ·
are not talking a~out translations, but
Some-including PWs reviewer
talking about a press that publishes, (Forecasts, Sept. 25)-say the book's bold
• Protect your intellectual property with effective .
say,Vietnainese poetry, or Indian poet- cover adds to the shock value, and n:ot
digital rights management provided through
ry," said Thatcher Bailey, executive di- necessarily in a favorable way. "I realize
Adobe PDF Merchant.
rector at Copper Canyon.· "We want to· thatanything that reveals the bare human
get to the point where it is' not an exot~ form is dangerous," said Wiegers. "And
To register for the convention; contoct the
ic thing but part of a heritage that we that anything where the woman's head is
Publishers Association of the· West at:
can all have access to,"
obscured and separated from. her body is ·
30J..499-9540,.or by ema~ at:
To help booksellers, the p~ess sent out particularly dangerous .to be working·
pvbwest 1@aol.com
an unprecedented several· hundred gal- .with. Buf I thought it was a very beautiful
leys for Spring Essence; it has already sold cover and that metaphorically it worked
about half of its 5,5oo· first printing. really welL Her identity has been ques"That's great for a regular book of poetry tioned throughouthistory and she was disby-an~erican author," saip Wiegers. regarded by the ruling order and still she
"'li'he_fact J!uiftliis-is· a translation of_ an_ and her pQetry survived."
18tli::CenturyVietnamese concubine is an ::_~Balaban said th11t, if anything, he was
'·
even gre~.t~r_th~ng."-~--.. - ... --- ~-- ~- more worried about Vietnamese reac~
--~·so far the media have· responded fa- tion to the ~over. "I never dreamed that
vorably to the book, which has been fea- Americans would be put off by that," he
t~red·in~P<fetsamtWriters1indDouble_ explained. "It's just so curious, because
i,.
Take and is the subject of an story on 'in her lifetime she stood up and refused ·
I
·
N<!!i5J!_l;al Public Radio timed with an ~o succumb to Puritan· propriety, and
1
event at the Smithsonian Institute on- she encountered it 2oo years later in·
Novembec9 ._''Thisjs orie_of.th~ rn·o~t _America."
.·
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28 PuBLISHERS WEEKLY • October 30, xX:o ·.
get
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�Y "Seasons" irhh~sun at Sundance
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·http://www .vinsight.org/1999news/020 I c.htn
''Seasons',. in the sun· at Sund·ance
.,
By Todd McCarthy, Daily Variety Chief.Film Critic
·
Reuters, Monday- February 1, 1999 · ·
PAR~ CITY, Utah (Yariety )·-· "T~"-TonyBui"s·nauntingly'poetic~vision-~f-coriten}po~ary ·
Vietnai}),-Was·thebig winqer of the 1999-Surid~mce Filll! Eesti.val,.becqming_tf1e first filmj_IJ)_h~- ~~enr'·~,
~£-:::~~b_o.th.~he.grand~ ur.y.,prize .and the iu1gj~~~~.~?ar~~i~ ·r~~~dr_~~a~i~~~~~~~ti't~on. · ·· · -. "
.
. 'fl'ii"Oct~ber Fil~s _r~iease, whic~)~ the fi~t"A;;~ican pictur;tohaVeoeeirshotentirely..in.R.Q~t-war
Vi~~,)~· also the ~i~~t ·forei~~-I~g~¥-ag~_fiill1~t~~-a.~~--~~n.-=.~il~~~-~nd~nc~.·'.~-,tog.tw{_p~s. ~~~~-~ ·
mo~t artistically ambitiOus and styhs~tcally accomphsfieCl pts:;ture_fQ.the-·qr;lmatic competttiQn,~nree ~~-,., ·
~~I].§.:'._was_wideJ.y,deemed-a.wmthy.winn~r..~Y.:_ ~ri~cs an-d~other-festgoers:-_.::_:-.:-;~-~- -_____ . ~--- ___ ---.
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The piCture is set for thtc cqmpefition at the Be~lin Film Fe~iivai in February and will open commercially in
the U.S. in ApriL
The grand jury prize in the docume~tary;competition; "American Movie," was also a ~iell-receivedchoice.
Chris Sinith'-s observant and often yery. funny look at a low-budget filmmaker'.s travails struck a ·
sympathetic chord among the indie crowd here and was· acquired by Sony qas~ics during the event.
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. The audience award for.documenti:rry went to Roko Belie's "Genghis;Bl~t?s," an account of an American·
blues ·singer's 'absorption in Tuvan throat singing. The picture was pqrt of the American Spectrum sidebar, ·
not of the <;iocumentary c·ompetition. ·
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The world cinema audi~nce a\\'a~d, voted.for the firsttime this year, was.shat~d by Tom.Tykwer's "Run
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·
Lola Run" from Germany and-Radu Mihaileanu's "Train of Life" from France.
The filmmakers trophy, voted by directors attending the festi~al, was given~~ Gavin·O~Connor for
"Tumblewe·eds," a 'study of a much-divorced mother trying.to ~stablish a new life with heq:laughter, in the
dramatic section; and to Jon Else for his doct.im~ntary' "Sing Faster: the Stag~hands' Ring Cycle," a look at
·
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a production of Wagner's epic from the backstage poi1_1t-of-vie~.
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Best director prize for a dramatic.work went to Eric· Mendelsohn for "Judy Berlin,'.' an offbeat,
black-and~white examination ·of life in a midqle-class 'Jewish suburb and, in .the documentary field) to
.. Barbara Sonnebom for "Regret To Inform,
look auhe lingering effects of the Vietnam Wa~ on various
women. who lost their husbands in the conflict.
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The Waldo Salt screenwriting award was split between Audrey Wells for "Guinevere,-'' an insightful
.examination of an 'older man-younger woman relation.ship, and Frank Whaley for "Joe the King," a study
·
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· of an abused kid's traumatic life.
p:nematography nods went. to Lis~ Rinzler, in the. dramatic arena, for her sensationally evocative work in
"Thr~e Seasons" and, in ·documentaries, to Emiko Omori for her wor-k on two fil~s, "Rabbit in the Moon"
·.·
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. an'd ."Regret To Infoim.": :. :
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The juries also voted some special awards. The dramatic jury~-. comp·osed·of cinematographer Maryse
) Alberti, directors Cheryl.Dunye and Ric,hard Linklilter, critic -Elvis Mitchell and producer Nik Powell ~' gave a speciai jury award for comedic performance to Steve Zahn ·for "Happy, Texas," as well as an award
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�http://www. vinsight.orgll 999news/020 I c.htn
·"Seasons" in the sun at Sundance
for distinctive vision in filmmaking to director Scott King for "Treasure Islan'd."
The documentary jury-- on which Kirby Dick, Tina DiFeliciantoriio, Annie Frazier Henry, Michel.
Negroponte and Raymond Telles served-- voted a special award to Nanette Btirs.tein and Brett Morgen f01
"On the Ropes."
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The freedom of expression award, for a film that informs and educates the public on soci?tl or political
matters, was given to Stanley Nelson for 'The Black Press: Soldiers Without Swords."
The Latin American cinema jury prize was voted to Alejandro Springall's "Santitos" from Mexico, and a
special jury award went to Fernando Perez's "Life Is to Whistle" from Cuba. Gustavo Graef-Marino, Amir
Labaki and Anne Marie Stock were the jurors.
The jury prize in short filmmaking was present'ed to Mark Osborne's "More,"· and a special jury award was
bestowed on Michael Burke's "Fishbelly White." Honorable mentions in this category went to James Cox's
"Atomic Tabasco," Nicole Cattrell's "Come. Unto Me: The Faces of Tyree Guyton," Jar! Olsen's "Devil
Doll/Ring Pull,"Corky Quakenbush's "A Pack of Gifts, Now" and Philip Holahan's "Stubble Trouble." Gill.
Holland, Emily Russo and. Laura Thielen served on the jury.
·
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In general, the collection of indies were neither overtly commercial nor aggressively artistic. The one
potential crossover pleaser in 'the dramatic competition, Mark Illsley's "Happy, Tex~s," was immediately
recognized as such. by the distributors who bid heatedly for it.
Most of the competing entries fell into the not-bad to not-so-hot arena. Some, such as :·Judy Berlin,"
generated divided reactions, but not the sort that spring from ·passionate feelings. There ..yere no such films
at Sundance this year;
1
"Guinevere" is insightful and engaging, but its highly professional sheen was somewhat resented in the
context of a festival where signs of struggle are still appreciated.
Women were at the center. of those films and quite a few others as well, including O'Connor's
"Tumbleweeds;" Toni Kalem's "A Slipping-Down Life," which divided vi.ewers, based on whether they
cared about the liberties taken with Ann Tyler's novel. Some films found even less widespread favor,
including Lisanne Skyler's "Getting To Know You," Ron Judkins' "The Hi-Line" and Steven Maier's "The
Autumn Heart."
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Jim Fall's "Trick" was taken for what it is and riot~ing more: a lightweight, contemporary gay fairy tale,·
while veteran screenwriter Hampton Fancher showedimpressive visual skills in "The Minus Man," even if
its serial killer protagonist left one admiring the picture from a distance. Scott King's goofy, dramatically
bereft "Treasure Island" meticulously reworked the style of' 40s melodramas for modem purposes, and
actor Whaley's directorial debut, "Joe the King," elicited admiration for its sensitive evocation of a boy's ·
traumatic family life. ·
Much advance comment centered on the strength of the documentary competition this year, and several -"American Movie," Jessica Yu's "The Living Museum," Michael J. Moore's "The Legacy," "Regret to
Inform," "Sing Faster" and Chuck Workman's "The Source"-- provoked general enthusiasm.
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Favorable word-of-mouth al$0 followed Doug Block's "Home Page,'' Nanette Burstein and Brett Morgan's
"On the Ropes," Rory Kennedy's "American Hollow," Stanley Nelson's "The Black Press" an<;l Michelle
LeBrun's "Death: A Love Story," although the prevailing view with the docus was that the content, rather
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11/6/2000 9:34AM
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"Seasons" in the sun at Sundance
than inventive or unusual tre(ltinent, was key.
Among the high-profile premieres, nothing drew far ahead ofthepack, but James Merendino's "SLC
Punk!" was widely enjoyed·as a sort of domestic ."Trainspotting"; Mike Figgis' uneven ''The Loss of Sexual
Innocence" m~rited serious·consideration for its visual and personal qualities; Tim Roth's "The War Zone"
was judged a respectable rooie directorial outing; and Gregg Araki's "Splendor" was likely the sexiest film
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in town.·
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Errol Morris' provocative new doet~mentary, "Mr.Death: The Rise and Fall of Fred A. Leuchter Jr.," was
very enthusiastically received, but it wa$ shown in a transfer from the Avid dig~tal version and remains a
·
. work in .progress, so final evaluation will have to wait.
Unlike last year's "Gods and Monsters," n~ne of the 18 entries in the American Spectrum sidebar caused
people to complain that a good potential competition .entry was overlooked. The standout tjtle, David
Riker's "La Ciudad " (The City), was il)eligible because of previous festexposure, though many felt it
would have dominated the competition otherwise.
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Jennifer Fox's nine-:hour "An American Love Story;'' sure to be the PBS event of the .year, received its
world premiere here, and Eduardo Sanchez and Daniel Myrick's intense, mi,nimalist "The Blair Witch
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Project" was the midnight entry that created~he most talk.
Given the lack of genuine excitement on the American side, tl'1e presence of world cinema seemed more
appreciated th~m usual this year, as wide variety of tastes and styles could be sampled. A few of the
international entries that found favor ~ere JavierFesser's "P. Tinto's Miracle" from Spain, Liarri McGrath.'s
"Southpaw" from Ireland, Santosh Sivan's "The Terrorist" from India, "Run Lola Run" from Germany,
Julio Medem's"The Lovers of the Arctic Circle". from Spain and Kore-eda Hirokazu's."After Life" from
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Japan.
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3 of 3
11/6/2000 9:34AM
�President Clinton's
Visit to Vietnam
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· Frederick Z. Brown
November
2000
�. r
The Asia So'ciety is a nonprofit, nonpartisan public education organization dedicated to·
increasing American understanding of the more than 30 countries broadly defined as the AsiaPacific region. Through its programs on current events, business, the fine and performing arts,
and elementary and secondary education, the Asia Society reaches audiences across the United
States and works closely with colleagues in Asia.
The Asian Update series is published by the Policy and Business Programs division of the Asia
So\=iety. The Updates provide incisive .background and analysis of newsworthy issues and
events in Asia and U.S.-Asia rehitions for a wide audience of journalists, business executives,
policymakers, scholars; and others interested in Asia.
Recent Asian Updates include:
Korea's 16th National Assembly Elections, Chan Wook Park (April 2000)
The 2000 Taiwan Presidential Elections, Cal Clark (March 2000)
The Thirteenth Election ofIndia's Lok Sabha (House of the People), Philip Oldenburg
I
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(September 1999)
Indonesia's 1999 Elections: A Second Chance for Democracy, Edward Masters (May 1999)
The Asian Economic Crisis: Policy Choices, Social Consequences, and the Philippine Case,
Linda Y.C. Lim, Frank Ching, and Bernardo M. Villegas (February 1999)
· The Asia Society is prepared to assist journalists by providing briefings by telephone and in
person, recommending additional background materials, and help in identifying specialists on
Asia for consultation or broadcast appearances.
The opinions expressed in this publication are the author's and do not necessarily represent
the views of the Asia Society.
Copyright© 200? Asia Society
This Asian Update should not be reproduced in full without the written permission of the Asia Society. Short
sections of the paper-less than one page in total length-may be quoted or cited if the author and the Asia Society
.are given due credit.
For order information, call or write: Asia Society Bookstore, 502 Park Avenue, New York, NY 10022;
(212) 327-931 0; Fax: (212) 517-8315; E-mail: laurens@asiasoc.org. Selected Asian Updates appear on-line at the
Asia Society's Web site www.asiasociety.org.
Editor: Karen S. Fein
Designer: Rayne Jadin Madison
Map by: Gary Tong
�C o n t e n t .s
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Map ... , ... ~ ·
...................................... ·... · ...· ..... : .· .. : .... 4
The Setting ..... ·..· ....... _. ..... ·
....... ·. ·.... : . : . .... · .. :· ...... ··: .. : ..... 5
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The Process of Normalization ....................... : ..................... 7
The Embargo and Its Consequences ..................................... : . , 7 ·.
i
The US.-Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agree~ent ........ , ....................... 10
The Issues ..... ·.. ~ ............................................. · ..... 12
.............. ·.... ~ .............. 18
Appendix 1: The Vietnamese Players ..... ·
Appendix 2: Top Vietnam Exports to the U.S.· .............. , ................ 19
Appendix 3: Top U.S. Exports
to
Vietnam .... : ..... , . : ..................... 20
Appendix 4: Vietnam's Global Balance ofTrade ................... : .......... 21
Appendix 5: U.S. Balance ofTrade.withVietnam ............. ~· ............... 21
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Further Reading ..... ,. ................· ............ ·................... 22
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, Vietnam Specialists ..................................... ~ ............. 23
�4
�The Setting
The president will also find a Vietnam
. that in some ways has changed a lot since
1975 but in others remains much the same.
Intrusions of the State into the people's lives
have diminished, and the absence of war has
brought them tranquility, yet Vietnam
remains highly authoritarian with close
internal security control.s; the party, through
its pervasive front organizations, tries to blot
up all social space. The Vietnamese people,
taken as group, are eating better. than ever
before, yet malnutrition persists, especially
in rural areas. The World Bank puts Vietnam
near the bottom ( 167 out of 206) in the
poverty ranking of the world's nations. Its
national per capita income has increased
over the past few years bur is estimated at
only $370 a year.
At the heart of these paradoxes is the
Vietnamese Communist Party. The war is in
the past and for most Vietnamese ideological
purity is irrelevant. The legitimacy of the
VCP rests squarely on its ability to provide a
better life for the Vietnamese people. Since
1979, the VCP has been in the throes of an
internal debate regarding the pace and extent
of economic reform. The Sixth Congress of
the VCP in 1986 formally inaugurated a
policy of renovation (doi moi), and from \
1991 to 1997 the economy grew at an average of more than 8 percent. Since then, the
Asian economic crisis and the reluctance of
the VCP leadership tb take the next step in
reform have resulted in a drop to 4 percent
annual growth and brought foreign direct
investment almost to a bait. Moreover, the
benefits of doi moi are evident, but the gap
between rich and poor is blatant; many rur~
al areas remain impoverished. Corruption
and abuse of power by party and government
cadres are widespread.
·'
Whereas there has been significant economic change since 1975, political reform
has been stymied. In the name of stability,
On November 17, 2000, President Bill
Clinton begins a four-day state visit to the
Socialist Republic of Vietnam, the first visit
ever by an American president to the unified
country of Vietnam. He will be accompanied by Mrs. Clinton, daughter Chelsea, and
several cabinet secretaries, most likely state,
commerce, health and human services, veterans affairs, and the United States Trade
Representative (USTR). A congressional
delegation is also planned.
At this writing, plans call for the president to spend two days in Hanoi and two
days in Ho Chi Minh City, with a possible
side trip to Hue or Danang. In Hanoi,
Clinton will meet the immediate successors
of the architects of North Vietnam's victory
in the Second Indochina War, Vietnamese
Communist Party General Secretary Le Kha
Phieu, Prime Minister Phan Va:n Khai, and
President Tran Due Luong, who extended
the invitation when he met with the U.S.
president briefly in New York City in
September. This triumvirate, in concert
with 15 other members of the Politburo
(see p.18), rules Vietnam. President Clinton
will ride through Ba Dinh Square, where Ho
·Chi Minh, on September 2, 1945, quoted
the American Declaration of Independence
in proclaiming the birth of a communist
Vietnam.
.
President Clinton's visit comes 25 years
after the fall ~f the Saigon regime that the
United States had supported in the bloodiest
struggle of the cold war. The visit will be an
emotional event for the generations on both
sides who fought that war. The president will
find profound paradoxes in Vietnam, a
country whose young people are seething
with pent up energy, who live in a society
still gripped by its history, a nation with cautious leaders who reject any change that
might threaten their power..
a
5
�Asian Update
the party's leadership is determined to retain
exclusive power and rejects the concepts of
political plurali~m and "peaceful evolution,"
which it sees as a western device to subvert
communism. The media is controlled. The
right of assembly in the western sense of
the phrase is not honored. The VCP motto,
"The people rule, the State governs, the
Party leads," is misleading. Although it is
subject to a range of pressures from its own
people, the party still calls the shots in
Vietnam.
Nonetheless, a number of changes are
underway.. The elites of the VCP, the state
owned enterprises, and the expanding private sector recognize that the present socio-.
political system needs to be modified, if not
overhauled. Among the basic shifts already
evident are:
the long term; genuine debate within the
VCP regarding irs own future an·d the
inevitability of political liberalization
commensurate with economic change. In
effect, a sort of pluralism beyond traditional communist "democratic centralism"
already exists for the 2.2 million VCP
members-but not for the remaining
77 million Vietnamese who are outside,
and still governed by, the party.
What can we expect to come out of this historic visit? In one sense, it is the capstone of
Vietnamese and American efforts to fully
normalize relations between the two countries, in effect a celebration of the American
opening to Vietnam under the Clinton
administration. Yet in view of Clinton's
attitude toward U.S. policy during the war
years and avoidance of military service, the
president will be criticized at home for using
the visit to expiate (or vindicate, depending
on one's perspective) his past. Some will condemn the visit as an expensive charade
designed to embellish his legacy. In the short
term, beyond the cosmetics of good will
and elaborate ceremony, it is doubtful that
the visit will yield concrete steps forward in
U.S.-Vietnam relations. · These personal
matters aside, the very fact of an American
President visiting Vietnam_:.__our former
enemy, still an avowedly commumst
state, yet a nation in traumatic social
transformation-is unmistakably positive.
Most Vietnamese-patriotic, determined to
improve their standard of living regardless of
ideology, and eager to join the modern
world-see this visit as an extraordinary
event. They understand full well that a closer and friendlier relationsh.ip with the
United States, which this visit dramaticaiJy
demonstrates, will strengthen Vietnam 111
intangible yet meaningful ways.
• The slow expansion of the role of the
· National Assembly
· • The VCP's intention to separate its
bureaucracy from the operation of the
government, an effort that springs less
from a liberal mindset than from an
acknowledgment of the current system's ·
inefficiency . .
·
• The parallel effort to create a government
guided more by law than party fiat, in
recognition that the former is more
appropriate to a country no longer at war
· • The continued decentralization of national administration, a process that increases
pressure from below on government and
party leaders
• The party's commitment to "equitizarion"
in many areas of economic life, despite
continued emphasis on state-owned enter. prises as the backbone of the economy
and also of the party's hold on power
• Finally, and perhaps most significant in
6
�·Asian Update
Both countries have beeri trappe.d by
their respective histories. In truth, between
194 5 and 1995 the United States had never
enjoyed anything approaching normal relations with cany government of Vietnam,
either North or South, nor with the
Vietnamese people. Until 1975, the U.S. had
_been effectively at war with half of Vietnam
for the first 21 years of that country's
independence from France. After 1975,
mutual . hostility and mistrust between a
unified communist Vietnam and the United
States endured. In the hearts of many
Americans, it has not been easy to change the
image ofVietnam from being a war to that of
being a country.
The Process of Normalization
The Vietnam War had immense repercussions for both winners and losers. The war
deflated the idealism of the Kennedy years,
caused President Johnson to forsake reelection,
unleashed forces that compelled President
Nixon's resignation, and diminished the
' American presence. in Asia. As the Gulf War
and Kosovo proved, the lessons of Vietnam,
real or imagined, continue to pervade our
highest councilS'to this day. In no campaign
debate did AI Gore fail to mention his
Vietnam service as a badge of honor.
Why is the Vietnam War still so much
with us? In part it is the humiliation of
defeat, in part the images of the TV age that
are burned into our minds-the dead Kent
State student, the South Vietnamese general
blowing out the brains of a prisoner, the
naked child fleeing napalm, body bags, Miss
Saigon. And for America's South Vietnamese
allies, the defeat was an unmitigated catastrophe; 2 million were forced to flee abroad,
·and millions more suffered retribution at
home. These things are hard for Americans
and Viet~amese Americans to forget.
For the winners, although the war unified the country under Marxism-Leninism,
the consequences of victory were harsh,
going well beyond the horrendous physical
damage inflicted and the millions of lives
lost. And when it came to building a new
relationship with the United States-a high
priority for Hanoi once the Soviet Union
collapsed-e<;>mmunist Vietnam found itself
in a feeble position.
The Clinton visit is the latest in a series of
incremental steps toward normalization taken
by four American presidents over a q~tarter of
a century. Each administration has confronted complex psychological and political obstacles along the way. Normalization was never a
magical moment to be achieved by the stroke
of a pen. It has been and remains a process.
The Embargo and Its Consequences
.Ids impossible to understand the normalization ·process without looking at the U.S.
eco~omic and commercial embargo against
Vietnam that remained in place for almost
half a century. The U.S. embargo was first
imposed against the areas of northern
Vietnam held by the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam (DRV; or Viet Minh). When the
Truman administration made the decision to
support France's reimposition of colonial
control over Vietnam, the emb.argo's primary aim was a geopolitical advantage against
the communist superpowers in the cold war.
"Winning" in Vietnam became part of that
syndrome. The concept of the Vietnamese as
a distinct people was all but unknown in the
United States; policy-makers for the most
· part viewed Vietnam, North and South, as
pawns on the global chessboard. In the State
Department, the French desk of the Bureau
of European Affairs ·handled matters pertaining to Indochina.
From 1951 to 1954 the embargo's pur~.
pose was to bolster France's military effo;·t
against the Viet Minh and to show the new
communist governmenr of China, which
7
�Asian Update
promised as part of the 1973 Paris Accords,
Vietnam refused this offer. For Washington,
still smarting from the humiliation of its 1975
defeat, demands for reparations were unacceptable; Hanoi's violations of the Paris
Accords in 1973-75 had obviated any
implied obligation under Nixon's "best
efforts" pledge.
In June 1978, Vietnam joined the
Soviet-controlled Council for Mutual
Economic Assistance (COMECON), and in
.
November it signed a mutual security treaty
with the USSR. Vietnam having cast irs lot
with Moscow, the Carter administration
concluded that an opening to Hanoi would
jeopardize the higher priority of normalization.
of relations with China. Th~ Vietnamese
invasion and occupation of Cambodia in
December dashed any lingering hopes for
normalization or an end to the embargo;
Vietnam became another facet of the U.S.Soviet strategic rivalry in the Pacific, exemplified by the Soviets' use of Cam Ranh
Bay, the former U.S. military facility. And
Cambodia became part of the "strategic relationship" between Beijing and Washington
in confronti'ng the Soviet Union and irs surrogate, Vietnam (Hanoi today is not likely to
forget this Sino-American cooperation in
1978-79).
By 1981, Vietnam found itself politically
and economically isolated. During Vietnam's
10-year military occupation of Cambodia,
the members of the United Nations General
Assembly voted overwhelmingly in favor of
rhe Association of Southeast Asian Nations'
(ASEAN) annual resolution demanding
Vietnam's withdrawal. During the Reagan
administration, the
embargo became
part of a· multilateral strategy to force
Vietnam to negotiate a Cambodia sertlem~!H
on terms acceptable to the United States,
China, and ASEAN. ·With the end of the
cold war and dismantling of the Soviet-
gave safe-haven and material support to the
Viet Minh, that the United States would
resist communist expansion in Indochina.
Americans saw Soviet and Chinese support
for their Vietnamese communist allies as one
of the bitterest issues of the cold war years.
President Kennedy called Vietnam· "our ·
Asian Berlin." Sanctions continued against
the DRV after the country was divided at the
17th parallel by the Geneva Accords of
July 1954. In 1964, U.S. involvement in
Vietnam escalated in support of its ally in
the South. The embargo was reinforced by
the addition of the DRV to the list ofcountries subject to the existing Foreign Assets
Control Regulations. >
After the fall of the Republic of Vietnam
in 1975, the DRV (Socialist Republic of
Vietnam, SRV, from 1976), representing a
now-unified Vietnam, was subject to an
·expanded regime of U.S. sanctions, including a prohibition on commercial and
financial transactions, as , well as private
·investment in Vietnam. The embargo also
froze the Vietnamese government's assets in
the United States. The United States probably caused more damage by using its leverage
to convince other member-countries of rhe
World Bank, the International Monetary
Fund (IMF), and the Asian Development
Bank (ADB) to withhold loans to Vietnam .
. Throughout the 1970s and '80s, the
conditions under which the emb~rgo would
be lifted became a weighty bargaining chip.
The Carter administration, in early 1977,
attempted to normalize relations with the
SRV. It offered unconditional establishment
of diplomatic relations, after which the
United States would lift the embargo, support
international financial institution (IF!) loans
to Vietnam, and consider granting most
favored nation (MFN) status. In the absence
of$3.25 billion in economic assistance, which
Vietnam claimed President Nixon had
\
u.s.
8
�Asian Update
embassies. But the Vietnamese, probably calculating a better deal from th~ next administration, would not provide information on
the remaining "last known alive" MIA cases,
which might .have precipitated a favorable
U.S. action. Given the bitterness of the
1992 election campaign and Clinton's vulnerability on Vietnam, the Republicans had
·no desire to spare the incoming Democrats
the misery of dealing with such a delicate
issue. Moreover, whether the Vietnamese
would honor the result of the Cambodian
elections scheduled for May 199 3 was
uncertain. Withholding the next major step
in normalization was a useful incentive.
President Clinton was left to make peace
with Hanoi-and to take the political heat.
In the end, the Bush administration,. in
December 1992, altered the embargo only
slightly to permit U.S. companies to bid
(but not sign contracts) on projects financed
by the World Bank and other international
financial institutions.
By the summer of 1993, with the major
multilateral obstacle to normalizationCambodia-largely resolved, Vietnam began
better bilateral cooperation on POW/MIAs,
a prime American requirement from the
beginning of the process. Vietna~'s relations
with its Southeast Asian neighbors and China
also improved, simply because Vietnam's
strategic position had been drastically weakened by the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Under President Clinton, normalization
of the bilateral relationship with Vietnam has
peen a low priority in Asia-Pacific policy. Far
greater importance has been attached to U.S.China relations, nuclear issues ·on the Korean
peninsula, and periodic crises such as the
Taiwan Straits in 1995 and the Asian financial
crash in 1997. Perhaps because of the pre~i
dent's personal history regarding Vietnam,
there was little eagerness to push closer relations. Furthermore, before the Cambodia ser-
Vietnamese connection, the embargo's purpose evolved further to buttress the internationally sponsored Cambodia peace
agreement and to speed resolution of the
. POW /MIA issue.
In April 1991, the Bush administration
announced a timetable for normalization of
relations with Vietnam. It codified a quid
pro quo procedure whereby Vietnam knew
what was expected of it and what benefits
, would accrue. as reciprocal steps in the normalization process were taken. The timetable
stated the U.S. positions that Vietnam had
to accept in order to move toward full diplomatic relations and a lifting of the embargo,
namely, a compromise political settlement of
the Cambodia conflict and continued
progress on POW/MlAs and other humanitarian issues important to the United States.
The Bush plan reflected an abiding
American distrust of Hanoi's commitment
to honoring diplomatic ~greements. It also
represented a crude political fact: while
imperative for Hanoi, normalization was a
low priority among Washington's global
foreign policy objectives. At that time,
Vietnam, facing severe economic woes and
the imminent disintegration of the Soviet
Union (the communist regimes of Eastern
Europe that had also aided Vietnam had
already collapsed), had little choice but to
pursue. normalization under terms set primarily by the United States.
In October 1991, Vietnam, bowing to
international pressure and recognizing global
shifts, signed the United Nations-sponsored
Cambodia compromise settlement. This
agreement went a long way toward satisfYing
regional security concerns of ASEAN, the
United States, and, most important; China.
In its waning days after the November 1992
election, the Bush ~dministration considered
additional steps toward normalization, even
lifting the embargo entirely and agreeing to
9
�Asian Update
whittled away and diplomatic relations were
established, was dampened by the frustrations
of doing business in Vietnam's socialist
market system. Some American invest~rs
and businessmen concluded that neither
Vietnam's legal, administrative, and physical
infrastructure nor its political scene was ready
for equitable business.
In 2000, prospects seem more favorable,
if only because Vietnam recognizes that it
needs the BTA. As the BTA is gradually
implemented, disgruntled traders and
investors will return. Those ·who remained
will be well positioned to compete in a market that could gather speed quickly. The
Vietnamese are 79 million strong .. They
work hard, are entrepreneurial and eager to
better their lives, and most are ready to discard the ideological handicaps imposed by
their leaders. Foreign business will have profits· to make.
Among those who follow Vietnamese
affairs is a growing awareness of a subtle
complementarity between Vietnam and the
United States with ·respect to China.
Although the party-to-party relationship
between China and Vietnam remains strong
due to common interest in a one-party political system, future international geopolitics
may make for strange bedfellows. This is not
to suggest a Vietnamese-American entente
cordiale against China. The United States has
a paramount interest in building a constructive relationship with China, and that track
must be pursued as conditions permit. If
Vietnam were forced to choose between
China and the United States, it would
choose China. And the United States would
do likewise if the choice were China or
Vietnam. But black and white choices in
politics are rare. In an increasingly complicated strategic situation in Asia, independent-minded Vietnam will assume greater
importance for the United States.
dement the time was hardly appropriate for
better U.S.-Vietnam relations.
In February 1994, the administration
ordered an end to the remaining sanctions
under the embargo; in May 1994 came the
announcement that liaison offices would be
opened in Hanoi and Washington. Fifteen
months later, President Clinton, on July 15,
1995, finally announced full normalization
of diplomatic relations.
The U.S.-Vietnam Bilateral
Trade Agreement
Private sector groups traveling from the
United States will meet the presidential party
in Vietnam to join in discussions with
Vietnamese government trade officials, visit
potential joint investment sites, and take
part in other activities associated with the
future implementation of the U.S.-Vietnam
Bilateral Trade Agreement.· From the
announcement of full diplomatic relations, it
has taken five years to negotiate this agreement, which is the final step for Vietna~ tCi
gain the full economic advantage of normalized relations with the United States, and an
essential condition of Vietnam's entry into
the World Trade Organization (WTO).
Advocacy for normalization came mainly
from America~ business interests, who see
Vietnam as a potentially lucrative market. Not
all interest groups (e.g., the POW/MIA lobby,
human rights groups, some labor unions) were
enthusiastic ab~ut granting Vietnam a trade
deal. Beginning in 1992, Vietnam's economic
reforms had begun to take hold and prospects
for U.S. investment seemed bright. Congress
and the administration were lobbied by dozens
of commercial leaders eager to participate in
the Vietnamese market-Boeing, General
Electric, Motorola, Oracle, Nike, Caterpillar,
American International Group, Citibank,
Mobil, to name several. The enthusiasm that
Aowered in 1993-95, as the embargo was
J
10
�• Chinese disapproval (At the time, China
had not finalized its own wro negotiations with the United States or gained
Permanent Normal Trade Relations.
(PNTR). Vietnam was also nervous that
land-border treaty negotiations with
China might be jeopardized.)
After being ASEAN's enemy from 1978
to 1991, Vietnam became its seventh member in 1995, hosted the ASEAN summit in
i 998, and is chairman of the group in 2000.
This turnabout is one of many geopolitical
realignments in post-cold war Asia. For the
United States, cultivating a strategic relationship with Vietnam at a moderate pace and
with realistic parameters has become a goal
of parallel importance with fuller economiccommercial relations. Indeed, the two will
reinforce each other once the BTA comes
into effect.
Section 402 of Title IV of the Trade Act
of 197 4 (known as the . Jackson-Yanik
amendment) requires the signing of a bilateral trade agreement before the United States
can extend normal trade relations (NTR, formerly most favored nation) status. to nonmarket economies such as Vietnam's. In July
1999, agreement. in principle was finally
reached between Hanoi and Washington.
However, at the mo~ent of formal signing by
President Clinton and Prime Minister Phan
Van Khai at the Asia Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) meeting iri Aukland in
September 1999, it became clear that i:he
VCP leadership had not reached a consensus,
and the signing ceremony was canceled at the
last minute. Conservatives in the Vietnamese
leadership had feared a number of adverse
results from the BTA. Among these were:
• Possibly a lecture on the virtues of democracy by Secretary of State Albright delivered during her stopover in Hanoi on the
eve of APEC
The agreement was finally signed a year
later on July 13, 2000. It is the single most
significant action taken by the two parties
since diplomatic normalization and a major
step forward in the relationship. The deal
requires ratification by the Vietnamese
National Assembly and the U.S. Congress,
after which the United States will extend
normal trade relations status to Vietnam,
and Vietnam will accord reciprocal status to
the United States. The White House did not
immediately send the agreement to Congress
because of concern that it might complicate
PNTR for China, which was under deliberation at the time. The administration also
worried that anything to do with Vietnam
might provoke unwanted political vibrations
1
during the presidential election campaign.
Once the president transmits the agreement,
it is· uncertain if the BTA will receive
"fast-track" treatment (no amendments, and
an up-or-down vote within 75 session-days).
USTR chief, Ambassador Charlene
Barshefsky, on October 8, 2000, expressed
reservations regarding the continued utility
of fast-track and said she would reflect her
doubts to whoever wins the presidential election. In any event, the BTA will probably be
sent to Congress during its first session .in
:2001. The U.S. business community is optimistic of passage.
In the absence of a vote of disapproval
• Damage to Vietnam's system of stateowned enterprises (SOE) and to other
vested business interests such as the
People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN)
.'
• Increased unemployment· as a result of
more efficient international competition
("globalization anxiety")
• The undermining of Vietnam's revolutionary socialist spirit and the introduction of
"social evils"
11
�Asian Update
\
'
by Congress, the president may grant a
waiver of the Jackson-Vanik amendment.
President Clinton has waived Jackson-Yanik
for three consecutive years. (1998-2000).
Congressional votes for disapproval have
dropped each year (last June's House vote was
91 to 332), indicating a growing support for
an upgraded trading relationship despite obvious human . rights and other concerns.
Perrr.;anent NTR will not occur until
Congress passes a law "graduating" Vietnam
from the dwindling group of nonmarket
economies that are denied unconditional
NTR treatment (former communist countries
in Eastern Eu~ope have ·been graduated in
recent years). In the meantime, the JacksonVanik ritual will be conducted annually.
Under negotiation between Hanoi and
Washington for five years, the BTA became
enmeshed · in Vietnam's own internal
struggles. Conservatives feared that opening
the economy would eventually lead to political change; reformers saw changes toward
establishing a free market and joining the
world trading system as Vietnam's salvation.
On the American side, the president's special
representative for trade negotiations was
determined to close a deal with detailed provisions across all trade and services sectors
and a firm timetable for implementation.
Whereas the 1979 BTA with China was 10
pages long, the 2000 BTA with Vietnam is
I 00 page~ long and far more comprehensive.
What does Vietnam get? First, NTR status
will greatly expand the range of products it
can export to the United States. Since 1994
exports have generally been in items subject
to low or zero tariffs such as coffee, spices,
and other unprocessed foods. The World
Bank estimates that Vietnamese apparel
exports to the United States will grow tenfold to about $384 million in the first year
after recetvtng NTR status. Overall,
Vietnam's ·exports in the first year of NTR
could rise to $1.3 billion, more than double
1999 levels (see p.19). This figure seems pitiful compared to China's $81.8 billion in
exports to the United States last year, but for
Vietnam the infusion of U.S. direct investment that would come with the BTA and the
profits from trade are,immensely important.
Second, the BTA is an essential step for
Vietnam's entry into the WTO. Vietnam is a
. number of years away from 'meeting all the
requirements for WTO membership, ·given
.the changes it must make on market access
and tariff reductions, but eventually it will
have to successfully negotiate. an agreement
with the United States in the same way that
China did. The U.S. president will then ask
Congress to extend PNTR to Vietnam, which
will then be in a position to join the WTO.
What does the United States get? In the
BTA, Vietnam undertakes a number of measures to liberalize its market: NTR treatment
for U.S. imports; tariff reductions on 250
items; eased barriers to American participation in the banking, telecommunication,
and other service industries; protection of
intellectual property rights; and other
changes that would encourage and protect
American direct investment in Vietnam.
American exports (office machinery, farming
equipment, agricultural products, telecommunications equipment) to Vietnam will
grow, but probably not as fast as Vietnam's
exports to the United States. These measures
will be phased in over a period of three to
seven years. Other provisions commit
Vietnam to honoring WTO rules. In
short, the. BTA is in the national interest of
both parties.
The Issues
The American president's trip to Hanoi is
another chapter toward writing finis to what
the Vietnamese call the "American War," what
we call the "Vietnam War." That is its main
12
�Asian Update
nomic;-commercial rela~ionship-as well as
value. It confirms rhe progress that has been
highly sensitive issues such as Vietnam's
made in recent years and prepares the ground
human rights record. Vietnam will also have
for subsequent steps. One visit, of course, cana list of economic and humanitarian issues.
nor lay to rest all the bitter memories-on
Vietnam is at peace with its neighbors,
either side-nor can it resolve certain basic
although worried, as it has been for 2,000
differences in the relationship on political and
years, about China. The role of Vietnam in
human rights issues. What the Vietnamese
ASEAN and the broader strategic dimenwant from Clinton's visit is prestige and
regime legitimation. They will get a bit of . sions of a future U.S.- Vietnam relationship
will be on the agenda of both parties. In the
both. For some Viern~mese, the president's
visit will be an implicit "laying-on of hands" · long term, rhe gradual strengthening of a
strategic dialogue could be the most imporby the United Stares, if not an endorsement of
tant aspect of the visit.
the status quo.
The American side can expect. the folWhile President Clinton will shake hands
lowing issues to. come up during the
with hundreds of Vietnamese in receptions,
president's visit.
perhaps visit schools or a university, or go
briefly to a rural area, his policy discussions
Enhanced economic and commercial
will, of course, be with the VCP power brorelations a~e the centerpiece of the trip. As
kers. The Vietnamese Communist Parry
noted above, both legislatures must ratify the
Politburo holds preponderant power and
Bil,ateral Trade Agreement. The president
makes decisions by consensus. Irs 18 members
and his parry will urge Vietnamese officials,
are elected by the 170-member Central
at all levels, to take the necessary domestic
Committee at VCP congresses every five years.
measures-and they are many and farBehind the scenes, three retired parry leaders
reaching-to implement the BTA fully and
are influential: former VCP General Secretary
according to the agreed schedule. The presi· Do Muoi, former Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet, .
dent will underscore ·the advantages to
and former President Le Due Anh.
This is a visit of consolidation, nor of. Vietnam of the increased potential for
exports to the United States as well as memnegotiation. As of early November, no forbership in the World Trade Organization.
mal agenda has been announced. Regardless
of agenda, a major American donation in
Human rights and democratization are obvimoney or disaster relief materiel to victims of
ously sensitive issues that nonetheless can and
the worst flooding in a generation in central
should be discussed with the Vietnamese
Vietnam and the Mekong River delta would
leadership. However, human rights are one
certainly be an appropriate way for President
part-an important parr-of the U.S.,Clinton to kick off the visit. Some disaster
Vietnam relatioi1~hip, but not its totality. The
relief has already been flown in to stricken
president and his delegation, especially memMekong areas.
bers of Congress, will continue to press the
President Clinton will discuss the issues
Vietnamese on the need to improve their
that have become the bedrock of U.S.human rights practices in order to move rhe
Vietnam bilateral relations-continued
.,
efforts to gain the fullest possible accounting · bilateral relationship forward.
for American servicemen missing in action;
This is hardly a new iss\.te. Washington
and Hanoi already engage in ::tn annu::tl
and the mutual effort to expand the eco-
13
�Asian Update
,,
1.1
, I
.;
.! .'
With all due respect to the State Department's
opinion, it should be noted that while the
churches and pagodas are well attended, "freedom of religious expression" is very strictly
construed. Any Catholic, Protestant, or
Buddhist leader who strays across the line to
suggest political pluralism or to openly criticize government or party policy risks arrest.
Also, the number of Catholic priests who may
enter seminary training each year is limited.
No one expects the Vietnamese .leadership's
views or policies to change markedly by reason
of the president's visit.
"human rights dialogue" at the assistant secretary-vice ministerial level. The U.S.
Embassy in Hanoi is in continuous commu- ·
nication with the government on individual
human rights cases; it protests treatment of
specific individuals as necessary and represents American groups seeking redress of
perceived human rights abuses. The
Vietnamese, not unexpectedly, have rejected
interference in their internal affairs: Yet on
occasion, they have released from prison
individuals ident,ified by the United States or
international human rights groups as priority cases. The Department of State believes
that the Vietnamese attitude is "changingslowly," and that the central government has
"substantially reduced its intrusive behavior"
and has tried to restrain "heavy-handed
provincial governments." Clinton may
finesse the question of "democratization"the American and Vietnamese understandings of this elusive word are ·very
different-or he may suggest that Vietnam,
for its own good, expand genuine participatory governance.
i:~ ~
II
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i':
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Workers' rights. The State Department
expects "further progress in. the near future"
on Vietnam's meeting international· standards on workers' rights. This issue will be
followed closely when the BJA comes up in
Congress for approval, and again during the
in;plementation phase.
Strategic dialogue. The president and senior
members of his delegation may explore,
however judiciously, the desirability of a
broader and more profound bilateral discussion of geopolitical matters, particularly
Asian security. Vietnam's role in ASEAN, its
relations with China, the U.S. view of
China's military modernization, the South
China Sea-all these topics ·have already
been broached during lower level exchanges
of official visits and "track two" conferences
in recent years. The president's visit may spur
the development of more sophisticated consultations on a regular basis, although plans
for expanded military-to-military cooperation arc unlikdy to·cmcrgc from the visit .
Religious freedom. The visit will provide an
. opportunity to emphasize the importance the
United States attaches to religious freedom,
something the Vietnamese already know.
According to the Department of State,
progress has been made:
·I·
I··'·
i.
!
, '·I
,
,.,! I
Vietnam has released 20 religious or political
prisoners from jail so far this year [2000],
including 12 Hmong Protestants and three
Catholic priests. Dissidents released from
prisons still face harassment, but. they can
meet outsiders and supporters. Without a
doubt, a greater freedom of religious expression and worship exists in Vietnam than
during the two decades after 1975.
.'
Continued progress on POW/MIAs has
become the barometer of progress in bilateral
relations over the years. President Clinton
would not have visited Vietnam without wellestablished, consistent Vietnamese govern-
:1 i:
I''I
, I'
!'
.'i
':it
.'!I
'
, I'
!,[ i,
I:
I
14
�Asian Update
ment cooperation on accounting for prisoners
of war and men missing in action. In the State
Department's words, Vietnam has "cleared the
bar we had established to set the normalization
process in motion."
The president will express the United
States' appreciation for Vietnam's exemplary
efforts to resolve the remaining cases, notably
the 41 American servicemen in the "last
known alive" category (that is, known to have
been captured but their fate not revealed by
the Vietnamese). Joint U.S.-Vietnamese MIA
field operations (a total"of five scheduled in
2000) have moved to extremely rugged and
dangerous terrain in mountains and deep sea,
which are the only places left unsearched. In
response to an American request, the
Vietnamese began unilateral activities on
their own in 1994. The POW/MIA problem
seems likely to plow on indefinitely until the
United States decides _that the "fullest and
most comprehensive possible accounting"
has been reached. The issue has become,
ironically, a pillar of the bilateral relationship, and the president will make much of
Vietnam's cooperation while pressing for further progress.
political; - psychological, and legal barriers
pre~enting Vietnamese Americans from
playing a constructive role in Vietnam. The
overseas community is an immense resource
on which Vietnam can draw.
Freedom of emigration is another success
story that has helped move the bilateral rela. tionship forward. Vietnamese government
cooperation has been crucial In the president's annual waiver of the Jackson~Vanik
amendment. The Orderly Departure Program
(ODP), the Resettlement Opportunities for
Vietnamese Returnees (ROVR), and the
Former Reeducation Camp Detainees (HO,
Humanitarian Operations) programs will be
phased out in the near future. Under these
refugee programs, Vietnamese have been
able to emigrate _relatively freely (or immigrate to Vietnam and resetrle under ROVR).
More than 1.2 million have resettled in ~he
United States since 1980. The president will
express appreciation and urge that the few
remaining candidates under these programs
either be cleared for exit from Vietnam or be
interviewed by the Vietnamese government
for return and resettlement.
Cooperation on illegal narcotics trafficking. Vietnamese Americans number 1.3 _million
Vietnam and the ·united States have a
and are the third-largest Asian American
common interest in curbing this activity.
group today. The president will impr~ss
Vietnam's geography makes it a natural
upon his Hanoi hosts the need to build a
route for the flow of narcotics originating in
. positive relationship with them. This is a litLaos, Burma, or southern China to global
de recognized, and far from resolved, irritamarkets. Vietnam has its own illegal trafficktion in the normalization process, and it
ing and use problems. The Drug Enforceshould be an issue on which a genuine twoment Agency recently opened an office in the
way discussion can · take place. In 1999,
U.S. Embassy in Hanoi. The president's
according to the Vietnamese Central Bank,
delegation will discuss ways to enhance antioverseas Vietnamese officially remitted $1.2
trafficking cooperation.
billion, most of it from the United States;
unofficially, remittances are probably twice
that amount. Despite nice words by top- _ Cooperation on HIV/AIDS. Both countries share an interest in combating the
ranking communist officials and some recent
spread of HIV/AIDS and have exchanged
quiet overtures, Hanoi has yet to remove the
15
1
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Asian Update
ideas on how to do so. Vietnam's HIVinfected population (~ainly young adults) is
expected to reach 160,000 by year-end.
Enhancement of nongovernmental organization (NGO) cooperation, and educational and. training programs. Progr~ms of the
Ford Foundation, the Asia Foundation, and
the Fulbright Commission, among others,
are affecting Vietnam's intelligentsia,
including members of the government an.d
the Vietnamese. Communist Party. The
government, despite an initial suspicion,
now seems to tru~t foreign NGOs, or at
least accept their utility, in part because they
are an efficient method of channeling
humanitarian, development, and educational
assistance, especially to the rural sector. The
president's delegation will . presumably
explore ways to strengthen and expand these·
aspects of the relationship.
new scholarship programs for study in the
United States, large-scale medical programs,
transfer of technology, or financing of
Vietnam's own MIA resolution activities. As
noted above, a significant goodwill gesture
by the United States would be a major donation of cash or materiel to victims of the
massive Mekong River delta and central
·Vietnam flooding.
Mine and unexploded ordnance clearing
could promote enhancement of the militaryto-military relatio.nship.
' ·.
uman rights, freedom of r~ligion, and
differing definitions of democracy are
clearly the most contentious topics.
Members of the congressional delegation are
certain to make demarches highly critical of
the government and the VCP, especially on
religion. The Vietnamese will listen, point
out the· anomalies in America's own human
rights record, stress their need for stability,
or the Vietnamese, the very fact of the
and firmly resist any specific proposals to
visit already satisfies their highest prichange the way they run their society. In the
ority. Cli~ton's trip reminds China that
end, there will be agreement to disagree.
Vietnam .is an independent actor beholden
The Vietnamese will agree that the BTA
to no great power: The Vietnamese may add
can be useful to Vietnam, but they will note
the following items to the list of topics cov'that American . business can make a lot of
ered above.
money in Vietnam and that. the agreement is
not one-way. They m~y propose continued
Agent Orange· is a complicated, emotional
legal and educational assistance ori matters
issue for both sides that has been at the edges
pertaining to implementation of the BTA.
of the bilateral agenda for some· time.
Enhanced consultations on research and . Progress is already being made .on POW/
MIAs, emigration, HIV/ AIDS, and curbing
treatment (but probably not U.S. compensathe international drug trade, and the
tion) could occur during the visit.. .
Vietnamese appear to have no major policy
differences in these areas. Formal announceExpanded humanitarian assistance. The
ments on any or all of these issues could ·
Vietnamese may put forward the idea of ecocome out ofthe visit, for example an unde.rnomic assist~nce "to heal the wounds of war"
standing on U :S. medical or advisory assiscast in a humanitarian formula. While direct·
tance on HIV/AIDS, or a fa'rmal agreement
development assistance is nor.to be, humanon anti-drug trafficking measures.
itarian aid could take a number of forms-
H
F
16
�Asian Update·
The Vietnamese will assure the Americans
of their devotion to the resolution of all
humanitarian issues, and rhetoric on these
topics could be the advertised highlights of
the visit. The Vietnamese may agree to
discuss specific measures regarding the treatment of Vietnamese Americans after the visit. There will likely be a quid pro quo,
perhaps a reiterated American disavowal of
support for expatriate groups who advocate a
. violent overthrow of the Hanoi regime.
Finally, the idea of a strategic dialogue is an
area of common interest that the Vietnamese
recognize very well. It will be pursued in a
low-key fashion. Enough will be said publicly •
to get the point across that the United States
and Vietnam are talking to each other about
. regional security matters. Beijing will draw its
own conclusions.
17
�Appendix 1: The Vietnamese Players
In rough order of precedence:
General U Kha Phieu, general secretary ofthe
VCP, 71, born in Thanh Hoa province. Phieu was
deputy to the commander of the People's Army of
Vietnam during the war in Cambodia and head of
the PAVN's Political Department. A member of
the Politburo's Standing Committee as well as the
National Defense and Security Council (both have
only five members), Phieu is first among equals.
He is considered a leading conservative. and a
protege of former President Le Due An h.
Tran Due Luong, president, 64, born in Quang
Ngai province, but moved North in 1954.
Elected to Politburo in 1996. Nominally Vietnam's
top official, Luong has been president since
1997. He is believed to have been a protege of the
late Pham Van Dong, who also hailed from
Quang Ngai. A junior official during the war, he
studied geology in the Soviet Union and headed
the Geology Department. of the former Ministry
of Heavy Industry. He was deputy prime
minister under Do Muoi and former Prime
Minister Yo Van Kiet. .Luong is considered a
balancer· between the so-called conservative and
reformist wings of the VCP.
Phan Van Khai, prime minister, 68, born in Cu
Chi, but moved North after 1954. Elected to
Politburo in 1992. Khai was educated as an
economist in the Soviet Union. A senior official
in the DRY State Planning Committee during
the war, Khai moved to Ho Chi Minh City after
1975 and was deputy mayor and lai:er mayor of
the city. From 1987 ro 1991, he was head of the
State Planning Committee until becoming first
deputy prime minister in 1992. Khai is a leading
reformer and generally. associated with former
Prime Minister Yo Van Kiet and the late Nguyen
Van Linh, with whom he served in the South
after 1975.
Nong Due· Manh, chairman of the National
Assembly, 60, born in Bac Thai province. Elected
to Politburo in 1991 .. Member of the Tay ethnic
minority. Manh was trained as a forest engineer
in the Soviet Union. He joined the party in 1963
and worked in the forestry service in his home
province, becoming the ranking parry official
there in 1980.)n 1986 he was elected alternate
member of the Central Committee, then full
member in 1989 as well as head of the commis. sion for nationalities. Reelected ro the Central
Committee in 1991 and 1996, he became chairman of the National Assembly at its first session
under Vietnam's 1992 Constitution. Manh visited the United Stares in August 2000.
Nguyen Tan Dung, first deputy prime mtmster,
51, born in the South. Elected to Politburo in
1997. A career officer in the Ministry of Interior
(now Public Security), Dung has also been· head
of the Stare Bank of Vietnam.
Pham Van Tra, minister of defense, is a member
of the Politburo, as well as the National Defense
and Security Council, along with Phieu, Khai,
Luong, and Manh.
Nguyen Manh Cam, deputy prime minister, 71,
born in Nghe province. Elected to Politburo in
1997. Trained in China and the Soviet Union,
Cam is a career diplomat and became deputy foreign minister in the late 1980s, then foreign minister from 1992 to 1999. He has been deputy
prime minster since 1997.
Nguyen Minh Trier, Ho Chi Minh City VCP
chief, 60, born near Saigon, possibly Dong Nai
province, but moved North in 1954. Elected to
Politburo in 1997. His career was in the VCP
Youth Union; he became head of the Dong Nai
VCP in the early 1990s, then deputy head of the
Ho Chi Minh VCP in 1996 until moving up in
early 2000. He has been head of the parry's Mass
Mobilization organization since 1997 and his
career is believed 'to be upward bound.
Nguyen Dy Nien, foreign minister, 65, born in
Thanh Hoa province. Not a member of the
Politburo. A career diplomat with specialization"in
UNESCO affairs. He was chairman of the
.
.
Committee on Overseas Vietnamese until appoint' ed foreign minister in 2000, replacing Cam.
18
�Appendix 2: Top Vietnam
Exports to the U.S.
(in US$ millions)
700
\
Source: U.S. International Trade Commission
19
�Appendix 3: Top·U.S.
Exports to Vietnam
(in US$ millions)
./1
300
Office Machinery: 19.8%
Construction, Power Plant, Other Machinery: 80.2%
200
100
50
fertilizers
footwear
parts
equipment
plastics
269.5
60.1
36.4
5.3
277.3
61
20.6
11.4
Source: U.S. International Trade Commission
20
paper
�Appendix 4: Vietnam's Global
Balance of Trade
(in US$ millions)
14000 -----------·--r-=---l---·'--·--------·-------------·--------··------·----1
12000 -t-,------,-----1
10000 1----~-======-~;::--::;7~---:::::;:~7"'~-i
8000 +-----------~~--~~~-------;
6000+-------------~~~~~~------~~----,
4000-l-------~~=-~~-------~
2ooot-~~~~~:=-----~-~_j======~
0+---------~~-,---,--~--~--,--~~--;
-2000 ~S9.1--t992--1919r~~-.....~5.----19:9£_~~---~~-19
-4000 + - - - , , , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ' - - - - = .~~--;-----.--------1,
-6000 ------------------·-----"'-------------- ___________________ j
Source: Asian Development Bank
Appendix 5:
U.S.
Balance of Trade with Vietnam
(in US$ millions)
800
U.S. Imports
600
U.S. Exports
400
200
01991
1992
1993
1999
-200
-400
Balance of Trade
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce
21
�Further Reading
Abuza, Zachary. "Loyal Opposition: The Rise of Vietnamese Dissidents," Asian Quarterly,
spring 2000.
Brown, Frederick Z. "The United States and Vietnam: Road to Normalization,'' in
Richard N. Haass and Meghan L. .O'Sullivan, eds.; Honey and Vinegar: Incentives,
·Sanctions, and Foreign Policy. Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2000.
Dinh, Quan Xuan. "The Political Economy of Vietnam's Transformation Process,"
Contemporary Southeast Asia, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, val. 22,
·
no. 2, August 2000.
Duiker, William J. Ho Chi Minh: A Life. New York: Hyperion, 2000.
Manyin, Mark. "The Vietnam-U.S. Bilateral Trade Agreement," Congressional Res.earch
Service Report to Congress, Library of Congress, updated September 15, 2000.
Riedel, James and William S. Tudey. "The Politics and Economics ofTransition to an
Open Market Economy in Vietnam," OECD Development Centre Technical
paper 152, September 1999. <www.oecd.org/dev/publicationsltp1a/htm>
Side!, Mark. "Generational and Institutional Transition in the Vietnamese Communist Party,"
Asian Survey, val. XXXVII, no. 5, May 1997.
·
Templer, Robert. Shadows and Wind. London: Little, Brown, and Co., 1998.
Tin, Bui, Following Ho Chi Minh. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1995.
22
�Vietnam Specialists
Zachary Abuza
Assistant Professor
Department of Political Science and
International Relations
Simmons College
300 The Fenway
Boston, MA 02115
Tel: 617-521-2586
Fax: 617-521-3175
E-mail: zachary.abuza@simmons.edu
Mark Side!.
Associate Professor of Law
University of Iowa College of Law and
Obermann Center for Advanced Studies
475 Bold Law Building
Iowa City, Iowa 5224L
Tel: 319-384-4640
Fax: 319-335-9019
E-mail: mark-sidel@uiowa.edu
Lewis M. Stern
Director for Indochina, Thailand, Burma
Office of the Secretary of Defense
OASD I ISA I AP
Room 4C 839
The Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301-2400
Tel: 703-697-0556
Fax: 703-695-8222 ·
E-mail: sternl@osd.pentagon.mil
Kent Bolton
Chair, Department of Political Science
California State University of San Marcos
333 S. Twin Valley Road·
San Marcos, CA 92096-0001
Tel: 760-750-4000
Fax: 760-750-4111
E-mail: kbolton@csusm.edu
Frederick Z. Brown
Associate Director
Southeast Asia Studies
School of Advanced International Studies
., Johns Hopkins University
1619 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W
Washington, DC 20036
Tel: 202-663-5818
Fax: 202-663-7711
E~mail: fbrown@jhu.edu
William Turley
Professor, Political Science
Southern Illinois University
Mailcode 4501
Faner Hall 3171
Carbondale, IL 62901
Tel: 618-453-3182
Fax: 618-453-3253
. E-mail: wturley@siu.edu
. Mark E. Manyin
,
Analyst in Asian Affairs
Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division
Congressional Research Service
Library of Congress
Washington, DC 20815 .
Tel: 202~707-7653
Fax: 202-707-3415
E-mail: mmanyin@crs.loc.gov
23
�Frederick Z. Brown
is associate director of the Southeast Asia Studies program at the
Johns Hopkins University's Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).
Mr. Brown was professional staff member for East Asia and the Pacific on the U.S. Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations from 1984 to 1987. A Department of State foreign service
officer from 1958 tq 1984, Mr. Brown served in France, Thailand, the Soviet Union, Vietnam,
and Cyprus .. He was country director for Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia affairs in 1977-78,
and a member of the U.S. team negotiating normalization of relations with Vietnam during
the Carter administration. Mr. Brown is the author of Second Chance: The United States and
Indochina in the J990s and Cambodia: The Dilemmas of U 5. Policy, among other articles and
book chapters on Southeast Asia.
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·E!!cyclopaedia Britannica: Confucianism
A R T I C L Ej
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CONTENTS
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\)oo
Confucianism
;'
The historical context
The scholarly tni.dition envisioned by Confucius can be traced to the sage-kings of antiquity. Although
the earliest dynasty confirmed by archaeology is the Shang dynasty (18th-12th century BC), the
historical period that Confucius claimed as relevant was much earlier. Confucius may have initiated a
cultural process known in the West as Confucianism, but he and those who followed him considered
themselves part of a tradition, later identified by Chinese historians as theju-chia, "scholarly tradition,"
that had its origins two millennia previously, when the legendary Yao and Shun created a civilized world ·
through moral persuasion.
· Confucius' hero was Chou Kung, or the Duke of Chou (d. 1094 BC), who was said to have helped
consolidate and refine the "feudal" ritual system. This system was based on blood ties, marriage
alliances, and old covenants as well as on newly negotiated contracts and was an elaborate system of
rimti1al dependence. The appeal to cultural values and social nohns for the maintenance of interstate as
well as domestic order was predicated on a shared political vision, namely, that authority lies in
universal kingship, heavily invested with ethical and religious power by the mandate of Heaven, and that
social solidarity is achieved not by legal constraint but by ritual observance. Its implementation enabled
the Chou dynasty to survive in relative peace and prosperity for more than five centuries. (See social
control.)
·
-Inspired by the statesmanship of Chou Kung, Confucius harboured a lifelong dreamrr_!!to~be~inlJlpgJsiDon-te
e
e duke by putting into practice the political ideas that he ha
om the ancient sages
ndworthie Although Confucius never realized his political drea , his conception of politics as moral
persuasio b came more and more influential. (See morality.)
· ea of Heaven, unique in Chou cosmology, was compatible with the concep o e Lord-on-High
in the Shang dynasty. The Lord-on-High may have referred to.the progenitor ofthe Shang royal lineage
. so that the Shang kings could claim their position as divine descendants, as the emperors of Japan later
did, but Heaven to the Chou kings was a much more generalized anthropomorphic God. They believed
that the mandate ofHeaven (the. functional equivalent of the will of the Lord-on-High) was not constant
and that there was no guarantee that the descendants of the Chou royal house would be entrusted with
kingship, for "Heaven sees as the people see and Heaven hears as the people hear"; thus the virtues of
the kings were essential for the maintenance of their power and authority. This emphasis on benevolent
rulership, expressed in numerous bronze inscriptions, was both a reaction to the collapse of the Shang
dynasty and an affirmation ofa·deep-rooted world view.
Partly because of the vitality of the feudal ritual system and partly because of the strength of the royal
hous·ehold itself, the Chou kings were abl~ to control their kingdom for several centuries. In 7-7J BC,
however, they were forced to move their capital eastward 'to present-day Lo-yang to avoid barbarian
attacks from Central Asia. Real power thereafter passed into the hands of feudal lords. Since the
surviving line of the Chou kings continued to be recognized in name, they still managed to exercise
some measure of symbolic control. By Confucius' time, however, the feudal ritual system had been so
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fundamentally undermined that the political crises also precipitated a profound sense of moral decline:
·
the centre of symbolic control could no longer hold the kingdom from total disintegration.
.' ·Confucius' response was to address himself to the issue·of learning- to be human. In so doing he
attempted to redefine and revitalize the institutions that for centuries had been vital to~political·stabilitY
.ancl social order: the family, the school, the local community, the state, and the kingdom. Confucius did
not accept the status quo, which held that wealth and power spoke the loudest. He felt that virtue; both as
a personal quality and as a requirement for leadership, was essential for individual dignity, communal
.solidarity, and political order.
(See humanism.)
The Aiiafects as the embodiment of Confucian ideas
The Lun-yii(Analects), the most revered sacred scripture in the Confucian tradition, was probably
·compiled by the second generation of Confucius' disciples. Based primarily on the Master's sayings,
preserved in both oral and written transmissions, it captures the Confucian spirit in form and content in
the same way that the Platonic dialogues embodySocratic pedagogy.
The Analects has often been viewed by the critical modem reader as a collection of unrelated
conversations randomly put together. This impression inay have resulted from the mistaken conception
of Confucius as a mere commonsense moralizer who gave practical advice to students in everyday
situations. If a person approaches the Analects as a communal memory, a literary device on the part of
those who considered themselves beneficiaries of the Confucian Way to continue the Master's memory
and to transmit his form of life as a living tradition, he comes close to what it has been revered for in
China for centuries. Dialogues are used to show ConfuCiusin thought and action, not as an isolated
individual b1,1t as the centre of relationships. Actually the sayings of the Analects reveal Confucius'
personality--his ambitions, his fears, his joys, his commitments, and above all his self-knowledge. (See
self.)
The purpose,- then, in compiling these distilled statements centring on Confucius seems not to have been.
to present an argument or to record an event but to offer an invitation to readers to take part in an
ongoing conversation. Through the Analects-Confucians for centuries. learned to reenact the
awe-inspiring ritmtl of participating in a conversation with Confucius .
. One of Confucius' most significant personal descriptions is the short autobiographical account of his
·.
· spiritual development found in the Analects:
At 15 I set my heart on learning; at 30'I firmly took my stand; at40 I had no delusions; at
50 I knew the Mandate of Heaven; at 60 my ear was attuned; at 70 I followed my heart's
· desire without overstepping the boundaries of right. (2:4)
Confucius' life as a student and teacher exemplified his idea that education was a ceaseless process of
. self-realization. When one·ofhis students reportedly had difficulty describing him, Confucius came to
. his aid:
(See self-cultivation.)
. Why did you not siniply say something to this effect: he is the sort of man who forgets to
eat when he engages himself in vigorous pursuit oflearning, who is so full of joy that he
forgets his worries, and who does not notice that old age is coming on? (7:18)
Confucius was deeply concerned that the culture (wen) he cherished was not being transmitted and that
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the learning (hsiieh) he propounded was not being taught. His strong sense of mission, however, never
interfered with his ability to remember what had been imparted to him, to learn without flagging, and to
teach without growing weary. What he demanded of himself was strenuous:
It is these things that cause me concern: failure to cultivate virtue, failure to go deeply into
what I have learned, inability to move up to what I have heard to be right, and inability to
·reform myselfwhen I have defects. (7:3)
What he demanded of his students was the willingness to learn: "I do not enlighten ~yone who is not
eager to learn, nor encourage anyone who is not anxious to put his ideas into words (7:8).
·
The community that Confucius created was a scholarly fellowship oflike-minded men of different ages
and different backgrounds from different states. They were attracted to Confucius because they shared
his vision and to varying degrees took part in his mission to bring moral order to an increasingly
fragmented polity. This mission was difficult and even dangerous. Confucius himself suffered from
joblessness, homelessness, starvation, and occasionally life-threatening violence. Yet his faith in the
survivability of the culture that he cherished and the workability of the approach to teaching that he
propounded was so steadfast that he convinced his followers as well as himself that Heaven was on their
side. When Confucius' life was threatened in K'uang, he said:.
Since the death of King Wen [founder of the Chou dynasty] does not the mission of culture
(wen) rest here in me? IfHeaven intends this culture to be destroyed, those who come after
me will not be able to have any part of it. IfHeaven does not intend this culture to be
destroyed, then what can the men ofK'uang do to me? (9:5)
\
This expression of self-confidence informed by a powerful sense of mission may give the impression
that there was presumptuousness in
· ' self-ima
·
owever, made it explicit that he
was far from attaining sagehood an that all he reall excelled in was "love o earnm '(5:27). To him,
learning not only broadened his know e ge and deepene 1s se -awareness ut also efined who he
was. He frankly admitted that he was not born endowed with knowledge, nor did he belong to the class
of men who could transform society without knowledge. Rather, he reported that he used his ears widely
and followed what was good in what he had heard and used his eyes widely and retained in his mind
what he had seen. His learning constituted "a lower level ofknowledge" (7:27), a level that was
presumably accessible to the majority of human beings. In this sense Confucius was neither a prophet
with privileged access to the divine nor a philosopher who ha~ already seen the truth but a teacher of
humanity who was also an advanced fellow traveler on the way to self-realization.
I · As a teacher ofhumanity:C~onfucius stated his ambition in terms of concern for human being~:· "To bring
comfort to the old, to have trust in friends, and to cherish the young" (5:25). Confucius' vision of the
way to develop a moral community began with a holistic reflection on the human ~ondition. Instead of
1
• · · dwelling on abstract speculations such as man's condition in the state of nature, Confucius sought to
\' understand the actual situation of a given time and to use that as his point of departure. His.aimwas to
· : restore trust in government and to transform society into a moral community by cultivating a sense of
' . humanity in politics and society. To achieve that aim, the creation of a scholarly community, the
! ·fellowship of chiin-tzu (noblemen); was essential. In the words of Confucius' disciple Tseng-tzu, the true
nobleman
must be broad-minded and resolute, for his burden is heavy and his road is long. He takes
humanity as his burden. Is that not heavy? Only with death does his road come to an end.·Is
that not long? (8:7)
·
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: ~he fellowship of chiin-tzu as moral vanguards of society, however, did not seek to establish a radically
:.,different order. Its mission was to redefine and revitalize those institutions that for centuries were
·
: ~elieved to have maintained social solidarity and enabled people to live in harmony and prosperity. An. ·
~ obvious example ofsuch an institution was the family.
·
J
I
)'he assertion t
il ethics is politically efficacious must be seen in the context of the Confuci'an
conception politics as "rec 1 1ca ·
eng). Rulers should begin by rectifying their own conduct;
: ·that is, they
e
em by moral leadership and exemplary teaching rather than by
force. Government's responsibility is not only to provide food and security but also to educate the
; people. Law and punishment are the minimum requirements for order; the higher goal of social
• _harmony, however, can only be attained by virtue expressed through ritual performance. To perform
\ +ituals, then, is to take part in a communal act to promote mutual understanding.
I;
.
':
. ;One of the fundamental Confucian values that ensures the integrity of ritual performance is hsiao (filial
:piety). Indeed, Confucius saw filial piety as the first step toward moral excellence, which he believed lay·
in the attainment of the cardinal virtue,jen (humanity). To learn to embody the family in the mind and
, ·heart is to become able to move beyondSelf-centredness or, to borrow from modem psychology, to
: transform the enclosed private ego into an open self. Filial piety, however, does not demand
·
.. :unconditional submissiveness to parental authority but recognition of and reverence for the source of
life. The purpose of filial piety, as the ancient Greeks expressed it, is to enable both parent and child to
flourish. Confucians see it as an essential way of learning to be human.
Confucians, moreover, are fond of applying the family metaphor to the community, the country, and the
. ~universe. They prefer to address the-emperor as the son of Heaven, the king as ruler-father, and the
·!magistrate as the "father-mother official" because to them the family-centred nomenclature implies a
: 'political vision. When Confucius said that takin care of family affairs is itselfac ·
art"ci tion in
: . olitics, he ha alrea rna e 1t clear that fam1 yet 1cs 1s no mere y a pnvate concern; the public good
y an t oug 1t.
Confucius defined the process ofbecoming human as being able to "conquer yourself and return to
ritual" (12:1). The dual focus on the transformation ofthe self(Confucius is said to have freed himself
· "
··
from
· s: "opinionatedness, dogmatism, obstinac ,
icipation enab e on ems o
oya c ung to 1mse and considerate (shu) of others (4:15).1t
is easy to understand why the Confucian "golden rule" is "Do not do unto others what you would not
want others to do unto you!" (15:23). Confucius' legacy, laden with profound ethical implications, is
captured by his "plain and real" appreciation that learning-to be'htiman is a communal enterpri
j
-~
'
'
/
!//A man ofhumanity, wishing to establish himself, also establishes others, and wishi~g to
i( enlaige himself, also enlarges others. The ability to take as analogy of what is near at hand .
\ can be called the method ofhumanity. (6:30).
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Paper
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Title
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[Vietnam] [2]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-008-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e6f14b123a50d3342c0de49a32fe4fde.pdf
aeceef9e82e030ad486ad7e9750d298e
PDF Text
Text
~-----------
----
-------------------
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
'
Library Staff.
.
,-----
Folder Title:
[Vietnam] [3]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwiiting-Rosshirt, Thomas
··-
Original OAIID Number:
'
4020
Row:
Section: · Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
48
ki
3
v
8
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. notes
re: Vietnam speech; Phone No.'s (Partial); Personal (Partial) (61
pages)
n.d.
P5, P6/b(6)
002a. notes
re: Vietnam speech; Phone No. (Partial) (7 pages)
n.d.
P5, P6/b(6)
002b. note
Phone No. (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
002c. note
re: Vietnam speech (I page)
n.d.
P5
003a. briefing
paper
re: Preparation for the Vietnam trip (3 pages)
10/10/2000
P5
003b. minutes
re: Internal briefing for human rights, religious, and service
community (4 pages)
10/20/2000
P5
003c. minutes
re: Internal Vietnam briefing for the Vietnamese American community
(6 pages)
10/13/2000
P5
003d. minutes
re: Internal Vietnam briefing for the Veteran community (4 pages)
10/10/2000
P5
003e. minutes
re: Internal Vietnam briefing for business community (3 pages)
10/04/2000
P5
004. note
Personal (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
005. note
Phone No.'s (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: · 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Vietnam] [3]
2008-0703-F
·m233
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAl
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA[
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAl
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAl
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAl
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAl
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells J(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAl
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAl
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRAl
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAl
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAl
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA[
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Per~onal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
·001. notes
re: Vietnam speech; Phone No.'s (Partial); Personal (Partial) (61
pages)
DATE
RESTRICTION
n.d.
P5, P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
·[Vietnam] [3]
2008-0703-F
'm233
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)f
Freedom of Information Act- fS U.S.C. 552(b)f
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information f(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency f(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute f(b)(3) of the FOIAf
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAf
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAf
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAf
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information f(a)(l) of the PRAf
Relating to the appointment to Federal office f(a)(2) of the PRAf
Release would violate a Federal statute f(a)(3) of the PRAf
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information f(a)(4) of the PRAf
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors fa)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy f(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�SPEECH BUILDING BLOCKS "'" HANOI UNIVERSITY
Bilateral Relations
Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) is a milestone, and, in the
history of U.S.-Vietnam relations, it's a very large one.
Once implemented, it will bring the American and Vietnamese
peoples together in·ways that, even now, are hard to
imagine.
You, Vietnam's next generation, are fortunate to live in
the early 21st century.
You, Vietnam's new elite, will benefit personally from new
opportunities and contribute enormously to your countr~'s
new prospects for progress and prosperity.
On every issue in which we have demonstrated
interests and have been convinced of each other.'s
ommitment, we have made progress.
Each country has made gestures to advance this.process
the United States lifted its trade embargo and Vietnam
agreed to help recover the remains of U.S. MIAs.
Engagement at all levels is building a spirit of
cooperation between our two people~ and has. laid a solid
foundation for a relationship that lo6ks to the future,
rather than the past.
In a spirit of cooperation and partnership, my government
apd the American people want to do everything possible to
make sure you have the intellectual knowledge and skills to
make the right decisions for Vietnam's future.
That's why one of my country's largest educational exchange
programs in the world is with Vietnam, funded at $4 million
per year.
.
1
~
That's why USAID is providing $1.5 million to Boise State
'University to expand its business education programs at the
National Economic University.
�-2-
And that's why my good friend Senator· Kerry and his
colleagues have introduced legislation in the U.S. Congress
to establish, an Education Foundation to provide
scholarships for Vietnames·e students to study in the· United
States.
We are building a new relationship/ one founded on both
national and individual freedom and on national artd global
economic development.
ECONOMIC ISSUES
Bilateral Trade Agreement
Before turning to the more clearly human and people-topeople aspects of our relations/ let me talk about the
economic side of our relation~.
The BTA marks a ·major shift of Vietnam's economic policy/
setting a course for greater openness to the outside world/
increasing integration into the Pacific regional economy/
and building a foundation.for future entry into the World
Trade Organizatton.
the BTA ,Vietnam.will grant to its citizens and, over
ime t.o foreigners r rights to import r export r and
distribute goods 1 giving·Vietnamese citizens expanding
rights to determine their -9"n economic destinies.
1
1
increase government
transpar
le nam as agreed to provide advance notice
of all lawsr regulations/ and other administrative
procedures relating to any matter covered in the agreement;
publish all laws and regulations; and inform the public of
effective dates and government contact points.
Mutual .tariff reductions and Vietnam's eliminating nontariff import barriers will expand two-way trader bringing
wealth and prdsperity to both sides of the Pacific.
We recognize the major policy/ legalr and regulatory
.changes Vietnam must undertake to implement the BTA.
We
are prepared to provider subject to budgetary realities/
technical assistance to Vietnam to support BTA
implementation.
�In .addition to USG resources, the U.s. private sector is
willing to commit its own considerable resources to form a
public/private partnership to provide technical assistanc
for BTA implementation.
.}
~
~/
0
'Y"·
Investment
American businesses remain strongly interested in
developing long-term commercial .links with Vietnam.
U.S.
forei
tment into Vietnam last year is
timated at $120 mi
~zhile ~,t.otal stock of
license
.
capital ~~.3 billion
Membership in the
American Chambers of Commerce ln ~i and ·Ho Chi Minh City
now exceeds 400 companies.
Vietnam agreed in the·Bilateral Trade Agreement to protect
u.s. investments from expropriation, eliminate local
content and export performance requirements and phase out
its investment licensing regime for many sectors.
These
commitments are important to the investment climate in
Vietnam.
One oi the gre~test challenges for Vietnam is to make its
economic system more competitive by cutting red tape,
streamlining regulations, and generally making the entire
economic system more efficient and transparent.
Some of
the most vociferous and frequent complaints from foreign
investors concern the length of the contract negotiating
rocess and the delays in obtaining project approvals from
the ,gov'ernment .
.
''
)
0
',
.
'
mendments to Vietnam's Investment Law passed by the
ation~l Assembly in May .are a positive step .ln the right
lrectlon.
..·
·
Trade and investment should create jobs for Vietnam's
growing population, ~5% of which is under 25
Annually, 1.3 million young Vietnamese·enter
market~~·
____ ______......... . ~ ---~----"-- '
""" our part, the program$ of the Export-Import Bank1
for
Overseas-Privat-e·- Investmerlt Corporation, and Trade and
Development Agency are available to support U.S.-Vietnam
trad·e and American investment in. Vietnam.
OPIC has
approved over $10 million in loans to investors and TDA
granted over $2 million for feasibility studies.
The
Export~Import Bank is actively considering several
-
:
'
I
LJo
~:·v-,
~·
e)/n
�-4-'
applications for export credit and has already made an
offer of $2.6 million in export finance.
Information Technology
Joining the information age is key to all our futures.
You
represent Vietnam's young, literate, and energetic
population.
firms, already sector leaders in
.providing IT-related equipment and services in V~etnam,
want to work to accelerate Vietnam's integration into the
information superhighway:
u.s ..
To attract investment
to
l
must move a
that broad access to the Internet is
rucla
eve opment. Vietnam's access
·unfortunately among the highest in the world.
available in Vi~tnam is one~h~lf to one-third the capacity
of neighboring ASEAN countries. The introduction of
independent, cost-based regulation and the relaxation of
restri6tions on foreign participation in Vietnam's telecom
sector would addres~ these problems. Also unfortuhately,
enslve lrewa s now in place to contra Internet
content prevents software commonly used.· in the
international business community from functioning properly
. an
letnam'have opened negotiatibns oh a
bilateral civil aviation'agreement but rieed to be
accelerated.
Increasingly open passeng~r and freight air
links are essential to·expanding trade and investment.
USAID Economic Programs ·
Even as we create the engines for future economic growth
through enhanced business opportuni£ies~ we cannot forget a
number of pressing human needs, particularly when we have
the tools t6 deal- with them.
I
�-5-
In fact, some of these tools will also di~~ctly contribute
to stimulating business opportunities and helping Vietnam
implement the Bilateral Trade Agreement.
USAID's assistance is broadening the bilateral relationship
between the United States and Vietnam, reflecting the
importance and ch
·
ationship.
SAID~supported·t~~h~i~~l- ad~-~~o~~-wll~ssist
the --GVN-in_,
\geveloping policies and draft laws to ensure the smooth
ri~mp~lementation of the BTA ($3. 0 million in FY 01-03) .
1
-
~----
--------
r
------~---~-~--~------
USAID; s support for the U.s. -V~etn:am Trade·-counci-l--w-i-1-l-- ---.
enable_i.t--tO- -iElentify- issues that .oC0nstra:h-n--lJ.S,- -investment
in s_et_nam_and--to -Coord i-na t e-,-wi-th--t-he--U-.-S ....-::ASE~. BusinessCouncil, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce,· and the American--~·
Chambers of Commerce in Vietnam, public-private partnership
efforts . tO a'ssist-VJ.etnam Is BTA--lmpiein~;]_tati-on. ( $·1. 5
1
~--- --~--- ------.,-------- ·---.----~-------- ··------- ---.--?
mi-r1i'on ,-Fy-- oY..:. o3 ) .
·.
..
·
·
USAID's grant to Boise State University will improve
training and curriCulum devE:To:Pinen~- at tll..~_Iiat_ional. ______ ~ ..
Economig___udi:v:e·rsi.ty.:-_Bus1ne-ss-=-schoof.r- thereby strengthening}
th~_}l-ki_~~~~_()f -~i~t-~am! s_ next-generation -of- e~trepr_en~u_rs -.
-($1.5 mllllon, FY-00).
·
C
- -------~- ~~
USA~D-wirr-B~pp~~t technical assistance and traini~g to
1
fac fritate- private.-public- sec-tor. --- . --·" :· .
qiq.lqg:ue., - .. . --· .. ... . . '
m9re effective
J
.-•" :" .
- .. .
.
pri v~_E2 .,-sector advocacy for economic refortn-·and-mor~
effici~nt.:cc_domestic-c. markets ($1. 5 million, FY 01-03) .
~·-: .. ·~::---. - .------. ___ ......... ---- -- --·- ...... ·-·-·-- ·--~------ ----- ...
....
... '
~
_.
(._.
WhiTe a-ccelerating economic liberalizat'ion and growth are
key to Vietnam's future, it is important that the
disadvantage~ of Vietnam do not get left behind.
The
disabled, people. at risk .of HIV /AIDS,· and .t'he victims of
severe flooding can, with USAID-GVN assistance, increase
their participation in the development of Vietnam.
Vietnam
has the potential to be a model for the region in HIV/AIDS
prevention, mobility acc~ss for the disabled, and disaster
prevention and mitigation.
Through the Leahy _War Victims Fund and .. the Displaced.
Children and. Orphans Fund, USAID ~i_l_l_ ..c:;.ont.inue -·to-prov-ide .. --,·
mobiTfty- assistance. devic-es
skills training·-.
-for--... ----.. -- ':
'-..
Vietnamese adults .. and- children, c;tnd .eocia} and educ-afi·onal
ma,i'nstream1ng-of·-a.Tsplq.o~~ an-d-a-i-sab:led:..eh-i.:_ldren-. __ Eg~ally
- ----- - .
------,
\
(
and
~---~
_ _..
--
�-6-
important is our support for policy changes in areas such
as physical access to public buildings and greater
transparency in GVN-NGO relations ($3 million in FY 2001;
$27 million since 1992).
To address the growing th~eat of HIV/AIDS in Vie!pam and
__ JQining__cou,nt_rle__ 1 us.Aj1:5 "will ··rn.ci-ea~s-e- .lts support for_
~IV/AIP~~prevention t 'ough a regional~p~ogram that-' ·-_ o es: con om social marketing, comrn,hl.nications for
0ehavio:r:--change 1 -- STD- case management-,~ and policy=- based __
interventions .($30. 0 million, $7.5 million of which is
US~ID-·funding;)$22.5 million is CDC funding).
(
~
~
.
"-'
.
f.
I
USAID' s Office C>f._F_oreign_.Disaster_Assistance __(DEDA) ________ _
provides .-emergency reli,e_f_. _
_!s~- ~~c::=-tims_ -?-f _s_e\L~:L~ f~oQc;iing in
- (Vietnam, but more- {mportant~y, is assistfng ___Ehe ·GVN--in-------- fl~ood forecasting and mitigation to prevent the loss--of
)
lfvLes__~-~? __ property_ ($}~1 __ m~}-~~'?r1)_.
-- ---·
EDUCATION EXCHANGES
he State Department's
rogram
awarded i~ FY 2000 a to
grants to eight
U.S. scholars, seven Vietnamese scholars, eight U.S.
students, and fifteen Vietnamese students. Another as ect
o
e p
am,
e Vietnam Fulbright Teaching Center, is
·managed by Harvard Unlverslty through a grant for $1.55
mil-l·
e are supporting two partnership grants between U.S. and
Vietnamese ,universities for educational exchanges of
professors and administrators over a three-year period.
The curr~nt affiliations are University of Oregon/Oregon
State University/Van Lang University/Payap University andUniversity of San Francisco Law School/He Chi Minh City
College of Law.
Three Vietnamese scholars are pursuing research projects in
the U.S. via the Herbe~t H. Humphrey Fellowship Program.
They are studying gender issues and policies, AIDS
prevention program management, and international fisheries
development.
ENVIRONMENT
Growing industrialization can be a boon to the ec~nomy, but
only if this growth can be sustainably d~veloped so that
-'
�-7-
factory effluents do not degrade
threaten its marine resources.
Vietna~'s
rivers and
Vietnam has the capacity to promote sustainable
development, and we'll do everything we can to help you
find sust·ainable solutions to environment__challenges-such _
as maintainins·a--·cfe-an -water-suppiy;- 'deioresta_t,ipn, .. 9IlQ.
-;:narine -aeg~~-c~a_t_j,gn_~_ __ _
------ --- --- --- -----(______.....---------
~--
For instance, the State Department and USAID have given
Wildlife Fund to provide technical
Pa ·
ersonnel to
~~~~~~~~~~;;~~~~~~~~~~~o~s~coral reefs
and .fauna, 44 of
Book of threatened
list is the
numbers have now dwindled to about
dugong
10-20.
The State Department, in conjunctton with the secretariat
of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered
Species, has_i_nv · ------~ ·___ __
articip:ants to a regional
conference
coral reef management ____ Su_§§tainable
management of-Vietnam I 8 --cora reefs "could attract
substantial development of the tourism. industry.
\r
The way in which Vietnam manages its urban and industrial
gro~th ~ill be crucial to its future.
Through partnership,
the U.S. and Vietnam can learn/from one another, and
develop solutions to urban environmental problems.
Such an
effort will help make the economic modernization process
that Vietnam is undertaking more_sustainable, :while making
the landscape more attractive for trade and investment.
USAID supports
relationship.
relations, and
Bank loans for
($500,QOO).
the Seattle-Haiphong Sister City
This program will promote U.S.-Vietnam trade
contribute to more effective use of World
Haiphong urban development ·projects
U.-S.-Asia Environmental Partnership
in .
with U.S.
Bank, and the-GVN's
.
"'
Minrsrr-···- ·
e an acc_elerated
ase-out of lead~gasoline---in-Vietnam by~2002_{_$.1
00)
T
~--~ation
L --...
------ ------
--~--·~---~--
.
-------
-
I
US-AEP supports strengthening the·capacity of Ho Chi Minh
City to monitor and manage air qu~lity and promote cleaner
�-8-
industrial production, _9nd fqcilitates promotion of
(
---------------- -- ---- --.. -. --. American t~chnologies' for medical waste and wastewater ·
~r:ra<;ie~~~t--±n---viet-nam __ ( $2~Q.! 91~__D )~f-.- --------------------- J
.
.
. .. .
.
I
SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY COOPERATION
S&T Agreement
')
s{,9ning of
Science .an
moves us
a~other ste for~a~d; a mechan,ipm f,·<;?r cooperat·ive''research,
fo~·--sha-ring- sci~]1tific -and-techno-1-og-ical--informati_Ofl,_ for._
g~change-oi--s~ientists and technical experts.
Enhanced cooperation on scientific- resear~h will be a
significant step towards a new and more open relationship.
New activities from this agreement should also reinforce
globalization and integration-~£ Vietnam into the world
economy.' Open communication between scientists should
infl~ence growth of individual liberty in Vietnam. ·
NOAA/NWS MOU
..
~-
The· Un:Cted_S.tates-National- Weathe-r--Se-rvice .. and_ ---. . -Vietnam's.
r .------ • ----- Hydro-Meteorological Service have- concluded a Memo:t~andum .of
·u;n:~irs_§_a_:_l}_ci.i:nlf.::..fhat-:pro;id.~i=--~:--fii~tivork:--=for·'_-coope:r-at1on ··to
i~ 'roV,e . ·Viet·riam 's storm and· flc;od forecast1n
---capacr'~!Y.J:g__ _:r;_E::;_s_p_ond
to.wea.ther.-:::related __emer
The Mekong River Delta in the South and the Red River Delta
in the North are home ·~to millions of Vietnamese who must
yearly face the threat of serious floods from tropical
cyclones or monsoon rains. The U.S. [NOAA ~WS] is prepared
to assist Vietnam with the implementation of flood
forecasting capability for the Red River·Delta region.
Vietnam's 1000-mile coastline is home to a large local
fishing industry that is repeatedly disrupted by an average
of nine typhoons per season that traverse the South China
Sea. The U.S. has worked closely with Vietnam over the
past 2 years to outline a strategic meteorological
modernizationplan_to help improve severe weather
forecasting.
Droughts brought on by regional climate variations can
cause significant rice crop failures due to lack of
irrigation and salt water intrusion into the fertile lowlying delta areas~ The U.S. is prepared to share its
�-9-
understanding--of Er -Niiio=-related __we~_t_l).~s y~xt<~.tioris for the
___
southeast,_ As-ia--regiori'-'--a-n.a-::-fh~-~Yttlpact ·on Vietnam's · -we2ither .
. c--------
------~ --·--~----
---~------
-------- ------ . .~- - --~-- -- -----------------
·~
DHHS Activities
HIV/AIDS Epidemic in Vietnam
I have already mentioned USAID's support for HIV/AIDS
aw'areness in Vietnam.
In fact, my government has devoted
other resources, mostly from the Department of Health and
Human Services, to addreis enormous global and regional
health problems.
Although reported HIV/AIDS prevalence rates in Vietnam are
still lower than neighboring countries such as Thailand and
Cambodia, recent trends. strongly indicate that the' HIV.
epidemic in Vietnam is·now progressing more rapidly.
-However, because rates are still-comparatively low, there
is a critically important opportunity to mount a largescale prevention program anci_reduce or stop a.much larger
epidemic from emerging in the next few years.
As of September 1999, the Vietnam.Ministry of Health had
reported 24,151 cases of HIV infection.
Of this number,
3,903 have developed AIDS and 2,035 have died.
Approximately 75% of all cases have been reported since
1997.
Officially reported cases represent only a fraction of the
true number of persons living with HIV :Ln Vietnam.
By the
end of the year 2000, the Ministry of·Health and UNAIDS
estimate that approximately 185,000 Vietnamese will be
living with HIV.
Of that number,. approximately 30,000 will
have develope~ AIDS arid about 24,000 will have ~ied.
Vietnam is already facing a major national challenge in
providing medical care and s~pport to persons living with
HIV infection.
This challenge will steadily mount as_the
HIV epidemic grows.
Vietnam, although a developing country with ~ery limited
financial ~esources, has given HIV/AIDS prevention high
priority since early in the 1990s:
•
The Government has formed a national AIDS committee
chaired by the Vice Prime Minister to guide HIV
prevention and control efforts.
�.,-10-
•
•
The Ministry of Health has_a National Standing AIDS
Bureau- (NAB) which serves as the Secretariat for the
national AIDS committee and coordinates HIV prevention
activities with other miriistries and provinces.
Each province has established a multisectoral provincial
AIDS committee. These CQmrrilttees involve the public
health servides, schools, police, social services and
other provincial and local public authorities in planning
and monitoring HIV prevention efforts.
T_l)~__ u.. ~s-~-·Government is supporting the HIV prevention· effort
t·hr9ggh_ tW9___maj_or_ programs ,__one __through_th~_ (~_~:Q~~.FE? _f_()r __
Disease Control and Preve~tion (CDC) and the other through
the United States Agency, for· International De,velopment
(USAID) , which contracts wiih F~mily Health International
(FHI) to support HIV pr~vention activities and program
development in Vietnam. The Vietnamese Government has
enthusiastically received both of these programs at all
levels and many activities have already been undertaken.
The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
is supporting a national program of' training·, operational
research and professiona~-~~ghaJ1g_§. This program has
already -trained ·hundreds of Viet_n_,~une'E!e___ pfiysTcians-ori-HiV .
preventiol}_issu~s_.:ailct.,_has more tha.'n tenc research project~_-___
unpe:r: -~~y: t}l.~t- "'!tll help. the _Vietnames_e __Qgy~rn_~~Et plan and
strengthen· HIV-prevent.lc)n-effor.Fs ·acrc)~~n~r ·the···country·.~-~-.:--: -:
_
Ptoj·e-e:f~!. ·:rriC:Tlid.e~
•
•
•
•
•
•
· · · ---- -.---- ·- -------
-- --- --- -------
Developing standards for comprehensive HIV program
efforts for each province.
Epidemiologic studies in provinces experiencing large HIV
epidemics.,
Assessments of the HIV-related ri·sks. of commercial sex
workers, injecting· drug use, female ·sex partners of
infected men, and street children.
Training of counselors ~o coun~el high risk persons on
HIV prevention and behavior change ..
··Identifying common opportunistic diseases and medical
conditions of persons living with HIV/AIDS in Vietnam to
support training of physicians and developmen~ of
improved medical care systems and policies.
Assessment of laboratory support for HIV screening of the
national blood supply and vol~ritary HIV prevention
coun~eling an~ testing.
�.:.11The United States Agency for International Development
(USAID) funds the second program through the IMPACT project
of Family Health International (FHI) . FHI supports the
Vie·tnamese Government in its HIV prevention and care
efforts.
Emerging Infectious Diseases
In late 1997, CDC established a model training program· for
tuberculosis research in Vietnam.
CDC conducted a 2-week
course in TB operations research·for members of the
Vietnamese national TB·program and provided mentors and
funding to conduct research projects. Studies now have been
completed or are nearing completion on risk factors for
treatment failure and for default; reasons for patient
delay in seeking initial TB treatment; and knowledge,
attitudes, and beliefs about HIV and HIV testing and
I
.
counseling among TB patients. A second course, built on a
similar model of training combined with monitore~ projects
and using funding provided by USAID, seeks to build TB
managerial capacity.
CDC scientists have developed coilaborative research
programs in Vietnam on .a number of other emerging, ·
infectious disease problems, including dengue hemorrhagic
fever, Japanese encephalitis, plague, typhoid, bloodstream
infections, hemorrhagic -fever of unknow~ origin,
rota¥iruses and hepatitis.
Dengue hemorrhagic fever (DHF) has. beeh identified by the
Vietnamese Ministry of Health (MOH) as one of ~ts high
priority diseases.
In 1998, an epidemi.c year, the MOH.
reported over 200,000 cases in the couritry.
CDC has provided consultation and traihin~ to the MOH on
surveillance, prevention and control.of DHF.
Four
Vietnamese scientists have received training at CDC.
In
addition, Vietnamese scientists have received training ~t
CDC in plague and hepatitis.
The CDC has conducted two
·training workshops on plague and one on arboviruses in
Vietnam, training 20 Vietnamese scientists.
CDC is providing consultation, in collaboration with
Counterpart International, a U.S.-based NGO, to increa~e
the production of Japanese encephalitis vaccine at the
National Institute of Hygiene apd Epidemiology in Hanoi for
�-12use in prevention of this,important public health problem
in Vietnam.
CDC is considering establishing a field station in Vietnam
to conduct surveillance and research on emerging infectious
diseases.
Injury Prevention efforts
Beginning in. Decembe~.2 o_o_o_cDC-began"' ~.Qprdination .with-.,
r
UNICEF to gesign.andlprepare unintentional injury
\:Pieve-ntio~ _ed:l1cation materials aimed. at .chil.d_:r::en __ cmd t_h_ej_r____ _
'p·ar·en:b3 Tn- support of the Safe Vietnam initiative.
Under the aegis of Safe Vietnam, a program initiated by
Ambassador Peterson, a.more detailed helmet law was enacted
for Vietnam on September 1, 2000. Under this new law,
helmets are required to be worn by vehicle operators _and
all passengers only on major highways, with a [unwritten]
plan to im~leme~t the law in phases.
According to surveys conducted in North Vietnam, there has
been a 50% increase in helmet use. According to newspaper
reports, shops selling helmets in Ho Chi Minh City sold out
during the days surrounding the September 1 date.
With the attention paid to motor vehicle injuries by both
Ambassador Peterson, and, through his July 1999 visit,
David A. Satcher, M.D., Ph.D., Assistant Secretary for
Health and Surgeon General, transporta~ion safety topics
have appeared in local newspapers almost daily since Summer
1999.
Injuries in Vietnam
Vietnam is experiencing a substantial and rapid increase in
injury throughout the country:
•
•
Between 1976 and 1997 injury-related morbidity increased
from 1.84% to 8.39%
Between 1976 and 1997 injury-related mortality increased
from 2.23% to 21.6%
Official Ministry of Health statistics for 1996 indicate
that accidents and injuries were the leading cause~ of
death that year, outranking infectious diseases such as
�-13-
diarrhea'and,pneumonia, and chronic conditions such as
hypertension.
•
•
•
•
More Vietnamese children, ages 1-5 years, die from. road
crashes than malaria
More Vietnamese children die from ·poisoning in the home
than from Japanese B encephalitis
More Vietnamese children die from ·falls in the home than
from dengue fever
More Vietnamese chiidren die by diownin~ than from
plague, .cholera, typhoid and malaria combined.
Furthermore,
•
•
Injury accounts for 61% mortality for children between
the ages of 1-5
Injury accounts for 59% mortality for adolescents.
Profile of. Persons Injured on Roadways in Vietnam:
• 90% of crashes occur in clear weather
• 33% of victims are under the age of 18
• · 50% of victims are between the ages of 25-35.
National Institutes of Health
The National Institutes of Health, within the Department of
Health and Human Services, has also ·initiated a wide
variety of contacts with Vietnamese scientists and health
professionals, providing training in some·key areas of
common interest.
Activities to date have been ~pearheaded by the Fogarty
Internat·ional Center of the NIH;. which supports a series of
research and training progiams in countries most severely
impacted by infectious diseases, such.as AIDS,
tuberculosis, and malaria, and. by conditions of global
import such as ·the impact of environmental· change and
population growth on.human health.
These programs partner U.S. universities,· such as the
University of California at Los Angeles, the University of
Washington, and the University of Michigan, with
institutions in Vietnam to bring researchers to the United
_States for training in these high priority areas.
�-14-
Vietnames~
scientists also participate in an innovative
program supported jointly by the NIH, the National Science
Foundation, and the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The
International Cooperative Biodiversity Groups Program
provides training in biodiversity conservation, drug
development, and sustainable development to people in
countries rich in biological diversity.
The development of community benefit sharing agreements are
a unique and essential component of this program. In
Vietnam, the University Q~ Illinois in Chicago has
partnered with the Vietnamese National Center for Natural
Sciences and Technology to record the biodiversity of the
Cuc-Phuong National Park, and to search for plants with
potential to become drugs to treat AIDS, cancer, malaria,
and Alzheimer's disease.
NIH collaborative biomedical research grants are funding
research on vaccines for typhoid Fever, cholera, and
shigella, treatments to prevent breast cancer recurrence,
and HIV/AIDS.
Clearly, our joint cooperation in health and other
scientific fields is already intense~
There is more we can and will do.
Agent Orange
Both our nations have c6ncerns about pibtectihg our
citizens frqm dioxin polluti?n, and we both give high
priority to understanding the health risks of dioxin
contamination. Indeed, this important topic is of interest
to researchers and governments around the world.
------~----
----~---"-~------------
--~
----
....
I am very_~_I}_C9JJ.r_ag_ed. theft--Vietnamese anp. American . .· ·
sclenti-~ts and officials will meet later this month--to____ _
discuss a joint research effort in:t_o_ -t~--h~~i th-·and)
e,coiYogicare'fiE{C:t.-8-(;:f -diq?CtD in Vietnam.---- 1a -prog~a~- I hope
dan--be expand-ed to--include international participation. I
lo~qk_--,forward''fo a'successful·-program_-:_·~~that);;.l,e~~li6pe~=cz_rr~:15Ei:-:-~-=~~:J .
_ ,~1ni tiated under our . new Science and Technology Agreertfent· --: __
..
L.-,that can pav~_ the .way--for- addi-tional .scientjj~ic excha-nges~=-(
bene·f·i-c:S"i-ai___to our nations.
-·-
Since 1993, the U.S. Department of Defense has beeri
providing Vietnam's Ministry,of Defense' with detailed
�-15-.
information on the U.S. deployment of herbicides during the
war.
We will enhance that information sharing through a
new program that will provide data in.a more user-friendly
format.
Moreover, the Defens~ Department is prepared to hold
seminars and workshops to·train Ministry of Defense
personnel in the most up-to-date techniques for addressing
pollution.
Human and Humanitarian Efforts
As we stand on the verge of exciting new business
opportunities, and as we remain firm in our commitment to
essential human·values -- including disease prevention.and
environmental protection -- issues that often require nonmarket solutions, we also remain committed to fulfilling.
those commitments that made possible both normalization of
diplomatic relations and rapidly expanding people~to-people
engagement.
As a nation built by immigrants, in effect, a nation of
nations, the American.people pay particularly strong
attention to emigration issues.
r - - - --~----------- -----
- ---------------------------- -------- ·----~---------- --- ~-- -------- ------~-
tOur successful and.cooperative emigration programs have 2
r-·_paved the way for nearly 500 I 000 Vietnamese _t_o_ rese.t_tle . -.
~perman~nt],y in ..the- Uni-ted St;a·tes. _ Qver 1. 2 million
L-v.fetnamese now live in the u.s. Tens of thousands of these
Vietnamese-Americans return annually to their h6meland to
visit relatives and forge ever-stronger grass-roots links
between our two societies.
Although we have not always succeeded as well as we should,
as a nation, we have always welcomed this new, vital
community to American society. All Americans are proud
when -- as so often is the case -- these sons and daughters
of our nation's newest immigrants wind up at the head of
their high school and college classes.
If both our countries treasure these people, they can play
the role of a bridge between·ou~ two societies and
couritr~es.
Mariy clearly want to play this rolei many hope
to contribute both to the United States and to Vietnam, the
land of their fathers and mothers.
�-1~-
As a nation of nations, the United St~tes has been built
both by those who came searching ·for new opportunities made
possible by the basic.human libert~es guaranteed to all
Americans, and by those who were originally deprived of
even the most basic human libertie~, but later freed.
Individual liberty is the. heart and. soul of the American
experience.
The struggle for individual freedom is part of American
history and culture. These freedoms are.enshrined in the
Bill of ~ights of our Constitution. And, we fought a l6ng,
bloody, and costly Civil W~r to establ{sh these freedoms.
Although we ·are far from perfect, over the past few
generations Americans have opened new .opportunities for the
full participation Df workers, women, and ethnic minorities
in the United States.
We believe that all persoris should enjby freedom of speech~
assembly, and religion. We·· further believe that these are
inherent .and inalienable rights for all individuals, not
benefits or privileges to be granted or withdrawn by the
state.
Because of our history, respect for humap rights, religious
freedom and worker rights are fundamental, issues in U.S.
foreign policy. · We believe that citizens~ of all countries
should ~njoy the basic freedom~ that are enumerated in the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
I
.
These issues are clearly important to the American people.
We.believe that we progress by ~dmitting our faults and
working for positive change. This· is one criteria by which
Americans also .. judge other countries.
.
Although we ha~e many differences .in this field,. I am
pleased that our two countries have established the
practice of annual candid dialogue on human rights, worker
rights, and religious freedoms.
·
Remembering the Past
As we move forward together to build a new history of
cooperation, we cannot and will not forget, the past.
For the American people, the key remaining task is
�-17-
obtaining the fullest possible accounting of our missing
from the Vietnam war. It is the foundation of our
relat~onship and remains our higheit ~riority.
Secretary Cohen's March visit provided an enormous boost to
our progress in building t_he people-to-people relationships
that are slowly replacing suspicion with trust and
understanding.
The easy·work has 'been finishedi the tasks ahead are
becoming progressively more,di~ficult. We are now
searching in some of the ~ost difficult and dangerous
terrain in the world- in thick primeval jungle and on.top
of rugged mountain peaks. We face unpredictable weather
conditions from torrential rairis and high.winds, along with
increasingly treacherous situations involving the clearing
of unexploded ordinance.
I know that there are .consequences of history that are
important to the Vietnamese people.
I have mentioned the joint scientific research and other
joint cooperation we are undertaking on teh possible health
an¢i environmental impact of dioxins in Vietnam: ·
..
We are also working closely on the issue of unexploded
ordinance.
. -----------is-one--of--the_
c=:"~--------
~v-ietnam
--~-~---~
. -----
-mq§,t_se.Yerely·ra:n:dmine-;uxo~a-t-fect·ed-
count-r±es-in"the-wo~-ld and for the last twenty_::-;five yecirs·.
I
.
.
-
- -- -----
-
_
---
-
has been working, with little outside assistance, -to-clear
ljaridmi~es __ ~??:.li!1~£Cploded Ordnance--GUXO)-. -.In spit~ of
·""' . .
Viefrla.mese clearance efforts, there are over 2,000
casualties per year.
In---J-une· 2oo·o, ·Vietnam· and· t·he-tJ-;-S·;-s-i:gned~an--·ag-reement---that _•
I
--- ..
..
forma;l-ly incl11g~_d :_vietnam __ ,in-:-.the __U_._S. humanit_a:r_:j..E_l}_._9.emifi~f1-g_
assilstai1ce'-p~ogram.- Sfnce .then~-. the State Departl!l_~nt .. has ----~ _ -,
p_i0v-ided qy_er~$3-.m:i:-l-l~on_::.Q:L~hurnani_!::arian demining --- • C:~qui'~ment ·incl ucling -vehicles> pe:rson;;i=sa-fety-equipment------,anaiandmine/UXO detectors.
---------- ..
1
L~--
1
.
~-~-
The D'efense Department has ·provided funding for a bombing
mission data base and computer equipment.
This demining equipment will help foster an improved
relationship between our two countries.and will support
J
�-18-
Vietnam's efforts to minimize the threat of landmines to
its people and to its economic well-being.
Conclusion
One of the proudest legacies of my eight years as President
of the United States has been the work I have been
privileged to undertake to normalize relations between our
two countries.
You, as young people in a country that is both very old and
very new, are particularly fortunate to liv'e now, on the
verge of new opportunities.
Your legacy remains to be created .. For our part~ if I may
speak on behalf of my generation, we are proud to have
helped provide the tools that will allow you to start your
journey to a new, more prosperous and peaceful future.
�---------
~----
-19-
p:BCLTV/Vientnam POTUS 2000 Visit/Press and Public
Remarks/Building Blocs - Hanoi University
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Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002a. notes
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
re: Vietnam speech; Phone No. (Partial) (7 pages)
RESTRICTION
n.d.
P5, P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
OA/Box Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:.
[Vietnam] [3]
2008-0703-F
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�8
first to be conducted jointly under our new Science and Technology Agreement-that can pave the way for additional scientific exchanges beneficial to both of our
nations.
In addition, considering the venue of the speech, .1 wanted to make sure you knew that ·
Vietnam National University is partnered with the University of California, and (as of
October 12) there are 13 full-time UC students studying in Hanoi. Many of these
students are Vietnamese-American. The Council on lntemational Educational
Exchange (a US-based non-profit) also has a program in Hanoi, with three students
there now for the fall semester. We would certainly want to make sure these students
attended the speech -- as well as any Fulbright scholars in the area, which we can find
out more about-- and it would be nice to make some reference to these educational
exchanges as one element of our relationship.
·
I went to another village outside of saigon. doing a televions
thing went into a shack, guy had a television set.
on a wall he
was writing with a piece of chalk, he was teaching his child to
speak english from lessons on the television.
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject: Three Seasons Commentary
On-line magazine movie review:
Three Seasons is the first American-funded production to lens in Vietnam after the war.
Visually, it's a lyrical and rich motion picture, with images that linger in the mind's eye: a
glorious
portrait of a majestic old house on the shore of a lotus pond, a lane flanked by redflowered trees whose petals flutter
.
groundward, and shots of a central square in Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon), where
tradition wars with modernization. ·
Elsewhere in the city, an American Gl, James Hager (Harvey Keitel), has returned to
Vietnam after a 30 year
·
absence to find the daughter he fathered during the war. In his words, "It's time to find
her and maybe make
some kind of peace with this place."
You would have to be na'ive not to realize that Lan represents the country and her
salvation by Hai sounds an
�·.
9
optimistic note for the future.
Vietnam is presented favorably in Three Seasons, and the cynic in me has little difficulty
understanding why the
government would approve Bui's request to film on location. You can't buy'this kind of
positive publicity. Nevertheless, it is
unfair to charge the movie with being a slice of pro.:.Vietnamese ·propaganda, because
·
·
·
it's much more than that. It's an
accomplished and effective piece of film making that works on many levels.
Record Type:
To:
Record
Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP@EOP ,
cc:
Subject: Great Stuff on 3 Seasons
.
.
.
.. ..
.
~ ~~-.
--
-
...
-
-
~Three-Seasons" not only the first American film to be shot in \iietnam but the first-ever
[!Q@!go:langua·geJilm to-befully-financed-by.an.American distribyto~: ____i·~-:----
·-- :
Born in Saigon, he emigrated to the United States with -his family at the age of 2, settling
in Cali-fornia's
Silicon Valley where, as a teenager, he began hor':ling his skills.by making super-8
movies. After returning to Vietnam ·
in 1993, at age 19, he made an award-Winning short film, '~Yellow Lotus," garnering
sufficient praise and recognition
to set the wheels in motion for a feature debut.
Regarding the wounds that mention of Vietnam still opens with many Americans, Bui
_
feels his film can be part of
the ongoing healing process. "That's why I think the character struck such a chord
with Harvey," he says, "because
he's an ex-Marine, he has many fdends-who are now my friends-who fought in
Vietnam, w,ho killed in Vietnam. Just
·
speaking to him recently, he was saying that's why the film is so important to him,
because it r~ally is about
rreccincil@~~o~n~:--=-2
\
Even Bui, however, seems somewhat surprised that "Three Seasons" has been
embraced so forcefully by both
.
audiences and critics. It is, after all, an ·unusually intimate and personal work,
comprised of several character-driven .
·
· 1.
· _, --------~
_____ stories-set-in-modern-day-VietnamJhaL~_tlare one cort!J_mon thread: a concern with~~
the_need.for-charige,-''They're.aiL_____ __
·· ../..
~-~---~---------· --~--
.
.
----
'(
r
�·.
10
very personal stories," Bui says. "They're drawn from the lives of people I've met
.during my travels to Vietnam. I got
·
to know all these people and I'd get to heard their stories, their ambitions, their
hopes, their thoughts on how things
-~----___,
were changing. I also got to spend a lot of time with t~~eet kid~_:_.L}nd I was very
affected by what they told me,
affected by their lives.
·
·
I got to sense their:_souls,-in-a-ways, and their souls were so universal in what
r
they_wao_!_.ej__:_l_thouq_~-~ jTh~}~_~r~=--c _,_i__,·-- __ --~-- ---·- --- -------- .. _~ · ------
--i
\themes that are universal, but no one ko_O.V\fS_about Vietnam in .this lighC".
-.........._--~---~-~-~--
-~-
--
------------- --
Ironically, Bui encountered little, if any, red tape·from Vietnamese censors and
government officials, thanks in part
·
falls
i~l~~v~ ~~hrt! ~~~~~i;~t~~ ~~or, D~~~u~~-~~-who-~l~ys _th~_::_rt of a0c~clo drive~ who
ad~1~on to_?,~-~~~ o~~
most!es_~ec~~_9_s<:_:~n ~-~tors,-
)i·
~
-- ·
_
__
_of_tVI?tnam's
Don-Duong 1s
also BUI s uncle. He s my moms
J
-----:--------- - --- · ·
[ - ----younger-brother;"Bui says·p·rm:Jdly.
his involvement definitely helped the fil
hurdle certain obstacles that I think
.
·
·
other productions have not been able to. I know he took the script and flew to
Hanoi himself to meet with the
·
Minister of Culture to get the script approved. And we got it approved in two
weeks."
Record Type:
To:
·~And
Record
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject Vertical Summer
From an Interview by VietNam News of Hung, Director of Vertical Summer,
the new film by the previously banned filmaker of The Scent of the Green Papaya:
"I have sensed the perfection of Ha Noi, the grace and dignity which are the true spirit of
the city,
since the first time I came here in 1993," says director Hung. "It is a quality which has
so obsessed me
that a film about it had to be born."
In Mua He Chieu Thang Dung, the graceful personality of the city is illustrated in the .
slow, peaceful
Jo~
J ' -1_
~
~
a-~
1
�·.
11
pace of the characters' lives. However, beneath the exterior calm of each Heino ian lies
strong currents of
dynamic emotion- passions, regrets, jealousy,Jorgiveness, and the sweet- ness and
bitterness of love
·
and life. These very human sentiments are embodied in very ordinary people, carrying
the soul of Ha Noi,
·
which can only really be sensed by those who have visited the city and concentrated on
understanding it.
From the embassy on education
Education theme
-- ------ - - -·r
This week. [(November ------- - '. in_the __United · - ,
13 -1:]·)
States we are
__ ---·
- --·celebrating[ Inter:n_~ti_onal_ E_dt~c_9.t;:i<:>p_ W~eK,jan event which
spotlights tfie -strength:---~nd prestige of American education, the
many ways in which American educational institutions interact
with students and educators of other countries, and the
potential for even greater benefit to all. As a Rhodes scholar,
I personally experienced the_many ways in which a period of
.
study through the lens of another country can enrich and broaden
one's perceptions and understanding of the world.
It is
especially fitting to mark this week here~in.Vietnam, where we_
have ~fthrlv-ing-:-F'-u1brigf1t-program;--the ·-largest-Tfl'tneworid.-Tn:-·. --,
c-·term~- <?~-~~_: __ c;~ver~!TI~_!!:t' s -~~ppor~-: ;~vretnam~se -scholar·s ·and'--students return to share thelr Amerlcan experlences and newly
acquired skills with their countrymen and women, and American
scholars and students contribute to a n~w understanding of
Vietnam that has been sorely lacking in our country. The
selection process is a model of transparency and fairness for
all. And there are many other fine programs tying Vietnamese
and American universities, or promoting ed-ucational exchange.:
the Ford Foundation, the Asia Foundatio~, the Council on
International Educational Exchange, to name just a few, as well
as Vietnamese and.universities·that have hooked up' on their own.
bn this campus, an energetic American Fulbright scholar (Roger
Ford) and a Vietnamese entrepreneur (Mr~ Binh,· Chairman of Isr
provider ~PT) have together built a modern business school
program that hopes soon to gra.ll..t._MBA _degr.ees_j_o_iiJ.J:J:.Y with the .
Upiyef'.~.:Lt_y_ __Ha_waiL .. rove~->-1,.5_00_Vietnam~.s~_ .§1;:'!:1~1~~1:::_~- travel-----~;
_g_f
annually to the u •s • ~9me on scholarships others by
. - -painsfaklngfy---asseffibling the resources to cover the:Lr
educational costs.
l~cc··.:...:._.
1
Thomas M. RosshirUNSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
1
�'ll
'
I
I
I
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RESTRICTION
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COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
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FOLDER TITLE:
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2008-0703-F
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�12
,.....
Subject: Math
'··· ........
~.P
/
...,
\
Vietna~ese ~tudeiits .excelled at the'41st (2boo)· lntern8,tioilal Ma~h!3matic·s· Olympiad
·
. \
/
held· iii ··,--
Seoul, the Republic' ot'Korec::l(yJ,itn\th.te~;:gbld;.two-Sit:ver..}if:l'e~n~b'rqnZ:e n1eda!s. These
f ··
. , .
results made . . . .
. · . · : ' . · . . ·. ....•. · ,; :· :_. · ;
Vietnam the 5th tbp team, following Ghina, Russia:~the ldnited'·States:alild therRep~blic
of Korea. ·
)<
~t::_tf;:::.,1"·1"'''~·~· l;,·_~; ,lt.,~.~._:.,;~,J·.·~~:' ,;:.p.·.:·rv:·~·~J~·,:~·~
,
:
A total of 463 competitors frq!"D~~g;~~c:?_~qt~ies('p,c:frticipated in the Seoul Mathematics
Olympiad. The
;
results obtained by the. Vietnamese team demonstrate real strength and qualifications
of Vietnamese
participants:
· Professor Doctor Dang Quae Thang, who selected and trained the team members says
the awards
·
have resulted from the state's investment and the team's hard work.
To:
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
cc:
L O0 J,b1
Subject: Bobby Muller
there.
Raised in a New York City suburb, Bobby Muller came of age in the
politically
charged atmosphere of the 1960s. Energized by John·F. Kennedy's call to
national service, Bobby enlisted in the U.S. Marines in 1967 after he
received
a business degree from Hofstra University. As a Marine Lieutenant, he
served
•
<',
1
..-._,.,_.
··.':'··.
·p·_.·~-
.. ·.·
~~·-f;-
·~i . . ::··~~-',·._.:~ :_~_.;_ ~:•: • . '!'\"-.
·.•· .
as a combat infantry offic~rr:-r~·;At>~!LOf;~tg6,9·;:iM,biJer:l.v~s:Je.aoi!lg_:~t1· ·
assault'
. when
a North Vietnamese
bul~et sever:ed ~isispih_al cord. His last thought
as
he lay on his back was that he was going to die. Fortunately, he awoke
days
.
.
later aboard a military ho~pital ship elated to find himself alive despite
being
.· :· · p~ ralyzed"fr6/TI. th.e. chesr down:·.
�•.
13
His service in Vietnam and its aftermath changed his life. During
rehabilitation
at the Veterans Administration Hospital in the Bronx, NY, Muller realized
that
,-·-vetera.ns'lle-eds-were-being-lgnorec(-dnce discharged from the hospital
he
L.-----~.-
-·-----
-.---~--------
__________,
·
. ,..."joinecrtne-anti~war· moverriE:Hlt~·~nrolled in law school at Hofstra and
.
·
eventually(_.....------------- __--~-;-- ------- ( ·
served as.legal counsel for the Eastern Paralyzed Veterans Association.
Seeing that there was more work to be done, Muller founded the
.... - . -· --- -.. .
. _. _
_ . ..
Washington-,---------·
r
. _·i D.C;- based Vi~tnam V~~rans ofAmerica~(ini978) ..E.O.c;l_lh_e_Vietnam:
'-vetrr~~~-~f_Ar!l_e!l~~ ~o-'-~nj9!!9DJio_J ~§QL __ ~--~ J
, . - - - .~~---·- --
.
-- )
Despite the shift- from M9rine0Lie.utenantto' anti-war activist - Bobby
.
Muller
.
. . ,..---------. --->
r~
continued to heed his generations call to service. Because-of-his efforts;
~iet~_~rT ¥~t~:~~.ns :9Cf:,Q]~rica ·gre.~ Tnto-t~e-larg_e~.f-~ncnnost~powerfu 1 ,
yeterans grqup.JilliJireless efforts as ~e,ad of VVA resulted m·the ··'
..• --- .
.
.
\.~--
passage of
'
landmark legislation grantingVietnam veterans compensation for
Vietnam-related maladies: including Agent Orange and post-traumatic
stress
disorder. VVA also won for all veterans the right of review ofVeterans
Administration decisions. The review of VA decisions has worked a
revolutionary transformation of the way in which the U.S. government
treats
veterans.
(1 ~ _1 ~af-M,~~!~!Je~;,ref!!~t·d~-~~~~u~~cqtACTJ§~i~~~x~~~~s-to,_1;~~r~·to- -- -_
_
V1etnarn s1ncethe end of the -·· ---- ---.- result of thattnp·M~:-~IIerand WAF
war. As a ·*· ----,,
. --"
,..
. -----. .
.
~
~
~
-~
----·~
-~~ec~·me'the leading advocates ·atrecon·ciliation with Am,erica's former ·
(
~nemies-::· :::~·-
L ______
--:·----- ----· ·---------~----- .. _________
)
in \{i~Jnam._Over 1:,3_y~ars later, this effort led to the lifting of America's
·
embargo and_the normalization of relations.
.
~~-,-~---·-::--·· -·~-
In 1984, Muller traveled to the killing fields of Cambodia. Shocked by that
pation~sJarge number of-civilian ·amputees and.the lack_Qi.Q§!~_!()_r !hem,
:-~- _-'-"-- -Muller deCided-to -begin a movement thaLwould. work for all landmirie-I
ViCtimS -- . ~· ·-. J
.
\around the-world·: H,e first established a prosthetic clinic on the outskirts of
, __ ·· Phnom Penh, Cambodia's capital, and then, in 1991, co-founded the
International Campaign to Ban Landmines. The ICBL worked to rid the
world of
landmines.
r --
-----~-- ~-
.
-
., ___ .
--~-~-
�•.
14
,---.----
awareness
'
KOSOVO,-~--
...
·-·--------
.
Today, thro~~b_rv1~11e('_s_e_ffo_r:t_~ht:ehabilitation centers and l~fndmine
.
'
. ________:-_-_::._. : .-.:_
-----..
--- ,,
----~---
..
r-~----
_--=~-:--=--
.
-----~
-- --
·~
. _______ _
p_r_ogr~m !:!ave been established in 'Angola; Cambodia, El Salvador,
--~·-
-·
;,
.
.
----------- ·--
,~---- ~S!erral~eo~e-~n~Vietn-am_ andthou~~uld_~ __of l~n.ctmJn~xicti~-~- have
rece1ved
--·· --------.-e.---~-~-'--~-~----- ...: ___ .
-- · -- prosthese-sbrwhe;;lg_hairs free of charge, .. M~re Importantly, people who
'z.
------ ----once
believed that life was truly over for them after being injured now have a
new
lease on life and can continue to be_productive membe'rs of their families
and
villages.
tTrlf§-97,the-global.landmTne-·camp8Tgn-was awaraec:rth·e-Nobei.Peace- -
\PrTZe-- l '-------- .. --- --- -----\.........-----~-
. --------- . --- -·. -- --- -- ·----- ---- . '....
f~wits-effortsingetti~g-ino-reThan ~omforganizatlo-ns-arounotffefworlq 'to
werk"together to ban landmine·s-~·one of the--resUlts was the signing oUhe
Ottawa~Treaty·by-124 nations which)banned the manufacturing and
stockpiling of land mines. Although the United States was notably absent
from
this signing, Muller and his team recognized the treaty as a tremendous
. step
toward victory .
.Muller received an honorary Ph.D. in law from Hofstra University in June
1998.
Dear Thomas,
I'll resist the professor's temptation to give you a
great deal of background, except to say that
I've never read VNese literature in a search for
particular themes before receiving your request.
The exercise has been enlightening. It turns out that
over the centuries VNese writers have
written a lot of defiant poems addressed to the
Chinese, then the French & finally the
Americans. But because VN has so often found itself
fightingjo_Q_~~n~~ol_lts ~x_LsJence as a ___
_
nationfj.~~-~e ·are also many_R()~r:DS IQDging_for -peace. ·~
Then there Is tne romantic I patriotic strain --~----- -in VNese literature that celebrates the "mountains and
rivers" of the homeland. This latter
metaphor, combined with that of "nuoc," which means
both "water" and "hom~land," to create a
complex of symbolic relations that have deep resonance
}
I
''
�·.
15
for the Vietnamese people;
r----
~-----------
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . ·- · - - - - -
Fcrom "Live by Water, die for water," an essay byRuyeri ___ - ---,---·--Sanh Ihong, reprinted in . --- · - ~
- · - ·- -- ·
watermark:-Viefnam·e-se American -PoeTriand. Prose: "The -7
word for 'water' and the-word- _-- -- - --- - --- .
\..----for 'a homeland, a country, a nation' are spelled the
same way in the romanized script and are
pronounced the same way: nuoc [nu+o+Ac] ... This is
an instance where, by synecdoche, a
part--the most essential part--has come to represent
the whole: water, as the most precious _
resource for the homeland for growing crops (in
particular, rice) has come to stand for the
homeland itself. Those who have not discerned that the
dual acception of th~ one word nuoc ·
have miss~d the origin of Vietnamese culture and what
merges all its disparate ~-~~-~ot~ _i_nto_a ___.____ . _
coherent system ... L~-~o-~_ ~s_ !~e d r~_Ki11g wate~_J
from a well or any beverage. It 1s the JUice ·
from fruits, too. Water is so appreciated as the basic
.thirst-quencher for the poor and the rich
·
alike that daily meals are simply referred to as 'rice ·
and water' (com ·nu~c) [com+Indigents who own feWTiteflsils~fl1d-lack such things as
bowls and cups '(eat) rice from a small
pot and (drink) from a flask [com+ nieAu nu+o+'c lo.]
.... Nuoc is any liquid or some body
fluids. It is the outward gloss, the 'water' of a
diamond, the complexion of a skin. It is the pace
of a runner, the gait of a horse, it is a move on a
chessboard or the way you play your cards.
Broadly, it is a step you take to reach some goal. It
is a pass you come to, and also a way out
of a diffi.cult spot ... "
'~----
nu+o+·cr-.- }
•
J
[YOu ~h~uid:not;thatH..:uyen ·sailil-fhon~ liy~~-i~-t~_e-us--·
--. · ·
and 1s no fnend of the current VN:9ov-ernme_Ot:-still, what he says above would ring true
lfor any-\JNese, at home or abroad.
·
I
Let me give you some specific examples. First, the
defiant mood, which goes back a long way.·
Ly Thuong Kiet was a famous general who helped the
_
emperor repel invasions from both the
north and the south in the 11th century. He wrote the
)
�•.
16
following poem in 1077 to rally his troops
and had it read to them at a crucial moment of battle,
or so the legend goes. Another version
has it that he had his soldiers write the poem on
thousands of leaves for the invading army to
find as they marched through the forest. Tnis-isa-- ;
P,oem-th·arany Vietnamese will recognize·, ~=--1 ---- ---- -;__,
~venin back-translation. (I donTseemto-have it in
VNes8,but lfwou-lcf have been written in
Han Chinese anyway.)
~
- - - - - - - -
J ________
-
---~
1..'-..
The Southern Emperor rules the Southern land.
This has been clearly marked in the book of heaven.
If unruly troops dare to encroach,
They will face certain annihilation.
There are a lot of poems and speeches like this
directed mostly at China, 9ften_ ref~IT~cJ--~~ ___ ·
simpjy~as__:the-north~~(bac). From the tenth to fhe-- ·; .
-.
1~ttl century Viet_I1?1Tl.~~e_ miU!C!IY ll}en were C -~ _
also mandarins, and to become a mandarin one haa-m--1)118ster a complex set ofE~e~arY. }_-~=---------~---~---- _:~--. ~chniques and forms. The examin?~Q_ns giv_en to p~co!!leJ
a mandarin included as a central
element the .ability to write poetryc-ILwould be a
littiEnil<e-tlie-fofeigri ·service-exams. gi0en by the
State Department including the composition of a sonnet
as one of their tasks.
\
&
.· .•>e·"---;- _ _;_:: ___ :- ·-
-
. .
• •
.
But while VNese literature certainly asserts the
integrity of national identity, there is. also C! sense
that the function of the military is not conquest, but
defense. After defeating another Chinese
invasion in 1428 mounted by the Chinese Ming Dynasty,
Binh Ngo Dai Gao issued a
·
proclamation that began:
To insure peace for the people, such is the essence of ·
humanity and justice.
··
To eliminate violence, such is the aim of our
soldiers.
Another poem, celebrating a navel victory,
conclu~es,
But our king above all cares for the people's rest
And wishes, qy poetry and education, ·to build peace.
i
J
�•.
17
In counterpoint to this martial poetry, written mostly
at court, often in classical Chinese and
heavily influenced by Confucianism, there is a
tradition of poetry in VNese, either oral or
written in Npm, a writing system based on Chinese
characters forwriting VNese. This latter
poetry is often overtly Buddhist. One of the themes of
this literature is the separation of families
in time of war. One folk tale,·"The Woman of Nam
· Xuong" [ThieA'u phu. Nam'Xu+o+ng],
relates the story ofa young couple who have just had
their first child when war breaks out and
the emperor calls on all the young men of the·nation
to join the army and fight the invaders.
Nam Xuong's husband, Truong, [Tru+o+ng] goes off to
war, leaving his wife to care for their
infant son. One day, when the boy is a little older,
he asks his mother where his father is;
·•
because she does not know the answer and also to
comfort herself, she point to her own
shadow cast on the wall by a lamp burning across the
room. From then ·on, the boy speaks to. ·
his father every evening in the lamplight, his
mother's voice answering him. Returning several
years later to find his wife and son, the later grown
into a big boy, Truong is disturbed when his
son does not accept him, but speaks instead ofthe
conversations he had had over the years
with is "father," who used to sit over there by the
wall near the bed. Truong suspects his wife of
being unfaithful and though he dqesn't say anything, a
coldness develops between Nam Xuong
and her husband and finally in despair she throws
herself into the river .and drowns. Only later
does Truong discover what has happened.
And there is a-famo!J.l?c ~Jiciem, ...''Cbfnh~p.h~~N.g~~'[Cilinh- -~-\ ,
- ---·--·
_
..
.... , ..
originally in -·-----~
· · ··-- ---... - J
Glasslcal Chinese-by Dang Tra·n·can· [Ddk(.ng Tra"'n
Co"n], but translated into VNese by the
famous woman poet Doan Thi'. Diem [Ddoa'n Thi. Ddie"?m]
in the 18th c. The VNese version
is generally thought to be superior in feeling and
tone to the original. This poem, too, tells the
story of a couple separated by war. The whole
'v-::_-=o~-·
\phu~nga"mF..Vritten
�•.
18
poem=--four hi.mafecrlines:~takes place-during··---;
th~ few moments of parting, husband and wife not- -------;
krfowing when they will see each other · --=~-~
again, and the poem ends inJttE;L~futLJJ~ ten.se:
\..-----~--··--(
--- - - -----
-
_-_ _:_ -~-
- -
-- ·
*Strictly speaking, VNese has no tehses, the future is
implied in these lines.
Well, no doubt I've given you more2-and perhaps
less--that you wanted. What follows, then
are some selections I have turned up. I also have
young VNese friend searching for lines on ·
the themes you mention.
a
On the theme of justice: In the 19th c. Thanh Hien
[Thanh HieAn] wrote of an old blind singer
invited on to a moored boat to help pass the long
hours of the night. The speaker of the poem
dies not und(3rstand the words, but is enchanted by the
music. Leaving in the morning, the old
man is pathetically thankful for the few cents he's
been given in return for his songs. The
speaker of the poem comments,
Better to die than live in misery.
I had thought that in this country*
everyone at least had food,·
But now I see the empire also includes
Starving men who sing for their dinner.
This boat fitted out for the ambassador
Is stuffed with rice and meat.
Glutted, the crew throws good food
Overboard, fine rice for the fishes.
*Imperial China; the speaker is an VNese traveler
going to Beijing in 1813.
�'·
19
The final lines of Tran Te Xuong's (d. 1907) "Nam Moi
Chuc Nhau" --"Wishes for ther--------- - .
New
_______ -~.
Year"-- ends with the wish that,)"The king and all his .Jj
\-ministers-prove- worthyrofthe·human ~- ,--- - ~--c· \race."
_
_/
----~--
-
L---~----·-c-
--·
..
Ho Chi Minh, in the Prison Diary, writes: "Good & evil
are not inborn I but learned and ·
taught." Bac Ho* also has wonderful po~m. "Song of the·
Cotton Thread," for which I have only.
the following woeful translation--it speaks to your
theme of interdependence:
My mother was a cotton flower;
stark white and wholesome, I'm a cotton thread.
I used to be so frail 'and weak:
crumpled, I'd break; shaken, I'd fall apart.
Once I had become a thread, .
I'd fret and fidget, bring puny still.
What power had a little thread?
What fate would heaven hold in store for it?
A longer thread gets brittler yet:
who would give a thread respect?
I leaned .on countless comrades, though:
we came together, woofs and wefts galore.
We made a lovely piece of cloth-stronger than silk, prized above tanned hide.
Let no one try to tear it up:
here lies our strength, here shines our glory.
Children of the Hong Bang* race,
we must unite and act without delay.
Love one another--heed these words:
Hurry, friends, and join the Viet Minh!
*Vietnamese. T,ranslation-6y R-uyen~Sa-nhThong~ from. 1:\n Anthology of Vielna·mesEfPoems ------- ----- -- -- ___\ ·
(Yale University Press); should you GOnsult thisvolume, be aware that despite the fact that its
editor won a "genius grant," the translations are both
wooden and unreliable, as I have
·
discovered when I have re-translated some of the poems
from original texts.
�..---------------.,~----------------------
20
I'm coming to the end. There is no particular poem--or
rather, every third poem--speaks of the
longing for return to the ancestral village, which is
to say, a return to the family. Tet, the lunar
New Year, is the traditional time when people go to.
their family homes, but on a larger,
· metaphorical level, much of VNese literature expresses
this longing for home and family, and
peace to enjoy them. Sometimes this notion is
expressed b,y the image of a long road to be
traveled.
Here. is a poem by the contemporary poet Nguyen Duy,
translated by Nguyen Ba Chung &
Kevin Bowen:
DEBT
Debts of love, debts of hate, debts of care,
I'll go broke in debt's snare.
I
I owe a life to the world, a life to that death's
road where I left my footprints.
I owe the white dice cup my ups and downs,
those times playing with friends until night turned to
dawn.
I owe my people a cup of my tears, I owe the forest
a shade, the river a deep, thirst-quenching drink.
I owe you many hard-scraping days, the moon
\a slight breeze, the sky a cloud.
I owe the natural world scent and shape,
·the earth my dreams, the gods my preoccupations.
No way I can put off these debts. What troubles me
most
no way I can pay them off with mere money.
-
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AND TYPE
002c. note
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
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�22
yrs.
Joe Duemer
From brian quinn
Sorry, l~t8:-~or:rect-myself, .Ms, TranRieu ~gan won a silyer medal i n : }
~"I~ekw~h9o,~tth.e s~~~e:y 01y~pi9~' ··S,h~ is, n.~Y~rth~l~ss, ~big,~tar:~ow in-~-~----.____ ____
~V.Ietnam.__J:'I_er~ Y!a~_'!_l~~~-rl2·~- ~~t_ey~~_91ym~I~Qc:>!~~~~d~l:an~_ .'!!~~ ~. ~~X __ _
b1g deal locally. The President would really connect w1th h1s aud1ence 1f
----------he is able to recognize her achievement. You can look up her results at
the Olympics' site (http://www.olympics.com/eng/).
~lso;-the Tiger
Q,upfs- now bein-gheicflri-Thail~:fiia;-not-Malaysia as I
tno~ght~_l!l- att9_chi_ng __9_Wlr~- ?!Q_I)'_O_il_\/i~!~a_rn·_~ p e~ormance.
1
Hope that's helpful.
Regards,
28 September 2000
Vietnam_~QDJtl~jrji_r~!Ql~mp_i~_rrr~g_9L:__9__§ilv~_.r:__-~aftec1r:_qn -~-- . an fought
~her
way into the final_of t~.~ women'~ 57 kilograms cla$sin ti:lek~o'ndo on r
\._.-. _Ihursday but then lost to South .Korea's Jung.Jae-:eun._ _
?
· ~
Ngan, 26, is the fourth of eight children and comes from the small fishing town
·of Tuy Hoa, capital of the central coastal province of Phu Yen, where her family
runs a sweet shop ..
The town is about 350 km (220 miles) northeast of Ho Chi Minh City.
"This is such a great honour for me to be the first Olympic medallist from Vietnam," she
said.
"This medal is for my country and all the people who live there." Vietnam's Foreign
Ministry said
the whole country had been behind Ngan. 'We want to say that we are with you," it said
in a statement.
Taekwondo, which is making its debut at the Sydney Games, is an ancient martial art
which resembles
karate but focuses on kicks with bare feet and is Korea's national sport.
f
�.
23
Tiger Cup 2000 is going on right now, warm-up games have been played and opening
ceremonies are going on, Vietnam and Malaysia went 0-0 in their warm-up game and is
~d_uledJo_play_against-Cambopia tomorrow. We can check scores on
\.vww.thaifootball.com . ..
·'
1.-.---~--:--
�.--------~---------c------------------
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'
!'
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' •
I .
''' ...
I•
�.. ·
.....
,
bobby muller and jack terzano at the vietnam veterans of america foundation
David Lam LA times
his wife did documentary on peterson.
rhetoric I was using.
peterson nperfected the
You can hold on to bitterness or you can let it go and get on
with life-.
It was very obvious (to go back) at the time I had started the
only congressional charted vvet org bedause of al lthe
negatives of the war, noone wanted to deal with it or our
concerns,
by coming to washington and peaking to vets concerns
I came into a void.
Phil Jehlen from POSt called to
columnists said:
"introduce this guy to washington"
they got
35 opeds.
7 phil donahue.
this was in 78.
had a posisiont
iwht a vietnam group.
the whole notion that will reconciliation
vets had to be in front.
not one will get in front of us.
it's up to us to being the process.
I went to london in 81.
and proposed to ambassador to bring a
group of vietnam vets- we want to bring back a group.
amb·
said intersting we'll talk.
I got a call: be in hanoi a week
from friday.
NY Times had been trying for two years toget into vietnam
without success.
I got bernie weinraub to come on the trip.
they gave it front page.
first group
before we left, we got briefed by all of our
december of 81.
they said: we know nobody is
gov't people: mia issue, intel,
held captive, they can do more on remains. bobby asked riational
gov't tell us what's going on.
I
there were no discussions at all.
recovery of remain.
There
was a US gropu iin bangkok working on MIA issue said: let us in
it was a deep freeze.
going to vietnam was something we did
with a lot of anxiety we did not know how we would receive.
wh~-n--we cam~it-was unl5elJ..eval5TeJ
'ff:_e:::..::.were received with open arms.
wh?J_ _:w_as_
_p_bp_cking__ t_o__JJS _W~§ _I
tBE!~Ck _(?J __animosiA:-y-and-hos.til_i tyj as we walked around boroke
away from our exports.
9{11a:nlliv-o·f-cnrisEffia_s_bomb-i-ngs
�2
welcome to vietname
welcome to ahnoi - the people found out we
were ameircans and came up to us and said.
the war was fought for the heartrs and minds of the vietnamese
people.
our minds were captive to the war.
They had had several new chapeters since US left.
china had
invaded.
foreignmiiniter had animosity toward japan.
absolutely remarkable to me.
and be welcomed.
we could consistenly go to beitnam
to be here and see that veitnam is still a big emotion.
now
you're still talking about an eomtion and a state of mind.
not
a nation.
we don't view them as a country.
majority of whom were not
alive during our war.
what ai found interesting was lack of
response to announcement ot president's trip.
so muted.
so
what? that is real progress, it's amazing.
one more thing that really - that has left an imporession. it
was on that first trip, I got to meet with the foreign minister.
but I felt we had not had enough.
I talked to the fm guy
handling our delegaiton.
FM came over and said:
is there a
problem.
I don't know we have enough to go home with to make it
a successful trip.
bones, MIAs
FM said have another meeting. we got otgether with the foreign
ministry.
I talked about how important MIA issue is in minds
of american. we had to have evidence ofprogress for tirp to be
biew positively.
six guys on other side of table - each guys opened up shirt
showed scars. each one was combat veteran.
they talked about
who they had lost.
300,000 MIAs that they had notrecovered,
as they shared their feelings. we got misty, we were embracing
at the end of the night, there were tearts on the part of all of
us.
~~now~r;-?wefiulll-;~;~~~~!-ed-~--andVietn-a~--;~~- ~-~~-~l±~;---~-f]__
~t-hat
war arid t'he suffering it enta.~led. 7eally has bound us mo:r;e
in shared, history than any nation in -_O:u:f-_-::_-::~_.=.::1 . -~-~
~~-=Tt ..J~~-a-~<J.~~ply _:e()w~rf'-:1 experience th(i_t _Ol.l~ __ll._g_tions __ _
)
snared,
we _:r_~ gound together.
suTfering~-frdm-·ooth sides
~e-'-re--cc:)rlri.(;cted more than th epolitical differences separate
us.
clq.§~lY_ together
I
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�•.I
3
F~}~~~¥:~;~1~~-:{:if..f:\~:U~r~~>~BJ,-··5 ;:(l~<<~, ~~3;~~1!~;~.;},~·~:.:,,:·~..\• {j~;~~; ;.'{:.
'i··
1:. i
•
bc:~.h ;~~s~13,1~t~~~:91?b:a~\~¥n$fi~Di,~~t'a:l"'t!pr':t'<6E!l~ :''that Is there
simply to
have' 'the president ackn·owwledgE: tt;at., ··"Y.e ,..\'fer1e. pot the only ones
I
who suffered. J.,. -.. ::. ::r;~c:::.C!?cn~geZ,'e :~ici.ui~r:su::f:fete:ci·Jib.:·hfhas· our nations
::w~~
. :· '"' ,. .
-· .
. ' '
together in a p'o'werf\:.1]; ·waY' ..·.. not. about "'sa~dng,"1"we' re s·orry.
~-'
,:;·~:~~n?.~a.. ~crs·e~_ng;> ~w~. · '}l~~e:.·8~.r:Jt$.96~;-~~t5.~.fli~~w;~~;~~~l~~i1~g~.:h~~P~~,.•,_
that cemetery is right on the DMZ. when you got to the wal and
see 58,000 naems,_ it has more impact when you see the names.
when you see all the gravestones in national national cemetery
near Dong Ha.
The numbers have changes. now·it's acknowledge
more than 3 ~illion vietnamese have died. see what 58,000 looks
like.
hard to grasp the magnitude. it got anesthetized.
[oo~]
went
was amaz ng,
to meeet them in
the war, seeing
them as people they were nice loving fathers,. caring brothers.
when I went through marine corps tsriannig. who do you kill.
the vietnamese were seen in a certain way,
when
the grace of the vietnamese in not being hostile and bitter and
openin~ their h:a:r;-t~. 1to us_ ~a-~ :.P~Y.?!li?~-~~~Ji~i. . #:~~~~~~1:~~~i~%~J~~:+;~~~.~;.'.i~;t.
th:at. ha9had. t;.he chance:-,to.go· bi3-Ck-·bene·fitt .f-rom··t·he mag.J.<::: ,of . .
.. -~-~
go:i.r1g:·:. ·. ····
·
J,-~·t· the. ti-me~fioz~ri images .-g.; ,_. see{:·a · touAt~~/bh~d d:i ,;hb;t)th~~::;.;;.~
w·~r ~n~··: k~~~;~~;~,;§,~~.-~~:;~~:M~~r:~:9~tF~~~~:z~~~tw~t1il;::J:~&;~~;y~~;: g_~; ~~- :,a~·t<··::~hq$.e,.·:··.
emotl.n. s
·
- ·· · .,
vn used to aske, we gpt a request for a vist, should
go.
the ?nl~ guy I ~ver sa~d. don't let mccain go.
did more than anyone.
·· ·
I
:r,
let them
though he
I was meeting with mccain in 1984, he was shaking int eh
meeting. Why you going to vietnam, why are you talkoing to the
enemy. in his congressional office, he stromed out.
�4
I said to VN, he is so angry he would U§_e_"':t-he-t-r±p-to vn to
validat-.e-:·his- c.ontinuing. - cri ticism-.--:-tn~ magi_c. tha't -worl-ed=::0n.:..-::.::::;J
~ .. ·, ·"'· ' .
.
------··--·--·
.
l
~
-;?§Ve~E~~- el~orke~_o_D:_!l1_t;S:_9_9~~:_:-_-_:_ne_jWound up being the guy that
~brOught about the reconciliatiuon
spomething about ese trips let go thte images. regard them as
they are today. powerfully.
John- bobby's exec vice president.
I could fax an oped around
president mitterand. he was first french president to go to
vietnam. he went in 1994. 50 years after dien bien phu.
-----~
.r---~-------~----~~A- --=----------·-~;~~---_--,~---.-· .-;
L Mi tteran,d 'opposed- the-waJ?,-. -h~·~ went ~o ~l~~-~ -~~e-. <:l<?or_ or::_.Sh~_:__pas~-~j - -1
~"e_nd__()Pe_J!_t~~-ci9.0r--on t-he futur_e .. ~fJ:tt·lng tnat lt was mltterand
at the state dinner, next to and across from people the french
had imprisoned and how gracious the vn were.
I come from
perspective that it is the president' job to lead the whole
country, and VN to some extent - still divides this countyr, in
clinton and gore - is a uniting of the gneeration. one who
served and one who chose not to serve. I've see that as a
\powe_:r:Lul_visua~. ~-b.ec~use that-'-s-what-i-t-r:e~:r?esentsC . my v.;j.:~.VJ. '? _-:: :_;,
~"Jab?~t tl)e. ,w~r~_~s- n0 dlff_e~ent __ tha_~t--~~::-1?~-esldent' s. ::l~W_ aJ:~Q_U!=.J
~-=-he w~!'..!-~e C~l!l~_t(J~!_he_vl·e~--='!'--=-~~<2L.e:arll,er ~ th_an __ l dld:'
_r----~
those still carping are still those who served and those who
didn't. you can get someone who says war was wrong and
criticize someone for not serving. if war was wrong maybe more
of us should have take the turn the president did.
mitterand's trip is instructive. shows how countries hwo have a
painful.
We are the vietnam veterans of american foundation.
we're not
associated with veitname veterans association of ameirnca.
we founded that or,g-bobp¥...,.,wa.s-p;r;:esi-Elent--f-0r~n-i-Ile-y:ears-;TI-w,q_s VP
forcnine...-¥ears.. J <ilt. ..\...r,~;Jja_d,._a ..·cii vorce. betwe'en-Ene~Ew_o~ga~Ti~t';;)n
.
.
7
it ~a;1!~' A£~'i~~c_orri_qilat·ion-±f).-vietriam-? when we tookour
first tirp in 1981 it opened our eyes as the other sdie of the
wall.
we have 58,000 names on the wall. in vietnam you had 3
million half of whom were civilians.
Wp ... ,..
.....
""'-,' • .<";.h'f.
. '
::.._~~
'.~ t\
,..,,,__
~
.
..,.
- -
-~mazing_ab_Q\,l_t_hat_ t r_ip.. --~ec~r9·~-~they were -c<?mme~?rat:-i~?lJ~)
{ann-i:v ·.- of_ c::hristma~ ~oTT!P_Jng:>r: Hanoi. - ·±n:-:t-h<:Ys~-:~d.crfs·~we7~~i:?p~-?
r!;!}Or~_ th<:tp <:l'er,many ln ·.englan.d ln ww I I.
. peopl~ ca~rn.e~ :up--t:$>; :U_st:!> __9
<-and:.:bt ·~~i=l-!S" amazing_p.§C:l_1e came· up-.. to' us ·are _:_yeu=-The-:--american-_.,_ r-_J
~ol~fiers':" ·- th'e¥ -had h~a.'r<r=t11er~w~~e~-:~r~:~r.~~~':in-=-~oJ.1.il~~~~-~~=~=~)
- -. .____
------------~----~~-~=--~-~~- __;. -
�.
.
..
-
'
5
vietnam when the city was commemortaing one of the most hokr±f~c
====--~,
-'-.
bo~ipg~ they greeted us on the street and sa~"we~come--ED
--~
~~_rn_rl
It was amazing, that's when we decided we would do what.--wa-s~
necessary to work on ~e~onciliation.
no ~one el~e had\st_atl;:l-X:ec.,_?c;/G~AJALA'
we waged a lonely polltlcal advocacy campalgn trylng to geE
v·~·-vy-j
people to listen to what was going on in that country.
we actually did not open up a clinic in vietnam until' 1996 to do
rehabwork. when embargo was on it was hard to get humanitarian
orpgrasm iH-ve-i-tnam ___w_e_~~been opeating in clincie two in
C~-~
har:mi_. _ _w.e.2:mangucature orthotic braces-for--children who have
mobilly_p_~Qg~eafQ_E;~:- -- -- ------~ -~--------- ___
---------J
both are' funded by the lahey war victims fund.
fund senator
leahy set up a few years ago.
we also have a mobile outr~ach
•'
progream w~_~ye_gar~ner~q-~ith ford motor co.
go ~-five rural
(pr-~vi_nc:_s -~round h~~~\J:~ -~~~n-~=!he~_serv~c~-~- ·to__th_em, - ~------
--
two clincis in Hanoi - and the mobile outreach. _manufacturing
prosthetic and orthotic devices.
for people with polio or
cerebral palsy.
in population we're serving few vic_t;_ims-of----- ---- __ _
la!}gmi_:g~.§: _ P()PJ:!.~~ti_on ___w_e __s_eve large numbe:J:: pf ~ chi)dr~n who ,hav~
~-~een, b-orn wl th -crippling --d~seas~-Er:_~~~K~: ~~-1~() __()r ::~r:ebraL_palsy,_ ~.
'--l-n-vJ:etnam-they-are -our prlmary--' cllents.
former foreign minister - throughout most of the 1980s.
just
to digress.
one of the carrots threw out to vietnam to better
their relation was to get out of cambodia.
he was principal
guy in getting them out in 1989. US didn't come forward with
anything after that.
VN truned to china for help and guidance.
chinese said that FM has got to go.
he retired for a couple
years.
in last few years, re surfaced as pincipal advisor for
prime Minister.
Nguyen Co Thach
Nwen Ko Tahk.
he fought french, spent time at Hanoi Hilton when french ran it.
he was a wise man and gave us great counsel.
he said to us
once.
in a meeting we had with him, we were just lamenting how
hard to was to get anyone ot listen to us.
Of course, it' ;s
hard, if if were easy, everyone would be doing it.
·I am really excited about the repsdients' trip I will be there
when he was there.
first sitting president to go there.
Bush popped by in 1996.
he stopped by.
�'•
6
if you really ask the vietnamese or the sandinistas what do you
get when you win? they said: we got nothing .. we hsould have
lost, if we had lost, we would have been better off.
maybe they considered us among their more likeable enemies.
we
were another speed bump on their road to peacea nd independence.
HO Chi Minh was one of our allies in WW2 our pilots had gone
down in vietnam, the viet minh helped rescue some of our pilots.
Archimedes Patty - he was an OSI agent during
sept 2, 1945.
world war two,
he was workingiwtih the viet minh and other
people who were part of the resistance to japanese occupation.
declaration of independence basically ours.
thomas jefferson
got it right.
who do I want to be friends with.
He was on the
platform with Ho.
we
opera~e
in cambodia and angola el salvador.
-------
~t:;t:ii}
in. 1982--thenFM Nen Ko Tuk - FM told us:
"dones , - t - - - type gf aid you gYve ··6r-·the~=amount what Is impOrtant
~for- thepeop:Le of veitnam ,is that vietnam vets are the ones that
\are gi ~~llg-,~i t::-; --~titat t~:c t_h~ :t;:~~e s,piri ti _,of reos;nicilatio;{ when
.. _)
1
tormer enemies can come togeetl}er and work on matters of common-----_
~:r~n/--triat--:rs-recor1cTliation;---- ------- --·---------~--..!
dq,eCOI)d
2m~~ t~r 'WQ:at~
r)
c
a number of NGOS .done in veitnam. when you're talkigna bout
veitna me vets.
ON the recovery site, we have a totally idfferent view.
we
think recovery has been a political tool by the USG to continue
to beat up the vietnamese.
to think that relations betwwen our
nations have been held up over return of remains is remarkable.
In WW 2 - some extraodinary percentage of bodies were not
recovery rate,
we had recovery reate of up to 95% when
airplane goes odwn at high speed, not much left.
he believes:
"fullest possible accounting" is offensive.
the
real hard liners want that.
the other side of the coin. there
are more than 300,000 MIAs from vietnam.
�7
what's been good, of late, is' it's not the dominant issue.
that's all they used to talk about. now they're talking about a
lot of other things. so he will have to be careful not to reelebate the issue. deep appreciation for the cooperation of the
vn on this very painful issue.
this gets me going. a lot of
thepeoplw we're dealing with are people themselves who have
familiy mmbers who are missing. the audacity of ameircans to
come in and say we want an accountin gof ours and for years,
we're not going to help you with yours.
maybeht best thing to
do - and appear presidential and treat it like
anyway you can show that there is cooperation on both sides,
keeping in mind you don't want to raise the issue higher. it's
something .that needs to be done but there are larget issues and
it must move forward.
Issue:
Peterson has to say: "the hihgest priority in our bilat
relatuions, he ~ill push the issue higher."
dem~g_-_in_addi_tion-to.-our_rel)ab
programs, we are
ce_ercH~~~_l:P:g. :L_all,qrnJJlE;:-=-~p~c:_!: __ s'irveys_--:~t~TJ?ome_::-o-f--tb_e_.:_mo_s~t=:.min~_-:--=-=_~-=--·
(,infected cqy.ntreis around the wor~~_:~__::_:::::__grant _::__f_r_<?_m-~t:~t-~_-::__Q:~:f)!:_~t:o'-_ ~,)-~
<::'<de..:-'an-irhpac't---------- - -iff vietnam of- - - - - - - --------- -0J;'dht2mce --:----------1
-.survey - - ---------,__ ________ :_al-E-he---unexploded- - - -. ' - - -----·
t-y remarkab;-bec~~~-~ -;_:t_--:-=i-s=-=-\tiit:riain· vets th.~.t-ci~-~-t~king_:~
-~'-)~:!ii:f~act~arra:..:ma-king su:r;e -t!l~~- I~_-<r~ne ~ ~~-;c;i on1 y- reb3.h --pro9~a~8-- -·
_It~9::-Pret
cc___
L.:::.:::.:::..but--sur-veying legacy.
~~e
should talk aboutthis at the deminig event.
Jack Terzano --
�I
Pol:tFalt,:·4!Jfl~;,
era
, Vietllatdlis.e10o baifldo:l·
by V61.f .1-l.Sng;
with.Otviui:b iriclJdiii~,oitp:,, lio Son s'qu~d umill976.
Th.i'ng !'ihii.stadiuin afli:hl
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·
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·tunitic~······
···
· .... ·
, ..
�··-·-
i'l ··-;;
,•
,,.,._,
'~
Thomas M, Rosshirt/NSC/EOP
cc:
Subject:
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
Tom,
I'm polling embassy colleagues to see if there are any soccer fans
(especially among the FSNs). I confess to abysmal ignorance on the subject
Below is a recent press item on the tournament
I believe I recall reading that Vietnam's (Austrian?) coach has already been
given his walking papers for after the end of the tournament, for
disagreeing with the Vietnamese sports authorities about something or other,
David
Vietnam poised for goal harvest against Cambodia at Tiger Cup
SONGKHLA, Thailand, Nov 6 (AFP) Vietnam, disappointed at being held to a scoreless draw against Malaysia in
their opening match Sunday, ~ill be striving for a goal harvest against
Cambodia in their second Tiger Cup match Tuesday.
Vietnam coach Alfred Riedl has very diplomatically said he just wants to win
the match, but Vietnam will be going all out to score as many goals as
possible.
·
With Singapore having beaten Cambodia by a mere 1-0 margin and Vietnam
sharing points with Malaysia, there is every likelihood the semi-finalists
from Group B may be deCided on goal advantage,
"I think the match will be difficult not just for us but also for Cambodia.
The Cambodian team were unlucky not to draw with Singapore who won with a
lucky goal," Reidl said.
"But Cambodia did well to contain the much better Singapore side and that is
why I think we will have a tough match ahead of us. We have to win this
match as the draw against Malaysia was not the result we were looking for,"
he said:
He added that although Vietnam had had the upperhand against Malaysia, chief
~
striker and skipper Le Huynh Due was unlucky not to have scored.
~
"Le had quite a few chances against Malaysia but he failed to find the net.
But he played well and was an inspiration to the other players and he is
also a fighter. I just hope that in our next match against Cambodia he will
score," said Reidl.
�He added that playmake
midfield against Malaysia.
uyen Hong Son di not have a good match in the
"He was playing below par, similar to another two or three players. I
believe that if they all play their normal game against Cambodia, we will
have a positive result," said Reidl.
Cambodia's coach Joachim Fickert said he expects Vietnam to play aggressive
football when the sides meet.
"It is a match neither side can afford to lose. We have already lost one
match and we must try to defeat Vietnam.
"But after watching them play Malaysia, it will be very difficult. Vietnam
play at a very fast pace, even faster than Singapore, and we will be under
tremendous pressure from the start.
"Moreover most of my players are below 22-years-old and they do not have the
experience to play under great pressure for the entire duration of the
match. It will be a major test for them.
"Hopefully the senior players like Hok Sochetra and Chan Arunreath will help
out the youngsters and if we can at least hold Vietnam to a draw, it will be
a good result," said Fickert.
>-----Original Message----> From: Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov [SMTP:Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov]
> Sent: Monday, November 06, 2000 11:28 PM
> To:
Monk, David B
> Subject:
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
>
>David:
>
> Thanks for the brochure. I'm wondering if you could also give me an
> update on the Soccer situation with Vietnam. the ten nation tiger cup is
> being contested Nov 4 -14. Is that right?
>
> Do you have someone at the embassy who could do a short write up of
> Vietnam's soccer fortunes? Have they qualified for world cup in the
>past.
>how have they done recently in international competition. Who is the
>team
> hero, or scored the most memorable goal?
>
>Thanks,
>
>tom
\
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>
Apologies, I won't make it a habit of sending you unsolicited e-mail, but
two quick thoughts
1) On the potential closing line, the best timing would have him stop as
~
follows:
"Chuc cac ban sue khoe va ... thanh cong, thanh cong, dai thanh cong!"
}
Otherwise, people may miss the rhythm of the slogan and not get what he is
saying.
2) Soccer heroes: My wife reminds me that while Le Huynh Due is the
captain of the national team and the best player in the country, the
Hanoi/home crowd absol
1
on Son - number two on the national
feam and teen heartthrob when not scoring goals ...
Sorry, being a nuisance. Gotta vote.
Brian
More nuisance! You'll be happy to hear that Ms. Nguyen Thi Xuan Anh won
the Women's wheelchair race (first place- 2hrs 46min 45sec) in this year's
NewYork Marathon. I'll attach the NY Marathon results page
.
(http://www.nyrrc.org/nyrrc/marathon/race/maOwch.htm) If that's not an
example of Vietnamese people overcoming adversity to compete at the highest
level in the world, I don't know what is. This hasn't yet gotten a lot of
press in Vietnam, yet but it may by the time you get there. FYI: Mr.
Truong Cong Hung was the first male finisher from Vietnam and he came in
14th (2hrs 50min 43sec).
You'd probably want to mention Hong Son (the heart throb) and Due in the
same soccer sentence if you were to use them.
At 12:04 PM 11/7/2000 -0500, you wrote:
>Nuisance? I could use more such nuisance.
>
>Thank you; that's immensely helpful.
Does this mean we should name both
>players -- including the teen heart throb? probably wouldn't be right to
::oname only the teen heart throb. I guess it depends on who scores the
>winning goal in the final!
>
>Tom
>
To:
cc:
Thomas M. Rosshirt/NSC/EOP@EOP
�.·i
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Subject: Video Notes
In 1973, when Operation Home began to bring U.S. soldiers home from the war in Vietnam, there were
. still at least 2,500 American soldiers unaccounted for in South East Asia and at least 1,200 bodies that
were unrecovered. Efforts in the 1970's were best described as an uncoordinated campaign and the
1980s were filled with sporadic ad hoc recovery efforts. The 1990s finally brought answers to these
unanswered questions. A meeting between U.S. and Vietnamese foreign ministers opened up the
opportunity for a coordinated joint campaign to begin. 10-12 times a year, both countries cooperate in 3040 day operations, hoping to reach the "fullest possible accounting" of the unaccounted for in S.E. Asia.
Detachment 2 of the JTF-FA is in Hanoi. Vietnamese/U.S teams target their work on field operations,
document and evidence analysis, and the recording of oral history from eye witnesses. This detachment
was the only formal U.S. presence before the recent opening of the embassy. These joint teams undergo
dangerous and arduous conditions and they prepare exhaustively. Co-operation from the Vietnamese
government "is steadily rising." They have offered freer access to files and government information and
have put out news releases and ads urging Vietnamese citizens to speak up if they have any helpful
information. Since 1992, 3,000 case investigations have been completed, the JTF-FA has re-patriated
500 sets of remains, and answered countless questions about the unaccounted for.
Tom,
please see below from an embassy political analyst. I have a few other
replies l"ve yet to read; will let you know if i glean anything new.
David
The Tiger Cup lasts from 5-18 November.
U16/17 stands for "(players) under sixteen/seventeen years old". [ref below]
-----Original Message----From: Berg, Paul S
Sent: Wednesday, November 08, 2000 10:36 AM
To:
Dao, Due C; Monk, David B
Cc:
Bruno, James L; Young, David J; Weech-Hause, Gilda T; Dang,
Thu M; Nguyen, Hung M
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
Subject:
Mr. Due: This is very useful information. Two things remain,
however:
1.) Can you confirm the Tiger Cup dates?
2.) For the uninitiated, what is U-16 and U-17?
Thanks. El Berg
-----Original Message-----
From:
Sent:
To:
Dao, Due C
Wednesday, November 08, 2000 10:27 AM
Monk, David B; Berg, Paul S
�Cc:
Bruno, James L; Young, David J; Weech-Hause, Gilda
T; Dang, Thu M; Nguyen, Hung M
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
Subject:
Dear Mr. Monk: Please see below some information regarding
soccer situation in Vietnam. I have double-checked the info. with Mr. Dang
Anh Thu, Operator, whom I believe is a true supporter of the Vietnamese
team.
Vietnam has never qualified for world cup in the past. The
best title Vietnam has ever got is Gold Medal at SEAGAMES 1959 in Thailand
(for the Southern Vietnam soccer team). At the moment, Vietnam is listed
among the four strongest soccer nations in Southeast Asia, namely Thailand,
Indonesia, Singapore, and Vietnam. Vietnam won Silver Medals at the last
Tiger Cup (in 1998) in Hanoi and at SEAGAMES Brunei 1999. Among its noted
players, Hong Son (Nguyen Hong Son) is seen the most popular. He scored the
only goal for Vietnam in its semi-final match vs. Indonesia at SEAGAMES
Brunei 1999, paving its way to the final.
I
In September, Vietnam's U16 team did quite well at the
qualifying round to the world cup for U17 teams; Vietnam had defeated China
2-3 even China scored first. And if FIFA decides that Oman and Iran are not
qualified (for fraud in age of their players), Vietnam will take the place
to represent Asia (together with Japan) at the world cup for U17 teams next
year.
> -----Original Message----> From: Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov [SMTP:Thomas_M._;Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov]
>Sent: Monday, November 06, 2000 11:28 PM
> To: Monk, David B
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
> Subject:
>
>David:
>
> Thanks for the brochure. I'm wondering if you could also give me an
> update on the Soccer situation with Vietnam. the ten nation tiger cup is
> being contested Nov 4 -14. Is that right?
>
> Do you have someone at the embassy who could do a short write up of
> Vietnam's soccer fortunes? Have they qualified for world cup in the
>past.
> how have they done recently in international competition. Who is the
>team
> hero, or scored the most memorable goal?
>
>Thanks,
>
>tom
>
�Tom,
Allow me to introduce (via cc addressees) Rob Dry, economic counselor, and
Dr. Mike Linnan, health attache, who are coordinating matters of substance
for the visit. Both are also embassy veterans, whereas I'm a mere greenhorn
of three months and a bit in these parts .. Please send queries to them, but
also feel free to cc me; will gladly contribute when I can.
David
> -----Original Message----> From: Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov [SMTP:Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov]
> Sent: Wednesday, November 08, 2000 1:37AM
> To: Monk, David B
> Subject:
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
>
>David:
>
> Looks like I'm on the hook for the POTUS embassy remarks -- I'll be in
> touch with you on those points toward the end of the week, but I would
> appreciate it if you could be thinking a bit about what's been distinctive
> about the experience of working at Embassy Hanoi, and a few crowd pleasing
> references the POTUS might make.
>
>
>Thanks,
>
>Tom
>
Another voice on VN soccer.
David
>-----Original Message----> From: Quynh, Ngo Dinh
> Sent: Wednesday, November 08, 2000 5:05 PM
> To: Monk, David B(Hanoi); Thuc, Pham Trong; Thao, Tran Xuan
> Subject:
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
>
> The Vietnamese are great soccer fans. Vn has never qualified for
> worldcup, and the chance for that is still in the unseen future. But
> within the 10 country region (Southeast Asia), Vietnam has been doing
> quite well in the past few years. The two popular championships are Sea
> Games and Tiger Cup. Though it has never won the gold medal, Vietnam has
> many times ranked second, and is one of the few most heavyweighted
> contendors for the champion's position. Vietnam's great success in the
>recent Asian U16 Championship (ranking fourth) lays a firm foundation for
> hopes that it will in the future be champion again in the region, like the
> former South Vietnam once was in the 60s. THere is no team hero who is by
> far better than the others.
>
> Quynh
�''
«Question on Vietnamese Soccer.rtf»
Tom,
Here, from a colleague down south, is perhaps more than you wanted to know
on Vietnamese soccer.
Cheers,
David
> -----Original Message----> From: Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov [SMTP:Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov]
> Sent: Monday, November 06, 2000 11:28 PM
> To: Monk, David 8
> Subject:
. RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
>
>David:
>
> Thanks for the brochure. I'm wondering if you could also give me an
> update on the Soccer situation with Vietnam. the ten nation tiger cup is
> being contested Nov 4 -14. Is that right?
>
> Do you have someone at the embassy who could do a short write up of
>Vietnam's soccer fortunes? Have they qualified for world cup in the
>past.
> how have they done recently in international competition. Who is the
>team
> hero, or scored the most memorable goal?
>
>Thanks,
>
>tom
>
~~~-Question
on Vietnamese Soccer. rtf
--Original Message----From: Weinhold, Laura M
Sent: Thursday, November 09, 2000 7:24PM
To:
Pham, Thanh Nhan
Subject:
Scanned Football Article
Hi Jim,
Below is the article about the Vietnam soccer star Le Huynh Due which Eric
asked me to have it scanned and sent to David or somebody. So, I think I'd
better send it to you and you decide on who should receive it. It is ok?
«football.jpg»
�>-----Original Message----> From: Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov [SMTP:Thomas_M._Rosshirt@nsc.eop.gov]
> Sent: Monday, November 06, 2000 11:28 PM
> To: Monk, David B
> Subject:
RE: POTUS speeches in Vietnam
>
>David:
>
> Thanks for the brochure. I'm wondering if you could also give me an
>update on the Soccer situation with Vietnam. the ten nation tiger cup is
> being contested Nov 4 -14. Is that right?
>
> Do you have someone at the embassy who could do a short write up of
> Vietnam's soccer fortunes? Have they qualified for world cup in the
>past.
"
> how have they done recently in international competition. Who is the
>team
> hero, or scored the most memorable goal?
>
>Thanks,
>
>tom
>
lllil_
football.jpg
Center for Natural Resources and Environmental Sciences (CRES), Vietnam National University in Hanoi
Dr. Le Trang Cue, Director
CRES plays a unique role in Vietnam as a bridge between national environmental
research and training centers, state ministries, and international organizations.
CRES has become a prominent force in the fields of biodiversity conservation,
human ecology research, mangrove ecosystem research, agroecosystems
development, and environmental impact assessment. Through its publications,
workshops, seminars, and training courses, CRES has also become an
influential force in the promotion of environmental and cultural awareness.
Collaborating Organizations:
East-West Center (EWC)
Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA)
Ford Foundation
John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation
World Conservation Union (IUCN)
World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF)
Winrock International
Southeast Asian Universities Agroecosystem Network (SUAN)
Rockefeller Brothers Fund
Oxfam America, U.K., Ireland, and Belgium
International Development Research Centre (IDRC)
�:·.-ll•
•
<:J.
•
I
;
I
I
.
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'
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
005. note
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
Phone No.'s (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Vietnam] [3]
2008-0703-F
'm233
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- ]44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- ]5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
National Security Classified Information ](a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ](a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute ](a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ](a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ]a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would. constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ](b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ](b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ](b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ](b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ](b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ](b)(8) ofthe FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information·
concerning wells ](b)(9) of the FOIA]
PI
P2
P3
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�International Crane Foundation (ICF)
European Union (EU)
National Environmental Foundation of Japan (NAGAO)
OROVERDE
International Society of Mangrove Ecosystem (ISM E)
Action for Mangrove Reforestation (ACTMANG)
Man and Biosphere Program (UNESCO)
This might be interesting to note since its founding coincides with the trade agreement. This is from the
'univ~rsity's web page.
A message from Dean Truong Gia Sinh:
Dynamic businesses play a crucial role in the process of mordernization and industrization of
Vietnam. The Hanoi School of Business (HSB) under the Vietnam National University - Hanoi, has
been given the important challenge of training the current and future business leaders of Vietnam.
Organized in 1995, HSB is very young. The philosophy of HSB is to integrate Vietnam's culture and
traditions with the best of the world's cultures in applying science, technology and modern business
management methods in all of the School's programs.
As the newest school of the Vietnam National University, HSB operates as a nonprofit organization
utilizing private funding ·independent from the state budget. HSB believes it has earned· the confidence
of the local business communitY and its alumni to initiate a fund raising program for the construction of
its first academic building.
HSB has developed a partnership with the Amos Tuck School of Dartmouth College, a top graduate
school of business administration in the US, to provide support and assistance with regard to all
important aspects of the development of Hanoi School of Business: long-range strategic planning;
development of curriculum; design and execution of academic programs, faculty development;
relationship with outside organizations and institutions; fund raising. A longtime partnership between
Hanoi School of Business and Ambs Tuck School has financially supported by the Freeman
Foundation since 1996.
With proper consideration to the relationship between. Hanoi School of Business and Amos Tuck, HSB
seeks to develop relationships and programs with other top business schools around the· world,
including exchange programs and the recruitment of professors to participate in various academic,
research and consulting projects of HSB
Dear Mr. Rosshirt,
Should you need to contact Tom Vallely at any point this weekend, please •
feel free to call him at the following numbers:
·
Best regards,
�Anna Lee lijima
\
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
Description
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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Original Format
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Paper
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Title
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[Vietnam] [3]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Identifier
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2008-0703-F
Is Part Of
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-009-2014
7585792
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/e327671fe20b3a728c5130ccfd4fa948.pdf
2b3bfac4df03de2212e11a6a14d75222
PDF Text
Text
Case Number: 2008-0703-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
Library Staff.
Folder Title:
[Vietnam] [4]
Staff Office-Individual:
Speechwtiting-Rosshirt, Thomas
Original OA/ID Number:
4020
Row:
48
c
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
Stack:
~
8
3
v
:
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Phone No. (Partial) (I page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
· P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Thomas Rosshirt)
ONBox Number: 4020
FOLDER TITLE:
[Vietnam] [4]
2008-0703-F
'm234
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- ]44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- ]5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information ](b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ](b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ](b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ](b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ](b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ](b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells ](b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information ](a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ](a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute ](a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ](a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ]a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�http://utenti. tripod. it/~DeathStare/vietnameseproverbs.html
Vietname~-i Proverbs
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Vietnames--e Proverbs
l3/ Co chi Hun quan ·
Great ho-pes make great men
14/ Co chi t:hl nen
Where t:he:re is a will, then~ is a way
15/ Co con hdn khong
Half aloof is better than none
l6/ Co kho mc1i sinh khotn
Necessity is the mot:.h,er of invention
111 co t*t gi'-t nnnh
The cap fits then wear it
1.81 Co ti~n mua tien ciing du:q-c
Money makes the mare go
19/ Co t:rong tay mdi chic
Better have an egg today than a hen tomorrow
20/ Con gi11.11n xeo lim ciing qulin
Even a wo:rm will t:urn.
21./ C1ia in VI}ng bao gid. ciing ngon
Stolen kisses are sweet
221 Di tdmg xe cat bi~n'dong;
Nh~c nninh rna chih.g nen cong can gi
Iittle crab which carries sand on the beach
23/ D~ d~n t:hi l~ d~ d.i ; d~ du41c t:hl l~ d~ mit
Ught com.e, light go
24/ D~ tin t:hi d~ b! g't ·
Rdii tin nen mic , bdt chic nen Jim
If you are ready to b~lieve, you are easy to deceive
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�Vietnamese Proverbs
http://utenti.tripod.it/-DeathStare/vietnameseproverbs.html
25/ Dvc t6c bit thlmh d'-t
Haste makes waste ( More haste, leu speed )
26/ Dam con chien nao, ciing co con chien ghe
There's a black sheep in every flock
271 -Di hoi gHt v~ nha hoi tre
You're not to expect truth from anyone but
children or penon dJrU.IDlc or mad
281 Dieu khong lam lt;ti cho ai Ia dieu xiu
It's an ill wind that'blows nobody good
29/ Ghet cua nao t:rdi ttao cua iy
To turn up again liiCe a. bad half-penny
30/ Gi'u d6 bim leo
When the t:ree falls,, the ld.d can climb it:
3ll Gi~t mau dao hdn ao nuac Hi
Blood is tl.D..ic.ker tl:aan water
32/ H~t cdn bi clJc d~n tu'an thai lai
After the rain, comes fair weather
After black clouds, ¢tear weather
331 Hbng nao rna ching co gai
No roses without thorns
341 Ke hen ch~t Ilhi~uJan t:rud'c ldli ch~t th't
Cowards die many times before their deaths
35/ Khong ai giau ba h~ , khong ai kho ba ddi
Good luck, ill luck cannot last forever
36/ Khong ai Ieben ngUdi t1~ ph]} ca
Not one admires a man who is full of conceit
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http://utenti.tripod.iti-DeathStarelvietnameseproverbs.html
Proverbs
481 Muru su tai nhan, thimh su tai thlen
II
I
II
I
Man proposes but Gbd disposes
49/ N~u mu6n Ia duf!c thi ai ciing co th~ giau
If wishes were hones, beggars might ride
50/ Ngh~o khong phii Ia xi'u
Poverty is no sin
5l/ Nguyen tic nao rna khong co ngo~ I~
There is no rule without exception
52/ Nhm vo th'p tom
To err is hw~an ( M'an is unperfect)
53/ Nh'p gia tio.y t:yc
"When in Rome do as the Romans do
54/ Nhat cilluiing ti~n ( M~t phat ch~t hai con)
Kill two birds with one stone
55/ Nhilng ke noi nhi~u thuilng hay Hun ft
Good talkers are litl+le doers
56/ No b1p1g doi con m.it
His eyes are bigger than his belly
57/ Nude chay da mbn.
A small leak sinks the great ship
58/ Qum phap bit Vi ~m
Business is business
59/ Rau ong n~ cim c~ ba kia
To gat wrong sow b,Y the car
60/ Song an ph'" hm ~au co
Contentment is better than riches
I
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- Yietnanwse Proverbs
X
6l/ s-q th't mit lbng nhau
Nothing hurts like the truth
62/ Ta v~ ta tim ao ta
DO. trong dO. dl}c, a~ nha ciing hdn
Home is home , be it ove:r so homely
From east to west , h.o:m.e is the best
63/ Tai vach m~ch. riing
Walls have ean
64/ Tit den , nha ngoi ciing nhU: nha tranh
When candles a:re o~t , all cats a:re grey
65/ Tham sinh uy tUr ( ~am s6ng scj ch~t )
To cling to li.fe and fear death
66/ Thanh La Ma dau co dU:«/C xay d-qng trong l ngay
Rorne was not built in a day
671 Them khat ching lfli ich gi
Covetousness brings nothing horne
&81 Thlia nu:oc dye
diu ( Thu1a gio
To fish in troubled water
69/ Tich ti~u thanh d.~
Many a little rnakes a n:niclde
70/ T6t danh han lanh ao
A good narne is beu'er than riches
Til Trtinh vo du:a d1p1g
du1a
Out of the frying P3fl into the fire
721 Treo cao te dau
Pride will have a bU
tha
be mang J
yo
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73/ Tri~t h. thl d~ hm XJiAY d1.plg
It is easier to pull down than build
74.1 Trong stJ. rill vin co di'Cu may
HC?a tnmg hiiu phuc
Evecy cloud has a sH~er lining
75/ Trong x:U mil. ke chqt lam vua.
Among the blind • the one-eyed is king
76/ Ttlng xu ding do • vi;~c to hoang phl
Khon timg xu • ngu ~~ b'c
Penny wise and Pound foolish
771 Vo qujt dly co mong tay n:hqn
An mi€ng rra mi~ng
Diamond cuts diamond ( Tit: for tat )
781 Xa m't each lbng
Out of sight , out of mind
79/ y ki~n t;)p th~ ba.o gid ciing sang su.6t hdn
Two heads are better than one
801 Yeu ai , yeu ca duemg di
Love me, love my dog
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�http://www.Iimsi.fr/Recherche/CIG/eproverb.htm
P.ROVJ:lRBES VIETNAMIENS
The heros wass first used by the Vietnamese peasant soldier to recommend his wife to take care of
his mother and children so that he could be reassured in his militarv service.
'
v
ng
Hde(\.'? md1 di tra~y Im''"o~''c nou Cao-Hil('ng,
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P.ROVERfiES VIETNAMIENS
.Like the ht•ron dabbHng at the riverside,
Carrying rice she·says farewell to her husband, sobbing;
She'll come back home taking care of mother-in-law and children,
So the husband can fulti!l his military service in Cao nang.
Cao nang is the frontier town near the Sino-Vietnamese border.
To be ironic about a youn·g girl who has the habit of being a fussy cater, there is no hesitation in
using the following two verses:
·
kv
11
lH\.
~
ft!
The heron is a strange bird
It eats at its maternal aunt's et drinks at paternal aunt's
Likewise, the pig is also an animal often cited in Vietnamese proverbs and popular poems. First it
is used
'
• to describe a situation of a polygamous person in Vietnam:
r
g
ll
m~
One wife~ one has the right to sleep comfortably in a bed,
Two wives, one begins to sleep alone,
. Three wives, one ·deserves sleet>ing in a pigpen.
• to critki~e those who ill-treat their collegues when the latter are poor and without resources
and who bend their heads and. show docility toward powerful and rich people:
m
con
Commotion is heard when the cat snaps up a sunall piece of meat,
Nothing is seen when the tiger devoures the whole pig.
• to give an indication about a person through his appearance.
f\
"'.n
When the pig is fat. it is certain its chitterlings are delicious,
Likewise the look of a person can determine his personality .
The Vict~amese's moralizing and observing mind has forged a quite great t]uantity of
proverbs. Following are a few samples:
v
·
Trau huo.c ghet.trau a(n.
Trai khong vo''".
niuJ~~ ngu~".a
khong kha'p.
b
Trai co' vo*. nhu 1' thuye'n co' Ja'i.
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�P~OVF.:Ra,ES
http://www.limsi.fr/Recherche/CIG/eproverb.htm
VIETNAMIENS
Thu()'C dda('ng
ddo*~
ta.t' lo~''i tha \t ma't lo'ng.
1
Tra(m bay cha('!ug ha('ng tay quen.
:m
For those who arc interested in Vietnamese and popular poems, they should consult the
f'ollowing URL address:
'
!f) 1997-2000
· All Hights Reserved.
·rmu drnlts
1 ~:.st:rv{~s-
•\
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�~V(etnam~se
http://www.adoptvietnam.org/vietnamese/proverbs.htm
Proverbs
Home> Vietnam & Vietnamese Culture> Vietnamese Proverbs
Vietnamese Proverbs
From Jan Dodd, author of Rough Guide to Vietnam
With thanks to: Pham The Liem, Wu Tuan Anh, Pham Xuan Binh, Mark Procter,
Tran A. Tu, Charlie Nguyen, Nguyen Hang, Martin Wilson, Nguyen Thi Tho
Chung, and Le Chi Thao
"Most of the proverbs came to me from a whole host of friends and contacts, mostly in
Vietnam. The same ones kept cropping up again and again, so I took that to mean they are
commonly used. Others .were found repeated in more than one source:"
Eating is much but accommodating is little
An nhieu, o may
Eating as in the North; clothing as in the South
An Bac, mac nam
You eat slowly, that is good for stomach; you plough deeply, that is good for fields
An ky no !au, cay sau tot lua
When having a party, go first; when walking in the water, go after
,
An co di truoc, loi nuoc thea sau
'
( =He that comes first to the hill may sit where he will =the early bird catches the worm)
One worm may damage the whole cooking soup
Con sau bo dau noi canh
Eating and sitting without labor
An khong ngoi roi
(=to be at the loose end)
Beating nothing but saying yes
An khong noi co
(=to slander).
It depends on how much of rice you eat the sauce
Lieu com gap mam
·( = cut your coat according to your cloth according to your means)
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Try to seize the bowl of rice but forget the whole table of food
Tham bat bo mam
One piece of food while hungry equals a big box of food while full
Mot mieng khi doi bang mot goi khi no
The husband eats hamburger; the wife eats spring roll
Ong an cha ba an nem
The man show. a pig leg, the woman ·show a bottle of wine
Ong gio chan gio; ba tho chai ruou [Or: Ong dua chan gio, ba tho chai ruou}
( = scratch my back and I shall scratch yours)
Eats as strongly as ·elephant
An khoe nhu voi
· Eat as small as a cat
An nhu mea
Looks as monkey eats ginger· .
Nhu khi an gung
·
The good leaves protect the worn-out leaves
La lanh dum la rach
All chili is hot; all women are jealous
Ot nao ma ot chang cay, gai nao ma gai chang hay ghen chong
Good wine must drink together with good friend
· Ruou ngon phai co ban hien
We fence (or protect) the tree that gives us fruits
A(n ca"y na 'o, ra 'o ca"y a"y
When eating chew well, think before speaking
A(n co' nhai, no'i co' nghi~
When eating choose the place, when playing choose your friends
A(n cho.n no*i, cho*i cho.n ba.n
(=be fastidious)
Eat the plum (given as a gift) but give back a peach
A(n ma".n tra? dda 'o
(=Return gift to gift)
It's better to eat salty food and speak the truth than to eat vegetarian and tell lies
A(n ma(nno'i ngay ho*n a(n chay no'i doNi
(=Better to eat meat and speak truth than to fast and tell lies)
When you eat, it's vegetable, when you are sick, it's medicine
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Co *m thi 'rau, ddau thi' thuo/\'c
Pay first and then get what you have paid for
Tiel\ 'n trao·cha'o mu'c
The student tried to steal the cooking fish
The teacher found out The student says Oh forgive me
I just opened the fish container;
If you were a bit later, I would have taken the whole fish container.
Hoc tro an vung.ca kho
Thay do bat duoc, oi a con chua
Thua thay co moi mo vung
Thay cham ti nua con bung ca noi
When you eat, check the pots and pans; When you sit, check the direction.
An trong fwi, ·ngoi trong huang
(Discreetly check the kitchen so that you don't put your foot in your mouth like asking for
another serving when there is barely enough food for all guests, bragging about your .
preference of seafood when the host is about to serve chicken, etc. Check the direction when
you sit-- for example facing South should be
reserved for the guest of honor, avoid. turning your back to the host's ancestral altar, turning ·
your back to the guest of honor or the host, sitting at better seat than your own elders, sitting
at the same level as people of
higher ranks in society or in the family, etc.) .
English version only:
Eating as flying dragon, speaking as a climbing dragon and working as a vomited cat.
(Someone who spends all their time eating and talking, but never does any work. People
said it when see a man [maybe woman but almost man] eat too much [like a dragon flying]
and speak a lo~ [like a dragon climbing] but don't like to work anymore [like a cat being
sick]. This one came straight from his grandmother's mouth.)
Hunger finds no fault with cookery. ·
Though he eats alone, he calls the whole village to help launch his boat
Because the caterpillar exists, there exists also a bird to eat it:
Don't spurn cold rice; hunger helps Y<?U eat even food that has gone bad.
Eaten bread is soon forgotten.
Chewing, one eats. Reflecting, one speaks.
Many dishes make many diseases. ·
Eat to see the bowl, go to see the way.
If you won't work, you shan't eat.
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.Yietnam~e
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Proverbs
Stolen foods are the best.
From Le Chi Thao, Attorney, Virginia
However sharp it is, the knife will never cut it's own handle.
Heaven rewards and reprimands. Heaven never reprimands those who are eating.
When eating fruit, remember who planted the tree; when drinking clear water, remember
who dug the well.
Sated, he complained about the fish and the rice.
A tongue that dives about like a shrimp. (about a malicious gossip/scandalmonger)
When a cat steals a piece of meat, we chase it. But when a tiger takes a pig we stare
wide-eyed and say nothing.
Feeding boys without teaching them: we raise asses. Feeding girls without teaching them:
. we ratse p1gs.
The educated man precedes the farmer. But when the rice begins to run short, it's the farmer
who comes first.
From Charlie Nguyen, The Gladney Center
The hard labor and continuing effort in sharpening or molding a piece of iron, will one day
·
become a precious and well-defined piece of metal.
Co cong mai sat; co ngay nen kim.
(Practical application: a person who works hard and dedicates himself/herself to any
endeavors in life will likely to succeed and accomplish his/her goals or objectives.)
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Also in this Issue:
Travels with T.S. Ernie
In Search of a Hmong King
Portraits of Indochina
The Story of Nom
Photography by Kathrin Moore
The History and Mystery of Ceramics
Vietnamese Sayings
Artist Dao Hai Phong
The Rough Guide: Vietnam
Vietnamese Sayings
by Bob Elston and Nguyen Thi Hong Hoa
In English we say that a picture paints 9 thousand words. In
Vietnamese, several words can paint a thousand pictures and
be used in a thousand situations. The Vietnamese language is
built on short phrases-usually only four words-which are
used to describe how people feel about things around them:
love, family, war and death.
.
,.
.
\
After two years of studying Vietnamese ~the University of Ho
Chi Minh City,. I've collected my favorite roverbs ranging from
the profound to the humorous and simpl affling:
"Eat porridge, then kick the bowl" describes a person who
receives a favor and fails to express gratitude.·
· 'The young bamboo is easy to bend" compares bamboo to
people. We must teach our children good morals and manners
while they are young, because when they get older, our
children, like bamboo, become too thick to bend.
"Catch fish with both hands" is used to describe a person who
has a choice between two things arid tries to capture both of
them in a fra.ntic way instead of concentrating on just one thing
at a time.
C''lf ou don't venture into the cave, how will you catch t~
tells us a we mus ns
·
or er to gain something.
In English, our version of this expression is, "Nothing ventured,
nothing gained."
"When the head of the household is away, the chicken will grow
shrimp tails" is much like "When the cat is away, the mice will
play. Don't ask me how chickens can grow shrimp tails.
"Near the ink is black, near the light is bright." This one instructs
us that if we make bad friends, we will also become bad. The
flip side: if we keep good friends, we will also become good
people.
"Same the fruit, know the tree." In this sentence, the fruit is a
child, the tree is the father. In English, we say something quite
similar, "The apple doesn't fall far from the tree.'_'
"Close the doors, then teach each other'' refers to the family
circle. When there is a dispute inside the family, we should
close our doors and solve the problems privately without
involving ~ur neighbors or outsiders.
"Far faces, distant hearts" is what happens in a long-distance
relationship between two lovers. In English, our expression
might be, "Out of sight, out of mind."
All native Vietnamese speakers know these phrases-some
are old, some are new-and regard them as gospel. For the
non-speaker, familiarity with these proverbs offers a glimpse
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into Vietnamese culture.
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�·-··Viefiiarllese Poetry: The Classical Tradition
.~.
http://www.askasia.org/frclasrrn/readings/r000062.htm
~-
Vietnamese Poetry:
The Classical Tradition
Arti~le ~~~y Nguyen
Ngoc Binh for the Asia Society's Vietnam: Essays on History, Culture, and
Socrety,~p. 79-98.
.
.
The Origins of Vietnamese Poetry
ietn~mese
t~th
tm'ee years
will be celebrating
annive:;;pf their country's first recorded
p em. 1etnam is thus in the company of major European civilfzations such as France or Germany,
which also developed a voice oftheir own at ab
arne time or a little bit earlier. But the first
recorded Vietnamese poem, composed i
e year 987
a Chinese midwife. It can be called
Vietnamese only to the extent that it was pa
posed by a Vietnamese, Do Phap Thuan (915-991), a
Buddhist priest.
·
Q
The circumstances surrounding the composition of that first poem are fascinati ; In 93
etnam, under
the leadership ofNgo Quyen, inflicted a decisive victory over the Chinese Nam Han oops and ended
c:::gver 1,1 00 yea;s..ot almost Jmjntem1pted Chmese d ominatiQ.ii;which had begun in the end of the second
century B.C. It took the Chinese nearly half a century to reconcile e selves to the loss of Vietnam,
~~ey referred to as t
rate of Annam. But finally m 987, t ey agreed to send to Vie tnam
~in the person fLi Chueh to ·nvest the king of Vietnam 1 his title. This was equivalent to
recognizing Vietnam as an m ependent state. Li, however, did not miss any opportunity to humiliate the
Vietnamese or to put them in their place . Fortunately, the Vietnamese court was ·prepared for the
occasion and sent out to meet Li a learned Buddhist priest, Do Phap Thuan, disguised as a ferryman to
fetch Li across a river. When they were midstream, Li was suddenly inspired by the sight oftw o wild
geese swimming in the river:
\I
There: wild geese, swimming side by side,
Staring up at the sky. ..
Realizing that the two lines merely made a couplet and that Li's intention was to invite or challenge him
to complete the quatrain, Do Phap Thuan immediately rejoined:
White feathers against a deep blue,
Red feet burning in green waves.
(translated with Burton Raffel)
Thus was born the first recorded poem of Vietnamese literature. But, as has been pointed out by various
authors, it was not too original a poem since a similar quatrain already had been penned by a T'ang
dynasty poet, the Prince of Lo Pin.
Although born under these unimpressive circumstances, Vietnamese poetry soon flourished with a very
distinctive voice of its own for the next four centuries, under the Ly and the Tran dynasties.
Written in Chinese charac:ters and following Chinese prosody, this early poetry can be called Vietnamese
only insofar as the pronunciation of its characters was concerned·. This pronunciation, in time, differed so
much from st.andard Chinese that it develop ed into a distinct language, in its spoken form
incomprehensible to the Chinese. The literature in this language is called Sino-Vietnamese, just as there
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• Vietlii!rhese Poetry: The Classical Tradition
is Sino-Korean and Sino-Japanese literature.
The Buddhist Influence
The Body of Man
The body of man is like a flicker of lightning
existing only to 'return to Nothingness.
Like the spring growth that shrivels in autumn.
Waste no thought on the process for it has no purpose, coming and going like dew.
(translated with W. S. Merwin)
Similar advice was given by anotherBuddhist priest, Vien Chieu (998-1090):
My Advice While in Health
Like a wall, the body cot:lstantly threatens collapse.
A pity, really, the world still buzzes on.
Trust that Mind equals No-Mind, has no substance:
Let it come ;md go, appear and vanish.
What do we have to lose?
There are so many poems of this type not because the Vietnamese were incapable of other inspiration,
but simply because of the nature of extant materials that remain to this day. Vien Thong, for instance, is
believed to have written some 1,000 poems, yet what remains of his poetry amounts to only three
·
quatrains and a few isolated couplets. This happened in part because the Buddhist authors of the poems
attached little literary importance to their works, but saw them as merely instructional
s to the
Truth. Major blame for this state of affairs, however, must be put on the shoulders of
onfuc·
,scholars of the 14th century, many ofwhom i
eir zeal t e
r o ianism as the o
school of thou ht, tne to de ·
e
lier Buddhist culture. And of course, the C mese mg
invasion ofVietriam in the early 15th century did not e p matters any, since it was the invading army's
policy to gather all traces of Vietnamese culture, including books, art works, artisans and artists and take
them back to China. Hundreds ofVietnamese works were thus lost, including the near totality of the Ly
dynasty production. It was only by. chance that a couple of Vietnamese Buddhist works survived from
that early period. One of the most important of these was Thien Uyen Tap Anh, .(Collected Luminaries
from the Zen Garden), a compendium of Buddhist biographies which carries remnants of opinion .
expressed by priests usually in the form of gathas, or final statements, at their death be d. Given these
circumstances, it is easy to understand h a majority of survivin Vietnamese poems are concerned
with philosophy, with the problems of life and ea an with the correct perceptiOn o
Dieu Nhan (1042-1114), a nun
2 of 18
d the first recorded woman poet o Wietnam, wrote:
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Vietnan"iese Poetry: The Classical Tradition
Birth, Age, Sickness, Death
Birth, age, sickness, death:
These are Life's constants.
Don't try escape,
the tangle will only further ensnare you.
Pray to Buddha,
in your confusion tum to Zen.
No, not another word
for it will only be wasted.
Such poetry may be perceived as gloomy, but not all Buddhist poetry reflects this pessimism. The whole
training of the monastic life was meant to create an equanimity of mind in the face of death. One can
even say that optimism shines through some ofth ese gathas:
Rebirth
·Spring goes, and the l;mndred flowers.
Spring comes, and the hundred flowers.
My eyes watch things passing,
my head fills with years.
But when spring has gone not all the flowers follow.
Last night a plum branch bloomed by my door.
(with W. S. Merwin)
This is the famous poem by Man Giac (1 051-1 096) who died when he was only in his forties. Notice the
eye for the transient, for beauty. And notice also the basic optimism of his frame of mind, even on his
death bed.
It was their equanimity of mind which allowed the poets of the Ly dynasty to enjoy the transient beauty
of things, witness this beautiful re~dering ofKhong Lo (d. 1119) in one ofhis famous poems:
A Nap
Huge sky, great green mountains;
Small village of mulberries and smoke.
No one comes,
The ferryman sleeps -And wakes, at noon,
In a boatload of snow.
(translated with Burton Raffel)
Commenting on this, John Ciardi, the famous translator of Dante's Divine Comedy, wrote: "How
powerfully, even in translation, things speak in [the] poet's description ofhis sense ofwonder at a
sudden change in feeling."
Another poem by Khong Lo, one of my favorites in fact, is this one:
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Vietnaniese Poetry: The Classical Tradition
The Ideal Retreat
. I've got myself a naga-shaped spot,
· linger in its sylvan delights.
Sometimes I climb to the one tall peak
and let out a long whistle that chills the sky.
The naga, a common motif in Indian art, is a realistic representation of the flat-headed cobra that gives
off a sense of great power when it rears its head. The naga-shaped spot mentioned in the poem probably
refers to a mountain ledge that thrust s out from the flank of a mountain cliff, a particularly fitting
location for a hermit like Khong Lo. The sense of power, otcourse, is expressed most strongly in the last
line where Khong Lo believes that his long whistle can chill the evening sky.
As for paradoxes, read this poem by Dao Hue (d. 1171):
Buddha
Whether in visible form or mysterious garb, .
Buddha is neither one nor divisible.
If you need to distinguish his aspects,
Imagine a lotus blooming in a furnace.
The paradox here is, .of courser in the last line. A lotus in .a furnace should normally be expected to wilt
but if it is unconcerned, or rather is concerned only with being itself, it can ignore its environment and
still blossom D .
,
aradox a nd the essential inte ·t of Buddha as represented by that lotus.
smgle tradit10 ,
uddhist Zen traditio · at ·
In sum e poetry of the Ly dynas is essentiallY,
least tn .
Orrl stu ymg e WOr S. t IS W
priests for other Buddhist priests, their disciples, or lay people with very close association with the
Buddhist clergy and their concerns. It is highly philosophical, sometimes abstruse because it is written
by and for people already advanced in religious training and thought. Nevertheless, it stiil has much to
tell us, even after a time span of nearly a millenium, and this is. an indication of the universality of its
messages. Finally, because it was poetry written among friends a nd initiates, this genre of poetry also
reflects great intimacy; witness how Doan Van Kham, a layman, mourned his friend and teacher, the
priest Quang Tri:
Remembering Priest Quang Tri
'\
Though you fled the Capital for the woods,
Your name came back -- fragrance from the hills.
!used to dream of being your disciple;
Then the news: You're gone, your door is shut.
Only sad birdcries in the empty moonlight outside your hut.
Who will compose the epitaph for your grave?
Reverend friends, do not grieve. Look round this tem:ple:
In rivers and mountains, his face still shines.
What a beautiful farewell poem! The sentiment is so real that the reader feels almost as if he knows the
priest.
The Court Poetry of the Tran Dynasty
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Vietnamese Poetry: The Classical Tradition
If the poetry of the Ly dynasty (11th-12th centuries) was essentially the product of monastic life, the
Tran dynasry poetry of the succeeding two centuries (13th-14th centuries) can be described as essentially
court poetry with its own and different audie nee, conventions, limitations, and possibilities. Compared
to the Ly dynasty poetry, the poetry of the Tran period offers much more variety. It is a poetry written by
emperors and high-ranking courtiers and generals, and only incidentally by Buddhist priests; it is written
also for this same audience and therefore addressed to their concerns rather than to the concerns of
· philosophers and religious men as under the Ly. The poetry ofHuyen Quang Ly D~o Tai (1254-1334),
the_most famous priest-poet of the time, is more concerned with aesthetic and secular themes than with
religious themes.
Mountain Dwelling
Nightly the autumn wind knocks on the screen.
Weeds riot outside this desolate mountain dwelling.
Long since, my mind withdrew to meditation.
For whom do these clamorous insects cry?.
The Brazier
The fire's gone out. I light incense
And answer the child's question about poetry,
Grasping my waterpipe and wooden drumstick.
The common folk must laugh, seeing such a busy monk.
(translated with Linda Hess)
Huyen Quang even has a poem entitled "To All Govemme:J).t officials" in which he admonishes them not
· to go after "wealth and fame." This poem reflects a generally secular and bureaucratic temperament, as
compared with the religious and philosophical temperament of the Ly dynasty.
But Buddhism was still a living philosophy to many; and at least it helped to humanize the thoughts of
one like Huyen Quang in this poem, particularly remarkable for having been penned during a very
martial age:
Pity for Prisoners
They write letters with their blood, to send news home.
· A lone wild goose flaps through the clouds.
How many families are weeping under this same moon?
The same thought wandering how far apart? ·
(translated with Burto11 Raffel)
Huyen Quang and Tran Quoc Tang-(1252-1313), whose religious·name was Tue·Trung, shared some
important distinctions. Though owing much to such Chinese antecendents like Chu Yuan's
"Encountering Sorrow" and "The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Forest" (4th· centu ry), they were the first
"flower children" of Vietnam. Both Huyen Quang and Tue Trung were in their thirties when the two
major onslaughts by the Mongols occurred, forcing the country to some deep thoughts about national
loyalty ven~us universality and might versus right. No wonder that one of the reactions to these was
psychedelic (though probably not drug-induced) poetry, like the poetry of the 1960s in the United States
during the Vietnam War.
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The more ·solid Buddhist and philosophical contribution to the poetry of the time was not the work of
priests. It was, in fact, Emperor Iran Thai-tong (1218~1277) and Emperor TranNJ;antong (1258-1308)
who, during their retreats, composed some of.the more beautiful koans and statements about life and
death and other philosophical topics. Thus, about death Iran Nhan-ton had this to.say in his cycle of
poems called "The Four Hills of Existence," a Buddhist term for the four traumatic experiences in a
man's life (birth, aging, sickness, death):·
Death
..
The wild-raging storm sweeps the whole earth now,
running adrift the drunken fisherman's boat.
From all four quarters, clouds thicken and blacken,
waves surge like the report of beaten drums,
everything washed out by slashing rain, gust-driven,
beneath the shuddering menace ofthis.thuncier.
Afterward, the dust settles, the sky grows calm,
and the moonlit river lengthens out. What time of night is this?
(translated with K.P)
Notice the movement of the poem that reflects· so well the hurly-burly and confusion oflife, where one
may think that there are a lot of things to do and that unless one does them at once everything is lost. Yet
when the dust settles one realizes how muc h was "much ado about nothing." And the poem is
particularly attractive for its expression of the child-like sense of wonder at the news of death: "What
·
. time of night is this?"
The general theme of Iran poetry, however, is not philosophy so much as pride -- pride in the discovery
(or. rediscovery) of Vietnamese identit~. The· first systematic recording of Vietnamese mythology occurs
at this time; the first Vietnamese history (by Le Van Huu) is written; the Vietnamese chu nom ("demotic
character") script is systematized; the· True Lam sect in Vietnamese Buddhism is established. This
"discovery," this sudden assertion of Vietnamese identity occurs in the 1280s when Vietnam is
undergoing two of the. fiercest Mongol invasions of the country (1285, 1287). Why?
This is a fascinating question for cultural histo ·arui-61~~Ht...ll
history. Another "rediscovery" occurs during tne~"~~:m--;~1
· ·.w_g~~~~Jmother period 'ofgreat confusion an urmo1 in 1
, cu m
gij~antic invasion by the Ch'ing Chinese. And the most recent flowering of Vietnamese poetry occurred
during the Vietnam War, when the energy of the people was believed to have been all consumed by the
war and day-to-day survival. It seems that e 1etnamese are most creative in times of ens· hat they
spring into action when caught in a life-an Ion.
During the Iran dynasty a patriotic poetry also develops, with representatives like Iran Quang Khai
(1241-1294) and Pham Ngu Lao (1255-1320). Its heroic tone can still be felt in such poems as Iran
Quang Khails "Emotions on a Spring Day" -- reminiscences of a victorious general in his old age:
Emotions on a Spring Day
The drizzle, white over the plum trees, falls in fine threads.
I close ~he door, sit and read, book-drunken.
Two thirds of my spring have been idled away.
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At fifty I see myself a dwindling old man.
The mind yearns for home, but the bird is spent,
The tides of imperial favor swell, but the fish comes too late.
Only the reckless spirit of youth remains:
I will roll back the winter wind and write a new poem.
Only a pale moonlight remains, night drawing to a close.
A breeze carrying cool air from the east.
Willow branches whirl in the sky to rest on the pavilion.
Bamboos bang against the railing, waking me from my dream.
Moisture from a distant rain drifts in and clings to everything .
Suddenly I realize the rosy tint has left my face.
I banish the thought with three cups of wine.
Patting my sword, I remember the mountains and my battlefields. ·
Other poets of this period, like the emperors Tran Thanh-tong (1240-1290) and Tran Nhan-rong
(1258-1308), chose other themes, delighting in the beauty of the land and its various regions and
especially in the peace that they were able to restore to the la nd after the cataclysmic encounters with the
Mongols.
·
On a Trip to the Temporary Palace of Thien Truong
by Tran Thanh-tong
This is strangely pure,
The supreme province:
Hundreds of birds, not a hundred organs;
Rows of orange trees, thousands, standing like servants;
Peaceful moon over peaceful people;
Autumn water, autumn sky.
The four seas are clear, dust has settled ..
The trip is better by far, this year.
(translated with Burton Raffel)
(
Dust is a symbol of war; when the dust settles the war is over and peace can be shared by everyone.
Yet by the end of the period, such serenity was only a memory in Vietnam. In the second half of the 14th
century the decline of the Tran was so ~bvious that Chu Van An (1300-1370) wrote a plea to the
emperor asking that several high-ranking courtiers be dealt with summarily and executed for their crimes
so as to restore people's confidence. This did not happen and Chu Van An retired to teach and write
beautiful nature poetry. Pham Su Manh (1300?-1372) tried a.different tack, reviving Vietnamese pride in
the recent past and hoping thereby to whip people into action:
The Bach Dang waters swell into gigantic billows:
one can imagine seeing still Ngo Quyen's galley.
How I recall our emperors Thanh-tong and Nhan-tong
Who miraculously transformed earth and sky,
Filling our seas with thousands of warships
Plastering our passes with a million banners
Putting the country on firm foundations
And washing weapons in Heaven's River!
To this day, the people of the four seas
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Still recall the days the Mongols were trapped.
(from "Left on Thach Mon Mountain")
But the institutional decay ofTran feudalism was so far advanced that nothing could save it. Nguyen Phi
K.hanh, the father ofNguyen Trai, could only lament:
Yearning for action, I can only fidget with my pillow,
Light incense and sit still - that's my confession ...
What can I do now, except ·
Stroking my book three times and sing the Ta-t'ung song.
(from "Waking Up One Evening in the Fall')
Ta-t'ung is the Chinese ideal of the perfect society, or "Great Harmony." Nguyen Phi K.hanh obviously
believes that all he can do is indulge in daydreaming.
Tran Nguyen Dan (1320-1390), Nguyen Trai' grandfather, also wrote in one ofhis poems: "I've
recovered, but it wa
· · " In yet another poem he compared the people's situatiOn to thatof
-;
ng pans" and in a third one he lamented: "30,000 books prove useless/And useless am I to the
people, with my white hair." It is despair like this which led Dang Dung to write one of the most
despondent poems in Vietnamese literature, containing some unforgettable lines:
So much remains to do, but I am too old,
The world is too vast -- might as well just drink.
His moment ripe, a fool can catapult to glory
While heroes, their time past, must choke down their rage.
I dreamed of serving my lord, tilting the earth on its axis,
Washing my weapons in Heaven's river -- but I failed.
The land remains unavenged, my hair's already white.
How often have I whetted my sword under. the moon?
The Popular Tradition
The above examples represent the scholarly tradition in Vietnamese poetry, a poetry of limited audience
and authorship: It is written in a restictive medium -- Sino-Vietnamese -- which is little more than a
variety of Chinese, even though adapted to the conditions of Vietnam, but nonetheless still full of.
vitality.
While the court and the Buddhist clergy wrote in what may be perceived as a "foreign" medium, the
common people, of course, went on living and thinking and creating poetry in the vernacular -- in
Vietnamese -- a language genetically unrelated to Chinese. Because this vernacular literature was not
considered "high" culture, it was not recorded until the 18th century. Thus itis extremely difficult t _
assign exact dates to this poetry.
.
.
(\ ·
(d'£A, V
What is certain, though, is that, considered as a who
way of life dating back many centuries before. Thus, ·t is sa~to<rSS~~
scholarly tradition t
in Vietnam a folk literature with a strong folk poetry component that
mmon people.
is poetry, orally passed from generation to generation, served
was the ·
both as moral teaching and ente amment to the Vietnamese. Much of it was sung at harvest ti me or
festivals in song contests that could last the whole night.
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Dilemma
How can yoti satisfy everyone?
Spend like a prodigal and they'll laugh.
Scrimp like a miser and they'll scorn.
Are you tall? They'll call you Lank
Are you small? Shorty's your tag.
Stout? "Big fatso, like a pig."
Thin? "Poor skinny, poke him in the rib~.'
Despite common stereotypes, the farmer is not always a know-nothing. In his flight of imagination, he
can have the vision of a philosopher-king:
·
The Farmer's Pride
Some folks transplant rice for wages,
but I have other reasons.
I watch the sky, the earth, the clouds,
observe the rain, the nights, the days,
keep track, stand guard till my legs
are stone, till the stone melts,
till the sky is clear: and the sea calm.
Then I feel at peace.
means of forcing others
He can even understand the upside-down turning of common ro
to think, as exemplified in the ulatbamsitechniq
abir, the 15th century Hindi saint-poeC-::>
Lullaby
When will it ever be March?
Then frogs will bite snakes and drag them to the fields,
Tigers will lie down for swine to lick their fur,
Ten persimmons will swallow an octogenarian,.
A. handful of stearried rice will devour a ten-yearold child,
A chicken and win~ jar will gulp down a drunkard,
Eels will lie still, swallowing the bamboo traps,
A band of grasshoppers will chase after the fish,
Rice seedlings will jump up and eat the. cows,
Grasses will-crouch and ambush the buffaloes, ·
Chicks will chase kites,
SpaJTOWS will track down pelicans
And break their feathered necks.
The common man is not without understanding the profound simplicity of life sometimes as in this
·
.
.
expression of Buddhist purity:
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The Lotus Flower
What is more beautiful than a lotus in a pond?
Its leaves are shiny green, its petals pure white,
its stamens yellow.
Yellow stamens, white petals, green leaves:
Always near mud, it never smells of mud.
He is not above boasting:
A Boast
Everybody knows me:
I'm the son of the Lightning God.
I'm the nephew of the Thunder Goddess.
I used to live in the highest Heaven,
but the rope broke, which accounts
for my being a man.
Concerning on~ of his trades, the common man can boast in an even more salacious manner:
The Tinker
Well, I used to live in Heaven;
the rope broke and I dropped to earth.
In time I learned the tinker's trade,
mending pots of every size.
Give me a girl of eighteen or nineteen,
I'll fix her too.
But this one has too big a hole ..
Where's the copper to fill it up?
No more copper? Let's try lead!
Nine months later, see what's bred.
Like father, like son:
When he grows up, he'll make the rounds
fixing all the girls.
Of course, boasters like that do not go around unchallenged. They sometimes get shot down:
For three coppers I can get a bunch of guys ..
I put them in a basket and let the ants go after them.
To buy a gal you will need three hundred,
You had better install her on a flower mat.
Some women are even more saucy:
For three coppers I got a bunch of guys.
I put them in a basket and carry them around, just for fun.
On the road the basket straps broke and out
Came stumbling, here and there, my whole bunch of pets.
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But the dialogue between tht~e_s.e~n-s-1W'HHwa¥S-Wl~~~a.a.l.-l..ne:re...:rre,_a.fier all, happy conjugal
-~
situations more in tune wi
e traditional Confucian concept ofha
A Husband's Advice
Our home is just one room,
half kitchen, half bedrooin.
I leave it in your care
while I go abroad to trade.
Take care ofMother
so I can travel far.
Be respectful, she's old.
Don't grumble or people will click their tongues.
In good times and bad keep your spirits up,
your weight down. Stay alert,
remember everything,
so I may trade in all tranquillity.
A Wife's Advice
At the first watch I set the house in order,
at the second I tum the spinning wheel,
. at the third-I go to bed.
·
As the fourth watch moves into the fifth,
I wake you, asking you not to indulge any longer in dreams.
0, my husband, at the next imperial_ examination
your name will appear on the glorious list!
All our parents' labors, all the travel and scho6ling, will then be rewarded.
Guards will line the road,
your chaise will precede mine,
while drums and cymbals compete in celebration.
We will bring glory home to greet our ancestors,
and kill buffaloes and oxen to worship the gods,
so that everyone in seven sub-prefectures
may share the grace the Emperor grants to you.
"When things are smooth between husband and wife, one can even bail dry the Eastern Sea," says a
Vietnamese proverb. Such is the strength of a harmonious conjugal relationship. But such, however, is
not the impression one gains of the Vietnamese family in folk literature. Does this mean that most
Vietnamese families were unhappy, or does it mean simply that the folk poetry, like today's press, tends
to reflect only the uncommon, the out-of-the-ordinary, the less than happy side of life?
·It is certainly not hard to build a case of unhappiness and mismatch on the basis of the Vietnamese folk
poetry. One of the reasons for such unhappiness is the institution of early marriage in traditional
Vietnam: "Thirteen is a good age for girls and fifteen, for boys." But when one marries that young, and
usually through some pre-arrangement, then sometimes 'things do not work out, at least at the beginning:
My Husband is Normal
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When I was a fifteen-year-old bride
my husband refused to lie with me.
By the time I was eighteen or twenty,
I'd creep to the floor to get some rest,
but he'd .drag me back to the bed, shouting,
"I love yopl" and "I love youl" still.
Our bed has only three legs, the fourth
is broken. If you go to our village, please
tell Mother and Father not to worry.
My husband's behaving normally now.
(translated with RM)
At other times things do not work out altogether, and the Old Man of the Moon, usually credited with
tying the red thread of marriage around people's ankles, is taken to task:
Poor Matchmaking
I'm climbing a ladder with a stick to catch you,
Old Man in the Moon, and give you ten whacks. ·
After the beating I'll lash you to a tree
and give you the third degree:
Is this what you call a red thread?
Here's for your thread linking East and North!
Here's more for the ones binding husbands.and wives!
Do I deserve an old hag, you matchmaking moron?
I'm climbing a ladder with a torch to bum down your house,
old bungler, Old Man in the Moon.
Of course, failed marriage is not always the Old Man's fault. In another example, it is the mother who is
"greedy after money" and "married me off to a child." The bride either gets tired of playing children's
games with her child~husband or complains:< p>
Ah, to be labeled a.married woman, and to wait,
night after night, for something to happen!
I'm afraid you~lllaugh at my secret thoughts:
so much beauty ignored, such a wasted springtime.
·
I try to make the poor .child touch me,
here, there, to ease my yearning, yearning,
yearning, I embrace him. Oh! ·
What did I expect from a baby?
He falls asleep and snores till morning.
I ask you: What kind of spring is this?
Sisters, how many times is a flower to bloom?
'
.
(from "Mismatch~')
It is clear here that there has been an abuse of the system. The mother is perhaps after the husband's
family for their money and therefore marries off the full-grown daughter to an eight or nine-year old boy.
Shocking, but it happened in traditional Vi etmim ..
Abuses, in fact, seem to have been the rule. Orie woman complains of "my worthless husband gambling
all day," another vents the thought of "changing my husband," a third takes a lover and "lies stroking my
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belly at night, sighing,/forgetting my husband, m issing my lover."
A Glimpse of Beauty
He was saying his Nammo Azida
when he saw her, wading for crabs, by his temple.
His holy mind began to stutter;
he scattered his scriptures and went in search ofher
who seemed to have disappeared.
In and out, beads dangling, the poor priest went,
and, like a simple novice, didn't know what to do.
That call of nature can at times be so compelling that all cautions are thrown to the wind and the novice
priest becomes a revolutionary: ·
·The Temple Novice
Here I am, a temple novice, very respectful, very good.
And I will set fire to all the temples and be free!
I will treat myself, gorge myself on dog meat;
I will stick my shaft out to ford every stream that flows by,
and proclaim to the North and to the East:
Unmarried women, your Messiah has come!
Much of the Vietnamese folk poetry, however, is romantic poetry that deals with blind love, the simple
yet undefined feeling that draws two people together:
That Which Makes the Difference
Her nose was a basketful of hair:.
To her devoted husband, it was a dragon-beard sign.
At night, her snore rang like thunder:
To her devoted husband, it cheered the silent house.
Marketing, she splurged on snacks:
To her devoted husband, she was saving on food.
Her hair was one snarl, laced with straw and dirt:
But to her devoted husband, it crowned the love he saw.
The ChineseMing occupation ofVietnam lasted only 20 years (1407-1427) but it nearly obliterated all
evidence ofVietnamese literature previous to the 15th century. At least that was the intent of the
ccupation troops, who were ordered to gather all Vie tnamese books and either destroy them or take
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them back to China. Since most of these books were written in Chinese (or more precisely,
Sino-Vietnamese) Vietnamese writers soon reacted by creating new works which stressed the indigenous
character of Viet nam and the Vietnamese. This was a continuation and culmination of a process
originally set in operation with the Mongol invasions at the end of the 13th century.
The man who dominated this movement
N uyen Trai (1380-1442) ho, according to one authority
of the 15th century, Tran Khac Kiem, "Polishe a
e aws, ms 1tutwns, rites and music of our
"teet not onl ofvicto over the
dynasty." A lieutenant ofLe Loi a
reconstructw
e country after the rava
w o
e to the Vietnamese ever
celebrated by UNESCO and by Vietnames.~~ImwViiiclee,:lil8scomn~lyvaanre;ffl'fiexc:tltiioonncoiff1thb;e~significance of the
man to Vietnamese history. Encyclopedic in his knowledge and productions, he was, however, an
extremely simpleman, and his poetry, both in Sino-Vietnamese and in the ve macular, gives ample
proof of his simplicity and even poverty:
A Plough and a Spade
A plough and a spade, that's all. ·
A row of chrysanthemums, and orchids,
A place to plant beans: That's all I need.
Friends come, birds sing, and flowers wave: Welcome!
The moon walks with me when I fetch water for tea.
Old Po Yi stayed pure and stayed happy,
Yen-tzu stayed poor arid liked it.
Let the world buzz,
I need no praise, I am deaf to laughter.
(translated with Burton Raffel)
Nguyen Trai's personality dominated the first half of the 15th century just as Le Thanh-tong, the fourth
emperor of the Le dynasty, whose reign lasted from 1460 to 1497, dominated the second. A royal patron
ofthe arts, Le Thanh-tong sponsored the "Elega nee Court" composed of some twenty-eight "stars" who
would gather to have poetry-writing contests or just to compose verses on various themes. But ifNguyen
Trai's poetry reflected a dedication to simplicity, Le Thanh-tong's production was decidedly roya 1 in
tone. He left us two kinds of verses, an officially recorded body of verse full of conceits and somewhat
highflown, and an apocryphal body full of vitality even as he described a beggar or a toad:
The Toad
Rough cloth I wear since father and mother gave birth to me
But alone I sit, in my deep, forbidden sanctuary.
I just smack my tongue and two, three flying ants get caught
Gritting my teeth, I can move the four comers of the sky.
The last line refers to the Vietnamese belief that the common toad has the capacity to cause rain when it
chooses to call on Lord Heaven to make it fall.
The astrologer Nguyen Binh Khiem (1491-1585), the so.:.called "Nostradamus ofVietnam," was also
known for his robust poetry which dominated the 16th century. Seen as the paragon of wisdom who
knows when to step out and participate in the world and when to retire from it all, Nguyen Binh Khiem
left us a legacy of gentle humor and great fortitude:
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Retirement
I'm more than seventy-four, and lucky
to be here at home, New Year -- marvelous
to see the world reborn, though my house is poor
in all but books. Spring gardens, bamboos
blooming, house empty but for one
long clean chair, one bright window.
Who's right? Who's wrong? Who cares?
I only laugh at my own simple-mindedness.
·The Chissical Centuries
After what I would call a hiatus century" in which the Vietnamese language seemed to have undergone a
profound transformation, the 18th and 19th centuries· saw a staggering flowering of the arts that even
Vietnamese nowadays are.still busy disentangling and analyzing. Much of this efflorescence happened in
the theater and in the vers
tally Vietnamese form almost unknown in Chinese literature.
¥other form, the -7-6-8 forin (re
·ng to the number of characters/syllables in each line), which was
also a purely Vie
ese
. pment, came to be adopted as the ideal form· for laments or complaints
(ngam in Vietnamese). This is the form of some ofthe ve best known monuments ofth
e
a arrior's Wife" Chinh" orrows of an Abandoned Queen" ·
poetic art, such as "L
(Cung-oan ngam- uc ,
ournmg mperor Quang Trung" (Ai-tu-van), "Summons to the Souls" (Van
te thap loai chung-sinh), but again it is not a form made for short presentations in excerpts, for the power
of.those works lies precisely in their development and elaboration of the themes contained in therri. Their
relative shortness (as compared to Vietnamese novels in verse, which can be thousands of verses long),
·
from maybe 150 to 400 verses, demands a tightness of composition which would lose much in a
dissection of the poems.
Thus we are limited to presenting short poems representative of a few individual masters. Ho Xuan
Huong (1768-1839), a contemporary of Nguyen Du (1765-1820 and the author of The Tale of Kieu), is
considered by many to be the greatest Vietnamese wo man poet. of all times if not quite the "queen of
chu nom poetry" as claimed by British antho ·
·
er unu
ersonality would make
her stand out in any society, but in the cont t of traditional Confucian Vietnam she stood out in such
striking contrast that she became unforgetta
a polygamous society she spoke up strongly against ·
that institution and for the rights of women; in a society where the talk of sex was taboo she pointed out
people's hypocrisy by saying how "king s and lords adored this one thing. She was also opposed to
self-pity in women. She made fun of hypocritical priests, of "young greenhorns" who pretended to know
about poetry, and of defeated generals who somehow got deified because of people's supersti tion. This
is how she castigated "a couple of students who were teasing her":
II
To a Couple of Students Who Were Teasing Her
Where are you going, my dear little greenhorns?
Here, I'll teach you how to tum a verse or twol
Young drones sucking at withered flowers,
Little goats brushing horns against a fence.
(translated with Burton Raffel)
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~
And here is how she expresses herself on the clean fun of sex.using the image of water bailing:·
Water-bailing
Not a drop of rain for this dry heat!
Come, girls, let's go bail water.
Let's drag our delta-shaped buckets to that huge square field
where our bodies can pulse to the water's lapping.
Crouched, straining to catch each trickle from the rockheads,
our buttocks tighten with such labor.
Indeed, we work so hard we forget the effort
·and, taking a final stance t9 bend and lift -you part your legs a second, and it's filled.
(translated with RM)
Many other great names dotted the poetic landscape of the early 19th century: the Lady of Thanh Quan,
the individualistic and rebel Cao Ba Quat (d. 1855), the positive if philandering Nguyen Cong Tru
(1778-1859), the gifted author of a dao (a kind of geisha) songs, Nguyen Quy Tan (1811-1858), the
ill-starred Cao Ba Dat and Cao Ba Nha. Also noteworthy was the social protest poetry of Mien Tham
.
.
(1819-187U) and Mien Trinh (1820-1897). But the evolution of Vietnamese poetry in the 19th century
was most interesting in the face ofFrench occupation and conquest, which started in 1863.
Nguyen Dinh Chieu (1822-1888), the great blind poet of southern Vietnam, and many others turned to
patriotic and antiforeigner themes. And as the French penetrated deeper and deeper, to the point that
their influence seemed irreversible, many Vietnamese, such as Nguyen Khuyen (1835-1909) abandoned
mandarinal careers to become social critics or the conscience of the people:
The Man Who Feigns Deafness
There's a man I know who feigns deafness.
He throws such wild looks that you think him dumb as well.
Who is to know he is deaf only during working hours?
That kind of deafness, I would love to learn.
In a crowd his face is wooden but at riight he has a monkey's ear.
He roams in the rear garden, the front yard, smoking a i e
ewin a betel cud,
drinking five or seven excellent cups of teat a
uoting verses from the
He is all ears one moment and deaf the next.
Who wouldn't like to be that kind of deaf?
But it's not easy to be deaf that way:
Ask him how, and he will just say, ·::Eh?"
JAJ T
Lj
f..()
1.1 VJ 7
P'f-A c../1.11.
-.J
1
,
1
--..;;;::==----------
Others, like Chu Manh Trinh (1862-1905) and Duong Khue (1839-1902), abandoned themselves to
profligacy or turned to aestheticism. others yet became biting satirists, as in the case of Tran Te Xuong
(1868-1909):
.
An Idea
.)
What can you do now with Chinese characters?
Nghe or cong, you still curl up and starve.
Might as well study to be a secretary:
You'll get cow's milk in the morning, champagne at night.
16 of 18
10/27/2000 11:45 AM
�.---------------
-----------c------------------------------.
• Vie~amese Poetry: The Classical Tradition
http://www.askasia.org/frclasrm/readings/r000062.htm
•
To A Friend Taking the Government Examinations
· Studying hard to be a secretary?
I hear you can't even do the romanized script.
They'll pass you anyway, I suppose.
What's the pay these days for a certified dunce?·
Finally, there were those like Tan Da (1889-1939) who sought oblivion in wine:
Drunk Again
Introduction:
It Is bad to be drunk, I know,
but let's be bad, let's all be drunk.
Let the earth be stoned, let Heaven tum crimson!
Who will dare laugh?
Elaboration:
Which time is this?
The tenth, the fiftieth, the nth time drunk?
Can't quite focus, must be tipsy again.
Lord, how can I be so tipsy?
Drunk all night, drunk all day, no more mind.
My wife says a souse is good for nothing,
and I drink harder to drown her out.
I leave the world to sober types,
couldn't care less what anyone says.
'
Hey, maybe that's the point of drinking -sobriety, propriety-- the wives talk their husbands into it.
We should honor the drunk men.
Tan Da died in 1939 in the midst ofthe first full foweri ofmodem Viet
se oet
. ·s poetry has
decisively turned its back on the tradition of Vietnamese oetry. Modem Vietnamese poetry is informed·
by many of the poetic .ideals of the West--especially of French romanticism and symoblism --it is a
poetry which has developed its own meters (the eight-syllable verse in particular), its own themes, its
own language and conventions, bringing Vietnam into the 20th century with its fondness for no velty and
experimentation.
FURTHER READINGS
(
Nguyen Ngoc Binh, Burton Raffel and W.S. Merwin, A Thousand Years of Vietnamese Poetry, (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975).
Keith Bosley, ed., Poetry ofAsia: Five Milleniums of Verse from Thirty-three Languages. (New York:
W eatherhill, 1979).
Huynh Sanh Thong, The Heritage of Vietnamese 'Poetry, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979).
17 of 18
10/27/2000 11:45 AM
�•
Vietr'iamcsc Poetry: The Classical Tradition
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~
Huynh Sanh Thong, trans.,The Tale of Kieu, by Nguyen Du (New Haven: Yale-University Press, 1983).
18 of 18
10/27/2000 11:45 AM
�VIETNAMESE LITERATURE
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD LITERA
materializes, it will be the first work V. has written in t~e
postcolonial period.
FURTHER WORKS: A cidade ea infancia (1960); Duas hist6ria~de
pequenos .burgueses (1961); Vidas novas (n.d.; 2nd ed. 1976);
Velhas est6rias (1974); No antigamente, na vida (1974); N6s, os do
Makulusu (1975); lotio ¥encio: Os seus amores (1979; The Loves
ofJoiio Wncio, 1991); Lourentinho, Dona Antonia de Sousa Neto e
eu (1981); Macandumbci (1982)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Figueiredo, A., "The· Children· of the Rape,"
NewA, Nov. 1965: 203-7; Hamilton, R. G., "Black from White arid
White on Black: Contradictions 'of Language in the Angolan
Novel," Ideologies and Literature, Dec. 1977: 25-58; Ngwube, A.,
on The Real Life of Domingo:f Xavier, NewA, Oct. 1978: 108;
Bender, T., "Translator's Preface," in Luuanda: Short Stories of
Angola (1980): v-x; Jacinto, T., "The Art ofL. V.," in Burness, D.,
ed., Critical Perspectives on Lusophone African Literature (1981):
79-87; Stem, I., "L. V. 's Short Fiction: Decolonisation in the Third
Register," in Parker, C. A., et al., eds., When the Drumbeat
Changes (1981): 141-52
-RUSSELL G. HAMILTON
VIETNAMESE LITERATURE
Nourished by centuries of patriotic protest against Chinese rule, '
yet with a poetic tradition patterned, after Chinese models, modem ,.
Vietnamese literature has flourished, .first under some eighty years
of French colonial administration, then during the war against the
French (1945-54), and more recentiy during the period of partition
, and war (1954-75) and subsequent reunification. The importance ..
of sociopolitical changes in the 20th c. caimot be overstateiJhU._
the single most important factor jn the development of modem·
· Vietnamese literature was the jntroductjon by C~tholic missiOJl.:.
aries of the roman script, whose use .be
r 20th
· c , accompanied y a v1gorous literacy campajgn and whiclL
.r"
.
gradually displaced both Chiriese characters and the de~tic
--vietnamese characters.
·
·
After the establishment~fFrench colonial authority in Indochi~
na in 1862, many works in both verse and prose appeared, with the .
latter predominating. Although poetry, written in both Chinese and
Vietnamese .according to the constraints of traditional Chinese
Tang pr~sody, had held sway in previous centuries, Western prose
genres began to be cultivated, inCluding j9umalism, literary criticism, the essay, drama for the formal theaters (as opposed to the
traditional folk play), and the realistic novel..
The main trends at the tum of the century were romanticism and
patriotism. At the same time masterpiece~ of French and Chinese
literature became known through translations using the ne~ alphabet, thanks to the efforts of the lexicographer Paulus Huynh Tjnh
Cua (1834-1907) and ofthe polyglot scholar Petrus Truong Vinh
Ky (1837-1898), who themselves wrote delightful short stories.
Chinese arid French writing influenced the movement known as
the Dong-kinh (Eastern Capital, i.e., Hanoi) School of the Just
Cause, founded in 1906 by such patrioti~ scholar-writers as Phan
B<?i Chau (1867-1940) and Phan Chau Trinh (1872-1926).
the decline of classical pQetry, the prose writings serialized·
reviews Dong-duong tgp-chf and Nam-phong, edited respei::tivt~fil;;~~}ii.':l~~~
by Nguyen Van Vinh (1882-1936) and Pham Quynh (1
were avidly read by the urban petite bourgeoisie during the
.1913-30. Romantic and lyrical poetry, was·, however, · ·
such writers as Tiln-Da Nguyen Khik Hi€u (1889-1939);
Urn TlinPhat (1906-1969), and A-nam Tr'an Tulin Khai:(b.
. Young intellectuals of the time admired both the ·· . ·
stories of Nguyen Ba Hoc (1857-1921) and the humorous,·
with vivid dialogue by Ph am Duy T6rt (1883-1924 ). TO-ta'm ·
T6-tam),' a· psychological novel by Ho~ng .Ngqc Phac!l·: '
..
1973) ~b~ut an unfortunate love affair, was hugely
spawned many works
romantic individualism.
traditional folktale, the novelette Qud dua do (1927; the
on) by Nguyen Trqng Thu~t (1883-1940)' won an·
literary prize. Notable plays of the period were Chen·
(1921; the cup of poison), a comedy by Vu Dlnh -,.. ...,., '·''JU
1960), about a wastrel who is talked out of committing
three plays by Vi Huy~n Dac (b. 1899): Uyen-uong (1
a tragedy about true love; Kim-tien (1937; mo~ey), a
businessman; and Ong .Ky C6p (1938; Mr. Clerk Cop):·
Besides the development of journalism, the 1
birth-and triumph-ofthe so-called new poetry
. adherents and the opponents-of the Self-Reli~mce
Members of this group rejected the style patterned
writing and advocated a clearer and more naturally
style. They also favored the emancipation of women
of the individual. One member, Th€ Lii' (b. 1907), saw
dreamer and nature lover caught in the· web of ~~·~nnt;,,;.,n
life, ~ith all its cruelty, loneliness, an·d deprivation. rn.~r•o;:,;;.r,;
those of the previous generation, "our·deepest feelings
complex," he asserted. "When we burst with joy, thl)t:
-embraces strange colors and shades." The lyrical poetry
Di~u (b. 1917), another Self-Reliance writer, expres$ed
for love as well as his appreciation 'for scenic beauty
music. A third member, the poet Han M~c Tti (1913-1:t'+'llJ,.wn•~
powerful poems evincing his obsession with de~th. The
still had familiar themes, such as autumn impressions, hmne.s:i~~'
ness, nosr(\lgia, bereavement, and moon gazing. But.it
nontraditional tones, rhymes,.and rhythms, and it. also _cc.~,.;utii> ..
importance of the individual, the presence of the "self.':'.
· Amid political turmoil and economi~ crisis, the
om...Phnm•··········~
hod, launched in 1932.and renamed Ngay nay iri 1935, cmru"•u·~
to the "defense and illust~ation" of the Vietnamese language;
fully groomed for the new genres-a language that had "at'""u·-''""·····"
simplicity, clarity, ~nd elegance through .the efforts of
of
reformers, led
by NHAT-LINH and KHAI: HUNG.
. _ , ...,.,.,,,.
...
editorials, novels, and short stories; Khai Hung was a
shortcstor)' writer. Hoang D~o (1907-1948) was the +hnnrPtrr.r:!llr
the group, Th~ch Lam (1909-1943) specialized in short
vignettes, and Tu M6' (1900-1976) wrote satirical poems:
As the Self-Reliance group declined i~ prestige and the
output of its members waned, several other groups came into.
and the.realistic novel made a tentative appearance,
· ;,·
revolutionary writing with Marxist tendencies· in the late.
Buac duimg cung ( 1938; Impasse, 1963), a poignant tale of . f:' ~. ~ ··
·
h worko ,..,, • ·
;.N··.. •.; , c
and despondency among the oppressed peasantry, was t e
GUYt: ,,..,.,
the most outstandi~g and prolific of the realist authors, N . . .~ "~; •.:;
~ -~r
. :~
432
.,
..,
�,. I
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD LITERATURE
c6NG Hoan. Ngo Tat T6 ( 1894-1954), in Tdt den ( 1939; When the
Light Is Ow, 1960), depicted the misery of the wife of a poor
peasant who is coerced into selling their eldest daughter and their
dog and puppies in order to pay the couple's taxes. Two other
works of note are Chf Pheo ( 1956; Chi the outcast) by Nam Cao
(19 17-1951 ), and Bi' vd (1938; thieves and pickpockets) by Nguyen
J:{6ng (b. 1918), both of which deal with social injustices as they
·describe the dregs of society. The commentary both works evoked
indirectly helped bring about literary criticism as a new genre.
While works of SOCIALIST REALISM began to appear during the
early days of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, before 1954
there had been a socialist tendency among writers of the antiFrench resistance and a "wait-and-see" attitude among noncommunist
writers, most of whom chose to move south when the armistice
with the French was signed.
Poetry in North Vietnam was essentially political: works by T6
Hitu (b. 1920), CheLan Yien (b. 1920), and Nguyen Dlnh Thi (b.
!924), for instance, were preoccupied with the longing for territorial reunification and characterized by exalted expressions of revolutionary zeal and of concern for the masses. Prose writing, too,
. reflected new aspects 'or life: the most popular topics were land
reform, rent reduction, activities of cooperatives, the collectivization
of the countryside, and attacks on American involvement in
the war.
Meanwhile, in South Vietnam a multitude ofprivate publishing
houses and a plethora of magazines and reviews offered outlets for
poets and prose writers, many of them refugees from the north.
Love, family relations, army life, and city life were some of the
favorite themes of writers associated with the Saigon P.E.N. Club.
Lang Nhfm (b. 1907) and Tn;mg Lang (b. 1906), two older writers,
continued to produce essays and chronicles, while Vii Kh~c Khoan·
(b. 1917) and Vi Huycn D~c concentrated on playwriting. In
addition to Nhat-Linh-who committed suicide in I 963-and such
"old guard" writers as Tam Lang (pseud. of Vii Dlnh Chf, b. 190 I)
and Vii Bang (b. 1913), both journalists, essayists, and novelists;
there were many prolific, perceptive, social-minded young novelists in South Vietnam, with either a strong anticommunist stance or
an apolitical attitude bordering on pessimism and fi!talism. Alongside such established poets as Vii Hoang Chuang (1916-1976) and
Dong-ho Ulm Tan Phat, younger poets appeared, in some of whose
works the influence of French writers like Jean-Paul SARTRE and
Saint-John PERSE can be detected.
After the c~mmunists took over the south in 1975, scores of
writers ·were jailed, and their works seized and burned as "specimens of a depraved culture:" In 1979 a collection of"prison songs"
written between 1954 and 1978 was smuggled out to Europe.
·Unlike other writers who remained in th~ north at the time the
Geneva armistice agreements partitioned Vietnam and whose
works stayed close to the party line, the frail author of those poems,
Nguyen Chf Thi~n (b. 1933), had spent time in various prisons,
punished for daring to use poignant stanzas entitled Hoa U!a-ng~tc
(1980; Flowers from Hell, 1984) to denounce communist atrocities. A worldwide movement was launched in the 1980s to demand
the release of this 1985 Poetry International Pri~e winner as well as
that of Doiin Qu6c Sy (b. 1923), a renowned writer who moved
south in 1954 and who was accused after the collapse·of the Saigon
government in 1975 of"tics with the U.S. and the puppet regime."
After the Hanoi regime authoz:ized some "untying" policies ·regardzng artists and .writers-one can speak .of perestroika in socialist
VIETNAMESE LITERATURE
Vietnam-a "high tide" protest movement emerged between 1986
and 1990. But Duong Thu-Huang (b. 1947). a woman novelist, was
conueinneu for her bold exposes of communist cadres' corrupt
practices and her stern denunciations of the total failures of
socialist functionaries. 0l((mg' s works, for example, Thien-rJumzg
nnl ( 1988; pub. in French as Les paradis aveugles, 199 I), caused
her expulsion from the Communist Party and from the Writers'
. Association. These three writers were released in November 199 I
thanks to international pressure.
.
Writers· in exile since the fall of Saigon have kept up the tempo
of literary output overseas, facilitated by the appearance of several
. publishing houses, which started with pirate editions of the most
popular pre-1975 writings by South Vietnam's authors. Monthly
and weekly literary magazines, published in California (for example, Vi'ifl and T~zp-chf Win-hqc), Texas, Washington, and Louisiana,
as well as in Canada (for example, Lang Van), France (for example,
QueM£! ), and Germany (for example, Di)c-l~p), provide recreational readings to a large refugee audience.
The best-known authors arc Yo Phien (b. 1925), Mai Thao (b.
1927), Duyen Anh (b. I 935), Nguyen Mong Giac (b. 1940), u Tat
Dieu (b. 194Z), and Nguy~n Ng9c Ng~n (b. 1945). Yo Ph.ien's
works published in the U.S. are either reprints of novels and short
stories published in South Vietnam prio[ to 1975 or completely
new creations, including delightful short stories and several volumes of excellent essays. Mai Thao has kept up his productivity in
prose and poetry besides being the publisher-editor of a monthly
magazine. Van. Nguyen M9ng Giac has had short stories as well as
two trilogies published in the U.S.: Mtla bien di)ng (1986-1987;
season of rough seas) and Song Con M1la Iii ( 1990; Con River at
flood season). Le Tat Dieu has contributed novels, short stories,
and essays as well as satirical writings with· political ovyrtones.
Ouyen Anh, who before his self-exile in France used to write
stories about street urchins, has had two of his novels published in
Paris: Mi)t nguiJi Nga d Saigon ( 1983; pub. in French as Un Russe cl
Saigon, 1986) and Doi Fanta ( 1983; pub. in French as La co/line de
Fanta, 1989). The most prolific is certainlyNguyen Ng9c Ng\m.
who, besides The Will of Heaven ( 1982, with E. E. Richey), has
turned out dozens of novels and short stories in Vietnamese,
no'tably Stm k!u'iu cui)c rJoi ( 1986; life as a stage), Bielz vc!n ct(ji cha
(I 984; the sea is still waiting), Coi oem ( 1982'; night world), Nude
( 1986; muddy waters), and Truy¢nngcin (2 vols., 1982, 1986; short
stories). Memoirs by former political and military figures of South
Vietnam are of uneven quality.
The overseas writers' ranks have also been consolidated by
young faces, including some remarkable female refugees, notably
Phan Thj Tr9ng Tuyen (b. 1951 ), Le Thj Hue (b. 1953). Vu QuyiihHuang (b. 1957), and Traii Dieu Hang (b. 1952).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Durand, M. M., and Nguyen Tran Huan, Introduction cl La litterature vietnamienne ( 1969); Hoang Ng9c Thanh, The
SoCial and Political Developmeill of Viernam as Seen through the
Modem Novel (I 969); Bang Ba Lan, "Some Remarks on Contemporary Vietnamese Poetry," Viet-Nam Bulletin, 5, 13 ( 1971 ): 2-:-13; ·
Nguyen Kh:k Yi9n, et al .. eds .• lntrodu.ction to Anthologie de Ia
litterature vietnamienne, Tome Ill: Deuxieme moitie du X/Xe
siec/e-1945 ( 1975): 7-68; Nguyen Khac Kham, ''Vietnamese
National Language and. Modern Vietnamese Literature.'' SEACS,
15: ~~-( 1976): I 77-94; Nguytn Khi\c Vi¢n, et al., eds .. Introduction to Anthologie de Ia littemture Fietnamienne. Tome IV: De
433
�·-r.
VIITA
...
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD LITERATURE
1945 a nos jours (1977): 7-'-72; Nguyen Dinh-Hoa, ·"Vietnamese
Language and Literature," in Nguyen Thi My-Huang, P., ed.,
Language in Vietnamese Society (1980): .9-26; Da~idson, J: H.
C. S., "To Aid the Revolution: The Short Story as Pro-liberation
Literatu~e in South Viet-Nam," i~ Davidso·~, J. H. C. S._, and
Cordell, H., eds., The Sh_ort Story.in South East Asia: Aspects of a
Genre (1982): 203-26; Huynh Sanh Thong, "Main Trends of
. Vietnamese.Literature between the Two World Wars," The Vietnam Forum, 3 (1984): 99-125; Durand, M. M., and Nguyen-Tr'lln
Huan,· An Introduction to Vietnamese Literature (1985); XtianDieu, "Apport de Ia poesie frangaise dans Ia poesie vietnamienne
moderne," The Vietnam Forum, 5 (1985): 146-63; V6-Phie'n,
"Writers in South Vietnam, 1954-1975," The Vietnam Forum, 7
(1986): 176-99
-DINH-HOA NGUYEN
VIITA, Lauri
Finnish poet and novelist, b. 17 Dec. 1916, Pirkkala; d. 22 Dec.
1965, Helsinki
. The son ofa construction worker, V. did not finish high school
and for a time earned a living as a carpenter and construction
worker. He read widely, however, and was especially interestedin
science . .Jn'1948 he married the poet Aila Meriluoto (b. 1924); in
1956 they were divorced. He took part in a few literary battles, and
his public readings of his own poems were appreciated by large:
audiences. He was killed in a car accident.
V.'s first collection of poems, Betonimylliiri (1947; a miller of
concrete), was well received, and the second, Kukunor (1949;
Kukunor), confiirned his reputation, although its whimsical dements bewildered many critics. His success encouraged other
writers in Tampere, where he lived, to form a literary club of mostly
working me~; except for Alex Matson ( 1888.,..1972), an older critic
and essayist, who guided the discussions. .
V.'s novel Moreeni (1950; the moraine) showed him to. be a
good realistic writer, but his main interest was always poetry. His
next volume of verse, Kappyriiinen (1954; crinkly), iess whimsical
than Kukunor, was again a success. About this time he developed a
severe neurosis and had to be temporarily· hospitalized. A new
collection of poems, Suutarikin, suuri viisas (a shoemaker is a wise
man,_ to~) appeared in 1961, and V. was planning a novelistic
trilogy, of which only the first volume, Entiis sitten, Leevi (1965;
what then, Leevi), was published before hi~ death.
Cognizant of his working-class background, V. assumed an
aggressive social stance in parts of his first collection, but soon
discarded it. Moreeni is set in a working-class neighborhood at the
beginning of this century, and although the civil war of 1918 is
briefly described, V. is obviously more interested in the personal
lives o(his characters than in public events. ·
As a poet, V. inade skillful use of many verse forms: regularly
rhymed poems, poems in the traditional Finnish meter (as found,
. for instance, in the Kaleva/a epic), and unrhymed, free-form
poems. The· title poem of Betonimylliiri describes the dreams of an
"average" construction worker during a lunch break, but some
aspects of these dreams are convincing only if one imagines a
434
;
ENC
construction worker like v, himself. The poems in this collection ·
mann
are often violently satirical, but V. was more concerned withmora]
Face 1
and philosophical questions· than with social and political evils:· . : :· . ,. move
although in rebellion against the human condition, he believed in ·
and
man's spiritual capacity to free himself of his limitations and to.·
begin
reshape the world.
a per.
Kukunor is unusual in Finnish literature. It is a playful and ·
.·.A
slightly nonsensical adult fairytale about troll and a fairy who fall
JIS ac•
in love. Finding an 'old atlas, they choose for themselves the mo~t ··,
writir
cultm
appealing mimes in it: Kukunor (a lake in Central Asia) and· :.
Kalahari (a desert in South Africa). Interwoven with the delightful'
sputn
·.· ~ m
nonsense are serious symbolic themes, such as the possibility_ of..
making the desert-representing human life-bloom again(;. . , ·. tlirou
Kappyriiinen is more immediately accessible. V.'s humor and ;); ::,:, howe
satire are mellower in it, and his barbs are direc,:ted against-:; ... ·.:: · encm
pretentiousness. V. showed his greatest formal proficiency in this ::··· . . ~uddf
.collection, which includes several love poems that indicate a new, '·:·. '::. · place
freedom in personal expression. An almost absurd kind of humor is:· . _·. ' · · th~re
employed to hid~ the poet's anguish at his recognition of evil in th~ \ f;.:• ·
captu
world, but this humor is simultaneously a protest and an expressio11 :K: ;·.::
:
of ultimate hope. ·
.
· .
-,., ( >:./
a
0
. V. was one of those Finnish authors who, although they broke -~ :;: . . ._.:,' 'trilog
with pre-World War II literary traditions, did not follow the young ' ::·: .
bird),
MODERNISTS of the 1950s. Difficult to classify; he was a poe( - ·· :' ; , · (i
971
w~ose c_onsummate form~! skill and earnestness of purpose made,.: r~,
,·of th
all fashwns. and trends melevant. Somewh~t forgotten at the:.~:,.). · J>y hi
present moment, when poetry of this type is not much appreciated;'}\';.,
h~ has ne:.ertheless secured himself a firm place i~ the literature_~{.;~;['~;,t~
h1s country.
· ·. · .,l':l• '· .:
.:.
. ,.:r:··:~~::.;:: ,{
FURTHER WORKS: Kootut teokset (1966)
.
~c:
v
.•;,·-_-: ,,,,:·., lcela:
. .
·
·
· · \~:::.::\ : ·. _;, durin
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Ahokas, J. A., A History of Finnish Literatur~.
.,.:.I-~-. to h<
(1973): 347-49
: fresh
'
,
' (
.i .
"~
VILf{JALMSSON, Thor
.
.
.
r,:;' ·~: •.- ~~- ·~
Icelandic novelist, poet, short-story writer, and essayist, b. 12 Aug.· · ·
1925, Edinbuq~h, Scotland
'
,":: i ;
· When V. was born, his father was working for an Icelan4i~.:;_' .. ;
agency in Scotland; the family moved back to Iceland when V. was . . :
five. After secondary school he studied Icel~ndic philology at the),,<\:
University oflceland for two years ( 1944-46), then literature at the:·:'>· <'.
University of Nottingham, England, during 1946-47. He lived in,· ~ :: ,.,, , ·
Paris from 1947 to 1952, continued his studies, and began writing;·~·~-' ; ~:·
in 1950 he made his literary debut. On his return to Iceland he first·,,~~ · · ··-··.
worked as asailor for a year, then as a librarian. Since 1955 he has'': ·.<.' '
Phili
been a full-time writer.
. · . ·.•
·.Aug.
V. was the only prose writer who joined those poets who finaily· :·
.·.,.A
brought MODERNISM to Iceland: His first book, Maourinn er alltaf :. i
.', einn (1950; man is always alone), consists of short lyrical.prose~4.:'"
.~ exile
poetry dealing with loneliness. Most of the prose fragments brietly ·,
·.~··:\: Un.h
present a melancholy situation in which a solitary man· moves · : ::. · .· .:::.. storj,'
through vague surroundings without being able to establish con' •.·
the l
• · · · atten
tact. Similar content persists in V.'s next two books, Dagar
VI
'< ·
·..
�B1013403
LANG: eng
SKIP: 0
CALL #
TITLE
IMPRINT
DESCRIPT
NOTE
SUBJECT
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ADD AUTHOR
OCLC #
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ISBN/ISSN
LC CARD #
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MARC
MARC
MARC
MARC
LIB. HAS
BIBLIOGRAPHIC Information
BCODE3: ..:
LOCATION: eeob
BCODE1: m
COUNTRY: txu
CAT DATE: 08-22-94 BCODE2: a
PS595~V5 E47 1989
Carrying the darkness : the poetry of the Vietnam War I edited by
· W.D. Ehrhart
Lubbock, TX : Texas Tech University Press, 1989, c1985
xxxi 1 2 8 8 p . ; 2 1 em
· ·
Reprint. Originally published: New York, N.Y. : Avon Books,· c1985
Vietnarr:ese Conflict, 1961-197 5 -- Poetry
American poetry -- 20th century
.. war poetryi American
Ehrhart, W. D. (William Daniel) 1 1948ocm1883612~
0896721876
0896721884 (pbk.)
88038691
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Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
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�.-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
J0t-4N f. KINNW'I'
~CHOOL
Of GOYEP.NM[Pill
BRIAN J.M. QUINN
VIETNAM PROGRAM
CENTER FOR BUSINESS AND GOVERN ME~====
kOIIIC ;
79 JOH.N F. KENNEOY STREET
.CA~.MBRIOGE,
MA
02138
TEL: (6 I 7) 495·1 I 34
FAX: (61"i) 496·5245
_ __.BJ;;,;Mo;Oo;UINN0-LELANO.STANFORO.EOU
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CENTER FOR BUSINESS AND GOVERNMENT
79 John F. Kennedy Street, Cambridge, MA 02138
tel: (617) 495-1134
fax: (617) 496-5245
david_dapice@harvard.edu
CHOICES AND OPPORTUNITIES:
ROADS. OPEN TO VIETNAM
David 0. Dapice
PREPARED FOR
THE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY INSTITUTE OF VIETNAM
AND
THE UNDP ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY PROJECT
Septernber,2000 .
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
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Executive Summary of "Choices and Opportunities: Roads Open to Vietnam"
Background
Vietnam's growth has slowed since the 9% rates up to 1997, and it has been getting a lot
of advice from donors that suggests developing a private sector, lowering trade barriers,
and improving capital markets so as to take advantage ofthe global-economy. This
advice seems sensible to many but also hard to follow given various concerns about
socialism, equity, and stability. The intent of the US is thought by some to still be hostile,
and better relations with China do not lessen concern about their increasing competition
in many industries also important to Vietnam. The best way to take advantage of science
and technology, including the Internet, is also under discussion. What is agreed by all is
that Vietnam is still poor and it has little land. People will have to move out of agriculture
to eliminate poverty and to begin to "catch up" with others. Even equal per capita growth
rates (say 5% a year) means $20 extra in Vietnam, $50 in China, and $150 in Thailand .
Rather than repeat advice, this paper presents three plausible alternatives or scenarios of
Vietnam's economic future. Each one is the outcome of a thought process and consistent,
with its policies and outcomes. Whatever is decided, it is best to be clear about the
implications.
·
The bias of the author is that he believes the combination of faster and cheaper computers
and communication is causing a revolution equal in importance to printing or electricity.
To decide not to take part in :these is like deciding to charge $1 per kilowatt hour for
electricity. It can be done, but what governmentwould want to keep people in the dark?
However, taking advantage of these ~evelopments (it riow costs five cents per HOUR to
lease a voice line across the Pacific Ocean! Telephone calls will soon be nearly free.)
requires that decision cycles be speeded up. This is very hard for governments, and even
for old-style state enterprises. To be slow is to be dead. This is why FDI has fallen 80%
to 90% in 1999-2000 from 1996, while it has doubled or tripled in Korea and Thailand .
Scenario I: Business as Usual (Minus)
There are some in Vietnam who look back on the past decade with satisfaction and
believe that a continued step-by-step approach is desirable. Most of these people would
like the state banks to continue as they are, want large state enterprise monopolies, and
are skeptical of the benefits of the Internet. They believe in self-sufficiency and
protection. The author argues that this view is complacent because of likely slower
growth in agriculture, the impact of the communications revolution, and the looming
threat of foreign competition, especially from China. (There is a case study on the
Motorbike Industry.) More of the same is likely to produce much slower growth, perhaps
4% to 5% a year over time, and 25% to 30% investment/GDP ratios, but with inefficient
investment patterns. The most troubling aspect of this scenario is the implications for
employment. There will have to be 1.4 million new jobs a year and few would be created
in this scenario, much less helping to reduce under- and unemployment. The likely result
would be falling behind and social evils. High income taxes (among the highest in the
�world) would also be sure to drive the most.qualified workers overseas, and lower total
income tax collections. Technical capacity would slip too.
There is a "box" asking what a leading role means now. It clearly is not in providing
direct employment, since SOE jobs will fall. The position of the state in farming is slight,
and even in industry is down to 41% and may be overtaken by FDI based industry in a
year or two. Its share in services is also likely to fall. So, a "leading role" could mean
state ownership of certain "heavy" industries, electricity and telephones, and banks and
railroads. However, trade concessions will make these positions weaken over time. Or, it
could mean the state is moving into"path breaking" areas, but in software, it is clearly
the private sector that predominates. A "leading role" is meaningful if it is defined as
creating an environment in which all competitive firms can prosper.
Scenario 2: Business as Usual (Plus)
· ·In this scenario, pragmatic and technocratic elements balance the more cautious groups.
The result is a compromise. There is more of a willingness to specialize production for
export, more attempts to lower high prices and improve service (as in telephone/Internet),
and more of an attempt to make public investment more efficient. There would be some
banking reform and a better capital market, so that investment would be used more
efficiently. With about the same level of investment, growth would increase to 6-7%,
although there might be higher FDI. In this scenario, growth (double GOP by 201 0) and
poverty reduction targets are taken seriously. However, it would take faster and smarter
·
reforms than in the 1996-1999 ~eriod.
.
..
There is a long analysis of job growth. SOE's will probably· have fewer jobs over time.
FDI will do well to absorb 100,000 per year (up from 60,000 in the 1990's) and the same
is true for the formal private domestic sector, though this implies 20% annual output
gains. Agriculture might be able to take another 200,000 a year, even though its income
or product per capita is a third or fourth of other sectors. This implies that the nonfarm
rural/informal sectors will need to absorb 1 million a year, just to absorb new entrants!
This is a large amount, and will require an analysis of existing constraints. Three
mentioned are actual behavior by state banks restricting credit to private borrowers,
restrictions on land use at the local level, and controls on export or high marketing and
transportation costs leading to poor processing and lost sales. Even with these reforms, it
would mean "crowding in" to these jobs and zero productivity growth, though incomes
would still be much higher than if the workers had stayed in agriculture.
There is a brief digression on the actual savings rate of Vietnam. It is not clear how big
trade deficits really are (IMF sources are twice the official figures) and Viet Khieu
inflows are large, and some may be investments rather than gifts. While official savings
are 25% ofGDP, the actual figure may be in the 15% to 20% range. This matters if the
investment climate becomes worse, because then some of the inflows would stop.
There is also a "box" on the Vietnam-US Bilateral Trade Agreement. The US imports
I 00 times as much as Vietnam, and lower tariffs on manufactured goods should lead to
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much higher export levels, and also more FDI for Vietnam. The author argues that the
BTA allows Vietnam to succeed, but does not ensure it. Other steps will be needed so
that the full benefits are realized, and the quantity and quality of FDI increase. Although
Vietnam reached $4 billion of manufactured exports last year, the Philippines has had its
manufactured exports rise by $4 billion a year recently due to its electronics sector. With
respect to the "concessions" in telephones and banking, it is argued that the negotiated
phase-ins are far too slow given technology and Vietnam's needs, and that a truly smart
policy would move much faster than the treaty proposes, if it does not want to create a
situation where Vietnam's firms pay ten times as much to talk to customers or suppliers
as firms in other nations. The quicker a critical mass of foreign investors is reached, the
faster the economy can create the jobs needed .
-·!.
Another "box" deals with the impact of infrastructure in poor areas, and asks, "what
kinds help?" Big projects like a refinery, a (little used) port or bridge, or a hydro-plant do
little good for the regions they are put in. A better approach is to decentralize investment
decisions, with some guidelines and oversight. The recent decision to delay completion of
parts of the new North-South highway was. wise. If east-west feeder roads are built and
connect remote areas to markets and ports on the coast, their growth will eventually make
completion of the north-south highway more productive .
Scenario 3 -A Decision to Leap?
While faster is usually thought better than slower, it often entails some cost. This section
discussesthe policies for fastefgrowth but also the tensions and risks. One risk is "losing
control" in the sense thato.nce powerful changes are unleashed, they are hard to reverse .
Another is, as Deng Xiao Peng said, "When you open the window, the flies come in." So
part of opening up to inf~rmation is getting messages that are unwanted. However, while
the risks of this are well appreciated, the costs of moving slowly may not be. Increasingly
businesses will need the Internet as a fundamental tool. This is why China, even while it
tries to perfect "firewalls" (screens for the window), has decided to push the Internet. On
a per capita basis, ten times as many Chinese as Vietnamese use the Internet. Are the
Chinese naive( Or have they weighed the costs and benefits more clearly?
The new technology does decentralize the power of information. Vietnamese firms will
be able to grow faster. In scenario 3, the SOE's will also grow faster, but they will
probably have a falling share of industrial output, since private firms have been less
connected in the past. It is a political decision if faster SOE growth is worth a smaller
share .
The policies in scenario 3 would aim to .promote growth. The private sector would not be
a regrettable necessity but a pillar of the nation's strength. Not only would good laws be
passed, but they would also be implemented. There would be the emergence of a truly
commercial banking system and capital market. Vietnam would aim to become one of the
more connected nations(allowing for its income) instead of one ofthe least connected .
Income tax rates would be cut to 25-30% to maximize revenues instead of punish skills .
The extra taxes would be used to help the poorer regions and those displaced. High levels
Ill
�of FDI would still cluster in the growth pole areas, so provision would have to be made
for those that move to follow opportunity -implying changes in land zoning, finance for
multi-unit housing, provision of roads and utilities, etc.
In this scenario growth would be about 10% a year, and investment from 35% to 40% of
income. This would follow similar experiences in China, Korea, and Taiwan at lower
income levels. Savings would come from more FDI, more reinvestment of profits, a shift
in gold and dollars to banks, and greater portfolio capital flows, including from Viet
Khieu. Millions of jobs would be created paying $50 to $100 a month, instead of the $10
to $20 a month seasonal farm jobs that now occupy 25 million workers. Such a leap will
take some luck and skill, and is not without dangers. But it promises to lower poverty,
build technical competence, and make the nation rich and strong faster.
There is a "box" on zero, negative, and positive sum games. Games refers to interactions
between firms, nations, groups of people, or individuals. A zero sum game is like
football, where one team winning means the other loses. A negative sum game is like a
bad marriage or a situation where people ignore traffic rules. Everybody gets hurt. A
positive sum game is like a good marriage or voluntary trade. Both sides benefit. Peasants
view life as zero sum, because there is a fixed amount. But where technology exists to
allow $30,000 per person output per year, it is not too hard to get to $3000 (Thailand) and
if a nation stays at $300, it is destroying wealth and squandering its potential. In that case,
the system has become a negative sum game. In the opposite case, people try to help (or
at least not hinder) each other, expecting they too will get ahead. Then all can move
forward faster. Ultimately, .a society chooses the kind of game it plays.
.
(
Concluding Comments
This paper presents three different scenarios based on three different views. The
perspective of this paper is that the world economy is becoming integrated more quickly
and completely than before, and that fast-changing technologies allow a nation to choose
~he level of income that it wants. Some choose to grow quickly. Others cannot or choose
not to. [There follows an example of training 10,000 software Internet programmers a
year at a cost of $10 million a year. Within a decade they would earn $2 billion a year
and paying $500 million a year in taxes. This would add 1% to the national growth rate.
In which scenario would this most likely happen?]
If we compare the three scenarios, # 1 gets Vietnam to $540 by 2010, #2 to $650, and #3
almost to $1000. Poverty would drop sharply in #3, almost vanishing by the food-only
poverty measure, so long as smart social investments were targeted on poorer areas and
groups. As we saw from the 1990's, poverty falls fast when rapid growth and widespread
social services are combined. But if the country is richer, stronger, more technically
capable, and has less poverty, why not choose #3? One possibility is that some do not
believe that 10% growth is possible, but with 9% growth up to 1997 and the BTA and
fast growth opportunities in electronics, surely the target is reasonable. Is it SOE's having
too small a role? But they have been falling relatively for a decade, and this is likely to
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continue. They would grow absolutely faster in #3 and be stronger and larger. Even if
they take time to become competitive, higher tax revenues will allow subsidies .
The third reason for being cautious is that different groups may arise and be hard to
manage. Vietnam may be seduced by a glamorous but empty consumer culture. In the
extreme, even stability might be threatened. These are questions beyond the scope of an
economist, but they are not foolish. However, they must be weighed against the benefits
of faster job growth, better education, and greater national capacity. One source of
concern has been corruption, and surely better civil service pay would reduce this more
effectively than anti-corruption drives alone. The issues need to be weighed realistically .
There is a final "box" on the possible use of translation software, that would take text
from English to Vietnamese or Vietnamese to English. The quality of this software is
improving to the point that it is useable for rough translations in narrow topic areas such
as medicine or business. Funding this with ODA and distributing it free would allow a
much faster rate of connection than waiting for tens of millions of people to become
fluent themselves. It would be one way to accelerate connecting with global information .
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v
�Introduction
Vietnam's record of economic growth was very strong in the 1990 to 1997 period,
and has been somewhat lower since then. It remains one of the poorer countries in the
world and the region, and potentially includable in the HIPC (Highly Indebted Poor
Country) initiative which applies to the lowest income nations with the poorest
repayment abilities. 1 There has been a lot of advice given to Vietnam about how to orient
its policies for the next decade, and while there have been some variations, it is broadly
consistent. The donors' advicehas been to develop in particular the private sector by
creating a level playing field, continue moves towards lower trade barriers, push for a
more commercial banking system and capital market, and speed up global economic
integration with special efforts to improve science and technology. Poverty will be
reduced not only by fast, labor-intensive growth, but also by targeting investments in
human and physical capital in poorer regions and improving institutions. The underlying
assumptions are that there will be low budget deficits and inflation, a fairly priced
exchange rate, and continuing improvements in the legal system and regulations.
To many Vietnamese, these seem reasonable long-term suggestions, but they are
hard to reconcile with Vietnamese realities. First; there is a desire to create a "socialist
market economy" though exactly what this should look like is still under discussion.
Second, there is a desire among many, though not all, to have a continued "leading role"
for the state sector. Third, there is concern for backward regions, income inequality, and
undesirable social phenomena. Fourth, some argue the nation should retain the ability to
protect the economy from possible international shocks or the dangers of capital outflows
illustrated by the recent Asian Crisis. This concern with security sometimes takes the
form of a desire for self-sufficiency in specific items such as rice, sugar, cement, and
possibly fertilizer, steel and refined oil products. Self-sufficiency is often achieved but at
the cost of high product prices and low returns to invested capital, or even losses. These
industries also absorb scarce capital and create few jobs.
1
Vietnam's debt and income levels would qualify it for inclusion in HIPC if the Soviet debt were included
at face value. However, the Soviet debt is being renegotiated to only I 0% of its face value, and with that
discount Vietnam would not qualify for HIPC.
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If a diplomatic dimension can be added to an economic paper, there is suspicion
among some ofthe designs ofthe United States, even while there is an appreciation of its
science and technology and the importance of its market. Several years of negotiations
over the bilateral trade agreement, and the protracted conclusion of negotiations are some
indication of these conflicting tendencies. Some observe that in the negotiations the US
forced Vietnam to make concessions in the areas of banking and telecommunications. It
is debatable if this is hostile, given there are long phase-in periods more generous than for
those in the similar Chinese-US trade deal. Nonetheless, some fear that the intent of these
concessions is to weaken the current system rather than simply opening markets .
Another diplomatic and economic reality concerns China. The improving
relations and settlement of some border issues should allow much freer trade, investment,
and tourism. However, the very strength of the Chinese economy constitutes a potential
problem because Vietnam tends to produce broadly similar products as the low end of
China's industry. (Motorbikes, cement, fans, farm equipment, bicycles, etc.) China has
had a decade more of economic reform,
arriuch.hi~her lev~l of FDI and teclmology
..
. transfer, and also a much higher level of savings and investment. Trade flows between
the two nations are not easy for either to control because of the many land routes and
ports. How can Vietnam industrialize if its products cannot compete with China's?
Similar concerns exist in a more moderate way for ASEAN, given the emerging freetrade area .
Another issue that arises in discussions concerns the proper role of science and
technology in the economy, and the potential for high technology industry to contribute
to overall growth. The role of the Internet is also folded into this discussion. There is a·
feeling that Vietnamese scientists are of good quality, but not well connected to ongoing
commercial developments in science and technology. The importance of overseas
training vs. better funding of traditional institutes, the dangers of opening up to the
Internet vs. the opportunities of doing so, and the best ways to attract FDI in high
technology are all issues that generate debate. Others are concerned that too much stress
2
�on high tech will reduce needed investments in lower level education and rural
infrastructure.
Lying behind all of these issues is the fundamental problem that all acknowledge.
Vietnam is a poor and mainly rural country with limited land. Agriculture as a whole
cannot grow more than 3-4% a year over the next decade, and any attempt to "catch up"
will require a transfer of people and resources out of agriculture and into industry and
services. If poverty is to be reduced (or eradicated by some definitions), somehow all of
these elements will have to be combined and resolved, along with several others.
Persistent poverty would be seen as a failure, especially now that more and more people
are aware of how other Asians live in neighboring countries. It would contribute to social
tensions and result in a weaker nation.
Comparing Growth Rates
There is a tendency for economists and some politicians to compare the rate of real GOP
growth among nations. This is understandable;" but it may not be ,the only or even the most
appropriate measure of progress. Many people look at the rate ?t which their own lives improve.
This involves the rate of real income growth per capita, adjusted for some measure of income
distribution. If most of the gains of growth go to the upper fifth of the population, the other 80%
may not be impressed by their gains so much as envious. Even more, people. might compare
themselves not so much to a prosperous group or region in their country but to other people with
similar education or jobs in neighboring countries. If the last tendency applies, it will be harder for
Vietnam to satisfy its population. Consider Vietnam, China, Thailand, and Korea. Assume that
each country grows at 5% per capita. Then Vietnam would add to its income $20 per person per
year; China about $45, Thailand $150, while Korea would add $500! Singapore's 5% per capita
growth adds $1500 per capita per year. These large differences underline the need for rapid and
broadly based growth. However, improvements in social overheads such as better electricity,
telephone, transport, water, health, and education services will also produce a sense of progress,
as well as contribute to growth potential over time.
The Plan of this Paper and an Admission
Rather than summarize or repeat advice that has already been given, this paper
will suggest three different economic futures that Vietnam might plausibly choose. The
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policies and growth rates associated with each .one will be discussed. The assumption is
that only the leadership can make the decisions regarding critical issues involving
political variables. The economic implications of their choices should at least be clear, so
whatever choice is made is consistent with reality. Choosing a higher or lower growth
rate has political and economic implications. The economic aspects are emphasized here .
All three scenarios are possible. The slowest scenario raises per capita income from about
$400 now to $540 in ten years; the fastest to nearly $1000. It is important to understand
that a nation, over time, chooses its level of income by its policies. These choices are
complicated and difficult, but they are made and they do have implications .
At the outset, the author wishes to make his biases clear. He believes there is a
technical revolution going on in the world now, which will eventually be equal
in
importance to the development of printing or electricity. It is marked by the rapid fall in
the price of telecommunications, the rising use of ever-faster computers, and the
transformation of science, education and commerce as a result. There is also an apparent
division of nations into those that grasp the essence of this digital revolution and those
that ignore or resist it. 2 The rec~l)t performance ofthe.US ecol)omy has surprised even
many optimists. In the last two years, output has grown by nearly $1000 billion (the value
of China's entire GDP), unemployment rates have dropped to levels not seen in
peacetime since the 1950's, and inflation has remained quiescent. Similar results have
been recorded in Holland, Finland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. These countries,
along with several in Asia such as Korea and Taiwan, have found ways to separate the
inevitably slow and drawn-out political decision process from the increasingly rapid pace
of business decisions. Being fast is better than being big in this world, which is why
venture capital is growing and seeking to fund new ideas.
3
2
There is, of course, much more to science and technology than computers. However, many discoveries in
science are accelerating due to these key technologies. The decoding of the human genome, the spread of
global research over the Internet, and modeling everything from nuclear testing to global climate to protein
folding are examples. It may be better to think of the computer-Internet technologies in the same way as
electricity. They facilitate a wide range of other activities .
3
Venture capital funds new or very young firms, often adding advice as well as money, Venture capital
has been active in the US for many years, but is now becoming popular in Europe and Asia .
4
�The new technologies allow entire industries, such as telecommunications or
4
electric monopolies, tobe challenged in an incredibly short time. It is not necessary to
respond to this revolution, just as it is not necessary to use electricity. However, the way
that businesses do business with each other will be transformed in the next three to five
years. Supplier networks will use the Internet as the primary method to announce and
accept bids, transmit documents, and communicate. A recent estimate of electronic
business to business sales in Asia was $50 billion this year and $1600 billion in 2004.The
nations that fail to join these networks will be cut out of a huge slice of global trade.
IfVietnam does not manage to separate the inevitably slow pace of political,
bureaucratic, and governmental decision making from its business decisions, it will
choose to join the nations that fail to take advantage of the evolving world economy. This
is a reality driven by global technology, and all successful firms respond to these forces,
whether in China, Europe, Korea, or the US. Any business person knows this. Mr. Bui
Quang Do of the VietNam Electronic Industry Association recently was quoted as saying
that his association wanted to lobby the government for faster approvals. "For example,
the Hanel project to produce co lot television~ took thre.e years ·to get final approval. In the
fast paced world of business, how can a business expect to succeed when it takes so long
for a decision?" he said. [VietNam News, 17 August, p. 1.1] The answer to his question
is seen in the decline in FDI approvals from nearly $9 billion in 1996 to less than $1
billion this year. 5 Without changed policies, local businesses will be unable to compete
effectively against those that have faster and more responsive governments.
It might be argued that this technology jargon is fine for a few thousand software
programmers or a tiny fraction of Vietnam's industry, but doesn't really apply to the
overwhelming majority ofthe country. This is dead wrong. Technical change like this
4
The collapse oflong distance telephone charges has put pressure on many old telephone companies. The
new firms use cheap fiber optics to deliver international calls under ten cents a minute, or virtually free
over the Internet. Even in electricity, the rise of gas microturbines and the coming of fuel cells may result in
non-central small scale electricity generation being the cheapest source of power for many users.
5
The FDI commitments for 1996 were $8.6 billion, or 33% of GOP, though subsequent adjustments have
brought the total down to $7.7 billion by some estimates. (IMF/SBV) In the first seven months of2000,
FDI approvals totaled $0.48 billion. This works out to an annual rate of under $0.9 billion, or 3% of GOP.
Actual inflows (foreign portion of realizations) are less than one-third of FDI commitments.
5
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cannot be called revolutionary if it doesn't have a rapid and widespread impact. In
Thailand, agricultural produce is being sold over the Internet. In Cambodia, villages are
getting the Internet to sell their handicrafts. Even Pakistan is investing in widespread
Internet access. China is supporting rapid increases in Internet use, and users grew from 2
million at the start of 1999 to 20 million at the end of2000. Major companies and
customers in autos, aircraft, electronics, steel, .cement, food, and textiles are moving
towards Internet based bidding. Organizations dominated by third world countries such as
UNCTAD are urging members to become much more aggressive in understanding and
promoting the new technologies. They argue that these technologies are an opportunity if
used well, and are dangerous to ignore .
A final point in this argument about the·impact of technology can be illustrated
with some facts about telephone charges and costs. It now costs five cents (700 dong) per
6
HOUR to rent a voice circuit over an optical fiber crossing the ocean. This charge, plus
local connection fees (like a local call) is what an international telephone call actually
costs. If done over the Internet with a computer, the cost is nearly zero. Even if done over
a normal telephone, the. cost is very low: In Hong
~ong,
prepaid cards provide
international call service to the US for five cents per minute. Many predict within a few
years there will not be charges for long distance calls at all, simply a flat fee for unlimited
calling anywhere. Imagine if there were two Asian firms, one with unlimited access to
customers, technology, and suppliers- and the other paying several dollars a minute .
Which would be more successful? What are the costs of maintaining a monopoly and
7
charging prices for telephone calls among the highest in the world? The results would be
similar to charging a dollar a kilowatt-hour for electricity, when its cost was only five
cents. Very few people would have power, and even they would not use much electricity .
Even if it could be done, what government would want to keep so many in the dark?
6
The source is Telegeography 2000, an industry reference yearbook. These costs are actually declining by
half every nine months due to advances in multiplexing light and improving switches and fiber. One optical
fiber cable with up to 432 strands can easily carry all the telephone traffic in the world.
.
1
7
In a worldwide ranking of 60 countries as to their E-business readiness, Vietnam ranked 54 \ well behind
Egypt and just ahead of Pakistan. The study was done by the Economist Intelligence Unit, a commercial
research arm of the organization publishing The Economist magazine. China ranked 51 and India 50 .
6
�Three Scenarios and How They Differ
There are three different scenarios discussed in this paper. In each case they
project a set of possible policies and an associated set of outcomes. These scenarios are
different from standard input-output models that assume fixed coefficients or production
function models that assume diminishing returns. 8 These scenarios are attached to views
of the world and coalitions within Vietnam that support distinct types of policies.
Obviously, there are complexities that this kind of exercise cannot hope to include. There
are issues of world economic growth, oil prices, the health of various large Asian
economies, etc. that could tum out to be quite significant. Rather than try to deal with
such issues, the discussion will focus on Vietnam's policies and their implications.
Scenario 1: Business as Usual (Minus)
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Many Vietnamese believe that the record of the 1990's is overwhelmingly
positive and speaks for itself. Gro\Yth was rapid for most of the decade. The Asian Crisis
had only a minor and temporary impact, and prospects for renewed rapid growth appear
good. Poverty declined
sh~rply,
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agricultural growth was strong, and exports leaped from
$2 billion in 1991 to $12 billion in 2000. The pace of reform has been slow, but this has
avoided mistakes and tensions. This view believes the government should continue to
emphasize the leading role of the state sector and ensure that government owned banks
continue to dominate the monetary system and direct a large share of credit to SOE's.
Equitization should proceed, but mainly for the smaller SOE's. Those with this view also
tend to be skeptical of the benefits of the Internet and are comfortable with policies that
restrict its quality and increase its effective cost. 9 They want at most a slow change in the
role of the telecoms monopoly and are comfortable with expensive long distance
(international) telephone calls. They tend to worry about the riskiness of the international
8
In an Input-Output model, more inputs are proportionately better for growth. In a production function, the
extra output per unit of investment falls with more investment. The scenarios assume different policies that
create different productivities of both capital and labor.
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economy and prefer self-sufficiency in many "key" goods. They argue that the current
level of FDI is good for a poor nation, and should not be viewed as an issue .
This view would tend to leave current policies more or less in place, and might be
viewed as complacent. Is it likely that the large gains in agriculture from the Dot Moi
reforms of over a decade ago will be repeated? If the view that the world is moving
quickly to communications intensive trade and investment systems is correct, where
would these policies leave Vietnam? It is likely that much public investment is of low
economic productivity, and a continuation of that pattern will add little to useful
infrastructure, increase foreign debt, and may eventually create a disinclination of donors
to continue large scale lending. If the large SOE's remain in place more or less as they
are 10, the banking system is likely to face recurrent crises and demand fiscal resources
that will detract from other uses. If Vietnam's FDI stays under $1 billion a year, while
China's grows from its $40 billion level, how competitive will Vietnam's industries be
compared to China's? Even now, Chinese motorbikes are selling for one-third the cost of
local Hondas, and are gaining market share. [See box] Self sufficiency is marred by the
inability of many factories, in sugar for example;: to sell at pr!c~s close to the world levels
except at a loss for many plants. In short, this critique of Scenario 1 policies argues that
the past cannot be repeated in the hext decade with the same or a similar policy mix. The
world has changed and too many of the easy gains are past. Indeed, perceptive observers
are already concerned with rapid credit growth of uncertain quality and rising deficits .
9
Extremely long waiting times cost human time and also incurs higher user charges. Depending on the
time of day, the transfer rate may only be a few hundred bits per second! This makes effective use
impossible.
.
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Inserting a Board of Directors may not change much in a SOE if similar pressures continue to blend
many objectives, only one of which is efficiency .
8
�Why Are Vietnamese Motorbikes so Expensive- and Can They Get Cheaper?
Motorbikes in Vietnam are very costly. A State Pricing Committee expert commented in
October 1999 that a Thai peasant had to sell only three tons of rice to buy a Honda motorbike,
while a Vietnamese peasant had to sell nine tons. By August of 2000, the amount had risen to 20
tons! Why should a virtually identical Honda Dream II sell for about $1000 in Thailand and $2400
(recently cut to $2200) in Vietnam? And why should Chinese motorbikes be selling for as little as
$700, even if their quality is somewhat lower? The answer is that local production has been
protected by trade barriers. The motorbike manufacturers argue that these trade barriers are
needed to overcome high startup costs. But is a 100%+ premium over prices in neighboring
countries a reasonable charge for these costs? More importantly, can the producers adjust
quickly enough to competition? While output of motorbikes rose from 62,000 in 1995 to 365,000
in 1999, the influx of Chinese bikes in 2000 threatens to dominate the market. They· were
reported to account for three-quarters of imported kits in the first eight months, in which there
were 573,000 units. In 1999, the extra cost of the domestic motorbikes cost consumers over $500
million, assuming that the Hondas were typical of those produced. It is not surprising that they are
snapping up the more reasonably priced items so quickly. But what of the future? If Honda and
the others cannot reduce costs to competitive levels, the boom in motorbike assembly will prove
to be an unsustainable bubble. If they can, by paying low prices for the inputs (whether locally or
foreign based) and not paying very high tariffs, then they will truly take root and become a viable
industry. They say they will increase domestic component production. How many of the fastgrowing industries are like the motorbike industry? How many will adjust and how many will fail?
And has it been necessary for consumers to pay such a high price for these producers?
Given the uncertainties illustrated by the motor bike example, what growth rate in
Scenario 1 is reasonable to expect? Investment levels would tend to be 25% to 30% of
GDP, but investment would be inefficient. That is, it might take $6 of investment to
sustain $1 of growth, which would probably average only 4% to 5% a year. Per capita
GDP growth would be perhaps 3% a year. Thus, Vietnam would see its per capita
income grow from $400 to perhaps $540 over the next decade, an annual gain of $14 a
year.
High income taxes (upwards of 75% on the portion of incomes over $800 a
month) would ensure that those who could earn a lot would be much richer in other
nations, and that private firms in Vietnam would find it cheaper to hire foreign skilled
workers in well-paid jobs. It would be too costly to attract skilled state enterprise
workers, or indeed any qualified Vietnamese. Because SOE salaries are low, recruitment
of their employees is a constant threat. Only the greater security of SOE employment
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. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
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offsets the lower salary, even with·vai:ious fringes. However, with income taxes among
the highest in the world, Vietnam heavily taxes internal labor mobility, and thus helps
prevent the emergence of a real labor market. The impact of this, of course, is to ensure
that labor productivity remains low. Such high .tax rates also result in lower tax
collections than more moderate rates that would not drive people to evasion or
emigration .
This growth performance would be disappointing to many aware ofVietnam's
potential, and it is well below government targets, which project a doubling of real GDP
by 2010. Yet some· Vietnamese would object that 3% per capita growth is a better·
economic performance than most other nations, and would be acceptable if it kept the
nation stable and secure. Yet would it do that? With gains in agriculture harder to con1e
by, and rising levels of education, there is a need for both urban. and rural nonfarm job
growth to absorb the 1.4 million workers joining the workforce each year. State
enterprises contribute nothing or are a negative for employment growth, and if they and
low-return public investments absorb most savings, little will be left for the domestic
nonstate sector. Nor will FDI provide much of a lift, in spite of the opportunities opened
by the bilateral trade agreement with the US and WTO/AFTA membership. In recent
years, industrial SOE growth iuis been only about 10% a year \.vith stagnant employment,
and the private sector would be hard pressed by Chinese competition. Without much
urban industrial growth, as Dwight Perkins has pointed out, there is unlikely to be much
"rural" industrial growth. In China's case, the town and village enterprises benefited from
the orders of nearby urban factories, and were most successful where there was rapid
urban growth along the coast. Expansion like that would not work in this scenario .
Where then would young workers go? Farms are already small and changes in
cultivated area are minor. The young workers are not likely to be absorbed on ever
smaller farms, especially if they are educated. It is most likely that they would congregate
in urban areas, looking for informal sector work, mainly in services. This kind of work
tends to be poorly paid and insecure. With continued utility monopoly pricing and modest
FDI, even many services will have trouble increasing productivity and incomes of their
10
�workers. This is because there would be less training (including less on the Internet) and
also less investment in these sectors. With dim prospects and deflated expectations, these
young workers would probably not be a source of stability. Many of those with the most
marketable skills would probably seek ways to leave Vietnam. While they would send
money home and pick up valuable skills, they would also deprive others of a chance to
learn and fail to create a critical mass of skilled people. The well trained that stayed
might be employed in traditional scientific institutes, but these are poorly connected to
market opportunities and tend to be underfunded because of chronic tightness and
competing claims in the government budget.
What is Meant by a "Leading Role?"
Many leaders in Vietnam strongly argue for a leading role of the state sector. Yet in what
sense is there such a role now? It is well known that SOE employment is now less than 2 million
out of a work force of nearly 40 million, and state enterprise employment is more likely to fall with
continued equitization than rise as the remaining larger state firms finally complete downsizing.
So the state cannot have a direct leading role in solving the problem of unemployment, one of the
most urgent and important.
The state has a minor role (under 5% of output) in agriculture. Its state farms can offer
help in extension or processing to nearby private farmers. Yet in terms of either employment or
output, the SOE role in agriculture is and will. be. very small. It is in industry that most people
understand the role to be important. Yet for several years the fastest growing sector has been
that financed by FDI. Even when the FDI firms are joint ventures, the local SOE partner seldom
has effective control of the company. Many of the newer FDI firms are 100% foreign. Within a
year or two at recent growth rates, the FDI sector will be bigger than the SOE sector in terms of
output. The SOE share of industrial output has been falling over most of the 1990's, from twothirds to two-fifths.
Services are the· remaining sector where the state might play a leading role. Of course,
state management (public administration, defense, etc.) is by definition a state activity. Of the
other services, the state accounts for half of output, with a large role in foreign trade, finance,
some hotels, and construction. The state role in science and education is very significant, but
these are usually placed in public administration. In terms of employment, the private sector (in
1996) accounted for 2/3 of construction, 88% of trade and transport, and three quarters of "other"
services excluding education. These ratios are certainly higher now and are likely to continue
rising as equitization, SOE downsizing and deregulation grow. Here again, the state role would
not normally be described as leading.
If the SOE role is small and shrinking, what might a leading role mean? It could mean
state ownership of certain, mainly "heavy," industries such as sugar, cement, and steel. It could
mean a major state presence in banking, construction, airlines, and railroads. It might mean state
control of utilities such as electricity and telephones. In the cases of banking and telecoms
though, if competition is allowed as negotiated in trade pacts, it may be difficult to retain SOE
II
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market share without complex and questionable regulations. These regulations might cause trade
frictions .
Another interpretation is that the state will open "path breaking" areas. Yet out of 25
existing software firms in the HCMC software park, 4 were foreign, 21 were private, and none
were SOE. (In India, none of the software companies are state owned, and India is a world leader
in software with $35 billion worth of software exports. The fast growing electronic exports from
Malaysia and the Philippines are also from local private or foreign companies.) It is hard to see
how SOE's would be better equipped to respond to market opportunities than foreign firms like
Intel or startups with bright young Vietnamese scientists. Most SOE's have trouble with fast
paced businesses because they have to move cautiously and get approvals. Low salaries also
tend to reduce their attractiveness to those that are highly qualified and can work in other
countries .
What then is the practical intermediate term meaning of leading role? It is an important
and valid concept if it means an efficient SOE sector, utilities and services that charge
competitive prices for quality service, and a government that creates the incentives and
environment that allow all viable firms to learn, invest, and prosper. It is very likely that the indirect
role of the state will be the most important in promoting growth, but this does not rule out some
direct role if competitive pressures are introduced and the SOE's are forced to become as
efficient as the other firms in their industry. It is possible to create efficient SOE's, but they are
rare and require from the government a firm hand and purpose. More often, the SOE's become
an effective interest group and prevent competition, always arguing for more time to become
competitive and requiring subsidies or high monopoly prices. (This is also true of protected FDI
firms.) In that case, their deficits or monopoly prices make the nation poorer. For the very long
term, the goal of using the state sector to directly manage the economy may remain, but in the
next decade or two indirect management of the economy will likely be more effective .
In summary, the policies in Scenari<;> 1 are:
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A go-slow approach towards deregulation, freer trade, and real
SOE reform .
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A continuation of government monopoly/control in banking and
utilities.
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A reluctance to allow increases in Internet use up to regional
levels .
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Opposition to a dynamic local private sector, especially !fit hurts
SOE's .
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Continued poor economic productivity of many public investments.
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Continued failure to attract either a high quantity or quality of
FDI due to a combination of low transparency, unstable policies,
and corruption.
12
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The likely result ofthis policy mix would be:
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Extremely slow growth in either urban or rural industry output or
jobs.
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A progressive falling behind other nations tn income and technical
ability.
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Sluggish income growth, similar to India's before its reforms .
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Urban migration without good jobs leading to social evils.
Low levels and quality of FDI
Growing foreign debt and eventual donor disenchantment.
It is worth repeating that if SOE borrowing is continued without fundamental
reform of the incentive structure for the SOE's, it is likely that even a recapitalized
banking system would again require substantial budgetary bailouts. These could create
immense fiscal and monetary pressures and might lead either to renewed inflation or a
period of budgetary austerity that would be,very:hard on the economy and government
services. In such a scenario, poverty reduction would sho~ little progress.
Scenario 2: Business as Usual (Plus)
In Scenario 2, many of the same impulses that guided Scenario 1 would be in
play, but they would be better counterbalanced by pragmatic and technocratic elements.
The result would be a kind of negotiated policy mix in which neither side would be clear
winners. In this scenario, there would be a greater appreciation of how rapidly the world
is changing, and more of an appreciation of the costs of lagging so far behind Asian
neighbors. Opportunities opened up by AFT A, the bilateral trade agreement with the US,
.and the WTO would be better, if incompletely, grasped. There would be a greater
willingness to specialize in what Vietnam does efficiently, rather than trying to produce a
wide range of costly goods in the name of self-sufficiency. Attitudes towards the Internet
would be less restrictive, if not wholly supportive. Telephone charges would fall to levels
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at the high end of ASEAN's qther nations, currently about fifty cents a minute, though
falling. Many politically attractive public investments with loweconomic returns would
be delayed or reduced in scope, so that less public investment would actually have a
greater impact. There would be the gradual but nontrivial introduction of competition in
banking and sufficient freedom in capital markets so that new firms without official
connections would find it possible to get loans or issue shares. In other words, this
scenario assumes that the dangers of lagging behind allow the leadership to balance the
arguments of those who want to push faster against those who want to go slowly. It is a
scenario in which the growth and poverty reduction targets are taken seriously .
In such a scenario, there would not be much more investment than before. It
would remain in the 25% to 30% (of output) range, though if FDI were attracted
successfully it might go higher. However, the efficiency of investment would be higher.
It might only take $4 of investment to get $1 of sustained output instead of $5 or $6 .
Growth would be close to 7% a year, and the target of doubling real GDP would be in
reach. Over a ten-year period, income per capita would rise from roughly $400 to nearly
$700, a gain of $25-30 a year: Thus the gain,in, GDP p~r capita would be more than twice
Scenario 1.
Job Growth in Scenario 2- The Need for a Private Sector:
How effectively would this Scenario deal with employment issues? It is very
likely that there would be a higher level of FDI in this case, and a faster growth in the
private sector as well. Yet how many jobs could be created? From 1992/93 to 1997/98,
the Living Standards Surveys show FDI based jobs growing from 20,000 to 335,000
during a period of high levels of foreign inflows. (These include both joint ventures and
100% foreign owned.) That works out to 63 thousand a year, or about 5% of annual labor
force growth. The inflows during -1994-97 averaged $2 billion a year, while current
recorded inflows are perhaps one-half as much. 11 Even if the type of FDI were skewed
towards labor-intensive export-oriented projects, and FDI regained the $2 billion level of
11
The IMF estimated FDI inflows in 1998 at $800 million vs. official figures of $1.84 billion .
14
�the boom period in the 1990's 12 , it is hard to see direct employment gains much over
100,000 per year. Indeed, even that would represent a huge jump from current levels,
though the Box on the Bilateral Trade Agreement with the US gives some reasons for
optimism. It is also true that a job in exporting often supports two or three others in ·
transport, services, housing, etc. (This is the pattern in other ASEAN countries. It
probably also holds true in Vietnam.) Thus, the FDI sector may improve greatly from
current levels and still play a relatively modest role in adding new jobs, at least directly.
The formal private sector, which includes cooperatives and "mixed" as well as
registered private firms, has also grown. It added just over 50,000 jobs a year according
to the two Living Standards Surveys. The recent change in the Enterprise Law should
create a more favorable environment for these firms to grow, though they still face
several obstacles. The large jump in registered private firms since January 2000 is
unlikely to indicate completely new activity. Rather, many of these firms probably
existed previously and declared themselves formally under the new law. Surveys will be
needed to determine how much they are really expanding. The remaining barriers are
possible to list though not explore· in depth in this paper. ·One certainly is the reluctance
of state commercial banks (in spite of new and permissive SBV regulations) to lend to a
private firm when there is any risk of loss. The danger of criminal charges is present, and
recent scandals have made loan officers risk averse. Thus, considerable dollar deposits in
Vietnamese banks find their way offshore to gather interest while local businesses go
without loans. It will be difficult to balance the need to instill a willingness to take wise
calculated risks in a State Bank against the need to deter fraudulent activity. Faster bank
deregulation would allow banks that are better able to make such decisions to extend
loans.
A second problem; easier to remedy, concerns land. Specifically, local authorities
cannot transfer more than one hectare per project of farmland to industrial or service use
12
An FDI inflow of$2 billion a year in 2001-2005 is assumed in some internal Vietnamese projections.
These are presumably gross inflows, though many FDI projects are repaying loans or paying dividends on
the $10-$15 billion of past investment. Thus, the net inflows might be much less than the gross. Recent
estimates by the IMF put net FDI inflows at only about half of gross inflows.
15
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without getting the approval ofthe Prime Minister! Thus successful towns soon find
themselves congested and polluted, even though expansion would be easy if a more
flexible set of regulations were approved. Ideally, every town should have complete .land
use planning. This, however, would take several years to implement. Short-run changes
might include increasing the per project deductible amount to 5 hectares (perhaps with
provincial level approval), or allowing land use changes with 1-2 km of the town center
at local option. There is a risk that farmland will be lost unwisely. But so long as the
owner is content to sell and the private firm is paying a market price for the land and
creating jobs, there will likely be many more gains than losses from such an easing in
policy .
A third problem holding back private development has been the marketing and
price structure. In many cases, state owned exporters did not pay for better quality
products, such as rice or coffee. If private traders couldn't export, they had no reason to
invest in processing or other mechanisms·to raise quality, and the farmers had .no reason
to either, since they sold to the traders who treated all output the same- as low quality
with a low price. If exporting ~an now be done more widely, quality differences will be
reflected in prices, and this will induce investments and efforts by growers and
processors. The recent growth of rice drying equipment in Soc Trang after rice export
rules were liberalized is one example of this. It will be hard to profitably .raise farm
output very fast unless this lesson is taken to heart. Other examples, such as cutting high
telephone costs to regional levels, would similarly act as a stimulus to private
employment growth. International telephone calls would rightly be viewed as an essential
business tool rather than a consumer luxury with a 1000% monopoly markup. This would
encourage markets for higher value added fruits, vegetables, flowers, etc. which would
displace low-profit rice. These three barriers are not the only ones, but they certainly are
among the most important. Once loans and land become available, trading rules are less
restrictive, and the costs of communications drop, private people can find out themselves
about foreign markets, processing technology, and other constraints.
13
13
This does not imply rejecting efforts to improve technical knowledge, for example. It does suggest that
such efforts or projects, without these other barriers lowered, may not be very productive. However, a 1997
survey of smaller manufacturing firms in Vietnam did not find technical know-how to _be a big problem .
16
�It is hard to know just how much will be done about these various constraints.
Perhaps formal private sector employment could double in the next five years, implying a
gain of nearly 100,000 per year. Total private employment would then grow from about
half a million to one million. This, however, is an outside limit. Productivity growth
would be fairly high and growth rates in employment of 15% per year would imply
growth in output of 20-25% a year. This is just possible, but unlikely. It would have
Vietnam growing as fast as China's coastal provinces. Some provinces may grow as fast
as that, but most will be slower, especially if overall growth is about 7%, not 10%, as in
China.
If this analysis is correct, and if state enterprises have trouble expanding
employment very much, then only 15% ofthe 1.4 million jobs needed annually to absorb
new workers are likely to be generated by FDI and the formal private sector. If
agriculture is growing only 3% or so in volume (though possibly more in value), then
rural and informal nonfarm activity will have to take on a major share of the job
creation. 14 The gains in agricultural employment from "1993-98 were about 400,000 a
year- when agricultural growth rates were especially
stro~g.
Indeed, there are already
signs of a slowing in farm employment. If this annual gain fell to 200,000, the nonfarm
informal sector would need to·generate nearly 1 million jobs a year to absorb workforce
growth!
Is it reasonable to expect 1 million new jobs a year from the nonfarm informal
private sector? At one level, the answer is positive, because poor people will find some
way to live, even if poorly. At another level, the answer is probably negative if the
answer means productive jobs that take advantage of existing skills and build new ones.
In 1998, about 30% of all rural and urban workers were neither farmers nor professionals,
and they then numbered about 12 million, relatively few of which (2 million) were in the
formal sectors. An increase of 5 million in five years would be a 50% total or 8.4%
14
The two VLS Surveys found those self-described as mainly farmers fell from 71.7% to 69% in five years,
implying an annual growth of 400 thousand, during a period of fast farm growth. A recent MOL! SA study
hoped for 50% farm workers in 20 I 0, a level consistent with about 200,000 annual gains from 200 1-2005.
17
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annual increase for informal manufacturing and services. If those sectors hadoutput
growing at about that rate; it would mean that there would be zero productivity growth .
Workers would be crowding into these jobs so quickly that there would be no
productivity gains. This is not all bad, since output per worker in agriculture is only about
a fifth or less of that in overall industry or trade and transport:· Even in state enterprises,
state farm workers earn less than half of the workers in state industry or transport, and ·
two-thirds of those in trade. If movement is made from low to higher productivity sectors,
average incomes rise. That movement helps increase very low farm incomes, and holds
down gains in the non-farm sectors. An efficient economy does not have large sectoral
differences in productivity, and of course this is also more equal.
So, the conclusion to this long digression is that 7% growth is good enough to
keep the job situation from deteriorating, but would not help very much to reduce
outstanding levels of underemployment in rural areas or unemployment in some urban
areas. This qualified positive conclusion assumes that difficult structural reforms in
banking, trade, land use, and marketing/monopoly reforms will·be taken; that public
investment will be more carefully deployed; and that telecom/Internet policy becomes
more like ASEAN's. These would allow licensed FDI inflows to double from their
current levels, and give a dramatic push to private sector growth. All ofthis is within
reach, but would require more focussed and faster governn1ent policy actions than those
of the 1996-99 period. Slower growth without such steps might not take place in 2000
with its high oil prices, or in 2001 when a certain lift from the US trade pact can be
expected. However, the table would be set for something more like scenario 1 if the
reforms were half-hearted. Indeed, with increasing foreign import competition and slower
job growth, there could be severe economic troubles over the next five years without
faster and more complete reforms .
18
�A Digression on Investment by Overseas Vietnamese and Domestic Savings
It is hard to measure what is not registered. For mariy years, Viet Kieu have sent
annually hundreds of millions of dollars to their families. Often, these have been gifts to
support consumption. However, at least some observers believe that a growing portion of
it is unregistered investment. Estimates .of private "gifts" are fuzzy, running from $1-2
billion in recent years. Since we do not know, let us assume that half of these flows are
really investment. This would suggest from $500 to $1000 million a year in investment,
about as much as licensed investment! (Or a fraction of 113 of a $2 billion total would
give a similar amount of $600 million.) It is hard to know if anything like this is being
invested each year, but if investment per worker were $5000, then 100-200 thousand jobs
a year would be created through this source. This would be double or triple the formal
FDI job growth, due to its (assumed, not known) less capital intensive nature. Obviously,
more research is needed to understand the size and importance of this investment.
This large uncertainty brings us to the question of how high domestic savings
really is. In 1999, recorded imports were· nearly equalto recorded exports. The small
trade deficit plus services and investment income ran a deficit of $1 billion, but the large
flows of"transfers" (mainly private gifts) allowed a surplus in the current account to be
recorded. Thus, domestic savings were said to be higher than domestic investment of
26% of GDP. But are the flows of "gifts" from Overseas Vietnamese really gifts? If not,
then they should count as capital inflows, and domestic savings are 2% to 4% of GDP
lower.
Another separate point is that imports estimated by the Direction of Trade
(DOT) 15 register the same value of exports from Vietnam as official sources but much
higher import levels. In the 1995-97 period, trade deficits were double the officially
recorded ones, meaning DOT estimates of Vietnam's imports were about $2 billion
15
The DOT is an IMF publication that uses import and export data of other nations to check the official
trade data of any single nation. So, for example, Thailand's exports to Vietnam should (plus freight) equal
Vietnam's imports from Thailand, and Vietnam's exports to Thailand should equal Thai imports from
Vietnam. If done for all nations, this shows Vietnam's official exports are correct, but imports understated.
19
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higher than the official ones. This is equal to 7-8% ofGDP, and if it were also deducted
from domestic savings, the result would be domestic savings of only 17% of GDP. Thus,
there is real uncertainty about the actual level of savings in Vietnam. This may not matter
ifthe capital flows that support the spending continue, but it would matter if they slowed .
If it appeared that there were fewer profitable opportunities to invest, then even the
Overseas Vietnamese flows might decrease, and certainly trade credits might too. This
underlines the need to keep the economy open to productive investments, allowing them
to earn a fair return .
The Bilateral Trade Agreement with the US: How Good a Deal?
The US is a huge market, importing about 100 times as much each year as Vietnam. It
normally imposes low tariffs on most goods if a nation has normal trading relations, and almost all
nations do. However, Vietnam does not and thus its manufactured exports to the 'US pay very
high (40% or more) tariffs compared to under 4% for most other nations. Not surprisingly, most
exports from Vietnam to the US are not manufactured goods. If the recently concluded
negotiations on a Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) are ratified by the Congress and National
Assembly, it is very likely that manufactured goods exports to the US will rise sharply. A recent
16
World Bank study put the initial additional export value at nearly $800 million· , but this could be
easily rise considerably over time .
There are two points to make about the BTA in this paper. One concerns .the variables
influencing its ultimate impact on trade and investment. The other is, how important are the
concessions made by Vietnam in telecoms, banking, and other services? With respect to the first
question, the BTA is best understood as a necessary but not sufficient step to increase exports
and investment. It will allow Vietnam to attract more FDI, but will not ensure that it does. ·Progress
in transparency, regulations, infrastructure charges, etc. will also influence foreign investors. It
would not be surprising if FDI increased in 2001 after the Agreement is ratified, but the upwards
bump will be short lived if bad experiences recur. In several dimensions, Vietnam is now regarded
as one of the more difficult places in Asia to invest. The low level of licensed FDI in 1999-2000 is
testimony to that. FDI in China, Thailand and Korea are all stable or up sharply from 1996, while
Vietnam is down 80 to 90%. If Vietnam can improve its reputation, it is likely to attract much more
and much better quality investment. This will also support higher levels of exports and jobs. It is
important to note that while 1999's level of Vietnam's manufactured exports was about $4 billion,
the annual increase in manufactured exports from the Philippines has been $4 billion! This gives
some idea of what is possible once a dynamic sector like electronics decides to concentrate in a
country. Thus, it is crucial for a combination of good policies to support each other. The effect is
multiplicative, not additive .
This brings us to the second question. What will be the impact on Vietnam of agreeing to
the negotiated concessions in various sectors, but especially telecoms and banking?
Unfortunately, this question is asked meaning, "What damage to Vietnam?" One line of thinking
16
"The Effect of the United states Granting Most Favored Nation Status to Vietnam," Fukase and Martin,
November 1999 (World Bank Policy Research Working Paper)
20
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goes, "If the US demands something, it must be bad for Vietnam. The only question is how bad."
The better question is, "How fast should Vietnam reform its telecoms and banking?" That is,
without reference to the US, what pace of reforms would be in Vietnam's best interests? It is no
secret that equitization has been moving slowly due to resistance of the SOE's and often their
localities. So long as state banks remain effective monopolies who must dedicate a large portion
of their loans to weak or even "dead" firms, the potential for creating 1.4 million jobs - largely
private jobs - each year remains dim. Is Vietnam more threatened by a lack of millions of jobs or
by the scheduled reforms of SOE's being implemented? A truly commercial banking system will
lend to strong SOE's, just as it would lend to strong private companies. The only way to make
SOE's competitive is to make them compete. A three to nine yearphase in is slower than optimal,
not faster, if Vietnam wants to reach its growth and poverty reduction goals.
This is even truer for the telecoms sector. The level of charges for international calls and
direct Internet lines is among the highest in the world, by a factor of several times China. There is
already foreign aid in place to connect all communes by 2003, so there is no excuse for these
wildly inflated prices except the fact that the telephone company has six times as many workers
per telephone as Indonesia! Given that telephone and Internet connections are or are becoming
as important as electricity, is it wise to create a jobs program in a critical infrastructure area and
then charge ludicrous prices for it? If attracting FDI and helping the private and efficient SOE
firms were a serious aim, there would either be a drastic and immediate price cut or a rapid
introduction of competition to force more reasonable prices and efficient business operations.
Again, it would not take a perceptive and determined government three to six years to do this. It
would happen in one or two. If Vietnam doesn't start to react in market time instead of diplomatic
time scales, it will find itself outmaneuvered and outfought in the contest for FDI and exports~
In summary, the BTA is a good step that will come to full potential if the timetables in it
are ignored and faster and fuller reforms are undertaken. If the Agreement sparks a new round of
reforms, it could mean many billions of additional FOl-and exports over the next five years. If no
or few further steps are taken, the -BTA. may turn. out a· disappointment, leading to far less
incremental activity than was hoped for or expected. If many or all of tj1e extra steps are taken, it
is likely that exports will rise to other nations as well as the US, an·d in a variety of goods, not
simply one or two such as garments and shoes. Getting to a critical mass of FDI and production
is critical for real success, and the BTA with other steps would allow Vietnam to finally reach that
critical mass. 17
Summary o(Scenario 2
In this scenario, the potential benefits of more rapid FDI, export, and private
sector growth would lead to policies such as:
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Faster movements to a commercial bank_ing system and capital
markets
17
A February 1997 World Bank Working Paper (#1733) by Kinoshita and Mody argues that FDI tends to
cascade as lead investors are seen entering a country. This leads to a critical mass and large FDI flows.
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..· Less politically motivated but low economic return public
investments
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Specific movements (land, marketing) to foster faster private sector
growth
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Faster movements to reach ASEANstandards in telecoms and
Internet service
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Better transparency and regulation to attract higher. levels/better
quality FDI
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Steady but gradual efforts to reform or equitize SOE 'sand reduce
protection.
These improved policies represent a faster pace of effective reform than the last five
years and assume a growing awareness of the changed world economy and of productive
ways to deal with it. The policies outlined above would have significantly different
implications than those in Scenario 1. To be specific, it is likely that the policies of
Scenario 2 would result in:
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A higher GDP growth rate (7%) withsimilar investment levels .
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A faster spread ofknowledge and technology within Vietnam .
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A healthier banking and capital system with diminishedfuture
burdens.
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A greater ability to absorb rural labor productively.
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Lower levels offoreign debt and greater capacity to pay it.
Faster local private and FDI growth of output and jobs .
22
�What Kind of Infrastructure Helps a Poor Area?
There is an impulse in Vietnam, as in most other nations, to spread the benefits of public
investment geographically, even if economic returns are higher in some regions than in others.
However, Vietnam is unusual in that once it has decided to help a particular province or region, it
frequently finds it difficult to select an economically efficient public investment, or even one that
reduces poverty very much. An expensive port that is underutilized will not help a poor province.
Even a refinery may not "pull in" many additional activities. There are many examples in
Indonesia of large LNG or other large projects in poor provinces with virtually no linkages, and
serious poverty within a few kilometers of the huge investment. Even the Hoa Sinh dam, one of
the largest projects in Vietnam, left many of those flooded out quite poor, and there are few other
factories or activities close to it, in spite of a good road to Hanoi. What is likely to work?
One problem is that there is seldom a neutral economic analysis of the project that
proves decisive. It is likely that, at least, a 10% rate of return can be found in some project in
every province. If the proposed project only has a 2 or 3% return - even if that is the cost of the
ODA loan - it doesn't make sense to invest in such a low return project. Things that normally
have good returns such as well selected rural roads, electrification, fruit trees or tree crop credits
(in some regions), or small scale river ports and improved ferries often get ignored. It might take
several smaller projects to equal one bigger one, and often persuading the central government of
one big project is easier. It would be helpful if donors or suppliers exercised more restraint in their
activities, but ultimately it is the responsibility of the Vietnamese government to select projects
that have higher returns.
Many of the proposed projects are good ideas at some point but ought to be delayed. For
example, the new North-South highway can have parts· deferred until East-West feeder roads into
Highway 1 are improved and multiplied.As the interi.or regions grow, it will become more sensible
.to connect them to each other. The delayed phasing of parts of the North-South highway are a
welcome sign that this is beginning to be practiced, though much more of this type of analysis is
needed. Recently, there has been a move to decentraiize investment decisions so that all sectors
are allowed to propose projects financed by borrowing at a commercial interest rate, although
special poverty projects may receive some subsidy. This takes the pressure off choosing just one
project or losing the money to another province altogether, at least from the provincial
perspective. And the competition among roads, electricity, agriculture, etc. helps ensure that a
number of possible projects are considered. In some provinces, a portion of these funds can be
used to help those hit by natural disasters. Changes of this nature can help push public
investment in a more efficient direction, and also reduce poverty.
Scenario 3 -A Decision to Leap?
There is a natural tendency to prefer faster to slower growth if other things are
equal. But other things are not usually equal in such cases. The third scenario will specify
policies that would generate faster growth, but also create strains of various sorts that
may be judged not worth the extra growth. There would also be more of a chance of
23
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"losing control" in the sense that once rapid and powerful changes are introduced, they
are hard to reverse. There is the additional difficulty captured by Deng Xiao Peng:
"When you open the window, the flies come in." Unwanted thoughts, ideas, and "cultural
pollution" inevitably comes in some degree with a decision to open up to information .
The messages are not crafted to destabilize Vietnam, except in the unimportant cases of a
few zealots, but they do reflect the societies from which they come. These societies have
different histories, assumptions and beliefs than are held by many Vietnamese. These
views, and the more rapid growth of non-state sectors, will create new and perhaps
unwelcome realities. This section describes policies and outcomes, but does not presume
that this scenario will be preferable to other possible scenarios. It comes down to a
political and cultural judgement.
It is fair to say that leaders in Vietnam appreciate the dangers of going too fast or
of, for example, allowing the Internet to develop too quickly without controls. However,
it is also probably true that these leaders do not appreciate just how rapidly the world is
changing and how costly it would be NOT to promote going faster. The use of the
Internet as a business tool is spreading with.such rapiditythat a nation that fails to take
advantage of its access to information and communication will hobble its businesses in a
fundamental way. If businesses fail t9.thrive, then emploY,ment growth will tend to be of
low quality, and the instability that all want to prevent will threaten. To put it into
numbers, the World Wide Web, the user-friendly version of the Internet, took only four
years to reach 50 million users. (There are now over 330 million people on-line) To reach
fifty million, telephones took 74 years; radio took 38 years; and television took 13 years .
As computers and communications costs plunge, it is likely that there will be over one
billion users within the next few years. To ignore a technology such as this, or to embrace
it in a suspicious and reluctant way, would create huge costs for businesses. This needs to
·be placed against the real problems that a rapid opening up might entail.
Consider for a moment the counter-argument to the view that all of this is meant
to weaken socialism. If indeed, the Internet and communications in general are such a
plot, why have the Chinese pushed so aggressively to get their people on line? Why will
24
�20 million be connected by the end of 2000, while the Vietnamese number will be
perhaps 100,000? This works out to a .per person ratio in Vietnam less than one-tenth that
of China! Are the Chinese naYve? Do they fail to see the plot? Or are they more worldlywise, appreciating that the costs of lagging behind far outweigh the benefits of trying to
keep the window shut? This does not mean that they abandon efforts to restrict the
content, but they realize that some people will find ways around their fire walls (electronic
methods to screen content), and that yet it is still better to move ahead.
The world is, of course, bigger than the Internet, though the Internet is a symbol
of a new century and of immense possibilities as well as potential troubles. If information
is allowed to come in faster and at a lower cost, then the power of information is
decentralized. This has many implications. One is that the private sector would grow
faster, creating more and better jobs. Of course, it would not if other policies were not
favorable, but it would be senseless to give people access to information so that they saw
new market opportunities and then deny them the means to take advantage of them. If the
private sector grew faster, then the state sector would have relatively less of a role in the
economy- even if it gre~ absolutely.fasterthan it?- scenario 2! That is, since scenario 3
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has a much higher growth rate, it is likely that the sectors identified with SOE's would
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have higher demand and be able to grow faster. But_, the private sector would grow faster
still, so that the relative share of the SOE's would shrink. It remains a political decision if
a faster growth rate and more jobs are reward enough to offset a smaller SOE share.
What policies would mark scenario 3? There would be a clear decision, that the
private sector was not a regrettable necessity, but a major pillar of the nation's strength.
Steps would be taken to hasten the emergence of a truly commercial and law based
banking and capital market. Regulations based on new laws would actually be
implemented, not just proclaimed. The changes in the quality as well as the cost of the
Internet and telecoms would aim to move Vietnam from one of the least connected to one
of the more connected nations in the region, considering per capi.ta income.
18
Aggressive
18 Vietnam has done pretty well increasing its numbers of telephones, but charges are so high that their use
to communicate outside the country is very limited. Overseas time use per line is a third of the Philippines,
for example. Internet quality is low and effective total costs are also high relative to the region.
25
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·,
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deregulation would encourage FDI. Income tax rates would be set so as to maximize tax
revenues over time, not try to equalize incomes or punish or drive away the successful.
(This would mean top marginal tax rates of only 25% to 30%.) There would be an effort
for the government to respond in a timely way to legitimate requests of business
associations, rather than just a few firms. The emphasis would shift from slowing or
preventing changes to accommodating them by helping to train or pension off displaced
workers, assisting workers moving to the growth poles, and accelerating the
redeployment of capital and labor through clearer bankruptcy and banking laws .
Higher levels of FDI would be spread more widely than in the other scenarios, but
would still tend to settle in the existing growth pole areas or places close to them. This
will either mean that the movement of people is accommodated or the income
differentials would increase even more than now. Developing clear land laws for multiunit housing, mortgage markets, and urban infrastructure would all be necessary. If the
water, lighting, and telephone companies were well run and charged enough to cover
costs, they would be able to issue bonds on domestic markets to help finance their
expansiOn .
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It is frankly speculative exactly how fast real GDP might grow, but a growth rate
of about 10% seems reasonable for this scenario. It was what China, Taiwan, and Korea
managed over five year periods of rapid growth from low per capita income levels. Often
investment levels exceeded 30% ofGDP, and in Vietnam they would probably rise to the
35% to 40% level. Some of this would come from additional FDI, but quite a lot would
come from rapidly growing and profitable firms reinvesting their profits back into their
own firms. (This assumes that equitization promotes efficient firms and that overstaffed
SOE's are helped to reduce their surplus employment.) Another portion would come
from existing holdings of dollars and gold that people would decide to put in the bank,
feeling it was secure and likely to earn a good return - without incurring the wrath of the
tax collector! In such a scenario, it might even be possible to sell bonds to Viet Kieu and
generate a special kind of portfolio inflow. Certainly, as more firms with good accounting
26
�and real profits listed on the stock exchange, more foreign money would be drawn in that
way too. Money seeks opportunities, and there would be more of them in scenario 3.
A growth rate of 10% or so should also result in a faster growth of tax collections.
Some of these will be needed to help manage the problems caused by urban growth, but
more could also be pumped into better schools, roads, power, and rural credit in remote
or poorer regions. Remember that an average resident in a poor area has only 40% of the
consumption as one in a wealthy region. If investments are made in education, health,
and transportation/communications, it is very likely that most of those in poorer regions
will find a way to produce more where they are or move to where their life will be much
better. Again, in nations that invested heavily in their people and grew rapidly, there
tended to be a very rapid decline in poverty. These investments would also help improve
the role of women (already relatively good in most areas) and reduce pressures to farm
marginal lands. While special efforts will be needed in regions prone to disasters or with
isolated ethnic groups, most should benefit. Labor intensive growth will generate millions
of steady jobs paying $50 to $100 a month in a factory or services, rather than $10 to $20
a month in seasonal farm work.
There is always a tendency to downplay problems in a "good" scenario, just as the
tendency is to stress difficulties in a "bad" one. What is the downside of scenario 3? One
of the more subtle difficulties is that institutions and attitudes take time to change. Even if
policies are judged the right ones when looking backwards, that is not always so clear in
the middle of the stream. It takes more than skill and leadership to make a rapid transition
from one set of attitudes and practices to another. It also takes luck. After a leap, there is
no going back. Unfortunately, many in Vietnam are not fully aware of how rapidly the
world is changing, and thus will not quickly see the need for uncomfortable changes
needed to adjust to new realities. Resistance to the inevitable is not fruitful, but can result
in lost time, reduced popular support, and a long period of unproductive paralysis. This is
what has happened in many African countries and, arguably, Myanmar. If oil prices are
high, the weather is good, and the world economy strong when key changes are made, the
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extra benefits may persuade the doubtful. Ifthings go wrong, even through no fault of the
policy makers, resistance may mount and progress slow.
In summary, the policies of Scenario 3 are:
•
A rapid series ofsteps to support private sector growth.
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An aggressive move to improve banks and capital markets, .
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Strong. moves to make SOE 's efficient or equitized
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Enthusiastic support of quality Internet and telecom services .
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Continued moves to lower trade barriers and specialize vs. se(fsujjiciency.
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Administrative reforms resulting in more FDI and better public
investment.
·These policies would result in the following outcomes:
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_Growtb inGDP of 10% with investment of 35% to 40% of output.
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Extren:zely rapid growth in manufactured exports and FDI.
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"Catching up" of Vietnam in technical and scientific skill levels .
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Rapidly increasing demand for urban workers, e.specially skilled
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Private sector growth similar·to coastal China's in the 1985-95
period
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Growth of a more diversified, sophisticated economic structure .
28
�Zero, Positive, and Negative Sum Games
One branch of economic and political theory concerns the relations of different
individuals, groups or institutions. When they are interacting, it is called a game. A game can be
football, or marriage, or competition among firms or provinces or political parties. The study
distinguishes between three kinds of games:
1.
2.
3.
A zero sum game is like football or chess. When one side wins, the other loses. There is only
one prize and getting it is good for the winner and bad for the loser. Power in politics is often
viewed as a zero sum game.
A negative sum game is when both sides are worse off: A bad marriage, gang warfare that
kills or hurts many people, or not following traffic rules and having lots of accidents would be
examples of this. "Bad" behavior makes all worse off.
A positive sum game is one where both sides can benefit. A good marriage, voluntary trade,
or friends helping each other would be examples of this kind of "good" behavior that helps all
feel better off. (You enjoy helping a friend, and he is likely to help you if the tables are turned.
It is a kind of insurance too.)
In a classic isolated traditional village, where land and technology are fixed, it is pretty
clear that if one family gets richer, another one is getting poorer. This helps explain the deeply
seated suspicion of great wealth in tightly knit communities. If, unusually, a farmer stumbled upon
a better growing technique or superior seed, he could share it with his neighbors or use it to buy
more land from those hit by misfortune. Most often, a rich farmer will help his family or close
friends but not everyone. Life is viewed as zero sum.
When the richest nations are produCing $30,000 per person per year, it is not especially
hard to get to $3000, or a tenth of the frontier. (Thailand· is there, for example, even though it
produces few scientists or engineers, has a poor urban environment, and still has weak
bankruptcy laws and problems with shaky banks and dishonest politicians.) If a country persists
at 1% of the frontier, it is usually engaged- often unknowingly- in a negative sum game. In that
unhappy case, human talent and capital are wasted as institutions fail to find ways to use these
resources productively, and the competition of various groups acts mainly to checkmate each
other rather than finding better ways to lower costs, improve products, or allow able people to
produce more. In such cases, the actors tend to feel better if they are as badly off as someone
else at a low level. They do not prefer a situation in which both are better off, but the other is
superior. There is nothing rare or pathological about such feelings. They are one kind of
equilibrium, but not a terribly productive one.
The opposite situation is one where progress is so widespread and optimism so
pervasive, that most are rising and there is a tolerance of some rising faster and farther. This is
much more likely if it is felt that differences are earned by hard work, human qualities such as
intelligence or strength, or even luck. When every person works to improve his own lot, but does
not sabotage or even assists others, the entire system is likely to advance broadly and help raise
most people.
Ultimately, a society ends up collectively choosing the kind of game it plays. Societies
can shift from one kind of game to another. If economic differences become too large, if merit
matters less and less over time and connections more and more, then a society may switch from
a positive to a negative sum mentality. In the opposite case, if a society senses that it has to pull
together to catch up to its neighbors or its own potential, it will change its ways of thinking and
start to cooperate, and competition will be fruitful rather than destructive. In such cases,
especially when technology is available to raise incomes, it is easy to make rapid progress:
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.'·'.·
.
In summary, scenario 3 pushes harder in the direction of connecting to the world
economy, attracting capital and technology, allowing the fast to grow (while helping the slow to
run faster), and phasing out less efficient firms while creating opportunities for the competitive
ones to grow and attract resources. It would mean opening up much more to trade, investment,
information, and (inevitably) different ideas. It would be hard to control this process once the path
were taken, and it is likely that the SOE sector would become less important more quickly than in
the other scenarios. Per capita growth rates would be half again to double those in scenario 2
(5% vs. 8-10%), and poverty reduction would be faster. Per capita income would rise to $600 in
five years and reach nearly $1 000 in ten years, compared to about $500 and $640 in scenario 2.
It is true that regional differences would initially widen, so the politics of managing this transition
would be demanding. The economy would rapidly become more robust when confronted with
international economic shocks relative to the other scenarios, just as a Korea or Taiwan ended up
in better shape than more isolated economies. This would be due to a more diversified economy
with more capital, technology, and skills. The best protection against capital outflow, if one has
capital inflows, is to have productive investment opportunities. Vietnam has the ability to create
many opportunities and could grow rapidly for a long time if it chose to. The question is if the risks
and negatives of this path are perceived as outweighing the positive aspects. This is a question
·
that an economist cannot answer.
Concluding Comments
This paper has tried to suggest the type's of choices open to the Vietnamese
leadership, and their economic implications. The fundamental perspective is that the
world economy is becoming integrated quickly to a ,greater pegree than before, and that
.
.
.
fast-spreading technologies
~llow
nations to choose the level of income that they want.
Some nations understand this and grow quickly. Others decide for one reason or another
to choose other policies which slow growth. Consider one example. More and more
training, especially in computer and software fields, is being done over the Internet.
There is a worldwide demand for Internet professionals alone amounting to 800,000 this
year, and an additional 3 million over the next five years .
Suppose Vietnam wanted to produce 10,000 such experts each year
19
;
and they
earned $30,000 a year each- a reasonable amount within the region. Within ten years,
there would be 70,000 such people earning $2 billion a year. What would it cost to
produce these people? The cost of a $500 computer per person and the costs of the
course, which are low if taken over the Internet or even if taken at a local school. It would
19
There are over 1.5 million high school students each year in grades I 0-12. If the students are. selected
from high school senior graduates, about 2% of the class would be needed. The 70,000 figure is taken
because it is 1.4% of demand over eight years, which is also Vietnam's share of global population .
30
�be necessary· to study programming and English for two years, and then work for a year
or two to gain sufficient experience. For perhaps $10 million a year, each class earns a
return of $300 million in income and (at an assumed 25% tax rate, not 75%; at the higher
rate nothing would develop) a $75 million tax benefit each year! This would add 1% to
the national GDP growth rate. From this group, it is reasonable to expect some would
themselves become businesspeople, starting firms, hiring others, and paying taxes. The
benefits would be likely to cascade, building year after year, and would be large even if
the assumptions in this example are optimistic. For example, there would still be some
leakage of skilled programmers to other countries, but with reasonable income taxes and
0
cheaper and better communications, many more woul.d be happy to stay? Under which
scenario would an investment like this most likely take place?
It may be useful to summarize the implications of the assumed growth rates in
each scenario. This is done in the following table., with some rounding. It is assumed that
2000 GDP is about $30 billion and per capita income about $400.
Total and Per Capita GOP in Three Scenarios
($ Billion)
GOP Growth
($ Per Person)
Total GOP
Per Capita GOP
Total
Per Ca~ita
2005
2010
2005
2010
Scenario 1:
4.5%
3.0%
$37
$47
$464
$537
.Scenario 2
6.5%
5.0%
$41
$56
$511
$652
Scenario 3
10.5%
9.0%
$49
$81
$615
$950
Source: Calculations based on assumed growth rates in each scenario. Population is assumed to grow 1.4% a year.
There has not been a close analysis of the poverty implications of the three
scenarios, but it is obviously easier to reach a particular level of income if the average
income is $900 instead of $500. While the income distribution may become less equal
with rapid growth, if government policy is to invest in physical and human capital in all
areas and groups, then most people will float on the rising tide. This is not a theoretical
generality. In the Living Standards Surveys, the average real spending was up 43% (7.5%
20
The Indian software industry exports many skilled people, but still has a thriving local software industry
and exports $35 billion of software a year from India; With proper conditions, Vietnam could also succeed.
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a year), but even the bottom fifth rose 29%, while the top fifth rose 55%. This period,
from 1992/93 to 1997/98, was marked by rapid groWth, nearly as fast as projected in
scenario 3. According to World Bank analysis,
21
which uses a poverty level based on
food budgets at caloric adequacy and median non-food spending, the poverty rate
declined from 58% to 34%, with even sharper declines in the depth and severity of
poverty. That is, even for those still under the poverty line, their incomes rose closer to
the desired minimum level. (Using a lower food-based poverty line, the poverty rate fell
from 25% to 15%.)
. The rural areas still had in 1998 a 45% poverty level, compared to only 9% in
urban areas. This difference is expected, given that expenditures per person in urban
areas are 120% more than rural. It would be unsurprising if many younger people in rural
areas decided to move to places that offered better opportunity. Again, which scenario
would provide more of these migrants with good opportunities? It has to be scenario 3,
with its higher investment levels. The migrants' higher incomes and consumption would
create a demand for rural output, helping those they left behind. If rural per capita income
could .be doubled, it is likely that ~ural·poverty would deCline very considerably. At a
lower poverty line, such as the one favored by the Vietnam government, poverty could
virtually disappear in a decade or so: If the highest priority is eliminating low incomes
rather than controlling the income differentials among households. faster growth would
be better than slower growth - so long as smart investments were made in poorer areas
and groups .
If scenario 3 promises faster growth, lower poverty, higher tax revenues, ·more
FDI, and a better grasp of technology than the other scenarios, why might it not be
preferred? One reason is that it might simply look out of reach. Can a poor country grow
so fast? In Africa, this might be a reasonable question. In Vietnam, with China, Korea
and Taiwan as recent examples, the question is less daunting. Indeed, even in the 1990's,
Vietnam itself grew about 9% a year up to 1997. Growing just 1% more when there are
21
"Who Gained from Vietnam's Boom in the 1990's? An Analysis of Poverty and Inequaiity Trends" by
Glewwe, Gragnolati, and Zaman, World Bank Development Research Group .
32
�•
•
•
•
•
so many opportunities arising from electronics and software, and the US trade deal, .is
hardly an unreasonable hypothesis. Rapid growth is possible for Vietnam in this decade.
Another objection might be that the state enterprises have an unacceptably modest
role in the fast growing economy, compared to the slower growing scenarios. Yet this
objection may confuse relative and absolute levels. It is likely that efficient SOE's would
grow very well in scenario 3, and faster than in scenario 1 or 2. If the object is to develop
strong and large state firms in certain sectors, fast growth will work better than slow
growth. If, as some suspect, state firms will take a long time to develop competitive
skills, higher tax revenues from fast growth could be used to nurse them along. It is only
if the relative share ofthe SOE's is considered crucial that slower growth might be
preferred. Yet the 1990's have seen a sharp decline in SOE share and current trends are
for more of the same. If this has been acceptable for so long, why would a continuation of
... ,
the trend be objectionable?
A third objection is really more cultural and political than economic; but not less
important because of that: If a private sector is unleashed ·and· the state lose~ control of
information flows, it will not be able to act in the same way as before. Domestic
economic interests, partly competitive with state eri.terprises, would arise. Students and
professional workers, while still a small minority of the total population, would develop
ideas that would be hard to manage. Even the general population may think in more.
western or consumerist terms. These concerns are perhaps the real fear behind the
argument about hostile forces. Again, it is not that CNN is trying to undermine socialism,
but that its worldview is different and pervasive. Repetition often persuades where reason
will not. Will Vietnam's culture be seduced by a glamorous foreign consumer culture?
Will domestic stability be threatened by the rise of domestic interests that will have to be
given a voice? These are questions beyond the ability of an economist to answer. They
certainly point to realistic concerns. But they also need to be weighed against the positive
side of faster growth. If national strength is gained from wealth, technology, and a bettereducated people, faster growth will provide it more certainly than slower growth. If
corruption is better reduced by adequate pay for civil servants than by periodic anti-
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corruption drives, then higher tax revenues can help reduce corruption, itself one source
of discontent. These are issues that need to be discussed realistically, and decided by
those in Vietnam who hold the country in their hands, and will fashion the future for their
children .
A Faster Way to Connect?
The nations that rank higher in their ability to dealwith the Internet tend to have a large
proportion of their population that speaks English. This is not surprising, for something like 80% of
the information on the Internet is in English. Yet relatively few English speakers have been
trained in Vietnam and it would take years to develop a large fraction of the population to be
fluent. Is there any way to accelerate the process? Yes, probably.
With ever faster processors and ever cheaper computer memory, the quality of
translation programs has been rising to a l!=lvel where they can now be used for rough
translations of material in a particular field, though still not for general translation. If Vietnam
wanted to speed effective access to information on the Internet, it could seek funds to providefor free- a translation program to interested users. If the users translated particular sections by
skilled human effort, they might be asked to send the rough (machine) and final (human)
translations to the software developers. By refining the vocabulary for phrases and meaning, the
package would imp~ove over time. Fairly good translation programs now exist for continental
European languages to and from English, but the existing ones for Vietnamese-English are not so
good. This is probably a function.of insufficient effort to incorporate an appropriate vocabulary
and poor algorithms which take phrases from one language into another, using the context for
clues as to their real meaning. Initial effort might go into software aimed at business, agriculture,
·
scientific, and medical translation. If Internet users could easily access English language
information, the benefits of this communications device for research and commerce would be
much greater.
34
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Speechwriting Office - Thomas Rosshirt
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
Date
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1999-2001
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36327" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2008-0703-F
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<p>Rosshirt prepared speech remarks delivered by President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger between 1999 and 2001.</p>
<p>Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts for President Clinton concerned the President’s trip to Vietnam; remarks at the Memorial Day Ceremony in Arlington, Virginia; remarks at Camp Foster Marine Base in Okinawa; remarks at the Council of the Americas 30th Washington Conference; the debt cancellation announcement for Jubilee2000; the Armed Forces Farewell at Fort Myer, Virginia; remarks to the Israeli Policy Forum; and awarding the Medal of Honor to both former President Theodore Roosevelt and to Captain Ed W. Freeman. Rosshirt’s speechwriting efforts also included National Security Advisor Berger’s remarks at Tel Aviv University and an article concerning Saddam Hussein.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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51 folders in 5 boxes
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[Vietnam] [4]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Thomas Rosshirt
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2008-0703-F
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Box 5
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0703-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585792" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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5/13/2014
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42-t-7585792-20080703f-005-010-2014
7585792